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Encyclopaedia Britannica;
O r, A
DICTIONARY
O F
ARTS, SCIENCES, &c.
On a Plan entirely New:
By Which,
THE DIFFERENT SCIENCES AND ARTS
Are digefted into the Form of Diftinft
TREATISES or SYSTEMS,
COMPREHENDING
The History, Theory, and Practice, of each,
according to the Lateft Difcoveries and Improvements;
and full EXPLANATIONS are given of the
VARIOUS DETACHED PARTS OF KNOWLEDGE,
WHETHER RELATING TO
Natural and Artificial Objedts, .or to Matters Ecclesiastical,
Civil, Military, Commercial, &c.
TOGETHER WITH
A Description of all the Countries, Cities, principal Mountains, Seas, Rivers,
throughout the World;
A General History, Ancient and Moderny of the different Empires, Kingdoms, and States;
AND
An Account of the Lives of the mofl Eminent Perfons in every Nation,
from the earlieft ages down to the prefent times.
THE WHOLE COMPILED FROM
THE WRITINGS OF THE BEST AUTHORS, IN SEVERAL LANGUAGES; THE MOST APPROVED DICTIONARIES,
AS WELL OF GENERAL SCIENCE AS OF PARTICULAR BRANCHES; THE TRANSACTIONS, JOURNALS, AND MEMOIRS, OF LEARNED
SOCIETIES, BOTH AT HOME AND ABROAD; THE MS. LECTURES OF EMINENT PROFESSORS ON DIFFERENT SCIENCES;
AND A VARIETY OF ORIGINAL MATERIALS, FURNISHED BY AN EXTENSIVE CORRESPONDENCE.
The Second Edition; greatly Improved and Enlarged.
ILLUSTRATED WITH NEAR THREE HUNDRED COPPERPLATES.
V O L. IX.
INDOCrr DISCANT, E-T AMENT MEMINISSE PERITI.
EDINBURGH:
Printed for J. Balfour and Co. W. Gordon, J. Bell, J. Dickson, C. Elliot, W. Creech,
J. McCli es h, A. Be ll, J. Hutton, and C. MACFAsuiUhar,
MDCCLXXXII.
k
<r
*2.1965 ^
Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, See.
P o i
Poggius. pOGGIUS BRACCIOLINUS, a man of great
A parts and learning, who contributed much to the
revival of knowledge in Europe, was born at Terranuo-
va, in the territories of Florence, in tjSo. His firfl:
public employment was that of writer of the apoftolic
letters, which he held 10 years ; and was then made
apoftolic fecretary, in which capacity he officiated 40
years, under feven popes. In 1453, when he was 72
years of age, he accepted the employment of fecretary
to the republic of Florence, to which place he remo¬
ved, and died in 1459. He vifited feveral countries,
and fearched many monafteries, to recover ancient au¬
thors, numbers of which he brought to light: his
own works confift of moral pieces, orations, letters,
and d hiflory of Florence from 1350 to 1455, which
is the moft confiderable of them.
POICTIERS, an ancient, large, and confiderable
town of France, capital of Poiftou ; with a bifhop’s
fee, four abbeys, a mint, and an univerfity femousfor
law. It contains 22 parifties, nine convents for men,
and 12 nunneries. There are feveral Roman antiqui¬
ties ; and particularly an amphitheatre, but partly de-
moliftied, and hid by the houfes. There is alfo a
triumphal arch, which ferves as a gate to the great
ftreet. It is not peopled in proportion to its extent.
Near this place Edward the Black Prince obtained a
decifive viftory over the French in 1536. The army
commanded by the former did not exceed 12,000
men, and of thefe not a third part were Englifti. The
French army, commanded by king John, confided of
60,000 men, who unexpeftedly came up with the
Englilh army, furrounded them, and by intercepting
their provifions might have reduced the whole army
without ftriking a blow. But fuch was the ardour of
the French nobility, and fo much had their thoughts
been bent on overtaking the Englifti as their foie ob-
je£l, that this idea never ftruck any of the comman¬
ders ; and they immediately took meafures for the af-
fault, as for a certain vi&ory. While the French ar¬
my was drawn up in order of battle, they were flop¬
ped by the appearance of the cardinal of Perigord ;
who, having learned the approach of the two armies
to each other, had haftened, by interpofing his good
offices, to prevent any farther effufion of Chriftian
blood. By John’s permiffion, he carried propofals to
the prince of Wales; and found him fo fenfible of the
bad pofture of his affairs, that an accommodation
feemed not impraclicable. Edward told him, that he
would agree to any terms confiftent with his own ho¬
nour and that of England ; and he offered to purchafe
P O I
a retreat by refigning all the conquefts which he had Poiflim*
made during this and the former campaign, and by  
ftipulating not to ferve againft France during the
cmirfe of feven years. Bnt John, imagining that he
had now got into his hands a fufficient pledge for the
reftitution of Calais, required that Edward ftiould
furrender himfelf prifoner with 100 of his attendants ;
and offered on thefe terms a fafe retreat to the Englifti
army. The prince rejefted the propofal with difdain;
and declared, that whatever fortune fliould attend him,
England (hould never be obliged to pay the price of
his ranfom. This refolute anfwer cut off all hopes of
accommodation ; but as the day was already fpent in
negotiating, the battle was delayed till the next morn¬
ing.
The cardinal of Perigord, as all the prelates of the
court of Rome, was extremely attached to the French
caufe ; but the moft determined enemy could not have
contrived a greater prejudice to John’s affairs, than he
did them by this delay. The prince of Wales had lei-
fure, during the night, to ftrengthen, by new in-
trenchments, the poft which he had before fo judicioufly
chofen ; and he contrived an ambufti of 300 men at
arms, and as many archers, whom he put under the
command of the Captal de Buche, and ordered to
make a circuit, that they might fall on the flank or
rtar of the French army during the engagement.
The van of his army was commanded by the earl of
Warwic, the rear by the eatls of Salifbury and Suf¬
folk, the main body by the prince himfelf. The lords
Chandos, Audeley, and many other brave and expe¬
rienced commanders, were at the head of different
corps of his army.
John, alfo arranged his forces in three divifions,
nearly equal : the firft was commanded by the duke
of Orleans, the king’s brother; the fecond by the
dauphin attended with his two younger brothers; the
third by the king himfelf, who had by his fide Philip,
his fourth fon and favourite, then about 14 years of
age. There was no reaching the Englifti army but
through a narrow lane, covered on each fide by hed¬
ges ; and in order ro open this paffage, the marefchals
Andrehen and Clermont were ordered to advance
with a feparate detachment of men at arms. While
they marched along the lane, a body of Englifl) anth¬
ers, who lined the hedges, plied them on each fide with
their arrows; and being very near them, yet placed
in perfeft fafety, they coolly took their aim againft
the enemy, and maffacred them with impunity. The
French detachment, much difeouraged with the une-
35 S 2 qual
p o i [ 6352 ] p o r
poiftiers, qual fight, and 'diminifhed in their number, arrived at
Poiftou.j end of the lane, where they met on the open
grounds the prince of Wales himfelf, at the head of a
chofen body, for their reception. They were dif-
comfited and overthrown : one of the marefchals was
fiain ; the other was taken prifoner; and the remainder
of the detachment, who were ftill in the lane, expofed to
the fiiot of the enemy, without being able to make re¬
finance, recoiled upon their own army, and put every
thing into diforder. In that critical moment, the
Captal de Buche unexpe&edly appeared, and attack¬
ed in flank the dauphin’s line, which fell into fome
confufion. Landas, Bodenai, and St Venant, to whom
the care of that young prince and his brothers had
been committed, too anxious for their charge or for
their own fafety, carried them off the field of battle,
and fet the example of flight, which was followed by
that whole divifion. The duke of Orleans, feized
with a like panic, and imagining all was loft, thought
no longer of fighting, but carried off his divifion by a
retreat, which foon turned into a flight. The lord
Chandos called out to the prince, that the day was
won ; and encouraged him to attack the divifion un¬
der king John, which, though more numerous than
the whole Englifh army, were fomewhat difmayed with
the precipitate flight of their companions. John here
made the utmoft efforts to retrieve by his valour, what
his imprudence had betrayed ; and the only refiftance
made that day was by his line of battle. The prince
of Wales fell with impetuofity on fome German caval¬
ry placed in the front, and commanded by the counts
of Sallebruche, Nydo, and Nofto. A fierce battle en-
fued. The one fide was encouraged by the near pro-
fpe& of fo great a vidory ; the other was retained
by the ffiame of quitting the. field to an enemy fo much
inferior: but the three German generals, together
with the duke of Athens, conftable of France, falling
in battle, that body of cavalry gave way, and left the
king himfelf expofed to the whole fury of the enemy.
The ranks were every moment thinned around him:
the nobles fell by his fide, one after another: his fon,
fcarce 14 years of age, received a wound, while he
was fighting valiantly in defence of his father: the
king himfelf, fpent with fatigue, and overwhelmed by
numbers, might eafilyhave been difpatched; but every
Englifh gentleman, ambitious of taking alive the royal
prifoner, fpared him in the adion, called to him to
furrender himfelf, and offered him quarter: feveral
who attempted to feize him, fuffered for their temeri¬
ty. He ftill cried out, Where is my couftn the prince
sf Wales ? and feemed unwilling to become prifoner
to any perfon of inferior rank. But being told, that
the prince was at a great diftance on the field, he
threw down his gauntlet, and yielded himfelf to Den¬
nis de Morbec, a knight pf Arras, who had been ob¬
liged to fly his country for murder. His fon was taken
with him.
POICTOU, a province of France, bounded on the
north by Bretagne, Anjou, and part of Touraine ; on
the eaft by Touraine, Berry, and Manche ; on the
fouth by Angoumois, Saintonge, and the territory of
Aunis; and on the weft by the fea of Gafcony. It is
divided into the Upper and Lower ; and is fertile in
corn and wine, and feeds a great number of cattle,
particularly mules. It was in the poffeflion of the
kings of England for a confiderable time, till it was Poinekna^
loft by the unfortunate Henry VL Pointers is the
capital town. ——
POINCIANA, Barbadoes flower-fence ; a
genus of the monogynia order, belonging to the de-
candria of plants. There is only one fpecies, viz. the
pulcherrima, a native of both Indies. It rifes with a
ftraight ftalk 10 or 12 feet high, which is covered
with a grey bark, and is fometimes as thick as the
fmall of a man’s leg, dividing into feveral fpreading
branches at the top, which are armed at each joint
with two fhort, crooked, ftrong fpines, and garniflhed
with decompound winged leaves, each leaf confiding
of fix or eight pair of fimple winged leaves. They are
of a light green colour, and, when bruifed, emit a
ftrong odour. The branches are terminated by loofe
fpikes of flowers, which are fometimes formed into a
kind of pyramid, and at others difpofed more in the
form of an umbel. The foot-ftalk of each flower is
near three inches long ; the flower is compofed of five
petals which areroundifh at the top, but are contrac¬
ted to narrow tails at the bafe. They fpread open, and
are- beautifully variegated with a deep red or orange
colour, yellow, and fome fpots of green ; and emit a
very agreeable odour. After the flower is pad, the
germen becomes a broad flat pod three inches long, di¬
vided into three or four cells by tranverfe partitions,
each including one ftattilh irregular feed. The plant is
propagated by feeds ; but, being tender, is to be con-
ftantly kept in the bafk-ftoye. It is very impatient of
moifture in winter; and if the leaft damp feizes its top,
it either kills the plant, or deftroys its head. With
proper management it will grow taller here than in
the places where it is native ; but its ftems will not be
thicker than a man’s finger. In Barbadoes it is plant¬
ed in hedges to divide the lands, whence it has the
name of jlo^wer-feme. In the Weft Indies, its leaves are
made ufe of as a purge inftead of fena; and in Jamai¬
ca, it is called fena.
POINT, a term ufed in various arts.
Point, in grammar, a chara&er ufed to mark the
divifions of difeourfe. See Comma, Colon, &rc. A
point proper is what we otherwife call a full fop, or
period. See Punctuation.
The points, or vowel points, in the Hebrew gram¬
mar, are certain charaders, which in the writings of
that language, ferve to mark the vowels. The anti¬
quity of thefe points make the fubjeft of a celebrated
controverfy, fome maintaining their origin to be the
fame with that of the Hebrew language ; and others
afferting them to have been firft introduced by Efdras,
after the Babylonhh captivity, when he compiled the
canon, tranfcribed the books into the prefent Chaldee
chara&er, and reftored the purity of the Hebrew text.
Some will have them invented by the do&ors of the
fchool of Tiberias, ufually called the mafforetes, 500 or
600 years after Chrift.
Point, in mufic, a mark or note anciently ufed to
diftinguifti the tones or founds: hence we ftill call it
fimple counter-point, when a note of the lower part an-
fwers exaffly to that of an upper ; and fgurative
counter-point, when any note is fyncopafed, and one
of the parts makes feveral notes or inflexions of the
voice, while the other holds on one.
We ftill ufe a point, to raife the value of a note*
and
FOX [ 6353 ] P O' I
Point and prolong its time by one half, e. g. a point ad-
Jl ded to a femibreve inftead of two minims, make it
01 on‘ -equal to three ; and fo of the other notes. See the ar¬
ticle Time.
Point, in aftronomy, a term applied to certain
points or places, marked in the heavens, and diftin-
guifhed by proper epithets.
The four grand points or divifions of the horizon,
viz. the eaft, weft, north, and Ibuth, are called the car±
din al points.
The zenith and nadir are the vertical points ; the
points wherein the orbits of the planets cut the plane
of the ecliptic, are called nodes : the points where¬
in the equator and ecliptic interfefl, are called the
equinoftial points; particularly, that whence the fun
aicends towards the north pole, is called the vernal
point; and that by which he defcends to the fouth
pole, \\\z autumnal point. The points of the ecliptic,
where the fun’s afcent above the equator, and defcent
below it, terminate, are called the foljiicialpoint; par¬
ticularly the former of them, the ejiival or fummer-
point; the latter, the brumal or ’winter-point.
Point, is alfo ufed for a cape or headland, jetting
out into the' fea : thus fra men fay, two points of land
are in one another, when they are fo in a right line
egainft each other, as that the innermoft is hindered
from being feen by the outermoft.
Point, in perfpeftive, is ufed for various poles or
places, with regard to the perfpe£tive plane. See Per¬
spective.
Points, in heraldry, are the feveral different parts
of an efcutcheon, denoting the local pofitions of any
figure. See Heraldry, p. 3583, col. 2.
Point is alfo an iron or fteel inttrument, ufed with
fome variety in feveral arts. Engravers, etchers, cut¬
ters in wood, &c. ufe points to trace their defigns on
the copper, wood, ftone, &c. See the articles En¬
graving, &c.
Point, in the manufsQories, is a general term, ufed
for all kinds of laces wrought with the needle ; fuch
are the point le Venice, point de France, point de Ge¬
noa,. &c. which are diftinguifhed by the particular oe-
conomy and arrangement of their points. Point is
fometimes ufed for lace woven with bobbins; as
Englifh point, point de Malines, point d’Havre, &c.
Point, in poetry, denotes a lively brifk turn, or
conceit, ufually found or espedled at the clofe of an
epigram. See Poetry, n° 47.
POINTING, in grammar, the art of dividing a
difcourfe, by points, into periods and members of pe¬
riods, in order to fhow the proper paufes to be made in
reading, and to facilitate the pronunciation and un-
derftanding thereof. See the article Punctuation.
POISON, any fubftance which proves deftruftive
to the lif& of animals in a fmall quantify, either taken
"by the mouth, mixed with, the blood, or applied to the-
nerves.
Of poifons there are many different kinds, and thefe
are as various in their operations. The mineral poi¬
fons, as arfenic -and corrofive mercury, feem to attack
the folid parts of the ftomach, and to produce death
by eroding its fubftance: the antiiiionials feem tather
to attack the- nerves, and to kill by throwing the
whole fyftem into convulfions; and in this manner alfo
moft of the vegetable poifons feem to operate. All of
thefe, however, feem to be inferior in ftrength to the Poifon.
poifons. of fome of the more deadly kinds of ferpents, ’
which operate fo fuddenly that the animal bit by them
will be dead before another that had fwallowed arfenic
would be affefted.
Much has been written concerning a poifon made
ufe of by the African negroes, by the Americans,
and by the Eaft Indians. To this very ftrange effefts
have been aferibed. It has been faid that by this
poifon a man might be killed at any certain time;
as, for inftance, after the interval of a day, a week,
a month, a year, or even feveral years. Thefe
wonderful effe&s, however, do not feem worthy of
credit ; as the Abbe Fontana has given a parti¬
cular account of an American poifon called ticunas,
which in all probability is the fame with that ufed in
Africa and the Eaft Indies; and from this account it
is extremely improbable that any fnch effedts could be
produced with certainty.
With this poifon the Abbe was furnifhed by Dr
Heberden. It was clofed and fealed up in an earthen
pot inclofed in a tin cafe. Within the tin cafe was a
note containing the following words: “ Indian poifon,
brought from the banks of the river of the Amazons
by Don Pedro Maldonado. It is one of the forts men¬
tioned in the Philofophical Tranfadiions, vol. xlvih
number 12.” In the volume of the Philofophical
Tranfadlions here quoted, mention is made of two
poifons little different in their adlivity; the one called
the poifon of Lamas, and the other of Ticunas. The
poifon in the earthen veffel uftd by the Abbe Fontana
was that of the Ticunas ; but he was alfo fiurniftied
with a number of American arrows dipped in poifon,
but whether that of the Damas or1 Ticunas he could
not tell.
Our author begins his account of the nature of this
poifon with detedting fome of the miftakes which had
been propagated concerning it.—-It bad been afferted,
that the Ticunas poifon proves noxious by the mere
effluvia, but much more by the fteam which exhales
from it iir boiling or burning : that, among the Indi¬
ans, it is prepared only by women condemned to die;
and that the mark of its being fufficiently prepared is
’ when the attendant is killed by its fteam. All thefe
affertions are by the Abbe refuted in the cleared
manner. He expofed a young pigeon to the fmell of
the poifon when the veflel was opened, to the fteam
of it when boiling, and to the vapour of it when
burning to the fides of the vcflll, without the animal’s
being the leaft injured; on which, concluding that
the vapours of this poifon were not to be dreaded, he
expofed himfelf to them without any fear.
This poifon diffolves very readily even in cold
water, and likewife in-the vegetable and mineral acids.
With oil of vitriol it becomes as black as ink, but not
with the reft of the acids. In oil of vitriol it alfo
diffblves more flowly than in any of the reft. It does
not effervefee with acids or alkalies ; neither does it
alter milk, nor tinge it, except with the natural co¬
lour of the poifon ; nor does it tinge the vegetable
juices either red or green. When examined by the
mierofeope, there is no appearance of regularity or
cryftallization ; but it for the moft part appears made
up of very fmall, irregular, roundiih bodies, like ve¬
getable juices. It dries without making atjy noife,
P O I [ 6354 ] P O I
Ppilpn. and has an extremely bluer taftc when put upon the a number of eSperiments which rtiow the effedls of
:   tongue^ many different poifons upon animals ; from whence it
The ticunas poifon is harmlefs when put into the appears, that many fubftance* which are not at all ac-
eyes ; nor is it fatal when taken by the mouth, unlefs counted poifonous, yet prove as certainly fatal when
the quantity is confiderable. Six grains of the folid mixed with the blood as even the poifon of rattlefnakes,
poifon, difolved in water, killed a young pigeon, or the ticunas itfelf.—An ounce of emetic wine, being
which drank it, in lefs than 20 minutes. Five grains inje&ed into the jugular vein of a large dog, produced
killed a fmall Guinea-pig in 25 minutes. Eight no effe£t for a quarter of an hour. At the expiration
grains killed a rabbit in an hour and eight minutes, ®f that fpace he became fick, had a continual vomit-
&c. In thofe experiments it was obferved that much ing, and evacuation of fome hard excrements by (tool,
lefs poifon was required to kill an animal whofe ftomach By thefe evacuations he feemed to be fomewhat re-
was empty than one that had a full ftomach. Three lieved ; but foon grew uneafy, moved from place to
rabbits and two pigeons were killed in lefs than 35 place, and vomited again. After this he laid himfelf
minutes by taking a dofe of three grains each on an down,on the ground pretty quietly; but his reft was
empty ftomach ; but when the experiment was repeat- disturbed by a return of his vomiting, and his ftrength
ed on five animals with full ftomachs, only one of them greatly decreafed. An hour and an half after the
(Jied. operation he appeared half dead, but was greatly re-
The moft fatal operation of this poifon is when vived by having fome warm broth poured down his
mixed with the blood. The fmalleft quantity, injec- throat with a funnel. This, however, proved only a tem-
ted into the jugular vein, killed the animal as if by a poravy relief; for in a fhort time the vomiting returned,
ftroke of lightning. When applied to wounds in fuch he made urine in great quantity, howled miferably,
a manner that the flowing of the blood could not wafh and died in convulfions.—A dram and a half of fal
it away, the animal fell into convulfions and a train of ammoniac drflblved in an ounce and an half of water,
fatal nervous fymptoms, which put an end to its life and injefted into the jugular vein of a dog, killed him
in a few minutes. Yet, notwithftanding thefe feeming with convulfions almoft inftantly.—The fame cffedl
affeclions of the nerves, the poifon proved harmlefs followed from injefting a dram of fait of Tartar dif-
when applied to the naked nerves themfelves, or even folved in an ounce of warm water ; but a dram and an
to the medullary fubftance of them flit open. half of common fait injefted into the jugular produced
The ftrength of this poifon feems to be diminilhed little other bad confequence than a temporary third.—
and even deftroyed by mineral acids, but not at all by A dram of purified white vitriol, injeded into the
alkalies or ardent fpirits; but if the frelh poifon was crural vein of a dog, killed him immediately.—Fifteen
applied to a wound, the application of mineral acids grains of fait of urine diflblved in an ounce of water,
immediately after could not remove the pernicious and injefted into the crural vein of a dog, threw him
effeds. So far, indeed, was this from being the cafe, into fuch violent convulfions that he feemed to be
that the application of nitrous acid to the wounded dying ; neverthelefs he recovered from a fecond dofe,
mufcle of a pigeon killed the animal in a (hort time though not without a great deal of difficulty: but an
without any poifon at all.—The tfteds of the arrows ounce of urine made by a man fading, produced no
were equally fatal with thofe of the poifon itfelf. bad effed. Diluted aqua fortis injeded into theju-
The poifon of the viper is analogous in its efFeds to gular and crural vein of a dog killed him imme-
that of ticunas, but inferior in ftrength ; the latter diately by coagulating the blood. Oil of fulphur,-
killing more inftantanepufly when injeded into a vein, (containing fome quantity of the volatile vitriolic acid)
than even the poifon of the moft venomous rattle- did not kill a dog, after repeated trials. On the con-
fnake. trary, as foon as he was let go, he ran into all the
The Abbe has, however, obferved a difference in ‘corners of the room fearching for meat; and having
the .adion of the two poifons upon blood taken out of found fome bones, he fell a gnawing them with ftrange
the body. He cut off the head of a pigeon, and re- avidity, as if the acid, by injedion into his veins, had
ceived its blood into two warm conical glaffes, to the given him a better appetite.—Another dog who had
amount of about 80 drops into each. Into the blood oil of tartar injeded into his veins, fwelled and died,
contained in one porringer, he put four drops of water; after fuffering great torment. His blood was found
and into the other, four drops of the poifon diffolved florid, and not coagulated.—-A dram and a half of
in water as ufual. The event of this experiment was, fpirit of fait diluted with water, and injeded into the
that the blood, with which the water only was mixed, jugular vein of a dog, killed him immediately. In
qoagulated in a rtiort time; but that in which the the right ventricle of the heart the blood was found
poifon was mixed, did not coagulate at all. The partly grumous and concreted into harder clots than
poifon of the viper alfo hinders the blood from coagu- ordinary, and partly frothy. Warm vinegar was in-
lating, but gives it a much blacker tinge than the jeded without doing any manifeft harm.—Two drams
poifon of the ticunas. The poifon of the viper alfo of fugar diffolved into an ounce of water were injeded
proves certainly fatal when injeded into the veins, into the jugular vein of a dog without any hurt,
even in very fmall quantity; but it produces a kind of Thefe are the refultsof the experiments where faline
grumous coagulation and blacknefs in the blood when fubftances were injeded into the veins. Many acrids
drawn from a vein, though it prevents the proper co- proved equally fatal. A decodion of two drams of
agulation of that fluid, and us reparation into craflkr white hellebore, injeded into the jugular vein of a
intntum and ferum as ufual. dog, killed him lik© a ftroke of lightning. Another
In the Philofophical Tranfadions, n° 335. wc have dog was killed in a moment by an injedion of an ounce of
rec-
Poifon.
P O I [ 6355 ] P O I
fon. reAified fpirlt of wine in which a dram of camphor was
diffolved,—Ten drams of highly reAified fpirit of wine,
inje&ed into the cural vein of a dog, killed him in a
very Ihort time: he died quietly, and licking his jaws
with his tongue, as if with pleafure. In the vena
cava and right ventricle of the heart the blood was
coagulated into a great many little clots.—Three
drams of re&ified fpirit of wine inje&ed into the cru¬
ral vein of a fmall dog made him apople&ic, and, as
it were, half dead. In a little time he recovered from
the apoplexy, and became giddy ; and, when he en¬
deavoured to go, reeled and fell down. Though his
ftrength increafed by degrees, yet his drunkennefs con¬
tinued. His eyes were red and fiery; and his fight fo
dull, that he fcarce feemed to take notice of any thing;
and when he was beat, he would fcarce move. How¬
ever, in four hours he began to recover, and would
eat bread when offered him ; the next day he was out
of danger.—Five ounces of ftrong white-wine injefted
into the crural vein of a dog made him very drunk for
a few hours, but did not produce any other confe-
quences. An ounce of ftrong decoftion of tobacco
injefted into a vein, killed a dog in a very fhort time
in terrible convulfions. Ten drops of oil of fage rub¬
bed with half a dram of fugar, and thus diflolved in
water, did no harm by beinginje&ed into the blood.
Mercury, though feemingly void of all acrimony,
proves alfo fatal when injefted into the blood. Soon
after the inje&ion of half an ounce of this mineral into
the jugular vein of a dog, he was feized with a dry
fliort cough which came by intervals. About two
days after, he was troubled with a great difficulty of
breathing, and made a noife like that of a broken-
winded horfe. There was no tumour about the root of
the tongue or the parotid glands, nor any appearance
of a falivation. In four days he died ; having been
for two days before fo much troubled with an orthop-
noea, that he could deep only when he leaned his head
againft fomething. When opened, about a pint of
bloody ferum was found in the thorax, and the outfide
of the lungs in moft places was bliftered. Some of the
blifters were larger and others fmaller than a pea, but
moft of them contained mercurial globules. Several
of them were broken ; and upon being preffed a little,
the mercury ran out with a mixtuce of a little fanies;
but upon ftronger preflure, a confiderable quantity of
fanies iffuedout. In the right ventricle of the heart
fome particles of quickfilver were found in the very
middle of the coagulated blood lodged there, and
the fame thing alfo was obferved in the pulmonary ar¬
tery. Some blood alfo was found coagulated in a very
ftrange and unufual manner between the columnse of
the right ventricle of the heart, and in this a greater
quantity of quickfilver than any where elfe. In the
left ventricle was found a very tenacious blood, coa¬
gulated, and (ticking to the great valve, including the
tendons of it, and a little refembling a polypus. No
mercury could be found in this ventricle by the moft
diligent fearch; whence it appears, that the mercury
had paffed no farther than the extremities of the pul¬
monary artery, where it had (tuck, and occafioned fa¬
tal obftruftions. In another dog, which had mercury
injefted into the jugular, it appears to have palled the
pulmonary artery, as part of it was found in the cavity
of the abdomen, and part alfo in fome other cavities of
the body. All the glaaidules were very turgid and full Polior>.
of liquor, efpecially in the ventricles of the brain, and  
all round there was a great quantity of ferum.
In like manner, oil of olives proves certainly fatal
when injefted into the blood. Half an ounce of this,
injefted into the crural vein of a dog, produced no ef-
fe£t in half a quarter of an hour : but after that, the
animal barked, cried, looked dejedted, and fell into a
deep apoplexy ; fo that his limbs were deprived of all
fenfe and motion, and were flexible' any way at plea¬
fure. His refpiration continued very-ttrong, with a
fnorting and wheezing, and a thick humour fometimes
mixed with blood flowing out of his mouth. He loft
all external fenfe: the eyes, though they continued
open, were not fenfihle of any obje&s that were put
to them ; and even the cornea could be touched and
rubbed, without his being in the lead fenlible of it :
his eye-lids, however, had a convulfive motion. The
hearing was quite loft ; and in a (hort time the feeling
became fo dull, that his claws and ears could be bored
with red hot-pincers without his exprefling the lead
pain. Sometimes he was feized with a convulfive mo¬
tion of the diaphragm and mufcles fubfervient to refpi¬
ration ; upon which he would bark ftrongly, as if he
bad been awake: but this waking w as only in ap¬
pearance ; for all the time of this barking, he conti¬
nued as infenfible as ever. In three hours he died ;
and on opening his body, the bronchbe were filled with
a thick froth.—An ounce of oil of olives injedled into
the jugular of another dog, killed him in a moment ;
but a third lived an hour after it. He was feized with
great fleepinefs, fnorting, and wheezing, but did not
bark like the firft. In all of them a great quantity of
thick froth was found in the lungs.
We come now to fpeak of thofe poifons which prove
mortal when taken by the mouth- 'J he principal ©f
thefe are, arienic, corrofive mercury, glafs of anti¬
mony^ and lead, which have been already treated of *. rSee
What the effects of thefe fubftances are when injected
into the blood, cannot be related, as no experiments n 4and4
feem to have been made with them in that way, ex- Medicine,
cepting antimony, whofe effedts have been already no-no 373'4P4*-
ticed. The effedts of opium, when injedted into the
veins, feem to be fimilar to its effects when taken by
the mouth. Ffty grains of opium, diffdlved in aa
ounce of water, were injected into the crural vein'of
a cat. Immediately after the operation (he feemed
much dejedted, but did not cry ; only made a low, in¬
terrupted, and complaining noife. This was fucceed-
ed by trembling of the limbs, eonvulfive motions of the
eyes, ears, Ups, and almoft all parts of the body,,
with violent convulfions of the bread. Sometimes (he
would raife up her head, and leem to look about her ;
but her eyes were very dull, and looked dead. Tho5
Hie was let loofe, and had nothing tied about her neck,
yet her mouth was fo filled with froth, that (he waa-
almoft ftrangled. Atlaft, her convulfive motions con¬
tinuing, and being feized with ftretehing of her limbs,
(he died in a quarter of an hour. Upon opening the
body, the blood was found not to be much altered
from its natural (late.—A dram and an half of-opium
was diffolved in an ounce and an half of water, and
then inje&ed into the crural vein of a lufty ftrong dog.
He ftruggled violently ; made a loud noife, though
his jaws were tied ; had a great difficulty of breathing,.
and-
P O I
fan, and palpitation of the heart; with convulfive motions
of almoft all parts of his body. Thefe fymptoms
were fucceeded by a profound and apopleftic fleep.
Having untied him, he lay upon the ground without
moving or making any noife, though feverely beaten.
About half an hour after he began to recover fome
fenfe, and would move a little when beaten. The
fleepinefs itill decreafed ; fo that in an hour and a half
he would make a noife and walk a little when beat.
However, he died in four days, after having voided a
quantity of fetid excrements, in colour refembling the
diluted opium he had fwallowed.
The oil of tobacco has generally been reckoned a
very violent poifon when introduced into the blood ;
but from the Abbe Fontana’s experiments, it appears
to he farf inferior in ftrength to the poifon of Ticu-
nas, or to the bite of a viper. A drop of oil of to¬
bacco was put into a fmall incifion in the right thigh
pf a pigeon, and in two minutes the animal could not
Hand on its right foot. The fame experiment was
repeated on another pigeon with exaAly the fame fuc-
cefs. In another cafe, the oil was applied to a flight
wound in the bread ; three minutes after which, the
animal could not ftajid on the left foot. This experi¬
ment alfo was repeated a fecomd time, with the fame
fuccefs. A tooth-pick, fteeped in oil of tobacco, and
introduced into the mufcles of the bread, made the
animal fall down in a few feconds as if dead. Ap¬
plied to two others, they threw up feveral times all the
food they had eaten. Two others treated in the fame
manner, but with empty domachs, made many efforts
to vomit*—In general, the vomiting was found to be
a condant effedf of this poifon : but the lofs of motion
in the part to which the poifon is applied, was found
to be only accidental. None of the animals died by
the application of the oil of tobacco.
The pernicious effefls of laurel water are taken no¬
tice of under the article Medicine, n° 373- Theac-
count is confirmed by the late experiments of the Ab¬
be Fontana ; who tells us, that it not only kills in a
fhort time when taken by the mouth, but that, when
given in fmall dofes, the animal writhes fo that the
head joins the tail, and the vertebrce arch out in fuch
a manner as to drike with horror every one who fees it.
In order to afcertain the effe&sof this water when ta¬
ken into the blood, our author opened the Hein of the
lower belly of a pretty large rabbit, and made a wound
in it about an inch long ; and having flightly wounded
the mufcles under it in many parts, applied two or
three tea-fpoonfuls of laurel water. The animal fell
down convulfed in lefs than three minutes, and died
foon after. The experiment was repeated with fimi-
lar fuccefs in other animals ; but was always found to
aft mod powerfully, and in the Ihorted time, when
taken'by the mouth, or inje&ed by way of clyder.
From thefe experiments, however, he concluded, that
laurel-water would kill by being injefted into the
blood : but in this he was deceived ; for two rabbits
had each of them a large tea-fpoonful injected into the
jugular vein, without any inconvenience either at the
time of injeftion or afterwards. It proved innocent
alfo when applied to the bare nerves, and even when
introduced into their medullary fubdance.
We ought now to give fome account of the proper
antidotes for each kind of poifon j but from what has
P O I
been related concerning the extreme a&ivity of fome
of them, it is evident that in many cafes there can be
but very little hope. People are mod apt to be bit by
ferpents in the legs or hands; and as the poifon, from
the Abbe Fontana’s experiments, appears to aft only
in confeqnence of being abforbed into the blood, it is
plain that to prevent this abforptioa is the chief indi¬
cation of cure. Various methods have been recom¬
mended for this purpofe under the article Medicine,
n° 394- ; but the Abbe Fontana propofes a method
which is not mentioned there, namely, ligature. This,
if properly applied between the wounded part and the
heart, mud certainly prevent the bad effefts of the poi¬
fon: but then it tends to produce a difeafe almoft
equally fatal; namely, a gangrene of the part; and
our-author gives inftanccs of animals being thus de-
ftroyed, after the effefts of the poifon were prevented;
for which reafon he prefers amputation. But the good
effefts of either of thefe methods, it is-evident, muft
depend greatly on the nature of the part wounded, and
the time when the ligature is applied or the amputa¬
tion performed. If the teeth of the ferpent, or the
poifoned arrow, happens to drike a large vein, the only
poffibility of efcaping indant death is to comprefs the
trunk of the vein above the wounded place, and to en¬
large the wound, that the blood may flow freely and
in large quantity, in order to wafh away the poifon,
and diicharge the infefted parts of the blood itfelf. If
this is neglefted, and the perfon falls into the agonies
of death, perhaps ftrongly Aimulating medicines given
in large dofes, and continued for a length of time, may
enable nature to counteraft the virulence of the poifon.
For this purpofe volatile alkalies feem mod proper, as
afting fooned; and perhaps a combination of them
with ether might be advantageous, as by the volati¬
lity of that medicine the aftivity of the alkali would
probably be increafed. In the Philofophical Tranf-
aftions, we have an account of the recovery of a dog
feemingly by means of the volatile alkali when pro¬
bably he was in a dying condition. This dog indeed
feems to have had a remarkable drength of conditu-
tion. The poor creature had find got two ounces of
the juice of nightfhade, which he bore without any in¬
convenience. An equal quantity of the juice of hem¬
lock was then given him without effeft. He then gat
a large dofe of the root of wolflban. with the fame
fuccefs. ' Two drachms of white hellebore root were
next given. Thefe caufed violent vomitings and pur¬
gings, but dill he outlived the operation. He was then
made to fwallow five roots of the colchicum, or mea-
dow-faffron, dug frefh out of the earth. The effeft of
thefe was fimilar to that of the white hellebore, but
dill he did not die. Ladly, he got two drachms .of
opium; and he even outlived this dofe. He was fird
cad into a deep fleep by it; but foon awaked, and was
feized with violent vomitings and purgings, which car¬
ried off the effeft of the opium. Seeing then that the
animal had refided the mod violent poifons, it was re-
folved to try the effefts of the bite of a viper; and he
was accordingly bit three or four times on the belly a
little below the navel by an enraged viper. The imme¬
diate coniequence of this was an incipient gangrene in
the parts adjoining to the wound, as appeared by the •
rifing of little black bladders filled with a fanious mat¬
ter, and a livid colour which propagated itfelf all
around
[ <53i6 ]
P O I [ 6357 ] P O I
Poifon. around. The motion of the heart became yery faint
and irregular, and the animal lay without ftrength or
fenfation, as if he had been feifced with a lethargy or
apoplexy. In this condition his wound was cuppfcd and
fcarified, and Venice treacle (a famous antidote) ap¬
plied to it. In two hours after this all the fyrrtptoms
were increafed, and he feemed to be near death; upon
which half a drachm of volatile fait of hartfliorn mixed
with a little broth was poured down his throat 5 and
the confequence was, that in a fhort time he was able
to (land on his feet and walk. Another dofe entirely
difpelied his lethargy, and the heart began to recover
its ftrength. However, he continued very weak; and
though he eat no/olid meat for three days, yet at the
end of that time his ftrength was evidently increafed.
The firft day he drank water plentifully and greedily,
and on the fecond day he drank fome broth. On the
third day he began to eat folid meat, and feemed out
of danger ; only fome large and foul ulcers remained
on that part of the belly which was bit, and before
thefe were healed he was killed by another dog.
From comparing this with fome other obfervations,
indeed, it would feem that volatile alkali is the beft an¬
tidote againft all poifons which fuddenly kill by a mix¬
ture with the blood, and even of fome others. Thus, on
the teftimony of Dr Mead, it counterafts the deadly
effe&s of the laurel water. Here we fee that it cured
the bite of a viper; and from Dr Wolfe’s experiments
on hydrophobous patients, it may even claim fome me¬
rit there. Still, however, there is another method of
attempting a cure in fuch deplorable cafes; and that
is, by injecting into the veins any thing which will not
deftroy life, but will deftroy the effefis of the poifon.
It is much to be regretted, that in thofe cruel experi¬
ments which we have already related, the intention
feems almoft always to have been to kill the animal at
all events; whereas, it ought to have been to preferve
him alive, and to afcertain what medicines could be
i'afely inje&ed into the blood, and what could not, with
the effeds which followed the inje&ion of different
quantities, none of which were fufficient to deftroy life.
But in the way they were managed, fcarce any con-
clufion can be drawn from them. Thus, when it was
found that half an ounce of olive oil, inje&ed into the ju¬
gular vein, killed a dog in a (hort time, to what purpofe,
except to gratify mere wanton cruelty, was it to injedt
a whole ounce into the jugular of another dog? Cer¬
tainly, inftead of this quantity, only a few drops ought
to have been tried, which might have a&ed medici¬
nally, or at word brought on a diforder that would
have been curable. A quantity of diluted aquafortis,
we are told, coagulated all the blood in the vefiels ;
but this efled might eafily have been gueffed a priori,
from its effed on the blood taken out -of the bocly.
Ought it not then to have been tried in fuch fmall
quantity, and fo much diluted, that its coagulating
power would not have deftroyed life? However, even
as they ftand, the experiments are ufeful; becaufe they
fhow that fome medicinal liquors may be injeded into ■
the veins of animals without deftroying life; that thus
they produce powerful effeds, and therefore may re¬
move difeafes. They deferve therefore to be well con-
(idered, and often repeated, but in a more merciful
manner. As to the performance of fuch operations on
the human body, it is by no means to be encouraged,
Vol. IX.
without greater certainty than what can arife from the Poifon.
teftimonies mentioned under Injection in the AP-
PENDIX. Thefe are equivocal, becaufe the names
of the medicines are concealed. Some of the pa¬
tients, it is owned, funk under either the difeafe or
the remedy; and if the reft had recovered, it is dif¬
ficult to account for the ceafing of fuch a fuccefs-
ful mode of pradice; as we are very certain that it is
not at prefent followed.—What tve have faid, there¬
fore, concerning a poffibility of curing poifons by this
method, is to be looked upon as merely fpeculative, and
thrown out as a hint for further experiments.
Befides all this, there remains another method of
cure in defperate cafes, when there is a certainty that the
whole mafs of blood is infedfed; and that is, by the bold
attempt of changing the whole difeafed fluid for the
blood of a found animal. Experiments of this kind
have alfo been tried; and the method of making them,
together with the confequences of fuch as are recorded
in the Philofophical Tranfadions, are related under the
article Transfusion.
Poison of Copper. This metal, though when in
an undiffolved (late it produces no fenfible effeds, be¬
comes exceedingly adive when diflblved ; and fuch is
the facility with which the folution is effeded, that it
becomes a matter of fome confequence to prevent the
metal from being taken into the human body even in
its proper form.—It* doth not, however, appear that
the poifon of copper is equally pernicious with thofe
of arfenic or lead ; much lefs with fome others treated
of in thelaft article. The reafon of this is, that it ex¬
cites vomiting fo fpeedily as to be expelled, even tho’
taken in confiderable quantity, before it has time to
coirode the ftomach. Roman vitriol, which is a fo¬
lution of copper in the vitriolic acid, has been ufed as
a medicine in fome difeafes with great fnccefs. Verdi-
greafe alfo, which is another very adive preparation
of the metal, has been by fome phyficians prefcribed
as an emetic, efpecially in cafes where other poifons
had been fwallowed, in order to procure the nroil
fpeedy evacuation of them by vomit. Where copper is
not ufed with this view, it has has been employed as
a tonic and antifpafmodic, with which it has been ad¬
mitted into the laft edition of the Edinburgh Difpen-
fatory under the title of Cuprum Annmniacale. The
effeds of the metal, however, when taken in a pretty
large quantity, and in a dilfolved (late, or when the
ftomach abounds with acid juices fufficient to diffblve
it, are very difagreeable and even dangerous ; as it oc-
cafions violent vomitings, pains in the ftomach, faint-
ings, and fometimes convulfions and death. The only
cure for thefe fymptoms is to expel the poifon by vo¬
miting as foon as poflible, and to obtund its acri¬
mony ; for which purpofe drinking warm milk will
probably be found the mod efficacious remedy. In
order to prevent the entrance of the poifon into the
body, no copper veffels fhould be ufed in preparing
food but fuch as are either well tinned or kept ex¬
ceedingly clean. The pradice of giving a fine blue or
green colofir to'pickles, by preparing them in copper
vefiels, ought not to be tolerated ; for Dr Falconer, in
a treatife on this fubjed", affures us, that thefe are
fometimes fo ftrongly impregnated by this method of
preparing them, that a (mall quantity of them will
produce a flight naufea. Mortars of brafs or bell-
35 T metal
POL [ 6358 1 POL
Poifoa metal ought for the fame reafon to be avoided, as by
Poi nd t^lis mean8 a confiderable quantity of the pernicious
 1_ metal may be mixed with our food, or with medi¬
cines. In ether cafes, an equal caution ought to be
ufed. The cuftoms of keeping pins in the mouth,
of giving copper halfpence to children to play with,
&c. ought to be avoided ; as thus a quantity of the
metal may be infenfibly taken into the body, after
which its effe&s mull be uncertain. It is proper
to obferve, however, that copper is much more eafrly
difiblved when cold than when hot; and therefore the
greateft care Ihould be taken never to let any thing
defigned for food, even common water, remain long
in copper vefleis when cold : for it is obferved, that
though the confe&ioners can fafely prepare the moll
acid fyrups in clean copper vefleis without their recei¬
ving any detriment whilft hot, yet if the fame fyrups
are allowed to remain in the vefleis till quite cold, they
become impregnated with the pernicious qualities of
the metal. See Chemistry, n° 373.
Poison tf Lead. See Medicine, n° 408.
Poison-Tree. See Rhus.
< POLACRE, a fhip with three mails, ufualfy na¬
vigated in the Levant and other parts of the Medi¬
terranean. Thefe vefleis are generally furnifhed with
fquare fails upon the main-malt, and lateen fails upon
the fore-mall and mizen-maft. Some of them, how¬
ever, carry fquare fails upon all the three malls, par¬
ticularly thofe of Provence in France. Each of their
mads is commonly formed of one piece, fo that they
have neither top-mail nor top-gallant-maft ; neither
have they any hor'fes to their yards, becaufe the men
Hand upon the top-fail-yard to loofe or furl the top¬
gallant-fail, and on the lower-yard to reef, to loofe,
or furl, the top-fail, whofe yard is lowered fufficiently-
down for that purpofe.
POLAND, a kingdom of Europe, in its largeft
extent bounded by Pomerania, Brandenburg, Silefia,
and Moravia, to the well; and, towards the call, by
part of Ruffia and the Lefler Tartary ; on the north,
it has the Baltic, Ruflia, the grand province of Livo¬
nia, and Samogitia ; and on the fouth, it is bounded
by Beflarabia, Tranfylvania, Moldavia, and Hun¬
gary. Geographers generally divide it into the pro¬
vinces of Poland Proper, Lithuania, Samogitia, Cour-
land, Pruflia, Maffovia, Polachia, Polelia, Little Ruf¬
fia, called likewife Ruffia Rubra or Red Rutfa, Po-
dolia, and the Ukrain. Now, however, it is very con-
iiderably reduced in extent, as will appear in the
courfe of its hillory.
With regard to the hiftory of Poland, we are not
to gather the earlier part of it from any accounts tranf-
mitted to us by the natives. The early hillories of all
nations icdeed are involved in fable ; but the Poles ne¬
ver had even a fabulous hillory of their own nation.
The reafon of this is, that it was not the cuftom with
that nation to entertain itinerant poets for the amufe-
ment of the great; for to the fongs of thefe poets en¬
tertained among other nations we are obliged for the
early part of their hillory ; but this aflillance be¬
ing deficient in Poland, we mull have recourfe to
Polilhfove w iat 's recorded concerning it by the hillorians of
reigns at other nations.
firft only The fovereigns of Po’and at firll had the title of
(tiledduites.duces} dukes or geuerab, as if their office had been
only to lead the armies into the field. The firft of Poland,
thefe is univerfally allowed to have been Lechus or ^
Lecht; and to render him more illuftrious, he is faid Lechus the
to have been a lineal defcendant from Japhet the fon of^nke.
Noah. According to fome writers, he migrated at
the head of a numerous body of the defcendants of the
ancient Sclavi from fome of the neighbouring nations;
and, to this day, Poland is called by the Tartars, the
kingdom of Lechus. Bufching, however, gives a dif¬
ferent account of the origin of the Poles. Sarmatia,
he obferves, was an extenfive country, inhabited by a
variety of nations of different names. He fuppofes
the Poles to be the defcendants of the ancient Lazi, a
people who lived in Colchis near the Pontus Euxinus ;
whence the Poles are fometimes called Pblazi. Crofs- 3
ing feveral rivers they entered Pofnania, and fettled on
the borders of the. Warta, while their neighbours the°ent
Zechi fettled on the Elbe, in the 550th year of Chrill. of Poland.
As to the name of Poland, or Polfka, as it is called by
the natives, it comes from the Sclavonic word Pole,
ox Poln, which fignifies a country adapted to hunt¬
ing, becaufe the whole country was formerly cover¬
ed with vaft forefts, exceedingly proper for that em¬
ployment. 4
Of the tranfa<5Hons of Lychus during, the time that Vifcimer
he enjoyed the fovereignty, we have no certain ac- ^^econ^
count. His fneceffor was named who is ge¬
nerally fuppofed to have been the nephew of Lechus.
He was a warlike and fuccefsful prince, fubduing
many provinces of Denmark, and building the city of
Wifmar, fo called from the name of the fovereign.
But the Danilh hiftorians take no notice of his
wars with their country ; nor do they even mention a
prince of this name. However, he is faid to have reign¬
ed for a long time with great-glory; but to have left
the people in great diftrefs, on account of the difputes
which arofe about a fucceffor.
After the death of Vifcimer, the nobility were on
the point of elefling a fovereign, when the people,
haraffed by the grievous burdens occafioned by the
wars of Vifcimer, unanimor.ly demanded another form
of government, that they-might no longer be made fa- s
crifices to ambition and tyranny. At firft the nobili-F01"'1’
ty pretended to yield to this humour of the PeGplechJ,Tea7a-
with great reluctance: however, they afterwards deter-to anfto-
mined on fueh a form of government as threw all thecracy.
power into their own bauds Twelve palatines, or
vaivodes, were chofen ; and the Polifh dominions di¬
vided into as many provinces. Thefe palatines exer-
cifed a defpotic authority within their feveral jurifdic-
tions, and aggravated the mifery of the people by
perpetual wars among themfelves; upon which the
Poles, worn out with opprtffion, refolved to return
to their old form of government. Many affemblies
were held for this purpofe; but, by reafon of the op-
pofitio'n of the vaivodes, they came to nothing- At
la ft, however, they call their eyes upon Cracus, or
Gracus, whofe wealth and popularity had raifed him
to the higheft honours among his countrymen. The
Poles fay, that he was a native of Poland, and one of
the 12 vaivodes; but the Bohemians affirm that he
was a native of their country : however, both agree in tf
maintaining, that he was defcended from the ancientTlie du*'ci
family of the Gracchi in Rome ; who, they fay, were^m rc“or*
banifhed to this country. He is faid to have figna-
lized
POL [ 6359 ] POL
Poland, llzetl htmfelf againft tbe Franks, whom he overthrew
in feme defperate engagements, and afterwards built
the city of Cracow with their fpoils. He did not en¬
large his dominions, but made his fubje&s happy by
many excellent regulations. At lad, after a long and
glorious reign, he expired, or, according to fome,
was afiaffinated by a nobleman who afpired to the
crown.
Cracus left three children, CracUs, Lechus, and a
daughter named Vanda. The firlt fucceeded to the
dukedom in virtue of his birthright; but wasfoon af¬
ter murdered by his brother Lechus. However, it
feems the thoughts of the crime which he had com¬
mitted fo difturbed his conference, that the fecret
could not be kept : when it was known that he had
been the murderer of his late fovereign, he was depo-
fed with all poflible marks of ignominy and contempt,
and. his filler Vanda declared duchefs. She was,a
molt beautiful and accomplilhed lady; and foon after
fne had been raifed to thefovereignty, one Rithogar, a
Teutonic prince, fent an ambaflador demanding her in
marriage, and threatening war if his propofals were
refuted. Vanda marched in perfon againll him at the
head of a numerous army, and the event proved fatal
both to Rithogar and hertelf. The troops of Ritho¬
gar abandoned him without ftriking a blow, upon
which he killed himfelf in defpair; and Vanda, ha¬
ving become enamoured of him, was fomuch concern¬
ed for his death, that (he drowned herfelf in the river
Viltula or Wefel. From this unfortunate lady the
7 country of Vandalia takes its name.
nhT ab°" '^,^e ^arn''y Cracus having become extintft by the
1 e * death of Vanda, the Poles were again left at liberty
to choote a new fovereign, or a new form of govern¬
ment. Through a natural levity, they changed the
form of government, and reftored the vaivodes not-
withftanding all that they had formerly fufferCd from
them. The contequences were the fame as before : the
, vaivodes abufed their power; the people were op-
prefled, and the ftate was diitra&ed between foreign
wars and civil contentions. At that time the Hunga-
g rians and Moravians had invaded Poland with a nume-
Reftored a t’otls artI’y* atl<^ were oppofed only by a handful of
fecond men almoft ready to furrender at diferetion. Plow-
time. ever, one Premiflaus, a private foldier, contrived a
ftratagem by which the numerous forces of the enemy
were overthrown ; and, for his valour, was rewarded
with the dukedom. We are ignorant of the other
tranfadions of his reign; but all hiftorians inform
us, that he died deeply regretted, and without ifiue 5
fo that the Poles bad once more to choofe a fovCreign.
On the death of Premiflaus, feveral candidates ap¬
peared for the throne, and the Poles determined to
prefer him who could overcome all his competitors in
a horfe-race. A ftone pillar was ereded near the ca¬
pital, on which were laid all the enfigns of the ducal
authority, and an herald proclaimed, that he who fir(l
arrived at that pillar from a river at fome diftanCe
namedPoar/mV, was to enjoy them. APolifli lord named
Lechus was refolved to fecure the vidory to himfelf by a
ftratagem ; for which purpofe he caufed iron fpikes to
be driven all over the courte, referving only a path for his
own horfe. The fraudulent defign took effed in part, all
the reft of the competitors being difmounted, and fome
feverely hurt by their fall. Lechus, in confequence of
this vidory, was about to be proclaimed duke; when, Poland.
unluckily for him, a peafant who had found out the 
artifice, oppofed the ceremony ; and upon an exami¬
nation of the fad, Lechus was torn in pieces, and the
ducal authority conferred upon the peafant.
The name of the new monarch was alfo Lechus.
He attained the fovereignty in the year 774, and be¬
haved with great wifdom and moderation. Though
he poffefled the qualities of a great warrior, and ex¬
tended his dominions on the fide of Moravia and Bo¬
hemia, yet his chief delight was to make his fubjeds
happy by peace. In the decline of life he was obiigechto
engage in a war with Charlemagne, and is faid by fome
to have fallen in battle with that powerful monarch; tho'
others affert that he died a natural death, having lived
fo long that the fprings of life were quite worn out.
Lechus III. was fucceeded by his fon Lechus IV.
who inherited all his father’s virtues. He fupprefied
an infurredion in the Polilh provinces, by which he
acquired great reputation ; after which he led his army
againft the Greek and Italian legions who had over¬
run Paunonia. He gained a complete vidory over his
enemies. Nor was his valour more confpicuous in the
battle than his clemency to the vanquiihed: for he
difmifled all his prifoners without ranfom ; demanding
no other conditions than that they (hould never again
difturb the peace of Poland, or the allies of that
kingdom. This duke is faid to have been endowed
with many virtues, and is charged only with the vice
of incontinence. He left 20 natural children, and
only one legitimate fon, named Popiel, to whom he left
he fovereignty. Popiel was alfo a virtuous and pacific
prince, who never had recourfe to arms but through
neceffity. He removed the feat of government from
Cracow to Gnefna, and was fucceeded by his nephew
Popiel II. a minor.
The young king behaved with propriety as long as
he was under the tuition of others; but as foon as he
had got the reins of government into his own hands, the
face of affairs was altered. Lechus III. who, as hath
been already mentioned, had 20 illegitimate children,
had promoted them to the government of different
provinces; and they had difeharged th* duties of their
offices in fuch a manner as (hewed that they were
worthy of the confidence repofed in them. However,
as foon as Popiel came of age, being feduced by the
advice of his wife, an artful and ambitious woman, he
removed them from their pofls, treated them with the
utmoft contempt, and at laft found means to poifon
them all at once at an entertainment. A dreadful
punifliment, however, according to the hiftorians of
thote times, attended his treachery and cruelty. The
bodies of the unhappy governors were left unburied ;
and from them iffued a fwarm of rats, who purfued
Popiel, his wife and children, wherever they went,
and at laft devoured them. The nation became a prey
to civil difeord, at the fame time that it was haraffed
by a foreign enemy ; and, in (hort, the ftate teemed to
be on the verge of diffolution, when Piaftus was pro¬
claimed duke in 830.
The eleftion of the new duke is faid to have been
directed by a miracle. He was a man of very low
extraction, having been formerly a wheelwright: how¬
ever, he (hewed himtelf to be in every refpeef worthy
of the high authority to which he was railed:, being a
35 T 2 man
POL
Poland, man of the mofl benevolent and hnmane difpofition;
—u~" *“ nay, fo much was he efteetned by his fubjefts, thatoll
^the t^le nat‘ves P°lan<l who have fince been promoted
fovereigns t0 lhe ducal or royal authority, have from him been
of Poland called Piajles.
are called Piaftus died in 861, and was fucceeded by his fon
Piajies. Ziemovitus. He was of a more warlike difpofition
than his father, and was the firft who introduced a
regular difcipline among the Poliih troops. He main¬
tained a refpedtable army, and took great pains to ac¬
quire a perfect knowledge in the art of war. The
confequence of this was that he was vidlorious in all
his battles; and retook from the Germans and Hun¬
garians not only all that they had gained, but enlarged
his dominions beyond what they had been. After his
death, nothing remarkable happened in Poland till
the time of Mieczflaus I. who attained the ducal au¬
thority in 964. He was born blind, and continued
fo for feven years : after which he recovered his fight
without ufing any medicine; a circumftance fo extra-
,0 ordinary, that, in thofe times of ignorance and fuper-
ehriflianity ftition, it was accounted a miracle. In his reign the
introduced Chriftian religion was introduced into Poland. The
laus'l,eCZf" ino^ Prooa^'c account of the manner in which Chrifti-
anity was introduced is, that Mieczflaus having by
ambaffadors made his addrefles to Daborwka daughter
to the duke of Bohemia, the lady rejefted his offer,
unlefs he would fuffer himfelf to be baptized. To this
the duke confented, and was baptized, after having
been inftru&ed in the principles of Chriftianity.
He founded the archbifhoprics of Gnefna and Cracow;
and appointed St Adalbert, fent by the pontiff to pro¬
pagate Chriftianity in Poland, primate of the whole
kingdom. On the birth of his fon Boleflaus, he re¬
doubled his zeal; founding feveral bifhoprics and mo-
nafteries; ordering likewife, that, when any part of the
Gofpel was read, the hearers fhould half-draw their
fwords, in teftimony of their readinefs to defend the
faith. He was, however, too fuperftitious to attend
to the duties of a fovereign ; and fuffered his domi¬
nions to be ravaged by his barbarous neighbour the
duke of Ruflia. Yet, with all his devotion, he could
not obtain the title of king from the pope, though he
had warmly folicited it; but it was afterwards con¬
ferred on his fon, who fuccecded to all his do-
,, minions.
Boleflaus Boleflaus I. the firft king of Poland, furnamed
the firft Chrobry, fucceeded to the fovereignty in 999. He
land °f P° a^° Pro^e^ anc* cheriflied Chriftianity, but was a
man of great valour and prudence. However, the
firft tranfa&ion of his reign favoured very much of the
ridiculous piety of thofe times. He removed from
Prague to Gnefna the remains of a faint which heihad
purchafed atconfiderable price. The emperorOtho III.
made a pilgrimage, on account of a vow, to the tomb
of this faint. He was hofpitably received by Bo¬
leflaus, whom, in return, he invefted with the regal
dignity ; an aft which was confirmed by the pope.
This new dignity added nothing to the power of Bole¬
flaus ; though it increafed his confequence with his
own fubje&s. He now affefted more ftate than be-
• fore: his body-guards were confiderably augmented ;
and he was conftantly attended by a numerous and
fplendid retinue whenever he ftirred out of his palace.
Thus he infpired his people with an idea of his great-
P O L
nefs, and confequently of their own importance; which Poland.’
no doubt was needfary for the accoinplifhment of a”~ '
defign he had formed, namely, an offenfive war with
Ruffia: but, when he was upon the point of fetting
out on this expedition, he was prevented by the break¬
ing out of a war with the Bohemians. The elevation
of Boleflaus to the regal dignity had excited the envy
of the duke of Bohemia, who had folicited the fame
honour for himfelf, and had been refufed. His jea-
loufy was further excited by the connexion between
Boleflaus and the emperor, the former having married
Rixa the emperor’s niece. Without any provocation,
therefore, or without giving the lead intimation of
his defign, the duke of Bohemia entered Poland at the
head of a numerous army, committing every where
dreadful ravages. Boleflaus immediately marched **
atrainfthim, and the Bohemians retired with precipita-co"\ „
tation. bcarcity or provihons, and the inclemency or mja>
the feafon, prevented Boleflaus at that time from pur-
fuing; but as foon as thefe obftacles were removed, he
entered Bohemia at the head of a formidable army,
with a full refolution of taking an ample revenge.
The Bohemians were altogether unable to refill; nei¬
ther indeed had they courage to venture a battle,
though Boleflaus did all in his power to force them to-
it. So great indeed was the cowardice of the duke or
his army, that they fuffered Prague, the capital of
the duchy, to be taken after a liege of two years;
having neveie, during all that time, ventured to relieve
it by fighting the Polilh army. The taking of this
city was quickly followed by the redu&ion of all the
places of inferior note : but though Bolcflaus was in
poffefiion of almoft all the fortified places in Bohemia,
he could not believe his conquefts to be complete,
until he became mafter of the duke’s perfon. This un¬
fortunate prince had Ihut himfelf up with his fon in
his only remaining fortrefs of Wiflbgrod, where he
imagined that he (hould be able to foil all the attempts
of the Polifli monarch. In this, however, he found
himtelf difappointed. Boleflaus irfirefted the place,
and made his approaches with fuch rapidity, that the
garrifon, dreading a general aflault, refolved to capi¬
tulate, and perfifted in their refolution notwithftand-
ing all the intreaties and promifes of the duke. The
confequence was, that the unhappy prince fell into the
hands of his enemies, and had his eyes pus out by
Boleflaus; after which, his fon Jaremir was put into
perpetual and clofe confinement. 13
From Bohemia Boleflaus marched towards Mora- 4nc* Morg.*
via ; but no fooner did he arrive on the frontier, thanvia"
the whol£ province fubmitted without a blow. He
then refumed his intention of invading Ruffia ; for
which he had now a very fair opportunity, by reafon.
of a civil war which raged with violence among the
children of duke Volodomir. The chief compethora
were Jariflaus and Suantepolk. The latter, having been
defeated by his brother, was obliged to take refuge
in Poland, where he ufed all the arguments in his
power with king Boleflaus in order to induce him to
revenge his caufe. Boleflaus having already an inten¬
tion of invading that country, needed but little in¬
treaty ; and therefore moved towards Ruffia at the
head of a very numerous army ; giving out, that he
had no other defign than to revenge the injuftiee done
to Suantepolk. He was met, on the banks of the
river
[ 6360 ]
POL [ 6361 ] POL
Poland, river Bog, by Jariflaus, at the head of an army much
’ ' ’ fuperior in number to his own j and for fome days the
Gains^a army was kept at bay by the Ruffians. At
great vie- ^ Boleflaus, growing impatient, refolved to pafs the
tory over river at all events ; and therefore forming his cavalry
the Ru(G- in the bell manner for breaking the torrent, he expo-
ans‘ pofed his own perfon to the utmoft of its force. En¬
couraged by his example, the Poles advanced breaft-
high in the water to the oppofite Jhore ; from whence
the enemy gave them all the annoyance in their power.
In fpite of all oppolition, however, the Poles reached
the bank, and foon gained a complete vitfory ; Ja¬
riflaus being obliged to fly to Kiovia. This city was
immediately inveiled ; but Jariflaus retired farther into
the country in order to recruit his army, leaving the
city to its fate. The garrifon made a brave defence,
but were at laft compelled to furrender at diferetion.
A vail treafure was found in the place; great part of
which was dittributed by Boleflaus among the fol-
diers.
Though the king of Poland had now become mailer
of the greateft part of Ruffia, he knew that the only
poffible means of keeping the country in fubjedlion,
ij was by placing a natural fovereign over the inhabi-
Places tants. For this reafon he reinftated Suantepolk, tho’
otTthe*0^ k‘S pretenfions were (till difputed by Jariflaus, The
throne of latter formed a flying camp, and meditated a
Ruffia. fcheme of furprifing and carrying off his rival brother;
but having failed in this attempt, he retired to Novo-
grod, where the 'attachment of the inhabitants ena¬
bled him to make fome refiftance, till at laft he was
attacked and defeated by Boleflaus, which feemed to
give the finiihing ftroke to his affairs. The king of
16 Poland, however, now met with a more dangerous
Who at- enemy in the perfidious and ungrateful Suantepolk,
ciiThimoff l^an experienced in Jariflaus. The Ruffian
w'Ji his prince, imagining himfelf a dependent on Boleflaus,
whole army formed a confpiracy againft him | by which he pro-
butisde- je&ed nothing lefs than the deftrudtion of him and
feated. jjjg whole avmy. The maffacre was already be¬
gun, when Boleflaus received intelligence. The ur¬
gency of the cafe admitted of no delay: the king
therefore mounted his horfe ; and having with the ut¬
moft hafte affembled part of his army, fell upon the
17 traitors with fuch fury, that they were obliged to be-
A dreadful take themfelves to flight, and Boleflaus got fafe into
battle be- Poland. But in the mean time Jariflaus having afi-
tween the fembled frefh forces, purfued the Polifli army; and
and Poles ^av’l>g conie up. with them juft as one half had crofled
the river Borifthenes, attacked them with-the ut¬
moft fury. Boleflaus defended himfelf with the great-
eft refolution ; but by reafon of his forces being di¬
vided, victory was dubious for a long time. At
laft, when the army had wholly croffed, the Ruffians
were-entirely put to the rout, and a terrible carnage
enfued. The vidtory, however, though complete,
was not decifive: for which reafon Boleflaus thought
proper to continue his retreat, without attempting to
conquer a country too extenfive for him ever to keep
28 in fubje&ion. Still, however, his martial inclination
Saxony continued, and he led his army into Saxony. The
by'^Bolfrf inhabitants of this country had hitherto refifted all at-
tempts that had been made on their freedom, and ftill
made a violent itruggle for liberty ; though, in fpite
of their utmoft, efforts, they were obliged at laft to
fubnait to the yoke. On his withdrawing the troops Poland,
from Saxony, however, the king thought proper to
leave the people to their liberty, contenting himfelf
with a rich booty. The boundaries of his empire he
now fixed at the river Elbe ; where he eredted two
iron columns, in order to tranfmit the memory of his
conqueft to pofterity. 19
Boleflaus, ftill nnfated with viftory, now medita- With Prlif¬
ted the conqueft of Pruffia and Pomerania; the latter^ 9n‘! p°*
of which provinces had, in the former civil wars, been
difmembered from Poland. His arms were attended
with equal fuccefs againft both : indeed the very ter¬
ror of his name feemed to anfwer all the purpofes of
a formidable army. Thefe, however, he feems to
havedefigned to be the laft of his warlike enterprifes
for he now applied himfelf wholly to the enadting of
wholefome laws for the benefit of his people. But in
the midft of this tranquillity, Jariflaus affembled the
moft numerous army that had ever been heard of in
Ruffia, with which he appeared on the frontiers of
Poland. Boleflaus, though now advanced 'n years> Ga;n5.3no„
marched out againft his adverfaries, and met them on ^e^great
the banks of the Borifthenes, rendered famous by the viftory over,
vidtory he had lately gained there. The Poles crofled the Rufli-
the river by fwimming; and attacked the enemy ^e^ore ^ch0 the
they had time to draw up in order of battle, with fuch
impetuofity, that a total rout foon enfued. The Ruf-try fubmitft
fians were feized with a panic, and Jariflaus was hur¬
ried away, and almoft trampled to death by the fugi¬
tives. Many thoufand prifoners were taken, but Bo¬
leflaus releafed them upon very eafy conditions; con¬
tenting himfelf with an inconfiderable tribute, anden-
deavouring to engage the affedtion of the people by
his kindnefs. This well-timed clemency produced
fuch an happy effedl, that the Ruffians voluntarily
fubmitted to his jurifdi&ion, and again became his^*^
fubjedts* Soon after this he died in the year 1025,^^
after having vaftly extended his dominions, and ren¬
dered his fubjedts happy.
Boleflaus was fucceeded by his fon Mieczflaus II.
but he pofTeffed none of the great qualities of his fa¬
ther; being indolent and debauched in his behaviour.
In the very beginning of his reign, the Ruffians, Bo¬
hemians, and Moravians, revolted. However, as'the
fpirit and difeipline introduced by Boleflaus iliU-re¬
mained in the Polilh army, Mieczflaus found no great
difficulty in reducing them again to obedience: after
which., devoting himfelf entirely to voluptuoufnefs,
he was feized with a frenzy, which put an end to his
life in the year 1034. The bad qualities of this prince
proved very detrimental to the intereft of his fon Ca-r;X3 a
fimir; though the latter had received an excellent edu-tyrannical>
cation, and was pofikffed of many virtues. Inftead of regent
ele&ing him king, they chofe Rixa his mother queen-
regent. She proved tyrannical, and fo partial to herCapimir 1
countrymen the Germans, that a rebellion enfued, and
(he was forced to fly to Germany; where (he obtained
the protefiion of the emperor by means of the im-
menfe treafures of Boleflaus, which (he had caufed to
be tranfported thither before her. Her bad behaviour
and expulfion proved ftill more fatal to the affairs of ,
Cafimir than even that of his father. He was imme- ^°jfenddbdlf'
diately driven out of the kingdom ; and a civil war fore;gn. and
taking place, a great many of pretenders to thedomeftic
crown appeared at once. To the miferies occafloned wars.
hY
24
Cafimir re¬
called and
defied
iing.
U
Poland fub-
jefted to
the tax call¬
ed Peter-
pence.
as
Boleflaus II.
a valiant
apd fuccefs-
J'ul prince.
Entertains
three un¬
fortunate
princes,
POL [ 6362 ] POL
by this were added thofe of a foreign war; for the mir’s efcape, affembled an army, and, without any Poland.
Bohemians and Ruffians invaded the kingdom in dif- declaration of war, marched through the Hercyman' ^
ferent places, committing the moll dreadful ravages, foreft, defolated Silefia, and laid wafte the frontiers of Affords
The confequence of thefe accumulated diftrefles was, Poland with fire and fword. Boleflaus marched againfteffeftnsl
that the nobility came' at lall to the refolution of re- him with a force greatly inferior ; and, by mere dint‘uccou.r to
calling Cafimir, and ele&ing him fovereign. How- of fuperior capacity, cooped up his adverfary in a p,;nce 0£-
ever, before they took this meafure, it was thought wood, where he reduced him to the greateft diflreff. Bohemia,
proper to fend to Rome, to complain of the behaviour In this extremity the duke fent propofals for accom-
of the duke of Bohemia. The deputies were at firll modation ; but they were rejedled with difdain’ by
received favourably: but the influence of the duke’s Boleflaus: upon which the former, ordering fires to
gold prevailing, no redrefs was obtained; fo that at be kindled in his camp, as if he defigned to continue
lall it was refolvcd, without more ado, to fend for Ca- there, removed with the utmoft filence in the night-
fimir. time ; and marching through narrow defiles, was ad-
The only difficulty was where to find the fugitive vanced feveral leagues before Boleflaus received advice
prince; for he had been gone five years from theking- of his retreat. The king purfued him, but in vain 5
dom, and nobody knew the place of his retreat. At for which reafon he returned, after having ravaged the
lad, by fending an embaffy to his mother, it was found frontiers of Moravia. The next year he entered Bo-
out that he had retired into France, where he applied hernia with a numerous army; but the duke, being
clofely to lludy at the univerfity of Paris. Afterwards unwilling to encounter fuch a formidable adverfary,
he went to Italy; where, for the fake of fubfiftence, fubmitted to fuch terms as Boltflaus thought proper
he took upon him the monaftic habit. At that time to iropofe. In thefe the king of Poland ftipulated for
he had returned to France, and obtained feme prefer- certain conditions in favour of Jacomir, which he
merit in the abbey of Clugni. Nothing now obftruc- -4ook care to fee punftually executed; after which he
ted the prince’s return but the facred fundlion with determined to march towards Hungary, to affid the
which he was inveded. However, a difpenfation was fugitive prince Bela. i(>
obtained from the Pope, by which he was reletifed This prince had been for fome time folicited by a j^nd.to JJe“.
from his ecclefiadical engagements, on condition that party of difaffefted nobility to return, as his brother, 01
he and all tire kingdom flrould become fubje£l to the the reigning king, had alienated the hearts of his fub* S '
capitation tax called Peter-pence. Some other con- je£ls by his tyrannical behaviour : as foon therefore as
ditions of lefs confequence were added ; fuch as, that Boleflaus had finiflied the war in Bohemia, he was fo-
the Poles fhould fhave their heads and beards, and licited by Bela to embrace fo favourable an opportu*
wear a white linen robe at fedivals, like other profef- nity, and put him in pofleffion of the kingdom of
fors of the Catholic religion. Great preparations were Hungary. This theking readily complied with, as
made for the reception of the young prince : and he being agreeable to his own inclinations; and both
was met on the frontier by the nobility, clergy, and princes entered Hungary by different routes, each at
forces of the nation ; by whom he was conducted to the head of a numerous body. The king of that coun-
Grtefna, and crowned by the primate with more than try, however, was not difconcerted by fuch a formi-
ufual folemnity. He proved a virtuous and pacific dable invafion ; and being largely affiiled by the em-
prince, as indeed the diflraQed fituation of the king- peror, advanced againlt his antagoniils with a vail ar-
dom would not.admit of the carrying on of wars, my; among whom was a numerous body of Bohemi-
However, Cafimir proved his courage in fubduing ans, who-had come to his affiftance, though indirect
the banditti by which the country was over-run ; and violation of the treaty fubfifting between the duke and
by marrying the princefs Mary, lifter to the Duke of the king of Poland. At laft a decifive battle was
Ruffia, all quarrels with that nation were for the pre- fought, in which the Germans behaved with the great-
fent extinguifhed. Upon the whole, the kingdom eft valour, but were entirely defeated through the
flourifhed during his reign ; and became more refpec- treachery of the Hungarians, who in the heat of the
table from the wifdom ^nd ftability of the adminiftra- battle deferted and went over to Bela. Almoft all
tion, than it could have been by many vidories. Af- the foreign auxiliaries were killed on the fpot; the
ter a happy reign of 16 years he died, beloved and re- king himfelf was feixed, and treated with fuch info-
gretted by all his fubjeds. lence by his perfidious fubjefls, that he died in a (hort
By the happy adminiftration of Cafimir, the king- time of a broken heart ; fo that Bela was placed on
dom recovered firfficient ftrength to carry on fuccefsful the throne without further oppofition, except- from a
wars againft its foreign enemies. Boleflaus II. the revolt of the peafants, which was foon quelled by the
fon of Cafimir, an enterpriling and valiant prince, fuc- Polifli army.
ceeded to the throne ; and foon made himfelf fo fa- Boleflaus, having fucceeded fo happily in thefe two He projefts]
mous, that three unfortunate princes all took refuge at enterprizes, began to look upon himfelf as invincible ; ‘he con-
bis court at once, having been expelled from their and, inftead of defigning only to affift Zaflaus, ashe^116^0^
own dominions by their rebellious fubjeds. Thefe had firft intended, now preceded no lefs than the fub-Ruffia=
wer?> Jacomir, fon of Briteflaus duke of Bohemia ; jedion of the whole country. He had indeed a claim
Bela, brother to the king of Hungary ; and Zaflaus to the fovereignty by virtue of his defeent from Mary,
duke of Kiovia, eldeft fon to Jariflaus duke of Ruffia, queen of Poland, filter to Jariflaus; and this he en-
and coufin to the king of Poland. Boleflaus determi- deavoured to ftrengthen by marrying a Ruffian princefs
ned to redrefs all their grievances; but while he deli- himfelf. Having therefore affembled a very numerous
berated upon the molt proper means for ,fo doing, the and well-difciplined army, he entered the duchy of
duke of Bohemia, dreading the confequence o'" Jaco- Kiovia, where he was oppofed by Wiffdlaus, who
had
POL [ 6363 ] POL
Poland, had ufurped the fovereingty, with a vafl multitude of
forces. Boleflaus, however, continued to advance;
Meets with and the Ruffian prince being intimidated by the num-
furprifing ber an(j g00(] order of his enemies, deferted his own
fucceefs. trO0pS>' ancj fle(j away privately with a {lender retinue ;
upon which, his force difperfed themfelves for want of
a leader. The inhabitants of the city of iCiovia now
called to their affiftance Suantoflaus and Wfzevold two
brothers of Wifleflaus ; but thefe princes acting the
part of mediators, procured pardon for the inhabitants
from Zaflaus their natural fovereign. With the fame
facility the two princes recovered all the other domi¬
nions belonging to Zaflaus} only one city venturing to
(land a fiege, and that was foon reduced. But in the
mean time the king of Hungary dying, a revolt en-
fued, and the two fons of Bela were on the point of
being deprived of their paternal dominions. This
Bokflaus no fooner heard, than he marched dieftly
into Hungary ; where by the bare terror of his name,
he re-eftablifhed tranquillity, and confirmed the princes
in the enjoyment of their kingdom. In the time that
this was doing, Zaflaus was again driven from his ter¬
ritories, all the conquefts that had been formerly made
were loft, and Suantoflaus and Wfzevold more power¬
ful than ever. The king’s vigour, however, foon dif-
concerted all their meafures. He ravaged all thofe
territiories which compofed the palatinates of Lufac
and Chelm, reduced the ftrong city of Wolyn, and
tranfported the booty to Poland. The campaign was
finiftied by a battle with Wfzevold; which proved fo
bloody, that though Boleflaus was victorious, his
Reduc« army wa8 weakened in fuch a manner that he could
Kiovia, but not purfue his conquefts. In the winter he made nu-
enervates merous levies ; and returning in the fpring to Kiovia,
himfelf reduced it, after feveral defperate attacks, by famine,
t ere. occaf1Qn> inftead of treating the inhabitants
with cruelty, he commended their valour, and ftn’Ctly
prohibited his troops from pillaging or infulting them;
diftributing provifions among them with the utmoft
liberality.
This clemency procured the higheft. honour to thfe
king of Poland, but his ftay here produced a moll
terrible difafter. Kiovia was the inoft diflblute, as
well as the richeft city, in the north; the king, and all
his foldiers gave themfelves up to the pleafures of the
place. Bole flans himfelf affe&ed all the imperious
{fate of an eaftern monarch, and contracted an indi-
nation for the groffeft debaucheries. The confequence
had aimoft proved fatal to Poland. The Hungarian
33 and Ruffian wars had continued for feven years, during
Univerfal ai] whkh time the king had never been at home ex-
of^the°Po- once for the fhort fpace of three months. In
lull women, the mean time the Polifh women, exafperated at hear¬
ing that their hulbands had negleCted them and con¬
nected therafelves with the women of Kiovia, railed
their flaves to the beds of their mafters ; and in fhort
the whole fex confpired in one general fcheme of pro-
ftitution, in order to be revenged of the infidelity of
their hufbands, excepting one fingle woman, namely,
Margaret, the wife of count Nicholas of Demboifin,
who preferved her fidelity in fpite of all folicitation.
Advice of this ftrange revolution was foon received at
Kiovia, where it excited terrible commotions. The
foldiers blamed the king for their difhonour ; forget¬
ting how much they had to accufe their own conduCt
in giving their wives fuch extreme provocation. The Poland.
effeCt of thefe difeontents was a general defertion, and "
Boleflaus faw himfelf fuddenly left almoU alone in
the heart of Ruffia; the foldiers having unanimoufly
refolved to return home to take vengeance of their
wives and their gallants. 34
A dreadful kind of war now enfued. The women a terrible
knew that they were to expeCt no mercy from their civil war
enraged hufbands, and therefore perfuaded their lovers en^uef‘
to take arms in their defence. They themfelves fought
by the fide of their gallants with the utmoft; fury, and
fought out their hufbands in the heat of battle, in or¬
der to fecure themfelves from all danger of puniftiment
by their death. They were, however, on the point
of being fubdued, when Boleflaus arrived with the
few remaining Poles, but affifted by a vaft army of
Ruffians, with whom he intended to take equal ven¬
geance on the women, their gallants, and his own
foldiers who had deferted him. This produced a
carnage more dreadful than ever. The foldiers united
with their former wives and their gallants againft the
common enemy, and fought againft Boleflaus and his
Ruffians with the fury of lions. At laft, however,
the fortune of the king prevailed ; the rebels were
totally fubdued, and the few who efcaped the fword
were tortured to death, or died in prifon. 3J
To add to the calamities of this unhappy kingdom, Religious
the fchifms which for fome time had prevailed in theconten-
church of Rome found their way into Poland alfo ;1’0"5*
and the animofity of parties became aggravated in
proportion to the frivoloufnefs of their differences. By
perverfe accident the matter came at laft to be a con¬
tention for wealth and power between the king and
clergy. This foon gave occafion to bloodftied ; and
the biftiop of Cracow was maffacred in the cathedral, 3<>
while he was performing the duties of his office.
This and fome other enormous crimes in a fhort time the pope,
brought on the moft fignal vengeance of the clergy, and the
Gregory VII. the pope at that time, thundered out the^hole kin2‘
moft dreadful anathemas againft the king, releafed his^^1^^
fubjefts from their allegiance, deprived him of thetertj;a.
titles of fovereintyj and laid the kingdom under a
general interdift, which the archbifhop of Gnefna
faw pun&ually enforced. To this terrible fentence
Boleflaus in vain oppofed his authority, and recalled
the fpirit which had formerly rendered him fo formid¬
able to the neighbouring ftates. The minds of the
people were blinded by fuperftition, fo that they
deemed- it a kfs heinous crime to rife in rebellion a-
gainft their fovereign than to oppofe the tyranny of
the holy fee. Confpiracies were daily formed againft
the perfon and government of Boleflaus. The whole
kingdom became a feene of confufion, fo that the king
conld no longer continue with fafety in his own do¬
minions. He lied therefore with his fon Mieczflaus,
and took refuge in Hungary ; but here alfo the holy
vengeance of the clergy purfued him, nor did they
ceafe perfecting him till he was brought to a miferable^^ ^
end. . Authors differ widely with refpeA to the man-extreme
net*of his death. Some fay that he was murdered by diftrefs and
the clergy as he was hunting ; others, that he killedlleath*
himfelf in a fit of defpair ; and one author tells u$,
that he wandered about in the woods of Hungary,
lived like a favage upon wild beafts, and was at laft
killed and devoured by dogs. The greateft number,
how-
POL
Poland, however, tell us, that being driven from place to place
" by the perfecutions of the clergy, he was at lall ob¬
liged to become a cook in a monaftery at Carinthia, in
38 which mean occupation he ended his days.
The inter- The deftru&ion of Boieflaus was not fufficient to
vedatThe a^ay t^le PaPal refentment. It extended to the whole
expence of kingdom of Poland. Mieczflaus, the fon of Boieflaus,
grievous was not fuffered to afcend the throne ; and the king-
impofitions. dom continued under the moft fevere interdict, which
could be removed only by the force of gold, and the
moft abje£l conceflions. Befldes the tax called Peter*
pence, new impofitions were added of the moft oppref-
iive nature ; till at length the pontiff, having fatiated
his avarice, and impoveriflied the country, confented
that the brother of the deccafed monarch fhould be
railed to the fovereignty, but only with the title of
^ duke. This prince, named Uladijlaus, being of a
XJladiflaus meek difpofition> with little ambition, thought it his
becomes fo-duty to acquiefce implicitly in the will of the popef;
^jsn»^ut and therefore accepted the terms offered, fending at
only'the iarae *;ime an e mb a fly to Rome, earneftly intreat-
titkofduke'ng ^ removal of the interdid. The requeft was
granted ; but all his endeavours to recover the regal
dignity proved fruitlefs, the pope having, in conjunc¬
tion with the emperor of Germany, conferred that
honour on.the duke of Bohemia. This was extremely
•mortifying to Uladiflaus, but it was abforbed in con-
fiderations of the utmoft confequence to himfelf and
his dominions. Ruflia took the opportunity of the
late civil difturbances to throw off the yoke; and this
revolt drew after it the revolt of Pruflia, Pomerania,
and other provinces. The fmaller provinces, however,
were foon reduced ; but the duke had no fooner re¬
turned to Poland, than theyagain rebelled, and hid their
families in impenetrable forefs. Uladiflaus marched
againft them with a confiderable army; but was entirely
defeated, and obliged to return back with difgrace.
Next year, however, he had better fortdne ; and, ha¬
ving led againft them a more-numerous army than
before, they were content to fubmit and deliver up the
ringleaders of the revolt to be punifhed as the duke
thought proper.
No fooner were the Pomeranians reduced, than civil
diffentions took place. Sbigneus, the fon of Uladi¬
flaus by a concubine, was placed at the head of an
army by the difeontented nobility, in order to fubvert
* his father’s government, and difpute the title of Bole-
-flaus, the legitimate fon of Uladiflaus, to the fucceflion.
The war was terminated by the defeat and captivity of
Sbigneus; who was at firft confined, but afterwards
releafed on condition that he fhould join his father in
punifhing the palatine of Cracow. But before this
could be done, the palatine found means to effedl a re¬
conciliation with the duke; with which the young
princes being difpleafed, a war took place between them
and their father. The end of all was, that the pala¬
tine of Cracow was banifhed, and the princes fubmit-
ted; after which, Uladiflaus, having chaftifed the Pruf-
BoleflausIIl^ans ancl Pomeranians who had again revolted, died in
divided his the year 11O3, the 59th of his age.
dominions Uladiflaus was fucceeded by his fon Boieflaus III.
betwixt who divided the dominions equally betwixt his brother
ille'gidmate5 Sbigneus and himfelf. The former being diflatified with
brother andhts (hare, raifed cabals againft his brother; but a civil
hrmfelf. war was for fome time prevented by the good offices of
POL
the primate: but at laft Sbigneus, having privately ftir- Poland,
red up the Bohemians, Saxons, and Moravians, againft ’ ~—“
his brother, made fuch formidable preparations as A civil war.
threatened the conqueft of all Poland. Boieflaus, being
unprovided with forces to oppofe fuch a formidable
power, had recourfe to the Ruffians and Hungarians;
who readily embraced his caufe, in expe£tation of turn-
ing it to their own advantage. The event was, that Generofny
Sbigneus.’was entirely defeated; and might eafiiy haveof Boieflaus
been obliged to furrender himfelf at diferetion, had Bole-
flauS generoufly left him in quiet poffeflion of the duchy sbigneus.
of Mazovia, in order to maintain himfelf fuitably to
the dignity of his birth. This kindnefs the ungrate¬
ful Sbigneus repaid by entering into another confpi-
racy; but the plot being difeovered, he was feized, ba¬
nifhed, and declared a traitor if ever he fet foot again
in Poland. Even this feverity did not produce the de-
fired effeft: Sbigneus perfuaded the Pomeranians to
arm in his behalf; but he was defeated, taken prifon-
er, and again banifhed. Almoft all the nobility fo-
licited the king to put fuch an ungrateful traitor to
death; however, that generous prince could not think
of polluting his hands with the death of his brother,
notwithftanding all be had yet done. Nay, he even
took him back to Poland, and appointed him a main¬
tenance fuitable to his rank : but he foon bad reafon 4?
to repent his kindnefs; for his unnatural brother in a Who is at
fhort time began to raife frelh difturbances, in confe-bft P«t t*
qnence of which he foon met with the death which he^1”’
deferved.
Boieflaus was fcarce freed from the intrigues of his
brother, when he found himfelf in greater danger than
ever from the ambition of the emperor Henry IV.
The emperor had attacked the king of Hungary, with
whom Boieflaus was in clofe alliance, and from wk°m War44tfi
he had received affiftance when in great diftrefs hint-theei^perot
felf. The king of Poland determined to aflift his Herfry IY.
friend; and therefore made a powerful diverfion in Bo¬
hemia, where he repeatedly defeated the Imperialifts:
upon which, the emperor collefting all his forces, ra¬
vaged Silefia, and even entered Poland, where he laid
fiege to the ftrong town of Lubufz; but was at laft ob¬
liged to abandon the enterprife, after having fuftained
much lofs. However, Henry was not difeouraged, but
penetrated ftill farther into Poland, and was laying
wafte all -before him, when the fuperior fkill of Boie¬
flaus compelled him to retire, after having almoft de-
ftroyed his army with fatigue and famine, without once
coming to aftion. Enraged at this difappointment,
Henry laid liege to Qlogaw, in hopes of drawing the
Poles to an engagement before he (hould be obliged
to evacuate the country. The fortifications of the place
were weak; but the fpirit of the inhabitants fupplied
their deficiencies, and they gave the Imperialifts a molt
unexpe&ed and vigorous reception. At laft, however,
they were on the point of furrendering to fuperior
force; and actually agreed to give up the place, provi¬
ded they did not receive any fuccours during that time.
Boleflads determined, however, not to let fuch a brave
garrifon fall a facrifice to their loyalty ; and therefore
prevailed on the befieged to break the capitulation ra¬
ther than furrender when they were on the point of be¬
ing delivered. All this was tranfadkd with the ut¬
moft fecrecy; fo that the emperor advanced, without
thoughts of meeting with any refiftance, to take pof-
feffion
[ 6364 ]
POL [ 6365 ] POL
Poland, feflion of the city; but, being received by a furious
difcharge of arrows and javelins, he was fo incenfed,
that he refolved to ttorm the place, and give no quar¬
ter. On the approach of the army, the Imperialifts
were attonilhed to fee not only the breaches filled up,
but new walls, feCured by a wet ditch, reared behind
the old, and erefted during the fufpenfion of hoftilities
Who is by the induftry of the befieged. The attack, however,
worded. went on; but the inhabitants, animated by defpair,
defended themfelves with incredible valour, and at laft
obliged the Imperialifts to break up the fiege with pre¬
cipitation. Next day Boleflaus arrived, and puifued
the emperor with fuch vigour, that he obliged him to
fly with difgrace into his own country. This foon
brought on a peace, which was confirmed by a mar-
45 riage between Boleflaus and the emperor’s fifter.
Eoleflaus Hitherto the glory of Boleflaus had equalled, or
tod^fficul-' even eclipfed, that of his namefake and predectflbr Bo-
ties hy his leflaus the Great; but about the year 1135 he was
own credu- brought into difficulties and difgraces by his own cre-
lity and ge- dulity. He was impofed upon by an artful ftory patch-
nerofity. ed up by a certain Hungarian; who infinuated himfelf
fo far into his affeftions, that he gave him the govern¬
ment of Wiflica, a ftrong town on the river Nida. But
the traitor gave up the place to the Ruffians, who pil¬
laged and burnt it; carrying the inhabitants at the
fame time into flavery. Boleflaus was incenfed, and
entered immediately upon a war with Ruffia, by which
means he only heaped one calamity upon another He
received a deputation from the inhabitants of Halitz,
to implore his affiftance in favour of a young prince,
who had been banilhed into Poland. Bolcflaus march¬
ed to their relief with a choice body of troops; but as
he was preparing to enter.the town, he was attacked
by the whole Ruffian army, and, after a moft violent
conflift, entirely defeated. By this difgrace the duke
was fo much affli&ed, that he died in a Ihort time, af-
47 ter having reigned 36 years.
Poland di- Boleflaus, by his will, left his dominions equally di¬
vided a- vided among his four fons. Uladiflaus, the eldeft, hadl
children of Prov'nces °f Cracow, Sirad, Lencici, Silefiai, and-
Boleflaus. Pomerania. Boleflaus, the fecond foh, had for bis (hare
the palatinates of Culm and Cujava, with the duchy of
Mazovia. The palatinates of Kalefzh and Pofnania,
fell to Mieczflaus, the third fon ; and to Henry, the
fourth fon, were affigned thofe of Lublin and Sando-
mir. Cafimir the youngeft child, then an infant in the
cradle, was entirely forgot, and no provifion made for
him. There have been but very few inftances where
dominions were thus divided, that the princes remain¬
ed fatified with their refpe&ive (hares; neither did the
fons of Boleflaus long continue at peace with one an¬
other. By the will of the late duke, all the brothers
were obliged to own the fupremacy of Uladiflaus, who
was declared duke of all Poland: they were reftrained
from forming alliances, declaring war, or concluding
peace, without his approbation : they were obliged to
take the field with certain number of troops, whenever
the duke required it; and they were forbid to meddle
with the guardianfltip of the infant prince Cafimir, his
A civil war.c^ucat'on ^eing ^ entirely to the fovereign. The
harmony of the princes was firft difturbed by the am¬
bition of Chriftina, the wife of Uladiflaus, who formed
a fcheme to get pofleffion of all Poland, and deprive
the younger children of the benefit of their father’s
Vol. IX, 2
will. Having obtained her hulband’s concurrence, (he Poland,
aflembled the ftates of Poland, and made a long fpeech, I
(bowing the dangers which might arife from a parti¬
tion of the ducal dominions among fo many ; and con¬
cluded with attempting to (how the neceflb y of revoking
the ratification of the late duke’s will in order to cn-
fure the obedience of the princes and the tranquillity
of the republic. Many of the nobiiny expreffed their
refentment againft this fpeech, and fully refuted every
article in it; but they were all afterwards gained over,
or intimidated by Uladiflaus; (b that none appeared to
take the part of the young princes except a noble Dane,
who loft his life for fo doing. 49
Uladiflaus now having got the nobility on his fi.de,
firft drove Boleflaus out of his territories; next, lie the reft,
marched againft Henry, and difpoffcfled him alfo, for¬
cing both to take refuge with Mieczflaus in Pofnania,
where all the three brothers were befieged. Several of
the nobility interpofed, and ufed all their influence to
effeft a reconciliation, but in vain ; for Uladiflaus was
as inexorable as if he had received an injury, and there¬
fore infifted that the befieged princes (hould furrender
at diferetion, and fubmit to the will of the conqueror.
Thus, driven to defpair, the brothers fallied out, and
attacked the duke’s army with fuch impetuofity, that
they obtained a complete vidory, and took all his bag¬
gage and valuable effefts. The brothers improved their
visftory, and laid fiege to Cracow. The Ruffians, who
had affifted Uladifiaus at firft, now entirely abandoned
him, and evacuated Poland, which obliged him to fhut
himfelf up in Cracow; but, finding the inhabitants
little difpofed to (land a fiege, he retired into Germany
in order to folicit affiftance from his wife’s friends. But
here he found himfdf miftaken, and that thefe friends
were attached to him only in his profperity; while in Je
the mean time the city of Cracow furrendered, theun- And is de-:
fortunate Uladiflaus was formally depofed, and his bro- pofed.
ther Boleflaus raifed to the fupreme authority.
The new duke began his adminiftration with an a<9:
of generofity to his brother, Uladiflaus, to whom he
gave the diiehy of Silefia, which thus was feparated
frhm' Poland, and has never fince been, re-annexed to
it. This had no other effect-upon Uladiflaus than the
putting him in a condition to raife frefh difturbances;
for he now found means to perfuade the emperor Gon-
rade to invade Poland: but Boleflaus fo harafled and
fatigued his army by perpetual marches, ambufeades,
and (kirmifhes, that he was obliged in a (horc time to ,.
return to his own country; and for fome years Poland ♦>
enjoyed a profound tranquillity.
During this interval Henry entered on a crufade ;
and, though he loft almoft all bis army in that enthu-
fiaftic undertaking, is celebrated by the fuperftitious
writers of that age, as the bulwark of the church, and
one of the greateft Chriftian heroes; however, in all
probability, the reafon of this extraordinary fame is,
that he made large donations to the knights of St John
of Jerufalem. Soon after the return of Henry, Po-Pola' d in¬
land was invaded by the emperor Frederic Barbarofla,^™^^
who was perfuaded to this by the folicitations of Ula Barbarofla.
diflaus and his wife Chriftina. The number of the Im¬
perialifts was fo great, that Boleflaus and his brothers
did not think proper to oppofe him in the field; they
contented themfelves with cutting off the convoys, pla¬
cing ambufeades, haraffing them on their march, and
35 U keep-
POL [ 6366 ] POL
IVIa'id. keeping them in perpetual alarms by falfe attacks and
- fkjrm{f|jes. With this view the three brothers divided
their forces, defolated the country before the enemy,
and burnt all the towns and cities which were in no
condition to Hand a fiege. Thus the emperor, advan¬
cing into the heart of a defolated country where he
Sl could not fubfift, was at laft reduced to fuch a fituation
Who is ob-that he could neither go forward nor retreat, and was
iiged to fue obliged to falicit a conference with Boleflaus. The lat¬
ter peace. ter was ^00 prudent to irritate him by an unfeafonable
haughtinefs, and therefore went to the German camp
attended only by his brothers and a flight guard. This
inftance of confidence was fo agreeable to the emperor,
that a treaty was foon agreed upon, which was con¬
firmed by a marriage between Adelaide, niece to the
emperor, and Mieczflaus duke of Pofnania.
Boleflaus having thus happily efcaped from fo great
a danger, took it into his head to attempt theconqueft
of Pruffia, for no other reafon but becaufe the inhabi¬
tants were heathens. Having unexpededly invaded
the country with a very numerous army, he fucceeded
in his enterprife; great numbers of infidels were con¬
verted, and many churches fet up: but no fooner was
Boleflaus gonej than the inhabitants returned to their
old religion. Upon this Boleflaus again came againft
them with a formidable power ; but, being betrayed
by fome Pruflians whom he had taken into his fcrvice
and raifed to pofts of honour, his army was led into
defiles and almoft entirely cut off, duke Henry was
killed, and Boleflaus and Mieczflaus efcaped with
great difficulty.
This misfortune was quickly followed by another ;
for now the children of Uladiflaus laid claim to all the
Polifli dominions which had been pofiefled by their fa-
ther, mod of which had been beftowed upon young
A civil war.Cafimir. They were fupported in their pretenfions by
a great number of difeontented Poles, and a confider-
able body of German auxiliaries. Boleflaus, find¬
ing himfelf unable to withftand his enemies by force,
had recourfe to negociation, by which means he gain¬
ed time to recruit his army and repair his Ioffes. An
affembly of the ftates was held, before which the duke
fo fully refuted the claims of the children of Uladi¬
flaus, that it was almoft unanimoufly voted that they
had kindled an unjuft war; and to take away every
pretence for renewing the civil difeordsof Poland, they
>yere a fecond time invefted with the duchy of Silefia,
which for the prefent put an end to all difputes. Af¬
ter this, Boleflaus applied himfelf to promote, by all
means, the happinefs of his fubjedts, till his death,
which happened in the year 1174.
On the death of Boleflaus, the ftates raifed his bro¬
ther Mieczflaus to the ducal throne, on account of the
great opinion they had of him. But the moment that
Mieczflaus ceafed to be a fubjedt, he became a ty¬
rant, and a flave to almoft every kind of vice ; the
cbnfequence of which was, that in a very fhort time
he was depofed, and his brother Gafimir eledted in his
54 ftead.
Cafimir, an Gafimir was a prince of the greateft juftice and be-
exeellent nevolence, infomuch that he fcrupled to accept of the
pnnce' honour which the ftates had conferred upon him, left
it (hould be a trefpafs againft the laws of equity.
However, thisfcruple being foon got over, he fet him¬
felf about the fecuring peace and tranquillity in all
parts of his dominions. He redreffed all grievances, Poland,
fuppreffed exorbitant imports, and affembled a gene- ’
ral diet, in which it was propofed to refeue the pea-
fants from the tyranny of the nobility ; an affair of
fuch confequence, that the duke could not enter upon
it by his own authority, even though fupported by the
clergy. Yet it proved lefs difficult than had Been ima¬
gined, to perfuade the nobility to relinquifh certain
privileges extremely detrimental to natural right.
They were influenced by the example of their virtuous
fovereign, and immediately granted all that he requi¬
red ; and, to fecure this declaration in favour of the
peafants, the archbifhop of Gnefna thundered out ana¬
themas againft thofe who fhould endeavour to regain
the unjuft privileges which they had now renounced ;
and to give a ftill greater weight to this decifion, the
ads of the diet were tranfmitted to Rome, where they
were confirmed by the pope.
But, though the nobility in general confented to
have their power fomewhat retrenched, it proved mat¬
ter of difeontent to fome, who, for this reafon, imme¬
diately became the partifansof the depofed Mieczflaus.
This unfortunate prince was now reduced to fuch in¬
digence, that he wrote an account of his fituation to
his brother Cafimir; which fo much affe&ed him, that
in an affembly of the diet he propofed to refign the fo-
vereignty in favour of his brother. To this the ftates
replied in the molt peremptory manner : they defired
him never more to mention the fubjeft to them, left
they lhould be under the neceffityof depofing him and
excluding, his brother, who, they were determined,
fhould never more have the dominion of Poland. Ca¬
fimir, however, was fo much concerned at the account
of his brother’s misfortunes, that he tried every me¬
thod to relieve him, and even connived at the arts
praftifed by fome difeontented noblemen to reftore
him. By a very Angular generofity, he facilitated the
redu&ion of Gnefna and Lower Poland, where Miecz¬
flaus might have lived in peace and fplendor, had not
his heart been fo corrupted that it could not be fub-
dued by kindnefs. The confequence was, that he ufed
all his art to wreft from his brother the whole of his
dominions, and aftually conquered the provinces of
Mazovia and Cujava ; but of thefe he was foon difpof-
feffed, and only fome places in Lower Poland were
left him. After this he made another attempt, on oc-
cafion of a report that Cafimir had been poifoned in
an expedition into Ruffia. He furprifed the city of
Cracow: but the citadel refufed to furrender, and his
hopes were entirely blafted by the return of Cafimir
himfelf; who, with an unparallelled generofity and
magnanimity, afleed peace of his brother whom he had S5
vanquiftied and had in a manner at his mercy.—The Corquers7
laft adiion of this amiable prince was the conqueft ofRullia‘
Rulfia, which he effefted rather by the reputation of
his wifdom and generofity than by the force of his
arms. Thofe barbarians voluntarily fubmitted to a
prince fo famed for his benevolence, juftice, and hu¬
manity. Soon after his return,he died at Cracow, la¬
mented as the beft prince in every refpe£t who had ever,
filled the throne of Poland.
Cafimir left one fon, named Lechus, an infant; and
the ftates, dreading the confequences of a long mino¬
rity, hefitated at appointing him fovereign, confider-
ing how many competitors he muft neceffarily have*
and
POL [ 6367 ] POL
Poland, and how dubious it muft be whether he might be fit
for the fovereignty after he had obtained it. At
laft, however, Lechus was nominated, chiefly through
Civil war the intereft he had obtained on account of the reputa-
between tion of his father’s virtues. The confequence of his no-
1-*- ^mination was precifely what might have been expe&ed.
MieczX^s! Mieczflaus formed an alliance againft him with the
dukes of Oppelen, Pomerania, and Breilau; and ha¬
ving raifed all the men in Lower Poland fit to bear
arms, took the road to Cracow with a very numerous
army. A bloody battle was fought on the banks of
the river Mozgarva; in which both fides were fo much
weakened, that they were unable to keep the field, and
confequently were forced to retire for fome time in or¬
der to repair their forces. Mieczflaus was firft ready
for aftion, and therefore had the advantage : however,
he thought proper to employ artifice rather than open
force ; and therefore having attempted in vain to cor¬
rupt the guardians of Lechus, he entered into a trea¬
ty with the duchefs dowager his mother. To her he
reprefented in the ftrongeft manner the miferies which
would enfue from her refufal of the conditions be pro-
pofed. He ftipulated to adopt Lechus and Conrade,
her fons, for his own ; to furrender the province of
Cujavia for their prefent fupport; and to declare them
heirs to all his dominions. The principal nobility op-
57 pofed this accommodation, but it was accepted by the
"MieczAaiis duchefs in fpite of all their remonftrances ; and Miecz-
rcftored. {]au8 was once more put in pofieffion of the capital, af¬
ter having taken a folemn oath to execute pun&ually
every article of the treaty.
It is not to be fuppofed, that a prince of fuch a
perfidious difpofition as Mieczflaus would pay much
regard to the obligations of a Ample contraft. It was
a maxim with him, that a fovereign is no longer obli¬
ged to keep his oath than while it is neither fafe nor
beneficial to break it. Having therefore got all the
power into his hands, he behaved in the very fame
manner as if no treaty with the duchefs had fubfifted.
The duchefs, perceiving herfelf duped, formed a
Itrong party, and excited a general infurredfion.- The
rebellion could not be withftood: Mieczflaus was dri¬
ven out of Cracow, and on the point of being reduced
to his former circumltances, when he found means to
produce a variance between the duchefs and palatine of
Cracow; and thus once more turned the fcale in his
favour. The forces of Mieczflaus now became fuperior,
and he, in conftquence, regained pofieflion of Cracow,
but did not long enjoy his profperity, falling a vi&im
to his intemperance ; fo that Lechus was reftored to
the fovereignty in the year 1206.
Poland ra- The government of Lechus was the moft unfortu-
vaged by nate of any of the fovereigns of Poland. In his time
the Tartars. the Tartars mac3e an irruption, and committed every
where the moft. cruel ravages. At laft they came to an
engagement with the Poles, affifted by the Ruffians ;
and, after an obftinate and dreadful confliA, obtained
a complete victory. This incurfion, however, termi¬
nated as precipitately as it commenced ; for, without
any apparent reafon, they retired, juft as the whole
kingdom was ready to fubmit ; but the devaftations
they had committed, produced a famine, whiph was
foon followed by a plague that depopulated one of the
moft populous countries of the north. In this unhap¬
py fituation of affairs, death ended the misfortunes of
Lechus, who was murdered by his own {objects as he Poland.
was bathing. A civil war took place after his death; 
and the hiltory for fome time is fo confufed, that it is
difficult to fay with certainty who was his fucceffor.
During this unfortunate ftate of the country, the Tar¬
tars made a fecond irruption, laid all defolate before
them, and were advancing to the capital, when they
were attacked and defeated with great daughter by the
palatine of Cracow with only a handful of men. The
power of the enemy, however, was not broken by this
vi&ory ; for, next year, the Tartars returned, and
committed fuch barbarities as can fcarce be imagined.
Whole provinces were defeated, and every one of the
inhabitants maffacred. They were returning, laden
with fpoil, when the palatine fell upon them a fecond
time, but not with the fame fuccefs as before : for, af¬
ter an obftinate engagement, he was defeated, and
thus all Poland was laid open to the ravages of the
barbarians ; the nobility fled into Hungary, and the
peafants fought an afylum among rocks and impene¬
trable forefts. Cracow, being left entirely defencelefs,
was foon taken, pillaged, and burnt; after which the
barbarians, penetrating into Silefia and Moravia, defo-
lated thefe countries, deftroying Breflau and other ci¬
ties. Nor did Hungary efcape the fury of their barba¬
rity : the king gave battle to the Tartars, but was de¬
feated with vaft daughter, and had the mortification to
fee his capital laid in afties, and above 100,000 of his
fubjedfs perifh by fire and fword. The arms of the
Tartars were invincible ; nothing could withftand the
prodigious number of forces which they brought in¬
to the field, and the fury with which they fought.
They fixed their head-quarters on the frontiers of Hun¬
gary ; and fpread their devaftations on every fide with
a celerity and fuccefs that threatened the deftruftion
of the whole empire, as well as of the neighbouring
kingdoms.
In this dreadful fituation was Poland, when Bole-
flaus, furnamed the Chqfie, was raifed to the fove¬
reignty ; but this, fo far from putting an end to the
troubles, only fuperadded a civil war to the reft of the
calamities. Boleflaus was oppofed by his uncle Con¬
rade the brother of Lechus, who was provoked at be¬
coming the fubjeft of his own nephew. Having af-
fembled a powerful army, he gained pofleffion of Cra¬
cow ; affumed the title of duke, of Poland; and might
poffibly have kept poffeffion of the fovereignty, had
not his avarice and pride equally offended the nobility
and peafants. In confequence of their difeontents,
they unanimoufly invited Boleflaus, who had fled in¬
to Hungary, to come and head the infurreftion which S9
now took place in every quarter. On his arrival, he Knights of
was joyfully received into the capital: but Conrade'h6 T61110*
ft ill headed a powerful party ; and it is rePorted> that^®^"
on this occafion the knights of the Teutonic orderjrjt0 p0_
were firft called into Poland, to difpute the pretefifionsland.
of Boleflaus. All the endeavours of Conrade, however,
proved unfuccefsful: he was defeated in two pitched
battles, and forced to live in a private fituation ; tho*
he never ceafed to harafs his nephew, and make frefti
attempts to recover the crown. However, of the reign
of Boleflaus we have1 little account, except that he
made a vow of perpetual continency, and impq-
fed the fame on his wife ; that he founded near 4P
monafteries ; and that he died, after a long reign, in
35 U 2 1279,
POL [ 6368 ] POL
•Poland. 1279, after having adopted Lechus duke of Cujavia,
'*■ and procured a confirmation of his choice by the free
■ele&ion of the people.
The reign of this laft prince was one continued fcene
of foreign and domefiic trouble. On his firft acceffion
over-run bv^c was attacked by the united forces of Ruffia and Li¬
the Ruf- thuania affifted by the Tartars; whom, however, he
fians. Tar- had the good fortune to defeat in a pitched battle. By
tars, and tjjjs v;&ory the enemy were obliged to quit the king-
Lithuam- jom _ Lechus was fo much weakened, that civil
diffenfions took place immediately after. Thefe in-
creafed to fuch a degree, that Lechus was obliged to
fly to Hungary, the common refource of diftreffed Po-
lifh princes. The inhabitants of Cracow alone remain¬
ed firm in their duty ; and thefe brave citizens flood
all the fatigue and danger of a tedious fiege, till they
were at laft relieved by Lechus at the head of an Hun¬
garian army, who defeated the rebels, and reftored
the legitimate fovereign. He had fcarce reafcended
the throne, when the united forces of the Ruffians,
Tartars, and Lithuanians, made a fecod irruption into
Poland, and defolated the country with the moft fa-
vage barbarity. Their forces were now rendered more
terrible than ever by their having along with them a
vaft number of large dogs trained to the art of war.
Lechus, however, with an army much inferior, ob¬
tained a complete vi&ory ; the Poles being animated
by defpair, as perceiving, that, if they were conquer¬
ed, they muft alfo be devoured. Soon after this, Le¬
chus died with the reputation of a warlike, wife, but
unfortunate prince. As he died without iflue, his
crown was contefted, a civil war again enfued; and
the affairs df the ftate continued in a very declin¬
ing way till the year 1296, when Premiflaus, the duke
at that time, refumed the title of king. However,
they did not revive in any confiderable degree till the
year 1305, when Uladiflaus Lodlicus, who had feized
g, the throne in 13CO, and afterwards been driven out,
War with was again reftored to it. The firft tranfa&ion of his
theTemo- reign Was a war with the Teutonic knights, who had
mic knights.nfurpej the greater part of Pomerania during the late
difturbances. They had been fettled in the territory of
Culm by Conrade, duke of Mazovia ; but foon ex¬
tended their dominion over the neighbouring provin¬
ces, and had even got poffeffion of the city of Dantzic,
where they maflacred a number of Pomeranian gentle¬
man in cold blood; which fo much terrified the'neigh¬
bouring towns, that they fubmitted without a ftroke.
The knights were commanded by the Pope himfelf to
renounce their conquefts ; but they fet at nought all
his thunders, and even fuffered themfelves to be ex¬
communicated rather than part with them. As foon as
this happened, the king marched into the territories
of the marquis of Brandtnbprg, becaufe he had pre¬
tended to fell a right to the Teutonic knights to thofe
countries, when he had none to them to himfelf. U-
ladiflaus next entered the territory of Culm, where he
laid every thing wafte with fire and fword ; and, be-
ing oppofed by the joint forces of the marquis, the
knights, and the duke of Mazovia, he obtained a com¬
plete viAory after a defperate and bloody engagement.
Without purfuing the blow, he returned to Poland,
recruited his army, and being reinforced by a body of
auxiliaries from Hungary and Lithuania, he difperfed
the enemy’s forces, and ravaged a fecond time all the
dominions of the Teutonic order. Had he improved Poland.
this advantage, he might eafily have exterminated the   
whole order, or at leaft reduced them fo low, that they
could never have occafioned any more diflurbances in
the ftate ; but he fuffered himfelf to be foothed and ca¬
joled by the promifes which they made without any
defign of keeping them, and concluded a treaty un¬
der the mediation of the kings of Hungary and Bohe¬
mia. In a few months he was convinced of the per¬
fidy of the knights ; for they not only refufed to eva¬
cuate Pomerania as had been ftipulated in the treaty,
but endeavoured to extend their ufurpations, for which
purpofe they had affembled a very confiderable army.
Uladiflaus enraged at their treachery, took the field a
third time, and gave them battle with fuch fuccefs,
that 4000 knights were left dead on the fpot, and
30,000 auxiliaries killed or taken prifoners. Yet,
though the king had it once more in his power to de-
ftroy the whole Teutonic order, he fatisfied himfelf
with obtaining the territories which had occafioned the
war; after which hefpent the remainder of his li/e in
peace and tranquillity.
Uladiflaus was fucceeded by his fon Cafimir III.
furnamed the Gnat. He lubdued the province called Rullia Ni->
Ruffia Nigra in a fingle compaign. Next he turned con-
his arms againft Mazovia; and with the utmoft rapi- bT
dity over-ran the duchy, and annexed it as a province C
to the crown : after which, he applied himfelf to do-
meftic affairs, and was the firft who introduced a
written code of laws into Poland. He was the .moft
impartial judge, the moft rigid obferver of juftice, and
the moft fubmiffive to the laws, of any potentate men¬
tioned in the hiftory of Europe. The only vice with
which he is charged is that of incontinency; but even
this the clergy declared to be a venial fin, and amply
compenfated by his other virtues, particularly the great
liberality which he (hewed to the clerical order.
Cafimir was fucceeded in 1370 by his nephew Lewjs^j^^y.
king of Hungary; but, as the Poles looked upon reign of
him to be a foreign prince, they were not .happy un-Lewis,
der his adminiftration. Indeed a coldnefs between this
monarch and his people took place even before he af-
cended the throne ; for in the pafta conventa, to which
the Polifh monarchs were obliged to fwear, a great
number of unufual articles were inferted. This pro¬
bably was the reafon why he left Poland almoft as
foon as his coronation was over, carrying with him the
crown, feeptre, globe, and fword of ftate, to prevent
the Poles from eleAing another prince during his ab-
fence. He left the government in the hands of his
mother Elizabeth ; and (he would have been agreeable
to the people, had her capacity for government been
equal to the talk. At that time, however, the ttate
of Poland was too much diftradted to be governed by
a woman. The country was over-run with bold rob¬
bers and gangs of villains, who committed the moft
horrid difordeis ; the kingdom was likewife invaded
by the Liihuanians; the whole province of Ruffia
Nigra revolted ; and ihe kingdom was univerfally filled
with diffenfion. The Poles could not bear to fee their
towns filled with Hungarian garrifons j and therefore
fent a meffage to the king, telling him that they
thought he had bgen fufficientfy honoured in being
elefted king of Poland himfelf, without fuffering the
kingdom to be^governed by a woman and iris Hun¬
garian
POL [ 6369 ] POL
Poland, garian fubj^Qs. On this Lewis immediately raifed a
~ .numerous army, with a defign fully to conquer the
fpirit of his fubje&s. His firft operations were direc¬
ted againft the Ruffians ; whom he defeated, and a-
gain reduced to fubjeftion. Then he turned his arms
againft the Lithuanians, drove them out of the king¬
dom, and re eftablifhed'public tranquillity. However,
inftead of bi-ing fatisfied with this, and removing the
Hungarian garrifons, he introduced many more, and
raifed Hungarians to all the chief pofts of government.
His credit and authority even went fo far as to get a
fucceffor nominated who was difagreeakle to the whole
nation, namely Sigifmund marquis of Brandenburg.
After the death of Lewis, however, this ele&ion was
fet afide ; and Hedwiga, daughter of Cafimir the Great,
was proclaimed queen.
Hedwign This prjncefs married Jageilo duke of Lithuania,
marries thewho was now converted to Chriftianity, and baptized
duke of Li- by the name oi. Uladiflaus. In confequence of this
IhTbv’u- marr‘age> t^e duchy of Lithuania, as well as the vaft
niting that provinces of Samogitia and Ruffia Nigra, became an-
duchy, to- nexed to the crown of Poland. Such a formidable
gether with acceffion of power excited the jealoufy of the.Teutonic
and Ruffia w^° were fenfible that Uladiflaus was now
Nigra, to bound to undertake the reduftion of Pomerania, and
Poland. revenge all the injuries which Poland had fuftained
from them for a great number of years. From his
firft acceffion therefore they confidered this monarch
as their greateft enemy, and endeavoured to prevent
bis defigns againft them by effe&ing a revolution in
Lithuania in favour of his brother Andrew. The
profpeft of fuccefs was the greater here, as moft of the
nobility were difcontented with the late alliance, and
Uladiflaus had propoied to effeft a revolution in re¬
ligion, which was highly difagrecable. On a fudden,
therefore, two.armies marched towards the frontiers of
the duchy, which they as fuddenly penetrated, laying
wafte the whole country, and feizing upon fome im¬
portant fortrefles before the king of Poland had any
notice of the matter. As foon as he received advice
cf thefe ravages, Uladiflatis raifed fome forces with the
mmoft celerity, which he committed to the care of his
brother Skirgello, who defeated the Teutonic knights,
and foon obliged them to abandon all their conquefts.
In the mean time Uladiflaus marched in perfon into
the Higher Poland, which was fubje&ed to a variety of
petty tyrants, who opprefled the people, and governed
with intolerable defpotifm. The palatine of Pofnia
in particular had diftinguifhed himfelf by his rebellious
practices; but he was completely defeated by Uladi-
Cj flans', and the whole country reduced to obedience.
Troubles in Having fecured the tranquillity of Poland, Uladi-
I.ithuauia. ^aus Lithuania, attended by a great number of
the clergy, in order to convert his fubjefts. This
he effefted without great difficulty; but left the care
of the duchy to his brother Skirgello, a tpan of a
cruel, haughty, and debauched turn, and who im¬
mediately began to abufe his power. With him' the
king fent his coufin Vitowda, a prince of a generous,
brave, and amiable difpdfition, to be a check upon
bis conduCl ; but the barbarity of Skirgello foon
obliged this prince to take refuge among the Teutonic
knights, who were now become the afylum of the
opprtfLd and difcontented. For fome time, however,
he did not the knights io their defigns againft
his country; but having applied for prote&ion to the Poland.
king, and finding him remifs in affording the neceflary 
affiilance, he at latt joined in the fchemes formed by
the knights for the deftru&ion of Poland. Entering
Lithuania at the head of a numerous army, he took
the capital, burnt part of it, and deftroyed 14,000
perfons in the flames, befides a great number who
were maflacred in attempting to make their efcape.
The upper part of the city, however, was vigoroufly
defended, fo that the befiegers were at laft obliged to
abandon all thoughts of making themfelves mailers of
it, and to content themfelves with defolating the adja¬
cent country. The next year Vitowda renewed his
attempts upon this city, but with the fame ill fticcefs :
though he got poffeffion of fome places of lefs note.
As foon, however, as an opportunity offered, he came
to an accommodation with the king, who beftowed on
him the government of Lithuania. During the firft
years of his government, he beftowed the moft dili¬
gent attention upon domeftic affairs, endeavouring to
repair the calamities which the late wars had occation-
ed; but his impetuous valour prompted him at laft to
engage in a war with Tamerlane the Great, after his-
victory over Bajazet the Turkilh emperor. For fome
time before, Vitowda had been at war with the neigh¬
bouring Tartars, and had beeh conftantly victorious,
tranfporting whole hords of that barbarous people into
Poland and Lithuania, where to this day they form
a colony diftinft in manners and drefs from the other
inhabitants. Uladiflaus, however, diffuaded him from7,err;i,|:.
attacking the whole ftrength of the nation under fuch'battle with'
a celebrated commander as Tamerlane; but Vitowda the Tartars;
was obftinate : he encountered an army of 400,000
Tartars under Ediga, Tamerlane’s lieutenant, with ,
only a tenth part of their number. The battle con¬
tinued for a whole day ; but at laft Vitowda was fur-
rounded by the numbers of his enemy, and in the ut-
moft danger of being cut in pieces. However, he
broke his way through, with prodigious flaughter on
both fides; and came off at laft without a total defeat,
having killed a number of the enemy equal to the
whole of his own army. 1 <j7'
Duringthe abfence of Vitowda, the Teutonic knights Wars with
had penetrated into Lithuania, committing every‘h® T'e.ui.°~
where the moft dreadful ravages. On his return hemc n‘£‘ti”
attacked and defeated them, making an irruption into
Livonia, to puniih the inhabitants of that country for
the affiftance they had given to the Teutonic order.
This was fucceeded by a long feries of wars between
Poland and Pruffia, in which it became neceffary for
Uladiflaus himfelf to take the field. The knights had
now, one way or other, got poffeffion of Samogitia,
Mazovia, Culm, Silefia, and Pomerania; fo that Ula¬
diflaus refolved to punifh them before they became too
powerful. With this view he affembled an army com-
pofed of feveral different nations, with which he pe¬
netrated into Pruffia, took feveral towns, and was ad¬
vancing to Marienburg the capital of Pomerania,
when he was met by the army of the Pruffian knights,
who determined to hazard a battle. When the en¬
gagement began, the Poles were deferted by all their
auxiliaries, and obliged to (land the brunt of the battle
by themfelves. The courage and conduct of their
king, however, fo animated them, that after a moft
defperate battle they, obtained a complete- vi&ory;
near*
Poland.
68
IHadiflaus
defeated
and killed
by the
'I'tirks.
69
Teutonic
Jt nights
lubdlted.
POL
[ 6370 ]
POL
near 40,000 pf the enemy being killed in the field,
"and 30,000 taken prifoners. This terrible overthrow,
however, was lefs fatal to the affairs of the Pruffian
knights than might have been expedled ; asUladiflaus
did not improve his vi&ory, and a peace was con¬
cluded upon eafier terms than his adverfaries had any
reafon to expe£t.—Some infradtion of the treaty oc-
•cafioned a renewal of hoftilities; and Uladiflaus was fo
much elated with viftory that he would hearken to
no terms, by which means the enemy were driven to
the defperate refolution of burying themfelves in the
ruins of their capital. The liege was accordingly com¬
menced, and both Tides behaved with the greateft
vigour; but at laft, through the good conduft and
valour of the grand mafter of the knights name Pla-
rwen, the Polifh morarch found himfelf obliged to
grant them an advantegeous peace, at a time when it
was univerfally expefted that the whole order would
have been exterminated.
Uladiflaus V. died in 1435, and was fucceeded by
his fon Uladiflaus VI. at that time only nine years of
age. He had fcarce afcended the throne when the
•kingdom was invaded by the Tartars, who defeated
Buccarius the general of the Polifh forces; and com¬
mitting every where dreadful ravages, returned to their
own country loaden with booty. A few years after,
the nation was involved in a war with Amurath the
emperor of the Turks, who threatened to break into
Hungary ; and it was thought by the diet to be good
policy to afiill the Hungarians at this junfture, be-
caufe it was impoflible to know where the ftorm might
fall after Hungary was conquered. But before all
things were prepared for the young king to take the reign of Cafimir III. the deputies of the provinces
field, a ftrongbody of auxiliaries were difpatehed
his acceflion, he fliould do homage for Pruflia, and Poland,
take an oath of fidelity to the king and republic. ‘
This fuccefs raifed the fpirits of the Polifh nation,
which had drooped ever fince the battle of Varna. The
diet did not, however, think proper to renew the war
againft the Turks, but took under their proteAion the
hofpodar of Moldavia ; as thinking that this province
would make a convenient barrier to the Polifh domi¬
nions on one fide. The requeft jof the prince who
allied this prote&ion was therefore readily granted,
an oath of fidelity exa&ed from him and the inhabitants,
and a tribute required ; regular payment of which
was made for a great number of years afterwards. 70
About this time alfo the crown of Bohemia beco-Crowns of
ming vacant, the people were extremely defirous
being governed by one of the princes of Poland; upong)iry l]n;t'e(j
which, the barons were induced to bellow the crown to Poland,
upon Uladiflaus, eldeft fon to Cafimir, in oppofition
to the intrigues of the king of Hungary. Not fatis-
fied with this acquifition, Uladiflaus took advantage
of the diflenfions in Hungary, in order to unite that
crown to his own : and this he alfo effe&ed ; by which
means his power was greatly augmented, though not
the felicity of his people. So many foreign expedi¬
tions had exhaufted the treafury, and oppreffed the
peafants with taxes ; the gentry were greatly dimi-
nifhed by a number of bloody engagements; agricul¬
ture was negledled, and the country almolt depopula¬
ted. Before a proper remedy could be applied for
thefe evils, Cafimir died in 1492; much more admi¬
red, than beloved or regretted, by his fubje&s. It is
related by the hiftorians of this period, that in the
der the celebrated John Hunniades vaivode of Tran-
fylvania, to oppofe the Turks, and likewife to fupport
theeleftion ofUladiflaustothecrownofHungary. This
detachment furprifed the Turkilh army near the river
Morava, and defeated Amurath with the lofs of 40,00
men ; after which Hunniades retook all the places which
had been conquered by Amurath, the proud Sultan was
forced tofuefor peace, and Uladiflaus was raifed without
oppolition to the crown of Hungary. A treaty was
concluded, by which the Turks promifed to relinguilh
their defigns upon Hungary, to acknowledge the
king’s right to that crown, and to give up all their
conquefts in Rafcifi and Servia. This treaty was
fealed by mutual oaths : but Uladiflaus broke it at the
perfualion of the Pope’s legate ; who infilled, that
now was the time for humbling the power of the infi¬
dels ; and produced a fpecial commilfion from the
pope, abfolving him from the oath he had taken at
the late treaty. The confequence of this perfidy was,
that Uladiflaus was entirely defeated and killed at Var¬
na, and the greateft part of his army cut in pieces.
Uladiflaus VI. was fucceeded by Cafimir III. in
whole reign the Teutonic knights were fubdued, and
obliged to yield up the territories of Culm, Michlow,
and the whole duchy of Pomerania, together with the
towns of Elhing, Mariemburg, Talkmith, Schut, and
retgn 01 Caumir III. the deputies ot the provinces
firft appeared at the diet, and aflumed to themfelves
the legiflative power; all laws before this time having
been framed by the king in conjundlion with the fe-
nate. It is obferved alfo, that before Cafimir’s time,
the Latin language was underftood only by the clergy
of Poland ; in proof of which, it is alleged, that at an
interview between this prince and the king of Sweden
at Dantzick, his Polifti majefty was forced to make
ufe of the affiftance of a monk to interpret between
him and the Swedilh monarch. Cafimir, alhamed of
the ignorance ftiown by himfelf and court, publilhed
an edid, enjoining the diligent ftudy of the Latin,
which in our days is fpoken as vernacular by every Po¬
lifh gentleman, though very unclafiically.
During the fucceeding reigns of John, Albert, and
Alexander, the Polifh affairs fell into decline ; the
kingdom being harrafl’ed by continual wars with the
Turks and Tartars. However, they were retrieved
by Sigifmund I. who afcended the throne in 1507. yi
This monarch, having reformed fome internal abufes, Exploits of
next fet about rendering the kingdom as formidable as itSigifraund
had formerly been. He firft quelled a rebellion which b
broke out in Lithuania; after which, he drove the
Walachians and Moldavians out of Ruffia Nigra, and
defeated the Ruffians in a pitched battle, with the lofs
of 30,000 men. In this engagement he Was obliged
to caufe his cavalry fwim acrofs the Borifthenes to be-
Chriftburgh, to the crown of Poland. On the other gin the attack, while a bridge was preparing for the
hand, the king reftoredto them all the other conquefts
he had made in Pruffia, granted a feat in the Polifh
fenate to the grand-mafter, and endowed him with
other privileges, on condition that, fix months after
infantry. Thefe orders were executed with aftoniih-
ing celerity, notwithftanding the rapidity of the ftream,
the fteepnefsof the banks, and the enemy’s oppofition.
The onfet was led by the Lithuanians, who were di-
recled
POL [ 6371 ] POL
Poland, re&ed to retreat gradually, with a view of drawing
~ the enemy within reach of the cannon. This the Ruf¬
fians miftook for a real flight ; and as they were pur-
fuing with eagernefs, Sigifmund opened his line to the
right and left, pouring in grape-fhot from the artillery
with dreadful fuccefs. The Ruffian general, and fe-
veral noblemen of the firft diftin&ion, were taken pri-
foners, while the whole lofs of the royal army did not
amount to 300 men.
After this complete viflory, the king turned his
arms againft the Teutonic knights, who had elefted
the marquis of Brandenburgh their grand-mafter ; and
this prince not only refufed to acknowledge the fove-
reignty of the crown of Poland, but even invaded the
Polifh territories. Sigifmund marched againft. him,
and gained poffeffion of feveral important places in
Brandenburgh ; but as he was purfuinghis conquefts,
the marquis was reinforced by 14,000 Germans, led
by the duke of Schonenburg, who ventured to lay
fiege to Dantzic, after having ravaged all the neigh¬
bouring country. The Dantzickers, however, de¬
fended themfelves with fo much fpirit, that the befic*
gers were foon obliged to relinquifh their enterprife.
In their retreat they were attacked by a ftrong detach¬
ment of Polifh cavalry, who made prodigions havock,
and compelled the wretched remains to take ffielter in
Pomerania, where they were inhumanely butchered by
the peafants. Soon after this the marquis was obli¬
ged to fubmit to the clemency of the conqueror ; from
whom, however, he obtained better conditions than
could have been expe&ed, or indeed than he would
have got, had he not abandoned the intereft of the
Teutonic order, and refigned the dignity of grand-
mafter. In order to fecure him in his intereft, there¬
fore, Sigifmund granted him half the province of
Pruffia as a fecular duke, and dependent on the crown
of Poland ; by which means he entirely deprived that
order of the beft part of their dominions, and put it
quite out of their power to difturb the tranquillity
of Poland any more.
The power of Sigifmund had now excited the jea-
loufy of the Houfe of Auftria; for which reafon they
took every method in their power to ftir up enemies
againft him. By their means, the Ruffians, Molda¬
vians, and Tartars, were all excited to fall upon the
Polifh territories at once. The vaivode of Walachia,
with 50,000 men, made an irruption into the fmall
province of Pokatior, but was entirely defeated by
count Taro at the head of no more than 6000. This
victory is wholly afcribed to.the good conduft of the
commander, who poffefTed himfelf of fome eminences
on the flanks of the enemy. On thefe he erefted bat¬
teries ; which played with fuch fury, as foon put their
ranks in diforder : upon which the Poles attacked them
fword in hand, and entirely difperfed them with thelofs
of 10,000 killed or taken. The count having then
augmented his army with a ftrong body of Lithua¬
nians, attacked the Mufcovites and Tartars, drove
them entirely out of the duchy, purfued them into
Ruffia, reduced feveral towns, and at laft laid fiege
to the ftrong fortrefs of Straradub ; in which the re¬
gent, together with fome of the beft troops of Ruffia,
werejnclofed. The garrifon made a gallant defence ;
and the fortifications were compofed of beams joined
together, and fupported by a bulwark of earth, upon
which the cannon-fhot made no impreffion : but the Poland,
count contrived a method of fetting the wood on fire ;
by which means the regent and nobility were obliged
to furrender at difcretion, and Taro carried off up¬
wards of 60,000 prifoners, with an immenfe booty.
In the reign of Sigifmund, wc may look*upon the
kingdom of Poland to have been at its greateft pitch
of glory. This monarch poffeffed, in his own perfon,
the republic of Poland, the great duchies of Lithua¬
nia, Smolenfko, and Saveria, befides vaft territories
lying beyond the Euxine and Baltic; while his ne¬
phew Lewis poffeffed the kingdoms of Bohemia, Hun¬
gary, and Silefia. But this glory received a fudden
check in 1548, by the defeat and death of Lewis,
who perifhed in a battle fought with Solyman the
Great, emperor of the Turks. The daughter of this
prince married Ferdinand of Auftria ; whereby the
dominions of Hungary, Bohemia, and Silefia, be¬
came infeparably connefted with the hereditary domi¬
nions of the Auftrian family. This misfortune is
thought to have haftened the death of Sigifmund ; tho*
being then in his 84th year, he could not have lived
long by the ordinary courfe of nature. He did not,
however, furvive the news many months, but died of
a lingering diforder, leaving behind him the charac¬
ter of the completeft general, the abkft politician, the
beft prince, and the ftrongeft man, in the north; of
which laft, indeed, fome inftances are related by hi-
ftorians, that are almoft incredible.
Sigifmund Auguftus, who fucceeded his father Si- Sigifmund
gifmund I. proved alfo a very great and happy prince. a
At that time the moft violent and bloody wars were ^Uant^
carrying on in Germany, and indeed through other prince,
parts of Europe, on account of religion ; but Sigif¬
mund wifely avoided interfering in thefe difputes. He
would not admit into his dominions any of thofe di¬
vines who were taxed with holding heterodox opinions,
nor even allow his people the liberty of correfponding
with them; yet he never perfecuted, or employed any,
other means for the prefervation of the ftatethan thofe
of a well-condufted and regular policy. Inftead of de¬
puting with his fubjedls about fpeculative opinions, Si¬
gifmund applied himfelf diligently to the reforming of
abufes, enforcing the laws, enriching the treafury, pro¬
moting induftry, and redeeming the crown-lands where
the titles of the poffeffors appeared illegal. Out of the
revenue recovered in this manner he maintained a for¬
midable {landing army, without laying any additional
tax upon the fubjeds; and though he preferred peace,
to war, he was always able to punifh thofe that offer¬
ed indignities to his crown or perfon. His knowledge
in the art of war was foon tried in a conteft with the Ruffia.
Ruffians, who had made an irruption into Livonia, en¬
couraged by the difputes which had fubfifted between
the Teutonic knights and the archbifhop of Riga, con-
fin to Sigifmund. The province was at that time di¬
vided between the knights and the prelate; and the
Ruffians, under pretence of affifting the former, had
feized great part of the dominions of latter. The arch-
biftiop had recourfe to his kinfman the king of Poland;
who, after fruitlefs efforts to accommodate matter*,
marched towards the frontiers of Livonia with an army
of 100,000 men. The knights were by no means able
to refill fuch a formidable power; and therefore, defert-
ing their late allies, put themfelves under the protec-
tioa
POL [ 6372 ] POL
Poland, tion of the kitig of Poland. The czar, John Bafilides,
though deferted by the knights, did not lofe his cou¬
rage; nay, he even infolently refufed to return any an-
fwer to the propofals of peace made' by Sigifmund.
His army confided of 300,000 men, with whom he
imagined ‘himfelf able to reduce all Livonia, in fpite
of the utmoft efforts of the king of Poland; however,
having met with fome checks on that quarter, he di-
reflly invaded Poland with his whole army. At firil
he carried every thing before him; but the Poles foon
made a vigorous oppolition. Yet the Ruffians, though
every where defeated, ftill continued their incurfions,
which Sigifnaund at laft revenged by invading Ruffia
in his turn. Thefe mutual defolafions and ravages at
laft made both parties defirous of peace, and a truce
74 for three years was agreed on; during the continuance
ExtinAion 0f which the king of Poland died, and with him was
t^ie ^ou^eo^ Jage^°> which had governed
J ^ ’ Poland for near 200 years.
On the death of Sigifmund, Poland became a prey
to inteftine divifions; and a vail number of intrigues
were fet on foot at the courts of Vienna, France, Sax¬
ony, Sweden, and Brandenburgh; each endeavouring
to eftablifli a prince of their own nation on the throne
IMftrafted of Poland. The confequence of all this was, that the
pate of p°-kingdom became one univerfal fcene of corruption,
an ’ faftion, and confufion; the members of the diet con-
fulted only their own intereft, and were ready on every
occafion to fell themfelves to the beft bidder. The
Proteftants had by this time got a confiderable footing
in the kingdom, and thus religious difputes were in¬
termingled with political ones. One good effeft, how¬
ever, flowed from this eonfufion: for a law was paffed,
by which it was enafted, thai no difference in religious
opinions (hould make any contention among the fub-
je&s of the kingdom; and that all the Poles, without
difcrimination, {hould be capable of holding public of¬
fices and trufts under the government; and it was alfo
refolved, that the future king {hould fwear exprefsly to
cultivate the internal tranquillity of the realm, and che-
rifli, without diftin&ion, their fubje&s of all perfua-
fions.
While the candidates for the throne were feverally
attempting to fupport their own intereft; in the beft
manner they could, John Crafofki, a Polifh gentleman
of great merit, but diminutive ftature, had juft returned
from France, whither he had travelled for improve¬
ment. His humour, wit, and diverting fize, had ren¬
dered him univerfally agreeable at the court of France,
and in a particular manner engaged the efteem of Ca¬
therine de Medicis, which the little Pole had the ad-
drefs to make ufe of for his own advantage. He owed
many obligations to the duke of Anjou; whom, out of
gratitude, he reprefented in fuch favourable terms, that
the Poles began to entertain thoughts of making him
their king. Thefe fentiments were confirmed and en¬
couraged by Crafoflii, who returned into France by
order of feveral leading men in Poland, and acquainted
the king and queen Catharine, that nothing was want¬
ing betides the formality of an embaffy to procure the
crown for the duke of Anjou, almoft without oppoti-
tiou. Charles IX. king of France- at that time, alfo
promoted the fcheme, being jealous of the duke of An¬
jou’s popularity, and willing to have him removed to
as great a diftance a* poffible. Accordingly the par¬
ties came to an agreement; and it was ftipulated that Poland,
the duke of Anjou fhould maintain the laws, liberties,
and cuftoms of the kingdom of Poland, and of
grand duchy of Lithuania; that he {hould tranfport ah AnjoVcho-
his effeiSs and annual revenues in France into Polandjfen king of
that the French monarch {hould pay the late king Si-Poland,
gifmund’s debts; that he {hould maintain 10O young
Polilh gentlemen at his court, and 50 in other places";
that he {hould fend a fleet to the Baltic, to affift Po4
land againft the Ruffians; and lallly, that Henry {hould
marry the princefs Anne, After to the late king Sigif¬
mund; but this article Henry would not ratify till hia
return to Poland.
Every thing being thus fettled, the young king quit¬
ted France, attended by a fplendid retinue, and was
accompanied by the queen-mother as far as Lorrain.
He was received by his fubjefts on the frontiers of Po¬
land,and conduced to Cracow, where he was foon al¬
ter crowned. The affe&ions of the Poles were foon
engaged by the youth and accomplilhments of Henry;
but fcarce was he feated on the throne, when, by the
death of Charles IX. he became heir to the crown of
France. Of this he was informed by repeated mef-
fages from queen Catharine; he repented his having
accepted the crown of Poland, and refolved to leave it
for that of France. But being fenfible that the Poles Runs away
would oppofe his departure, be kept his intentions fe £r.&m his
cret, and watched an opportunity of ftealing out of thekins<lom'
palace in difguife in the night-time. The Poles, as
might well have been expefted, were irritated at being
thus abandoned, from the mere motive of intereft, by
a prince whom they had loved and honoured fo much.
Parties were difpatched after him by different roads ;
and Zamoflei, a nobleman who headed one of thefe
parties, overtook him fome leagues diftant from Cra¬
cow. All the prayers and tears of that nobleman, how¬
ever, could not prevail on Henry to return ; he rode
poft to Vienna, and then paffed into France by the way
of Italy.
In the mean time the Poles were fo much exafpera-
ted againft Henry and his whole nation, that all the
French in Cracow would have been maffacred if the
magittrates had not placed guards in the ttreets. Hen¬
ry, however, had forefeen the confequences of his flight,
and therefore endeavoured to apologife for bis beha¬
viour. One Danzai undertook his caiffe in full fenate;
and with great eloquence explained the king’s motives
for his abrupt departure. Henry alfo wrote to the
chief nobility and clergy with his own hand. But no¬
thing could fatisfy the Poles; who now acquainted
their king, that if he did not immediately return, they
would be obliged to diveft him of the royal dignity,
and to choofe another fovereign. Henry began to ex-
cufe himfelf on account of the wars in which he was
engaged, and promifed to fend men of unexceptionable
integrity to govern Poland till he {hould return: but 78
no excufes could be accepted; and, on the 15th of July And *s ^c*
I575» he was folemnly divefted of the regal dignity inpo^’
full diet, and the throne declared vacant.
After the depofition of Henry, the commotions and
factions again took place. However, the contending
parties were now reduced to two; one who fupported
the intereft of Maximilian emperor of Germany; the
other, who were for elefting the princets Anne, and
marrying her to Stephen Batori prince of Tranfylva-
nia,
POL [ 6373 ] POL
Poland, nia. The latter prevailed through the courage of one
gentleman, who, in imitation of the power affumed by
Ste hen Ba t^ie ^oman tribunes, ftood up in the full fenate, and
tori chofen oppofed the proclamation of Maximilian, declaring
king. that his ele&ion was violent and illegal. In this fitua-
tion of affairs, it was obvious that ftrength and cele¬
rity muft determine which eleiflion was legitimate:
both parties wrote to the princes whofe caufe they had
efpoufed, intreating them to come with all poffible ex¬
pedition to take pofftffion of the throne. Batori pro¬
ved the more alert; for while Maximilian was difputing
about certain conditions which the Poles required for
the fecurityof their privileges, he entered Poland, mar¬
ried the princefs, and was crowned on the ill of May
So 1576.
re" No oppofition was made to the authority of Batori
vo s‘ except by the inhabitants of Dantzick. Thefe ad¬
hered to the interell of Maximilian even after he was
dead, and had the prefumption to demand from the
king an oath acknowledging their abfolute freedom
and independence. Batori referred them to the fenate,
declaring that he had no right to give up the privileges
of the republic ; but admonifhed the citizens to avoid
all occafion of a civil war, which muft neceflarilf termi¬
nate in their difadvantage. But the obftinate citizens,
conftruing the king’s lenity into fear, fhut the gates
againft the ambaffador, feized upon the fortrefs of
Grebin, and publiflved a manifefto refembing a libel
upon the king and the republic. The king', incenfed
at thefe proceedings, marched againft Grebin, re¬
took the caftle, and ravaged certain territories be-
longing to the Dantzickers; who retaliated by burning
to the ground a monaftery named Oliva, to prevent
the Poles from taking pofftffion of fo important a
fnuation.
Notwithftanding thefe outrages, Batori renewed
Kjs overtures for an accommodation : but the Dant¬
zickers were deaf to thefe falutary propofals; fo that
he was obliged to declare them rebels, and fend a-
gainft them a body of troops under one Zborowlki.
As the number of the Polilh army, however, was
not confiderable, the Dantzickers marched out to give
him battle. They were affifted by a corps of Ger¬
mans, and a refolution was formed of attacking the
Poles in their camp by furprize ; but the projeft was
difconcerted by a hidden floral accompanied with
dreadful thunder and lightning, which fpread a papic
through the army, as if it had been a judgment from
heaven, and obliged the commander, John de Collen,
to retire into the city.—In a fhort time, however,
they recovered their fpirits, and came to an aftion with
the Poles; but were defeated with the lofs of 8000
men killed on the fpot, a great many taken prifoners,
and the lofs of feveral pieces cannon. But this check,
inftead abating the courage of the Dantzickers, only
animated them the more, and they refolved to hold
.Poland in- out to the laft extremity. In the mean time the.Czar of
vaded by Mufcovy, thinking the prefent opportunity favourable
the Rut- for extending his dominions, laid liege to Revel; but,
bans. not being able to make himfelf mailer of that place,
he was obliged fo content himfelf with ravaging Li¬
vonia, which he did in a dreadful manner. This did
not, however, hinder Batori from laying fiege to
Dantzick in perfon, and purfuing the operations with
the rrtmoft vigour. Collen made many vigorous fallies
Vol. IX. 1
in feveral of which he defeated the Poles: but hap- Poland,
pening at laft to be killed, nobody was found capable
of fupplying his place, and the citizens were at laft 8;t
obliged to furrender at diferetion ; though not till they Damzicfub-
had obtained a promife from the eledtor of Saxony mits.
and landgrave of Heffe of interpofing as mediators
in their behalf. The only terms which the king de¬
manded of them were, that they Ihould alkhis pardon,
difmlfs their troops, and rebuild the monaftery of
Oliva which they had deftroyed ; while his majefty,
on the other hand, confirmed all their privileges, and
granted them full liberty of adhereing to the confeffion
of Augfburg, for which they had for fome time been
ftrenuous advocates. Crueft3 of
The war with Dantzick was no fooner ended, than th^Ruf-
the king diredfed his whole ftrength againft the czarfians.
of Mufcovy, who had made himfelf mafter of feveral
important cities in Livonia. The czar behaved every
where with the greateft cruelty, flaughtering all without
diftindlion who were able to bear arms, and abandon¬
ing the women and children to the (hocking brutality
of the Tartars who ferved in his army. Such was the^
horror infpired by the perfidy and cruelty of the czar’s
condudf, that the inhabitants of Wender chofe rather
to bury themfelves in the ruins of their town, than to
fubmit to fuch ah inhuman enemy. For a confiderable
time the Ruffians were allowed to proceed in this man¬
ner, till the whole province of Livonia, excepting Riga
and Revel, had fuffered the barbarities of this infulting
conqueror; but at laft, in f578, a body of forces was
difpatched into the province, the towns of Wender
and Dunnenburg were fuprifed, and an army fent by the
czar to furprife the former was defeated.
At this time the Mufcovites were not the only ene¬
mies who oppofed the king of Poland, and opprefled
Livonia. That unhappy province was alfo invaded by
the Swedes, who profeffed themfelves to be enemies
equally to both parties, and who were fcarce inferior
in cruelty to the Ruffians themfelves. The king, how-
ever, was not daunted by the number of his adverfa-
ries ; but having made great preparations, and called
to his afiiftarice Chriftopher prince of Tranfylvania,
with all the (landing forces of that country, he took
the field in perfon againft the Mufcovites, and laid g4
fiege to Polocz, a town of great importance fituated Siegeof Ps-
on the river Dwina. The Ruffians no fooner heard l°cz-
of the approach of the Polifh army, than they refol¬
ved to put all the citizens to death, thinking by this
means to ftrike terror into the enemy. When Batori
came near the town, the mod (hocking fpedlacle pre-
fented itfelf; the river appeared dyed with blood, and
a vaft number of human bodies faflened to planks,
and terribly mangled, were carried down its dream.
This barbarity, inftead of intimidating the Poles, ir¬
ritated them to fuch a degree, that nothing could re¬
fill them. Finding that their cannon made little im-
preffion upon the walls of the city, which were con-
drafted of wood, they advanced to the afiault with
burning torches in their hands ; and would foon have
reduced the fortifications to allies, had not a violent
ftorm of rain prevented them. The defign, however,
was put in execution as foon as the rain llackcned ;
and the barbarous Ruffians w-ere obliged to furrendev
at diferetion. It reflefts the higheft honour on Ba¬
ton, that, notwithftanding the dreadful inftances of
35 X cruelty
P O L
[ 6374 ]
POL
§ji
Poland, cruelty which he had before his eyes, he would not
" fufFer his foldiers to retaliate. Indeed the cruelties
committed by the Ruffians on this occafion, feem al-
Monftrous m°ft t0 have authorifed any revenge that could pof-
barbarities fibly have been taken. A number of Germans were
committed found in the city, fome expiring underthemoftdread-
by the Ruf-f^j tortures, and others dead of pains which nature
rity! U1 £ iatcould no longer fupport. Several of the officers had
been dipped in cauldrons of boiling oil, with a cord
drawn under the Ikin of the umbilical region, which
faftened their hands behind ; in which fituation their
eyes had been torn out from their fockets, or burnt
with redihot irons, and their faces otherwife terribly
mangled. The disfigured carcafes, indeed, plainly
ffiowed the barbarous treatment they had met with ;'
and the dreadful tale was confirmed by the teftimony
of the few who furvived. The Polifh foldiers were
exafperated almoft. to madnefs; fo that fcarce all the
authority of Batori could reftrain them from cutting
in pieces the wretches who had been the authors of
85 fuch a dreadful tragedy.
Ruflia rava? After the reduftion of Polocz, Batori continued the
S by Ba" War with great fuccefs. Two detachments from the
army penetrated the enemy’s country by different
roads, wafted all before them to the gates of Smolen-
were taught agriculture, and other arts proper for their Polantf. ]|
fex. 1
While Batori was employed in this manner, the
Swedes broke the convention into which they had en¬
tered with Poland, and were on the point of getting
pofleffion of Riga. To this, indeed, Batori himfelf
had given occafion, by attempting to impofe the Ro-
milh religion upon the inhabitants, after having pro-
tnifed them entire liberty of confcience.- This fo irri¬
tated them, that they revolted, and were on the point
of admitting a Swedifh garrifon into the city, when
the king was informed of what was going forward.
Upon this he refolved to take a mod exemplary ven- 8s?
geance on the inhabitants of Riga ; but before he death»
could execute his intention, he died in the year 1586,
the 54th of his age, and 10th of his reign.
The death of Batori involved Poland in frefh trou¬
bles. Four candidates appeared for the crown, viz.
the princes Erneft and Maximilian of thehoufe of Au-
ftria ; Sigifmund, prince of Sweden ; and Theodore
czar of Mufcovy. Each of thefe had a feparate par¬
ty ; but Sigifmund and Maximilian managed matters
fo well, that in 1587 both of them were elefted.
The confequence of this was a civil war ; in which
Maximilian was defeated and taken prifoner: and thus
fko, and returned with the fpoils of 2000 villages Sigifmund III. furnamed Zh? became matter of
which they had pillaged and deftroyed. In the mean the throne of Poland without oppofition. He waged
The Czar
fues for
peace..
time the Swedes and Poles thought proper to come to
an accommodation •. and though John king of Sweden
was at that time prevented from bearing his (hare of
the war, yet Batori reduced fuch a number of cities,
and committed fitch devaftations in the Ruffian terri¬
tories, that the Czar was obliged to fue for peace ;
which he obtained, on condition of relinquifliing Li¬
vonia, after having thrown away the lives of more
than 400,000 of his fubjefts in attempting to con¬
quer it.
Batori, being thus freed from a moft deftruftive
and cruel war, applied himfelf to the internal govern¬
ment of his kingdom. He regulated the Poliftt cavalry
in fuch a manner, as made them become formidable to
the Turks and other neighbouring nations : and this
is- the military eftabliffiment to which the Poles have
given the name of quartienne ; becaufe. a fourth part
of the revenue is employed in fupporting them. Ba^
a fuccefsful war with the Tartars, and was otherwife
profperous; but though he fucceeded to the crown of
Sweden, he found it impoffible for him to retain both
kingdoms, and he was formally depofed from the
Swedifh throne. In 1610 he conquered Ruffia, and
placed his fon on the throne ; but the Poliffi conquefts
of that country have always been but for a (hort
time. Accordingly the young prince was foon af;
ter depofed; and the Ruffians not only regained their
liberty, but began to make encroachments on Poland po
itfelf. A very unfortunate, war alfo took , place with War with
Sweden, which was now governed by the Great Gu* Adolphus t
ftavus Adolphus; the particulars of which, with the
other exploits of that renowned warrior, are related
under the article Sweden. At laft Sigifmund, worn
out with cares and misfortunes, died in 1629.
After Sigifmund’s death, the affairs of Poland
feemed to revive a little under Uladiflaus VII. ; for he
lizes the
Cofiacks.
tori fent this body-of cavalry towards the frontiers of obliged the Ruffians to fue for peace, and Sweden to
Tartary, to check the incurfions of thofe barbarians; reftore fome of her conquefts: but having attempted
by which means the Ukraine, a vaft traft of defart to abridge the liberty of the Coffacks, they revolted,
country, was filled with ffourifhing towns and villa- and gave the Poles feveral terrible defeats. Nor was
ges, and became a ftrong barrier againft the Turks, the war terminated in the lifetime of Uladiflaus, who
Tartars, and Ruffians. The laft; memorable a&ion of died in 1648. His fucceffor, John Caffimir, conclu-
Batori was his attaching the Coffacks * to Poland, ded a peace with thefe dangerous enemies: but the
civilizing and inftru&ing them in the arts of war and
peace. His firft endeavour was to gain their affec¬
tions by his liberality ; for which purpofe, he prefent-
ed them with the city of Techtemeravia,. fituated on
the Borifthenes, which they formed into a magazine
and made the refidence of their chieftains. Hegave them
officers of all degrees? eftabliffied difeipline among
them,, altered their arms, and formed them into a re¬
gular militia, which afterwards performed eminent
fervices to the date. All kinds of manufactures, at
thfit time known in Poland, were likewife eftabliftied
among the Coffacks ; the women were employed in
war was foon after renewed ; and while the kingdom-
was diftrafted between thefe enemies and the difeon-
tents of its own inhabitants, the Ruffians took the pr
opportunity of invading and pillaging Lithuania. PolandTub-
In a little after, the whole kingdom was fubdued by
Charles Guftavus, fucceffor to Chriftina queen ofGu(hVUSl
Sweden.
Happily for Poland; however, a rupture took place
between the courts of Sweden and Copenhagen ; by
which means th? Poles wete enabled to drive out the
Swedes in 1657. This was focceeded .by civil wars
and contefts with Ruffia ; which fo much vexed the
fpinning and weaving woolet-cloths, while the men king, that he.refigned the crown in 1668.
For-
POL [ 6375 ] POL
Poland. For two years after the refignatlon of Cafimir, the
 kingdom was filled with confufion ; but on the 17th
of September 1670, one Michael Coribut Wiefnowif-
ki, collaterally defcended from the houfe of Jagello,
but in a very mean lituation at that time, was chofen
king. His reign continued but for three years ; du¬
ring which time, John Sobiefki, a celebrated Polifh
general, gave the Turks a dreadful overthrow, tho’
their army confided of more than 300,000 men ; and
had this blow been purfued, the Coffacks would have
been entirely fubdued, and very advantageous terms
might have been obtained from the Sultan. Of that
vad multitude of Turks, no more than 15,000 made
their efcape, the red being all either killed or taken :
however, the Polifli fo!diers; being bound by the laws
of their country only to day a certain time in the field,
they refufed to purfue this fignal vi&ory, and fuffered
the king to make peace on any terms he could pro-
9*' cure.
ieftiK* Wiefnowifki died before the news of this tranfac-
trieves the t‘on reached Cracow; and after his death, a new
Polifh flf- fcene of confufion enfued, till at lad the fortune of
fairs. John Sobiefki prevailed, and he was ele&ed king of
Poland in 1674. He was a mod magnanimous and
heroic prince ; who, by his valour and good conduft,
retrieved the affairs of Poland, and entirely checked
the progrefs of the Turks wed ward. Thefe Barba¬
rians were every where defeated, as is particularly re¬
lated under the article Turky ; but notwithdanding
his great qualities, Poland was now fo thoroughly
corrupted, and pervaded by a fpirit of difaffe&ion,
that the latter part of this monarch’s reign was invol¬
ved in troubles, through the ambition and contention'
of fome powerful noblemeril
Sobiefki died in 1696; and with him fell the glory
of Poland. Moil violent conteds took place about the
fucceffion ; the recital of which would far exceed our
limits. At lad Frederic Augudus, ele&orof Saxony,
prevailed ; but yet, as fome of the mod effential cere¬
monies were wanting in his coronation, becaufe the
primate, who was in an oppodte intered, would not
perform them, he found it extremely difficult to keep
his fubjefts in proper obedience. To add to his mis-
Poland con-f°rtunes> ^av‘ng engaged in a league with Denmark
quered by and Ruffia againd Sweden, he was attacked with irre-
CharlesXH.fidible fury by Charles XII. Though Augudus bad
not been betrayed, as indeed he almod always was,
he was by no means a match for the ferocious Swede.
The particulars of this war, however, as they make
great part of the exploits of that northern hero, more
properly fall to be related under the article Sweden.
Here, therefore, we fhall only obferve, that Augu-
ftus was reduced to the humiliating neceffity of re¬
nouncing the crown of Poland on oath, and even of
congratulating his rival Staniflaus upon his acceffion
to the throne : but when the power of Charles was
broken by his defeat at Pultowa, the fortune of Au
gudus again prevailed; S'anifhus was driven out; and
the former being abfdlved from his oath by the Pope,
refumed the throne of Poland.
Hiftory Since that time the Polifh nation hath never made
linee that any figure. Surrounded by great a-nd ambitious
time. powers, it hath funk undenhe degeneracy of its in¬
habitants; fo that it now fcarce exids as a nation.
This cataftrophe took place in the following manner;
On the 5th of O&ober 1763, died Augudus III. elec- Poland,
tor of Saxony, and king of Poland. He was fucceed-
ed by count Poniatowfki, a Polifh grandee, who was
proclaimed September 7th 1764, by the name of Sta-
nijlaus Augujius, and crowned on the 25th of Novem¬
ber the fame year.—During the interregnum which
took place between the death of Augudus III. and
the ele&ion of Staniflaus, a decree had been made by
the convocation-diet of Poland, with regard to the dif-
Jidents, as they were called, or diflenters from the Po~
pifh religion. By this decree they were prohibited
from the free exercife of their religion, much more
than they had formerly been, and totally excluded from
all pods and places under the government. On this
feveral of the European powers interpofed, at the ap¬
plication of the diffidents, for their good offices. The
courts of Ruffia, Pruffia, Great Britain, and Den¬
mark, made remondrances to the diet; but, notwith¬
danding thefe remondrances, the decree was confirmed
by the coronation-diet held after the king’s ele&ion.
Oftober 6. 1766, an ordinary diet was afiembled.
Here declarations from the courts above mentioned
were prefented to his Polifh majedy, requiring the re-
edablifhment of the diffidents in their civil rights and
privileges, and the peaceable enjoyment of their modes
of worfhip fecured to them by the laws of the king¬
dom which had been obferved for two centuries. Thefe
privileges, it was alleged, had been confirmed by the
treaty of Oliva, concluded by all the Northern powers,
which could not be altered but by the confent of all
the contrading parties. The Popifh party contended
drongly for a confirmation of fome decrees made againft
the diffidents in 1717, 1723, and 1736. The deputies
from the foreign powers replied, that thofe decrees
had palPed in the raidft of inteftine troubles, and were
contradided by the formal proteftations and exprefs
declarations of foreign powers. At laft, after violent
contefts, the matter was referred to the bifhops and fe-
nators for their opinion. Upon a report from them,
the diet came to a refolution, That they would fully
maintain the diffidents in all the rights and preroga¬
tives to which they were intitled by the laws of their
country, particularly by the conflitutions of the year
1717, &c. and by treaties; and that as to their com¬
plaints with regard to the exercife of their religion, the
college of archbifliops and bifliops, under the diredion
of the prince primate, would endeavour to remove
thofe difficulties in a manner conformable to juftice and
neighbourly love.—By this time, however, the court
of Ruffia feemed determined to make her remonftrances
more effedual, and a fmall body of Ruffian troops
inarched to within two miles of the capital of Poland.
Thefe refolutions of the diet were by no means agree¬
able to the diffidents. They dated the beginning of
their fufferings from the year 1717. The referring
their grievances to the archbifliops and bilhops was
looked upon as a meafure the mod unreafonable that
could be imagined, as that body of men had always
been their oppofers, and in fad the authors of all the
evils which had befallen them.— Shortly after mat¬
ters were confidered in this view, an additional body
of Ruffians, to the number of about 15,000, entered
Poland.
The diffidents, being now pretty fure of the protec¬
tion of foreign powers, entered, on the 20th of March
35 U 2 i767>
POL [ 6376 ] POL
Poland. 1767, into two confederacies, at Thorn and Sluck.
' One of them was iigned by the diffidents of Great and
Little Poland, and the other by thofe of the Great
Duchy of Lithuania. The purport of thefe confede¬
racies was, an engagement to exert themfelves in the
defence of their ancient privileges, and the free exer-
cife of their religion ; profeffing, at the fame time,
however, the utmoft loyalty to the king, and refolving
to fend a deputation to him to implore his protedlion.
They even invited thofe of the Catholic communion,
and all true patriots, to unite with them in maintain¬
ing the fundamental laws of the kingdom, the peace
of religion, and the right of each one jointly with thenv-
felves. They claimed, by virtue of public treaties, the
proteftion of the powers who were guarantees of their
rights and liberties ; namely, the emprefs of Ruffia,
and the kings of Sweden, Great Britain, Denmark,
and Prufiia. Laftly, they protefted, that they had no
intention of afting to the detriment of the Roman Ca¬
tholic religion, which they duly refpedfed; and only
alked the liberty of their own, and the re-elUblilliment
of their ancient rights. The three cities of Thorn,
Elbing, and Dantzick, acceded to the confederacy of
Thorn on the 10th of April; as did the duke and nobles
of Courland to that of Sluck on the 15th of May.
The emprefs of Ruflia, and king of Pruffia, in the
mean time, continued to iffue forth new declarations in
favour of the diffidents, and the Ruffian troops in Po¬
land were gradually augmented to 30,000 men. Great
numbers of other confederacies were alfo formed in
different parts of the kingdom. Thefe at firlt took
little part in the affairs of the diffidents: they com¬
plained only of the adminiftration of public affairs, in¬
to which they alleged that innovations had been intro¬
duced, and were therefore for fome time called confede-
ratims of malcontents. All thefe confederacies pub-
Hftied manifeftoes, in which they recommended to the
inhabitants to quarter and treat the Ruffian troops as
the defenders of the Poliffi liberties.
The different confederacies of malcontents formed in
the twenty-four diftrifts of Lithuania, united at Wil-
na on the zad of June; and that general confederacy re-
eft abli filed prince Radzivil, who had married the king’s
After, in his liberty, eftates, and honour, of which he
had been deprived in 1764 by the dates of that duchy.
On the 23d of June, prince Radzivil waschofen grand
marftial of the general confederacy of all Poland, which
then began to be called the national confederacy, and
was faid to be compofed of 72,000 noblemen and gen¬
tlemen.
The general confederacy took fuch meafures as ap¬
peared moft proper for {Lengthening their party. They
fent to the feveral waywodies of the kingdom, requi¬
ring their compliance with the following articles:
1. That all the gentlemen who had not figned the con¬
federacy fhould do it immediately; 2. That all the
courts of jufticefliould fubfift as formerly, but not judge
any of the confederates; 3. That the marftials of the
crown fhould not pafs any fentence without the partici¬
pation of at leaft four of the confederates ; and, 4. That
the marfhalsof the crown and the treafurers fhould be im¬
mediately reftored to the poffeffion of their refpe&ive
rights. The Catholic party in the mean time were not
idle. The bifhop of Cracow fent a very pathetic and zea-
kus letter to the dietines. affembled at Warfaw on the
15th of Auguft, in which he exhorted them to arm their Poland,
nuncios with courage, by giving them orthodox and
patriotic inftru&ions, that they might not grant the
diffidents new advantages beyond thofe which were fe-
cured to them by the conftitutions of the country, and
treaties with foreign powers, &c. The pope alfo fent
briefs to the king, the great chancellor, the nobleffe,
bifhops of the kingdom, and to the prince primate,
with fuch arguments and exhortations as were thought
moft proper to ward off the impending danger. Coun¬
cils in the mean time were frequently held at the bi¬
fhop of Cracow’s palace, where all the prelates at War¬
faw affembled.
On the 26th of September 1767 the confederacy of
diffidents was united with the general confederacy of
malcontents in the palace of prince Radzivii, who, on
that occafion, expreffed great friendfhip for the diffi¬
dents. In.a few days after, the Ruffian troops in the
capital were reinforced, and a confiderable body of
them was polled at about five miles diftance.
On the 5th of O&ober an extraordinary diet was
held: but the affair of the diffidents met with fuch op-
pofition, that it was thought neceffary to adjourn the
meeting till the 12th; during which interval, every ex¬
pedient was ufed to gain over thofe who oppofed prince
Radzivil’s plan. This was, to appoint a commiffion,
furnilhed with full power to enter into conference with
prince Repnin, the Ruffian ambaffador, concerning the
affairs of the diffidents. Notwithftanding all the pains
taken, however, the meeting of the 12th proved ex¬
ceedingly tumultuous. The bifhops of Cracow and
Kiow, with fome other prelates, and feveral magnats,
declared, that they would never confent to the efta-
blifhment of fuch a commiffion; and at the fame time
fpoke with more vehemence than ever againft the pre-
tenfions of the diffidents. Some of the deputies an-
fwered with great warmth; which occafioned fuch ani-
mofities, that the meeting was again adjourned till the
16th.
On the 13th the bifhops of Cracow and Kiow, the
palatine of Cracow, and the ftarofte of Dolmiki, were
carried off by Ruffian detachments. The crime alleged
againft them, in a declaration publifhed next day by
prince Repnin, was, that they had been wanting in
refpedl to the dignity of the empreis of Ruffia, by at¬
tacking the purity of her intentions towards the repu¬
blic; though fhe was refolved to continue her protec¬
tion and affiftance to the general confederacy united
for preferving the liberties of Poland, and corre&ing
all the abufes which had been introduced into govern¬
ment, &c.
It was probably owing to this violent proceeding of
the Ruffians, that prince Radzivil’s plan was at laft ad¬
opted, and feveral new regulations were made in fa¬
vour of the diffidents. Thefe innovationst however,
foon produced a civil war, which at laft ended in the
ruin of the kingdom. In the beginning of the year
1768, a new confederacy was^formed in Podolia, a pro¬
vince bordering on Turky, which was afterwards call¬
ed the confederacy of Bar. The intention of it was, to
abolifh, by force of arms, the new conftitutions, par¬
ticularly thofe in favour of the diffidents. The mem¬
bers of the new confederacy likewife expreffed great
refentment againft the carrying away of the biftiop of
Cracow, &c. and Hill detaining them in cuftody.
Podo!i»
POL [ 6377 ] POL
Poland. Podolia was reckoned the fitted place for the pur-
pofe of the confederates, as they imagined the Ruffians
could not attack them there without giving umbrage
to the Ottoman court. Similar confederacies, however,
were quickly entered into throughout the kingdom :
the clergy excited all ranks of men to exert therofelves
in defence of their religion ; and fo much were their
exhortations regarded, that even the king’s troops
. could not be trailed to ad againft thefe confederates.
The emprefs of Ruflia threatened the new confederates
as difturbers of the public tranquillity, and declared
that her troops would ad againft them if they perfifted.
It was, however, fome time before the Ruffian troops
were confiderably reinforced ; nor did they at firlt
feem inclined to ad with the vigour which they might
have exerted. A good many fkirmilhes foon happened
between thefe two contending'parties, in which the
confederates were generally defeated. In one of thefe
the latter being worfted, and hardly prefled, a number
of them paffed the Niefter, and took refuge in Molda¬
via. This province had formerly belonged to Poland,
but was now fubjed to the Grand Signior: the Ruf¬
fians, however, purfued their enemies into Moldavia ;
but in order to prevent any offence being taken by the
Porte, prince Repnin wrote to the Ruffian refident at
Conftantinople, to intimate there, that the condud of
the Ruffian colonel who commanded the party was
quite contrary to the orders of his court, and that
therefore he would be turned out of his poll.
Great cruelty in the mean time was exercifed againft
the diffidents where there were no Ruffian troops to
prated them. Towards the cud of Odober 1769,
prince Martin Lubomirlki, one of the fouthern confe¬
derates, who had been driven out of Poland, and had
taken (belter with fbme of his adherents among the
mountains of Hungary, got a manifefto polled up on
feveral of the churches of Cracow, in which he invited
the nation to a general revolt, and affuring them of the
affiltance of the Ottoman Porte, with whom he pre¬
tended to have concluded a treaty. This was the be¬
ginning of hoftilities between the Turks and Ruffians,
which were not terminated but by a vaft effufion of
blood on both fides.
The unhappy kingdom of Poland was the firft feene
of this war, and in a ihort time was reduced to the moft
deplorable fituation. In the end of the year 1768, the
peafants of the Greek religion in the Polilh Ukraine,
and province of Kiow, took up arms, and committed
the greateft ravages, having, as they ptetended, been
threatened with death by the confederates unlefs they
would turn Roman Catholics. Againfl thefe infurgents
the Ruffians employed their arms, and made great num¬
bers of them prifoners. The reft took refuge among
the Haidamacks ; by whom they were foon joined,
and in the beginning of 1769 entered the Ukraine in
conjunftion with them, committing every where the
moft horrid maffacres. Here, however, they were at
laft defeated by the Polilh troops," at the fame time
that feveral of the confederacies in Poland werefevere-
ly chaltifed. Soon after, the Chan of the Crim Tar¬
tars, having been repulfed with.lofs in an attempt on
New Servia, entered the Polilh territories, where he
left frightful marks of his inhumanity upon fome inno¬
cent and defencelefs perfons. This latter piece of con-
dudt, with the cruelties exercifed by the confederates,
induced the Polilh coffacks of Braclau and Kiovia, a- Poland,
mounting to near 30,000 effeftive men, to join the
Ruffians, in order to defend their country againft
thefe deftroyers. Matters continued much in the fame
way during the reft of the year 1769; and in 1770,
Ikirmilhes frequently happened between the Ruffians
and confederates, in which the latter were almoft al¬
ways worlfed; but they took care to revenge them-
felves by the moft barbarous cruelties on the Diffidents,
wherever they could find them. In 1770, a confide-
rable mwnber of the confederates of Bar, who had
joined the Turks, and been excefiively ill ufed by them,
came to an accommodation with the Ruffians, who
took them under their prote&ion on very moderate
terms.—Agriculture in the meafi time had been fo
much neglefted, that the crop of 1770 was very defi¬
cient. This encouraged a number of defperadoes to
affociate under the denomination of confederates, who
were guilty of ftill greater exceffes than thofe who had
been under fome kind of regulation. Thus a great
part of the country was at laft reduced to a mere de¬
fart, tha inhabitants being either exterminated, or car¬
ried off to ftock the remote Ruffian plantations, fronj
whence they never could return.
In the year 1771, the confederacies, which feemed
to have been extinguilhed, fprung up afrefh, and in-
creafed to a prodigious degree. This was occalioned
by their having been fecretly encouraged and fupplied
with money by France. A great number of French
officers engaged as volunteers in their fervice; who,
having introduced difeipline among their troops, they
a&ed with much greater vigour than formerly, and
fometimes proved too hard for their enemies. Thefe
gleams of fuccefs proved at laft their total ruin. The
Ruffians were reinforced, and properly fupported. The
Auftrian and Pruffian troops entered the country, and
advanced on different other fides; and the confederates
found themfelves in a Ihort time entirely furrounded by
their enemies, who feemed to have nothing lefs in view
than an abfolute conqueft of the country, and (haring
itamong themfelves.
Before matters came to this crifis, however, the Attempt to-*
confederates formed a defign of affaffinating the king, ;n
on account of his fuppofed attachment to the Diffi-^ m
dents. As he was returning to his palace at Warfaw,
November 3. 1771, about nine in the evening, it be¬
ing then very dark, and he not attended by his ufual
guards, the coach was fuddenly attacked, at the cor¬
ner of the llreet, byFx men on horfeback, the princi¬
pal of whom wasJK.pczinlki, an officer among the con¬
federates. They fired their carbines and piftois into
the carriageafter which they dragged out the king,
and carried him off. Soon after they were joined by 25
of their affociates ; and not only got clear of the city,
but reached a place called fF/Y/sww, fix or feven Eng-
lilh miles diftant from the capital. Mean time,
however, the country was alarmed ; cannon were re¬
peatedly fired as fignals ; and parties of Ruffians, fent
out in quell of the king, continually alarmed thecon-
fpirators with their (houts. At laft Koczinlki advifed
them to a reparation, as the only probable means of
efcaping the Ruffians; and, his advice being com¬
plied with, he by this means got the king into his
own power, and that of four others only. Thefe com¬
panions he found means to get rid of, by fending them
away'
Poland.
POL [ 6378 ] POL
Poland, away one by one to obferve the motions of the pur-
“* ~ fuers. He then quitted the road, and difmounted ;
and, throwing himlelf at the king’s feet, implored his
pardon, and offered to fave his life. After this they
marched an hour and a half on foot through difmal
woods and moraffes, till they arrived at a hut; whence
the king fent to the Ruffian general, and was convey¬
ed to Warfaw early in the morning. He had received
two wounds in his head, one from a ball, and the
other from a fabre ; and his efcaping with life may
be confidered as a very extraordinary event.
The affairs of this unhappy country continued for
feme time in the fame miferable way. Almoft the
whole of it was reduced to a mere defart; at the fame
time that a treaty was talked of between the three
powers, for dividing the whole kingdom among
them. By this treaty, it was faid, that the Auftrians
were to have a great part of South Poland j the Ruf¬
fians,-the Polifli Ukraine, and a part of the duchy
of Lithuania ; and the Pruffians, that part called Po-
UJh PraJJia.
A partition of this kind actually did take place.
The kin"- king of Pruffia, partly by treaty, and partly by
dom divf- encroachments, founded on antiquated claims and
ded be- vague pretences, poffcffed himfelf of fo much of the
tween the ..kingdom, that the court of Peterfburg thought pro-
Auftrians Per to check his progrefs ; the Auftrians proceeded in
and Pruf-' -‘the-fame manner; and at laft. the conftitution of the
Tuns. -kingdom was totally altered, by the appointing of a
new affemblf called a permanent council. This revo¬
lution took place on the 8th of Auguft 1774. The
council was compofed of 40 members; and included
three eftates, the king, the fenate, and the equeftrian
order. The members were to be chofen at the diets,
by ballot, and their power to continue only from one
diet to another. The king is always to be chief of the
council ; the fenate to comprehend the great officers
or miniftry, and the members chofen from that body ;
and the equeftrian order to be as nearly equal as the
odd number 39 would permit. This council compofes
four particular departments : the firft is to take cog¬
nizance of all thofe concerns which ufually came be¬
fore the marfhals of the crown, or of Lithuania ; the
fecond is charged with whatever relates to the police,
and all the inferior departments are to bring in their
reports to it.; the third comprehends the military, the
whole immediate power of which is vefted in the grand
general, under the obligation of bringing in all his re¬
ports and accounts at ftated times to be examined; the
fourth have the care of correfpondence with foreign
powers. At this time alfo the revenues of the king,
which before did not exceed L. 100,000, were now
increased to three times that fum. The republic like-
wife agreed to pay his debts, amounting to upwards of
L. 400,000. It beftowed on him alfo, in hereditary
poffeffion, four ftarollics, or governments of caftles,
with the diftri&s belonging to them ; and reimburfed
him of the money he had laid out for the ftate. It was
alfo agreed, that the revenues of the republic ftiould be
enhanced to'33 millions of florins (near two millions
Sterling), and the army ffiould confift of 30,000 men.
.Soon after the conchifion of the peace with Turky, the
emprefs of Ruffia alfo made the king a prefent of
550,000 rubles, as a compeofation for that part of his
dominions which fell into her hands.
The air of this kingdom is cold in the north, but
temperate in the other parts both in fummer and win-
ter, and the weather in both more fettled than ntn4ateC&e.
many other countries. The face of the country is for of Poland,
the moft part level, and the hills are but few. The Cra-
pack or Carpathian mountains*, feparate it from Hun¬
gary on the fouth. The foil is very fruitful both in
corn and pafturage, hemp and flax. Such is the luxu¬
riance of the paftures in Podolia, that it is faid one can
hardly fee the cattle that are grazing in the meadows.
Vaft quantitities of corn are yearly fent down the Vi-
ftula to Dantzic, from all parts of Poland, and bought
up chiefly by the Dutch. The eaftern part of "the
country is full of woods, forefts, lakes, marffies, and
rivers; of the laft of which, the moft confiderable in
Poland are, the Viftula, Nieper, Niefter, Duna, Bog,
Warta, and Memel. The metals found in this coun¬
try are iron and lead, with fome tin, gold, and filver ;
but there are no mines of the two laft wrought at pre¬
fent. The other produ&s of Poland are moft forts of
precious ftones, oker of all kinds, fine rock-cryftal;
Mufcovy glafs, talc, alum, faltpetre, amber, pitcoal,
quickfilver, fpar, fal-gem, lapis calaminaris, and vi¬
triol. In Leffer Poland are fait-mines, which are the
chief riches of the country, and bring moft money in¬
to the exchequer. In the woods, which confift moft-
ly of oak, beech, pine, and fir trees, befides the more
common wild beafts, are elks, wild affes, wild oxen or
uri, lynxes, wild horfes, wild Iheep with one horn,
bifons, hyasnas, wild goats, and buffaloes. In the
meadows and fenny ground is gathered a kind of man¬
na; and the kermes-berries produced in this country
are ufed both in dying and medicine. g8
The inhabitants confift of nobles, citizens, and pea-Different
fants. The firft poffefs great privileges, which they en-5la^es. of
joy partly by the indulgence of their kings, and part-Ulhabllants’
ly by ancient cuftom and prefeription. Some of them
have the title of prince, count, or baron; but no fupe-
riority or pre-eminence on that account over the reft,
which is only to be obtained by fome public poft or
dignity. They have the power of life and death over
their vaffals; pay no taxes ; are fubjeft to none but
the king ; have a right to all mines and falt-works on
their eftates ; to all. offices and employments, civil, mi¬
litary, and ecclefiaftic ; cannot be cited or tried out
of the kingdom ; may choofe whom they will for their
king, and lay him under what reftraints they pleafe by
the Pa<ffa Conventa ; and none but they and the
burghers of-fome particular towns can purchafe lands.
In (hort, they are almoft, entirely independent, enjoy¬
ing many other privileges and prerogatives befides thofe
we have fpecified ; but if they engage in trade, they
forfeit their nobility. • ^
The Polifti tongue is a dialed of the Sclavonic: it Language,
is neither copious nor harmonious. Many of the
words have not a Tingle vowel in them ; but the High
Dutch and Latin are underftood and fpoken pretty
commonly, though incorredly. The language in Li¬
thuania differs much from that of the other provinces.
True learning and the ftudy of the arts and fciences
have been little attended to in Poland, till of late they
began to be regarded with a more favourable eye,
and to be not only patronized, but cultivated by feve-
POL [ 6379 ] POL
Archbi-
fhoprics
Poland, ral of the nobles and others, both laymen and eccle-
— fiaftics.
There are two archbifhops in the kingdom, viz.
thofeof Gnefna and Laopol, and about a dozen bi-
fhops. The archbiihop of Gnefna is always a cardi¬
nal, and primate of the kingdom; of which, during
an interregnum, and in the king’s abfence, he is al-
fo regent. The prevailing religion is Popery; but
there are great numbers of Lutherans, Calvinifts,
Greeks,'who are called Diffidents, and by the laws of
the kingdom were intitled to toleration ; but were
much oppreffed till very lately. The Jews are indul¬
ged with great privilege^, and are very numerous in
Poland; and in Lithuania, it is faid, there are a mul¬
titude of Mahometan Tartars. We may judge of the
numbers of Jews in this country by the produce of
their annual poll-tax, which amounts to near 57,000
rixdollars.
There are few or no manufa&ures in the king¬
dom, if we except fome linen and woollen clothes
and hardwares; and- the whole trade is confined to
the city of Dantzic, and other towns on the Viftula
or Baltic.
The kings of Poland were anciently hereditary and
abfolute ; but afterwards became eledlive and limited,
as we find them at this day. In the reign of Lewis,
towards the end of the 14th century, feveral limita¬
tions were laid on the royal prerogative. In that of
Cafimir IV. who afcended the throne in J446, repre-
fentatives from the feveral palatinates were firft called
to the diet; the legiflate power, till then, having been
lodged in the ftates, and the executive in the king and
fenate. On the deceafe of Sigifmund Auguftus, it was
ena&ed by law, “ That the choice of a king for the
future fhould perpetually remain free and open to all
the nobles of the kingdom ;” which law has accord¬
ingly been hitherto obferved. The king, in confe-
quence, is ele&ed by the clergy and gentry in the
plains of Warfaw; and after bis ele&ion is obliged to
fign an inftrument, by which his power is circumfcri-
bed within very narrow bounds ; fo that he is only a
fort pf prefident of the fenate, which, in his abfence,
can meet and confult without him. The diets are ei¬
ther ordinary or extraordinary. The former meet
every fecond year; the latter upon extraordinary occa-
fions, when fummoned by the king. They fit but fix
weeks; and one diffenting voice prevents their paffing,
any laws, or coming to any refolution on what is pro-
pofed to them from the throne. The fenate is compo-
fed of the primate, the archbilhop of Llemberg, 15
bifhops, 15 palatines and caftellans, and 130 laymen,
confiding of the great officers of date, the palatines,
and cadellans. Befides thefe officers, who are mem¬
bers of the fenate,. there are the darodas, who are a
fort of governors and judges of their refpeftive daro-
fties or didrifts; but fome of them have nojurifdic-
tion. The palatines and cadellans, befides being fe-
nators, are alfo a fort of lord-lieutenants and deputy-
lieutenants in their refpeftive palatinates. There are
not only general diets, but alfo provincial diets, or
dietines, held previous to the general diets. When the
nobility enter into an affociation, either during an in¬
terregnum, or while the king is living, it is called a
confederacy. Every third diet is held at Grodno, in
Lithuania. Among the king’s royal prerogatives the Poland;
chief is, that he has the difpofal of mod of the digni- Polar,
ties, offices, and the royal demefnes; but none of the "
officers are accountable to him, nor can they be dif-
placed by him. 103
The king’s revenue is all clear to himfelf, for he pays Revenue,
no troops, not even hisown guards: but all the forces are
paid by the republic, as well as the officers of date. The
public revenues arife chiefly from the crown-lands, the
falt-mines in the palatinate of Cracow, ancient tolls
and cudoms, particularly thofe of Elbing and Dant¬
zic, the rents of Marienburg, Dirfhau, and Rogenhus,
and of the government of Cracow and didrift of Nie-
poliomicz.
The order of the White Eagle was indituted by Au- 104
gudns II. in the year 1705. Its enfign is a crofs of0rder of
gold enamelled with red, and appendant to a blue rib-fniSht*
bon. The motto, Pro fide, rege, et lege.
The danding forces of Poland are divided into the
crown-army, and that of Lithuania, confiding of horfe 10s
and foot, and amounting to between 20,000 andForces*
30,000 men. Thefe troops are modly cantoned on the
crown-lands, and in Poland are paid by a capitation
or poll-tax; but in Lithuania other taxes are levied
for this purpofe. Mod of the foot are Germans. On
any fudden and imminent danger, the whole body of
the nobility, with their vafials, are obliged to appear
in the field on horfeback; and the cities and towns fur-
nifh a certain number of foot-foldiers, with carriages,
and military dores : but for want of proper arms, pro-
vifions, fubordination, and difcipline, and by being
at liberty after a few weeks to return home, this body
has proved but of little advantage to the republic.
Dantzic is the only place in the Polifli dominions that
deferves the name of a fortrefs. Foreign auxiliaries are
not to be brought into the kingdom, nor the national
troops to march out of it, without the confent of the
dates.
With regard to many of thefe particulars, however,
it is to be obferved, that we can fpeak only as they
were before the partition-treaty between the powers
abovementioned. Since that time a Very confiderable
alteration mud have taken place in many parts of the .•
conditution; but. the particulars have not yet been pro¬
perly authenticated.
The Poles are perfonable men, and have good com- log'
plexions. They are edeemed a brave, honed people, CharafteK'
without diffimulation, and exceeding hofpitable. Theyof
clothe themfelves in furs in winter, and over all they13*0156*
throw a fliort cloak. 'No people keep grander equi¬
pages than the gentry. They look upon themfelves as
fo manyfovereign princes; and have their guaids, bands
of mufic, and keep open houfes : but the lower fort of
people are poor abjeft wretches, in the lowed date of
flavery. The exercifes of the gentry are hunting, ri¬
ding, dancing, vaulting, &c. They refide modly up¬
on their edates in the country; and maintain them¬
felves and families by.agriculture, breeding of bees,
and grazing.
POLAR, in general, fomething relating1 to the
poles of the world, or poles of the artificial globes.
Polar Regions, thofe parts of the world which
lie near the north and fouth poles. See the article
Pole.
PO--
POL [ 6380 ] POL
Polarity, POLARITY, the quality of a thing confidered as
I>ole- having poles, or a tendency to turn itfelf into one
certain pofture ; but chiefly ufed in fpeaking of the
magnet.
POLE ( Reginald), cardinal, and archbifliop of Can¬
terbury, a younger fon of Sir Rich. Pole, Lord Mon¬
tague, was born at Stoverton caftle, in Staffordfliire, in
the year 1500. At feven years of age, he was fent to a
Carthufian monaftery at Shene, near Richmond in Surry;
and thence, when he was about 12 years old, removed
to Magdalen college in Oxford, where, by the inftruc-
tions of the celebrated Lineacre and Latimer, he made
confiderable progrefs in learning. In 1515 he tookjhe
degree of bachelor of arts, and entered into deacon’s or¬
ders fome time after : in 1517, he was made prebendary
of Salilbury, and in 1519 dean of Wimborne and dean
of Exeter. We are not furprifed at this young noble¬
man’s early preferments, when we confider him as the
kinfman of Henry VIII. and that he was bred to the
church by the king’s fpecial command.
Being now about the age of 19, he was fent, ac¬
cording to the fafhion of the times, to finifli his ttudies
at Padua in Italy, where he refided fdme time in great
fplendor, having a handfome penfion from the king.
He returned to England in 1525, where he was moft
grapioufly received at court, and univerfally admired
for his talents and addrefs ; but preferring ftudy and
fequeftration to the pleafures of a court, he retired to
the Carthufian convent at Shene, where he had conti¬
nued about two years, when the pious king began to
divulge his fcruples of confcience concerning his mar¬
riage with Catherine of Spain. Pole forefaw that this
affair would neceffarily involve him in difficulties; he
therefore determined to quit the kingdom, and accord¬
ingly obtained leave tovifit Paris. Having thus avoid¬
ed the ftorm for the prefent, he returned once more to
his convent at Shene; but his tranquillity was again
interrupted by the king’s refolution to fliake off the
pope’s fupremacy, of which Pole’s approbation was
thought indifpenfably neceffary. How he managed in
this affair, is not very clear. However, he obtained
leave to revifit Italy, and his penfion was continued for
fame time.
The king, having now divorced queen Catharine,
married Anne Boleyn, and being refolved to throw off
the papal yoke, ordered Dr Richard Sampfon to write
a book in juftification of his proceedings, which he fent
to Pole for his opinion. To this Pole, fectsre in the
pope’s prote&ion, wrote a fcurrilous anfwer, entitled
Pro Unit ate Ecclefiajlka, and fent it to the king; who
was fo offended with the contents, that he withdrew
his penfion, (tripped him of all his preferments, and
procured an aft of attainder to be paffed againfl him.
In the mean time, Pole was created a cardinal, and fent
nuncio to different parts of Europe. King Henry made
feveral attempts to have him fecured and brought to
England, But without effect. At length the pope fix¬
ed him as legate at Viterbo, where he continued till
the year 1543, when he was appointed legate at the
council of Trent, and was afterwards employed by the
pope as his chief councilor.
Pope Paul III. dying in 1549, Pole was twice elec¬
ted his fucceffor, and, we are told, twice refufed the
papa! dignity: firft, becaufe the eleftion was made in
too great hade ; and the fecond time, becaufe it was
done in the night. This delicacy in a cardinal is truly Pole,
wonderful: but the intrigues of the French party feetn
to have been the real caufe of his mifearriage ; they
ftarted many objections to Pole, and by that means
gained time to procure a majority againft him. Car¬
dinal Maria de Monte obtained the triple crown; and
Pole, having kiffed his flipper, retired to the convent
of Magazune near Verona, where he continued till the
death of Edward VI. in the year 1553. On the ac-
ceffion of queen Mary, Pole was fent legate to Eng¬
land, where he was received by her majefty with great
veneration, and condu&ed to the archbiffiop’s palace
at Lambeth, poor Cranmer being at that time prifoner
in the Tower. He immediately appeared in the houfe
of lords, where he made a long fpeech; which being
reported to the commons by their fpeaker, both thefe
obfequious houfes concurred in an humble fupplication
to be reconciled to the fee of Rome. They prefented
it on their knees to her majefty, who interceded with
the cardinal, and he gracioufly condefeended to give
them abfolution. Thie bufinefs being over, the legate
made his public entry into London, and immediately
fet about the extirpation of herefy. The day after the
execution of Cranmer, which he is faid to have advi-
fed, he was conlecrated archbifhop of Canterbury. In
the fame year, 1556, he was eleCled chancellor of the
univerfity of Oxford, and foon after of Cambridge;
both which he vifited, by his commiffioners, with great
inhumanity. He died of a double quartan ague in the
year 1558, about 16 hours after the death of the queen;
and was buried in the cathedral of Canterbury.
As to his character, the Romifh writers aferibe to
him every virtue under heaven: even bifiiop Burnet is
extremely lavilh in his praife, and attributes the cruel¬
ties of Mary’s reign to the advice of Gardiner. But,
notwithftanding the apparent mildnefs in Pole’s difpo-
fition, when we confider him as an abjeft (lave to the
fee of Rome, and the chief counfellor and confident of
queen Mary, it is irrational to acquit him of the dia¬
bolical cruelties which fo eminently itigmatife the reign
of that princefs.—He wrote, Pro imitate ecclejtajlicay
De ejufdem potejiate, A treatife on juftification, and
various other trails.
Pole, in aftronomy, that point in the heavens round
which the whole fphere feems to turn. It is alfo ufed
far a point diredly perpendicular to the centre of any
circle’s plane, and diftant from it by the length of a
radius.
Pole, in geography, one of the points on which
the terraqueous globe turns; each of them being 90
degrees diftant from the equator, and, in confequence
of their fituation, the inclination of the earth’s axis,
and its paraliellifm during the annual motion of our
globe round the fun, having only one day and one
night throughout the year.
By reafon of the obliquity with which the rays of
the fun fall upon the polar regions, and the great length
of the night in the winter time, the cold is fo intenfe,
that thofe parts of the globe which lie near the poles
have never been fully explored, though the attempt
has been repeatedly made by the moft celebrated na¬
vigators. Indeed their attempts have chiefly been
confined to the northern regions; for with regard to
the fouth pole, there is not the fame incitement to
attempt it. The great object for which navigators
have
POL [63
Pole, have ventured themfelves in thefe frozen feas, was to
“ find out a more quick and ready paflage to the Eaft
Indies; and this hath been attempted three feveral ways:
one by coafting along the northern parts of Europe
and Afia, called xht north-eaj} faffage; another, by
failing round the northern part of the American conti¬
nent, called the north nuejl pajfage; and the third, by
failing direfUy over the pole itfelf.
Attemptsto 1. Xhe poffibrlity of fucceeding in the north-eaft paf-
was for a long time believed; and in the laft cen-
c°tr r tuIT many navigators, Dutchmen particularly, attemp-
aS * ted it with great fortitude and perfeverance* It was
always found impoffible, however, to furmount the ob-
flacles which nature had thrown in the way, and fub-
fequent attempts have in a manner demonftrated the
impoffibility of ever failing eaftward along the northern
a coaft of Afia. The reafon of this impoffibility has been
Why it is affigned under the article America; where, fpeaking
impoffible of the difference between the climates of continents and
to fail eaft- jflands, it has been (hown, that in proportion to the
thenonh- extent the cold is always greater in winter,
cm coaft 0f3nd v*ce xierfa. This is the cafe even in temperate cli-
Afia. mates; but much more fo in thofe frozen regions where
the influence of the fun, even in fummer, is bpt fmall.
Hence, as the continent of Afia extends a vaft way
from weft to eaft, and has befides the continent of Eu¬
rope joined to it on the weft, it follows, that about the
middle part of that traft of land the cold fhould be
greater than any where elfe. Experience has determi¬
ned this to be fad ; and it now appears, that about
the middle part of the northern coaft of Afia, the ice
never thaws; neither have even the hardy Ruffians and
Siberians themfelves been able to overcome the diffi¬
culties they met with in that part of their voyage. In
order to make this the more plain, and the following
accounts more intelligible, we (hall obferve, that from
the north-weftern extremity of Europe, called the North
Cape, to the north-eaftern extremity of Afia, called
the promontory of the Tfchutjki, is a fpace including
about 160 degrees of longitude, viz. from 40 to 200
• aft from Ferro; the port of Archangel lies in about
57 degrees eaft longitude, Nova Zembla between 70
and 95; which laft is alfo the fituation of the mouth
of the great river Oby. Still farther eaftward are the
mouths of the rivers Jenifey in ioo°; Piafida in 105°;
Chatanga in 1240; Lena, which has many mouths,
between 1340 and 1420; Indigirka in 162°; and the
Kovyma in 175. The coldeft place in all this trad,
therefore, ought to be that between the mouths of the
Jenifey and the Chatanga; and indeed here the un-
furmountable difficulty has always been, as will appear
from the following accounts of the voyages made by
the Ruffians with a view to difcover the north-eaft paf-
fage.
Vo a3>e of ! ''34’ l'eutenant Morzovieff failed from Archangel
Morzovieff towar^3 the r'wer Oby, but could fcarce advance 20 de-
&c. grees of longitude during that feafon. The next fum¬
mer he pafTed through the ftraits of Weygatz into the
fea of Kara; but did not double the promontory which
feparates the fea of Kara from the bay or mouth of
Oby. In 1738, the lieutenants Malgyin and Shura-
koff doubled that promontory with great difficulty, and
entered the bay of Oby. Several unfuecefsful attempts
were made to pafs from the bay of Oby to the Jeni¬
fey; which was at laft dfe&ed, in 1738, by two vef-
Vol. IX. a
81 ] POL
fels commanded by lieutenants Offzin and Kofleeleff. Pole-
The fame year the pilot Feodor Menin failed eaftwards-
from the Jenifey to the mouth of the Piafida ; but here
he was flopped by the ice; and finding it impoffible to
force a paflage, he returned to the Jenifey. 4
In July 1735, lieutenant Prontfhiftcheff failed down Of Pi ont-
the river Lena, in order to pafs by fea to the mouth
of the Jenifey. The weftern mouths of the*Lena were
fo choaked up with ice, that he was obliged to pafs
through the mod eafterly one; and was prevented by
contrary winds from getting out till the 13th of Au-
guft. Having fleered north-weft along the iflands
which lie fcattered before the mouths of the Lena, he
found himfelf in Lat. 70. 4.; yet even here he faw
pieces of ice from 24 to 60 feet in height, and in no
place was there a free channel left of greater breadth
than 100 or 200yards, His veflel being much damaged,
he entered the mouth of the Olenek, a fmall river near
the weftern mouth of the Lena; and here he continued
till the enfuing feafon, when he got out in the begin¬
ning of Auguft. But before he could reach the mouth
of the Chatanga, he was fo entirely furrounded and
hemmed in with ice, that it was with the utmoft dif¬
ficulty he could get loofe. Obferving then a large
field of ice ftretebing into the fea, he was obliged to
fail up the Chatanga. Getting free once more, he pro¬
ceeded northward, doubled the cape called Taimura,
and reached the bay of that name lying in about 1150
eaft from Ferro; from thence he attempted to proceed
weftward along the coaft. Near the (hore were feveral
fma'l iflands, between which and the fbore the ice was
immoveably fixed. He then dire&ed his courfe to¬
wards the fea, in order to pafs round the chain of iflands.
At firft he found the fea more free to the north of
thefe iflands, but obferved much ice lying between
them. At laft he arrived at what he took to be the laft
of the iflands, lying in lat. 77. 25. Between this ifland
and the (bore, as well es on the other fide of the ifland
which lay moft to the north, the ice was firm and im¬
moveable. He attetnpted, however, to fleer ftill more
to the north; and having advanced about fix miles, he
was prevented by a thick fog from proceeding: this
fog being difperfed, he faw nothing every where but
ice, which at laft drove him eaftward, and with much
danger and difficulty he got to the mouth of the Olenek
on the 29th of Auguft. , g
Another attempt to pafs by fea from the Len^ to t'neofchariton
Jenifey was made in 1739 by Chariton Laptieff, but Laptieff.
with no better fuccefs than that juft mentioned. This
voyager relates, that between the rivers Piafida and
Taimura, a promontory ftretches into the fea» which
he could not double, the fea being entirely frozen up
before he could pafs round. g
Befides the Ruffians, it is certain that fome Engliih Mr Coxe’s
and Dutch veffels have palled the ifland of Nova Zemr pbferva-
bla into the fea of Kara : “ But (fay? Mr Coxe in histIons‘
Account of the Ruffian voyages) no veflel of any na¬
tion has ever palled round that cape which extends to
the north of the Piafida, and is, laid down in the Ruf¬
fian charts in about 7&0- lat. We have already feen
that no Ruffian veflel has ever got from the. Piafida to
the Chatanga, or from the Chatanga to the Piafida {
and yet- fome authors have pofitively aflerted that this
promontory has: been failed round. In order therefore
to-elude the Ruffian accounts, which cleaply a.flert the
35 Y contrary,
POL [ 6382 1 POL
contrary, it is pretended that Gmelin and Muller have
" purpofely concealed fome parts of the Ruffian journals,
and have impofed on the world by a mifreprefentation'
of facts. But without entering into any difpute upon
this head, I can venture to affirm, that no fufficient
proof has been as yet advanced in fupport of this af-
fertion; and therefore, until fome pofitive information
fhall be produced, we cannot deny plain fadts, or give
the preference to hearfay evidence over circumftantial
7 and well attefted accounts.”
Of the na- The other part of this north-eaft paffage, viz. from
from The t^ie ^-,ena t0 Ka^tfchatka, though Efficiently difficult
Lena to and dangerous, is yet pra&icable; as having been once
Xamtfchat- performed, if we may believe the accounts of the Ruf-
ka. fians. According to fome authors indeed, fays Mr
Coxe, this navigation has been open a century and an
half; and feveral veffels at different times have paffed
round the north-eaftern extremity of Afia. But if we
confult the Ruffian accounts, we ffiall find that frequent
expeditions have been unqueftionably made from the
Lena to the Kovyma, but that the voyage from the
Kovyma round Tfchutfkoi Nofs into the Eaftern O-
cean has been performed but once. According to Mr
Muller, this formidable cape was doubled in the year
1648. The material incidents of this remarkable voy-
8 age are as follow.
Voyage of “ 1 ^4^ ^even kotches, or veffels, failed from the
DethnefT, mouth of the river Kovyma, in order to penetrate into
Ankudinoffthe Eaftern Ocean. Of thefe, four were never more
^c* heard of: the remaining three were commanded by Si¬
mon Defhneff, Gerafim Ankudinoff, and Fedot Alex-
eeff. Defhneff and Ankudinoff quarrelled before their
departure concerning the divifion of profits and honours
to be acquired by their voyage; which, however, was
not fo eafily accomplifhed as they had imagined. Yet
Defhneff in his memorials makes no mention of ob-
ftru&ions from the ice, nor probably did he meet with
any; for he takes notice that the fea is not every year
fo free from ice as it was at that time. The veffels
failed from the Kovyma on the 20th of June, and in
September they reached the promontory of the Tfchut-
fki, where Ankudinoff’s veffel was wrecked, and the
crew diftributed among the other two. Soon after this
the two veffels loft fight of each other, and never join¬
ed again: Defhneff was (jfiven about by tempeftuous
winds till Oftober, when he was fhipWrecked confider-
abiy to the fouth of the Anadyr. Having at laft reach¬
ed that rjver, he formed a fcheme of returning by the
fame way that he had come’, but never made the at¬
tempt. As for Alexeeff, after being alfo fhipwrecked,
he had died of the feurvy, together with Ankudinoff;
part of the crew were killed by the favages; and a few
cfcaped to Kamtfchatka, where they fettled.
From the voyage lately undertaken by Captain Cook
towards the north-eaftern parts of Afia, it appears, that
it is poffible to double the Promontory of Tfchutfchki
without any great difficulty : and it now appears, that
the continents of Afia and America are feparated
from one another but by a narrow ftrait, which is
free from ice ; but, to the northwards, that experienced
navigator was every where flopped by ice in the month
of Auguft, fo that he could neither trace the Ameri¬
can continent farther than to the latitude of 70°, nor
teach the mouth of the river Kovyma on the Afiatic
continent; though it is probable that this might have
been done at another time when the fituation of the ice Pole,
was altered either by winds or currents. 9 "*
On the whole, therefore, it appears, that the unfur-Infur-
mountable. obftacle in the north-eaft paffage lies be- countable
tween the rivers Piafida and Chatanga ; and un1efs°nthenorth-
there be in that fpace a connexion between the Afiaticeaft paf-
and American continents, there is not in any other fage.
part. Ice, however, is as effe&ual an obftruftion as
land ; and though the voyage were to be made by ac¬
cident for once, it never could be efteemed a paffage
calculated for the purpofes of trade, or any other be¬
neficial purpofe whatever. lo
2. With regard to the north-weft paffage, the fame Of the
difficulties occur as in the other. Captain Cook’s north-weft
voyage has now affured us , that if there is any ftrait
which divides the continent of America into two, it
muft lie in a higher latitude than 70°, and confe-
quently be perpetually frozen up. If a north-weft
paffage can be found then, it muft be by failing round
the whole American continent, inftead of feaking a
paffage through it, which fome have fuppofed to exift
in the bottom of Baffin’s Bay. But the extent of the
American continent to the northward is yet unknown;
and there is a poffibility of its being joined to that
part of Afia between the Piafida and Chatanga, which
has never yet been circumnavigated. It remains there¬
fore to confider whether there is any poffibility of at¬
taining the wiftied for paffage by failing dire&ly north,
between the eaftern and weftern continents, X1
3. The prafticability of this method, which woukkBarring-
lead diredftly to the pole itfelf, has been very ingenioufiy ton’s arg“*
fupported by the Hon. Daines Barrington, in
trads publifhed in the years 1775 and 1776, in con-po({;5ji}ty
fequence of the unfuccefsful attempts made by captain of reaching
Phipps, now lord Mulgrave, to reach a higher northern the pole,
latitude than 81, as was the cafe in 1773, in the voy¬
age undertaken by his majefty’s command. — He ia-
ftances a great number of navigators who have reached
very high northern latitudes; nay, fome who have been
at the pole itfelf, or gone beyond it.—Thefe inftances
are, 1. One captain Thomas Roberfon affured our au¬
thor that he had been in latitude 82^, that the fea
was open, and he was certain that he could have
reached the latitude of 83°.—2. From the teftimony
of captain Cheyne, who gave anfwers to certain que¬
ries drawn up by Mr Dalrymple concerning the polar
feas, it appears that he had been in the latitude of
820.—-3. One Mr Watt informed our author, that
when he was 17 years of age, at that time making his
firft voyage with captain M‘Callam, a bold and fkilful
navigator, who commanded a Scots whale-filhing fhip,
as during the time that the whales are fuppofed to
copulate no filhing can be carried on, the captain re-
folved to employ that interval in attempting to reach,
the north pole. He accordingly proceeded without
the leaft obftruftion to 83^, when the fea was not
only open to the northward, but they had feen no ice
for the laft three degrees; but while he ftill advanced,
the mate complained that the compafs was not fteady,
and the captain was obliged with reluftance to give
over his attempt. 4, Dr Campbell, the continuator
of Harris’s voyages, informed Mr Barrington, that
Dr Dallie, a native of Holland, being in his youth
aboard a Dutch (hip. of war\ which at that time was
ufually fent to fuperinteud the Greenland fiffiery, the
captain
POL [ 6383 ] POL
Pole, captain determined, like the Scotfman above-mention-
“ed, to make an attempt to reach the pole during the
interval between the firft and fecond fiflieries. He
penetrated, according to the belt of Dr Campbell’s
recolleftion, as far as 88® ; when the weather was
warm, the fea free from ice, and rolling like the bay
of Bifcay. Dallie now prefled the captain to proceed :
but he anfwered, that he had already gone too far, and
fhould be blamed in Holland for negledliog his ftation;
upon which account he would fuffer no journal to be
kept, but returned as foon as poffible to Spitzbergen.
5. In the year 1662-3, Oldenburg, then fecretary
of the royal fociety, was ordered to regifter a paper
intitled “ Several inquiries concerning Greenland, an¬
fwered by Mr Gray, who had vifited thefe parts.”
The 19th of thefe queries is the following : How near
hath any one been known to approach the pole ?—
The anfwer is, “ I once met, upon the coaft of
Greenland, a Hollander that fwore he had been half
a degree from the pole, (hewing me his journal which
was alfo attefted by his mate ; where they had feen
no ice or land, but all water.” 6. In captain Wood’s
account of a voyage in queft. of the north-eaft. paflage,
we have the following account of a Dutch (hip which
reached the latitude of 89. “ Captain Goulden,
who had made above 30 voyages to Greenland, did
relate to his majefty, that being at Greenland fome 20
years before, he was in company with two Hollanders
to the eaftward of Edge’s ifland ; and that the whales
not appearing on the fliore, the Hollanders were deter¬
mined to go further northward ; and in a fortnight’s
time returned, and gave it out that they had failed in¬
to the latitude 89, and that they did not meet with
any ice, but a free and open fea, and that there run a
very hollow jruww fea like that of the Bay of Bifcay.
Mr Goulden being not fatisfied with the bare relation,
they produced him four journals out of the two (hips,
which teftified the fame, and that they all agreed
within four minutes.” 7. In the Philofophical Tranf-
a&ions for 1675 we have the following paflage : “ For
it is well known to all that fail northward, that moll
of the northern coafts are frozen up for many leagues,
though in the open fea it is not fo, no nor under the
pole itfelf, unlefs by accident.” In which paflage the
having reached the pole is alluded to as a known fa£t,
and as fuch dated to the royal fociety. 8. Mr Miller,
in his Gardener’s Dictionary, mentions the voyage
of one captain Johnfon who reached 88 degrees of
latitude. Mr Barrington was at pains to find a full
account of this voyage; but met only with the follow¬
ing paflage in Buffon’s Natural Hiflory, which he
takes to be a confirmation of it. “ I have been
afiured by perfons of credit, that an Englifh captain,
whole name was Monfon, inflead of feeking a paflage
to China between the northern countries, had dire&ed
his courfe to the pole, and had approached it within
two degrees, where there was an open fea, without
any ice.” Here he thinks that Mr Buffon has mif-
taken Johnfon for Monfon. 9. A map of the north¬
ern hemifphere, publifhed at Berlin (under the di-
re&ion of the Academy of Sciences and Belles Letters)
places a fhip at the pole, as having arrived there ac¬
cording to the Duch accounts. 10. Moxon, hydro-
grapher to Charles II. gives an account of a Duch
fhip having been two degrees beyond the pole, which
was much relied on by Wood. Pote.
Befides thefe, there are a great number of other  
tedimonies of fhips which have reached the latitude of
82, 83, 84, &c.; from all which our author concludes,
that if the voyage is attempted at a proper time of
the year, there w'ould not be any great difficulty of
reaching the pole. Thofe vad pieces of ice which
commonly obftrufd the navigators, he thinks, proceed
from the mouths of the great Afiatic rivers which run
northward into the frozen ocean, and are driven eafi-
ward and weftward by the currents. But, though
we fhould fuppofe them to come direftly from the
pole, dill our author thinks that this affords an un¬
deniable proof that the pole itfelf is free from ice ;
becaufe, when the pieces leaves it, and come to the
fouthward, it is impofiible that they can at the fame ac¬
cumulate at the pole. ,3
The extreme cold of the winter air on the conti-Why we
nents of Ada and America has afforded room for ca"nc* fuP*
fufpicion, that at the pole itfelf, and for feveral de-ea
grees to the fouthward of it, the fea mud be frozen to the pole
a vad depth in one folid cake of ice; but this Mrtobefrs-
Barrington refutes, from feveral confiderations. In thezen*
firfl place, he fays, that on fuch a fuppofition, by the
contiuual intenfity of the cold, and the accumulation
of fnow and frozen vapour, this cake of ice mud have
been increafing in thicknefs fince the creation, or a,t
lead fince the deluge; fo that now it mud be equal in
height to the highed mountains in the world, and be
vifible at a great didance. Befides, the pieces broken
off from the fides of fuch an immenfe mountain mud
be much thicker than any ice that is met with in the
northern ocean ; none of which is above two yards in
height above the furface of the water, thofe immenfe
pieces called ice-mountains being always formed on
land.
Again, the fyflem of natureisfo formed, thatall parts
of the earth are expofed for the fame length of time, or
nearly fo, throughout the yeartothe raysof thejfun. But,
by reafon of the fpheroidal figure of the terraqueous
globe, the poles and polar regions enjoy the fun fome-
what longer than others; and hence the Dutch who win¬
tered in Nova Zembla in 1672 faw the fun a fortnight
fooner than they ought to have done by adronomical
calculations. By reafon of this flatnefs about the poles
too, the fun not only fhines for a greater fpace of time
on thefe inhofpitable regions, but with lefs obliquity
in the fummer-time, and hence the effeft of his rays
mud be the greater. Now Mr Barrington confiders it
as an abfurd fuppofition, that this glorious luminary
fhould fliine for fix months on a cake of barren ice
where there is neither animal nor vegetable. He fays
that the polar feas are affigned by nature as the habi¬
tation of the whales, the larged animals in the crea¬
tion ; but if the greated part of the polar feas are for¬
ever covered with an impenetrable cake of ice, thefe
huge animals will be confined within very narrow
bounds; for,they cannot fubfid without frequently
coming to the top of the water to breathe. ,3
Laflly, the quantity of water frozen by different de- Quantity of
grees of cold, is by no means ^diredly in proportion^® formed
to the intenfity of the cold, but likewife to the dura-"™^.^1'
tion of it. Thus, large bodies of water are neverproportion
frozen in any temperature of fhort duration, though to the de-
flialiow bodies often are. Our author obfems, that asgree of
35 Y 2 imichC0ld*
POL [ 6384 ] POL
Pole, much of a given mafs of water was frozen in five hours
' ~of a temperature 120 below the freezing point, as was
frozen in one hour of the temperature 50° below it ;
and that long duration of the temperature between 20
and 32 is, with regard to the congelation of water,
equivalent to intenfity of cold fuch as is marked o and
14 below o in Fahreinheit, but of ihort duration.
Mr For- On the other hand, Mr Forfter, in his Obfervations,
tier s argu* {3^ the contrary fide of the queftion with no little
gainft the vehemence. “ I know (fays he) that Mr de Buffon, Lo-
pofllbility monofof, and Crantz, were of opinion that the ice found
of reaching in the ocean, is formed near the lands, only from the
the pole. fre(h
water and ice carried down into the fea by the
many rivers in Siberia, Hudfon’s Bay, &c ; and there¬
fore, when we fell in with fuch quantities of ice in
December 1772, I expe&ed we (hould foon meet
with the land from whence thefe ice mafies had been
detached. But being difappointed in the difcovery
©f this land, though we penetrated beyond the 67°
twice, and once beyond 71, fouth latitude, and having
betides fome other doubts concerning the exiftence of
the pretended fouthern continent, I thought it neceffary
to inquire, what reafons chiefly induced the above
authors to form the opinion that the ice floating in the
ocean muft be formed near land, or that an Auftral
land is abfolutely requifite for that purpofe; and having
looked for their arguments, I find they amount chiefly
to this : ‘ That the ice floating in the ocean is all
frelh : that fait water does not freeze at all ; or if it
does, it contains briny particles. They infer from
thence, that the ice in the ocean cannot be formed in
the fea, far from any land ; there muft therefore exift
Auftral lands; becaufe, in order to form an idea of the
original of the great ice-maffes agreeably to what is
©bferved in the northern hemifphere, they find that
the firft point for fixing the high ice-iflands is the
land, and fecondly that the great quantity of flat ice
is brought down the rivers.’ I have impartially and
carefully confidered and examined thefe arguments,
and compared every circumftance with what we faw
in the high fouthern latitude, and with other known
fa&s, and will here infert the refult of all my inquiries
on this fubjeft.
“ Firft, they obferve the ice floating in the ocean to
yield, by melting, frefli water: which I believe to be
true. However, hitherto it has by no means been ge¬
nerally allowed to be freftt; for Crantz fays exprefsly,
that ‘ the flat pieces (forming what they call the ice¬
fields) are fait, becaufe they were congealed from fea-
water.’ The ice taken up by us for watering the
fhip was of all kinds, and neverthelefs we found it con-
ftantly frefh: Which proves, either that the principle
of analogy cannot be applied indifcriminately in both
henfcfpheres; and that one thing may be true in the
northern hemifphere, which is quite otherwife in the
fouthern, from reafons not yet known or diCcovered
by us: or we muft think that Crantz and others are
miftaken, who fuppofe the ice floating in the ocean to
be fait.
“ The next remark is, That fait water does not
freeze at all; or if it does, it contains briny particles.
Mr de BufFon tells us, ‘ that the fea between Nova Pole.
Zembla and Spitzbergen under the 790 north latitude ‘ "
does not freeze, as it is there confiderably broad : and
that it is not to be apprehended to find the fea frozen
not even under the pole itfelf; for indeed there is no
example of having ever found a fea wholly frozen
over, and at a confiderable diftance from the fhores:
that the only inftance of a fea entirely frozen is that
of the Black Sea, which is narrow and not very fait,
and receives a great many rivers Coming from north¬
ern regions, and bringing down ice: that this fea
therefore fometimes freezes to fuch a degree, that its
whole furface is cohgealed to a confiderable thicknefs ;
and, if the hiftorians are to be credited, was frozen,
in the reign of the emperor Conftantine Copronymus,
thirty ells thick, not including twenty ells of fnow
which was lying on the ice. This fa&, continues M. de
Buffon, feems to be exaggerated : but it is true how¬
ever, that it freezes almoft every winter ; whiilt the
high feas which are 1000 leagues nearer, towards the
pole, do not freeze; which can have no other caufe
than the difference in faltnefs and the little quantity
of ice carried out by rivers, if compared to the enor¬
mous quantity of ice which the rivers convey into the
Black Sea.’ Mr de Buffon is not miftaken when he
mentions that the Black Sea frequently freezes. Stra¬
bo informs us, that the people near the Bofphorus
Cimmerius pafs this fea in carts from Panticapseum to
Phanagorea; and that Neoptolemus, a general of
Mithridates Eupator, won a battle with his cavalry on
the ice, on the very fpot where he gained a naval
viftory in the fummer. Marcellinus Comes relates,
that in the XIV Indi&ion, under the confulfhip of
Vincentius and Fravita, in the year 401 after Chrift,
the whole furface of the Pontus was covered with ice,
and that the ice in fprrtig was carried through the
Propontis, during thirty days, like mountains. Zo-
naras mentions the fea between Conftantinople and
Scutari frozen to fuch a degree in the reign of Con¬
ftantine Copronymus, that even loaded carts paffed
over it. The prince Demetrius Cantemir obferves,
that in the year 1620-1, there happened fo intenfe a
froft, that the people walked over the ice from Con¬
ftantinople to Ilkodar. All thefe iq.ftances confirm
Mr de Buffon’s affertion. But as this great natural
hiftorian fays that the Black Sea is the only inftance
of a fea being entirely frozen (a), I muft beg leave
to diffent from him; for it is equally well attefted, that
the Baltic is fometimss entirely frozen, according to
Cafpar Schulz’s account. In the year 1426, the
winter was fo fevere, that people travelled over the ice
acrofs the Baltic from Dantzick to Lubeck ; and the
fea was likewife paffable from Denmark to Meeklen-
burgh: and in the year 1459, the whole Baltic was
entirely frozen, fo that perfons travelled, both on foot
and on horfeback, over ice from Denmark to the
Venedick Hanf-towns, called Lubeck, Wifmar, Ro-
Jlock, and Stralfund, which had never happened before;
people likewife travelled acrofs the Baltic over ice from
Reval in Eftland to Denmark and to Sweden, and
back
(a) In the year 860, the mediterranean was covered with ice, fo that people travelled in carts and horfes acrofs
the Ionian Sea to Venice; f Hermannus Contraftus ap. Pifior. Script, t. II. p. 236.) And in 1234, the Mediterra¬
nean was again thus frozen, that the Venetian merchants travelled over the ice with their merchandife to what place
they chofe ; Matth. Paris, p. 78.
Pole.
POL [ 6385 ] POL
back again, without the leaft danger (b). But, accor¬
ding to Sseraund Erode, even the great German Ocean
between Denmark and Norway was frozenjn the year
1048, fo that the wolves frequently ran over the ice
from one country to the other. The great northern
ocean is likewife molt certainly fometimes frozen to a
great diftance from any land. For Muller relates, that
in the year 1715,3 Coflack called Markoff-, with fome
other perfons, was fent by the Ruffian government to
explore the north fea; but finding it next to impoffible
to make any progrefs during fummer, on account of
the vaft quantities of ice commonly filling this ocean,
he at laft determined to try the experiment during
winter: he therefore took feveral fledges drawn ac¬
cording to the cullom of the country by dogs, which
commonly go about 80 or too werfts per day, 105
of which make a degree. And on March the 15th,
Old Style, with this caravan of nine perfons, he left
the ihores of Siberia at the mouth of the river Yana,
under the 710 of north latitude, and proceeded for
feven days together northward, fo that he had reach¬
ed at leaft the 770 or 78° north latitude, when he was
flopped by the ice, which there began to appear in
the fhape of prodigious mountains. He climbed up
to the top of fome of thefe ice mountains : but feeing
from thence no land, nor any thing except ice, as far
as the eye could reach, and having bdides no more
food for his dogs left, he thought it very neceffary to
return; which he with great difficulty performed, on
April the 3d, as feveral of the dogs, which had perilh-
ed for want, were employed to fupport tbofe that re¬
mained alive. Thefe fads, l believe, will convince
the unprejudiced reader, that there are other feas
befides the Black Sea, which really do freeze in
winter, and that the ice carried down the rivers
could not at leaft freeze the German Ocean between
Norway and Denmark, becaufe the rivers there are
So final!, and bear a very inconfiderable propor¬
tion to the immenfe ocean, which according to ex¬
periments made by Mr Wilke is very fait, though
near the land, in the Swedilh harbour of Land-
ferona.
“ Now, if fix or feven degrees of latitude, containing
from 360 to 4Z0 fea miles, are not to be reckoned a
great diftance from the land, I do not know in what
manner to argue, becaufe no diftance whatfoever will
be reckoned far from any land. Nay, if the Coflack
Markoff, being mounted on one of the higheft ice-
mountains, may be allowed to fee at lefcft to the di¬
ftance of 20 leagues, the extent alluded to above'
muft then be increafed to 480 Englilh fea-miles;
which certainly is -very confiderable, and makes it
more than probable, that the ocean is frozen in win¬
ter, in high northern latitudes, even as far as the
pole. Befides, it invalidates the argument which
thefe gentlemen wiffi to infer from thence, that the
ocean does not freeze in high latitudes, efpecially nukere
there is a confiderahly broad fea} for we have ftiown in-
ftances to the contrary.
“ But M. de Buflbn fpeaks of ice carried down the
rivers into the northern ocean, and forming there thefe
immenfe quantities of ice. * And in cafe, fays he, we
would fuppofe, againft all probability, that at the pole
it could be fo cold as to congeal the furface of the fea,
it would remain equally incomprehenfible, Iftiw thefe
enormous floating ice-maffes could be formed, if they
had not land for a point to fix on, and from whence
they are fevered by the heat of the fun. The two
ffiips, which the India Company fent in 1739 upon
the difeovery of the Auftral lands, found ice in 470
or 48° fouth latitude, but at no great diftance from
land ; which they difeovered, without being able to
approach it. This ice, therefore, muft have come from
the interior parts of the lands near the fouth pole; and
we muft conjedure, that it follows the courfe of
feveral large rivers, waffiing thefe unknown lands, in
the fame manner as the rivers Oby, the Yenifea, and
the other great rivers which fall into the northern fea,
carry the ice-maffes, which flop up the ftreights of
Waigats for the greater part of the year, and render
the Tartarian fea inacceffible upon this courfe.’ Be¬
fore we can allow the analogy between the rivers Oby,
Yenifea, and the reft which fall into the northern
ocean, and thofe coming from the interior parts of
the Auftral lands, let us compare the fituation of both,
countries, fuppofing the Auftral lands really to exift.
The Oby, Yenifea, and the reft of the Siberian
rivers, falling down into the northern ocean, have
their fources in 48® and 500 north latitute, where the
climate is mild and capable of producing corn of all
kinds. All the rivers of this great continent in-
creafing thefc great rivers, have likewife their fources
in mild and temperate climates, and the main diredion
of their courfe is from fouth to north ; and the coalt
of the northern ocean, not reckoning its finuofities,
runs in general weft and eaft. The fmall rivers,
whiclv
(b) In 1296, the Baltic was frozen from Gothland to Sweden. (Ihcerti aufloris Annahs Denor. in Wcjlphalii
monument. Cinibr. t. 1. p. 1392.)
In 1306, the Baltic was during fourteen weeks covered with ice, between all the Danifh and Swedilh iflands.
( Ludnvig reliquiae, MSSter. t. IX, p. 170.)
In 1323, there was a road for foot-paflengers and horfemen over the ice on the Baltic during fix weeks, [id. ibid.)
In 1349, people walking over the ice from Stralfund to Denmark. [Incerti auft. cit. ap. Ludwig, t. IX. p. 181.)
In 1408, the whole fea between Gothland and Oeland,. and likewife between Roftock and Gezoer, was frozen,
{id. ibid.)
In 1423, the ice bore riding from Prufifia to Lubeck. [Crantzii Vandal. 1. X. c. 40.) The whole fea was covered:
with ice from Mecklenburg to Denmark. [Incert autt. ap. Ludwig, t. IX. p. izj.)
In 1461, (fays Nicol. Marfcballus iu annal. Herul. ap. Wejlphal. 1.1. p. 261-) Tanta erat hyems, ut concreto
gelu oceano plauftris millia paffuum fupra CCC merces ad ultimam Thylen [Iceland) et Orcades veherentur e Ger*
mania pene bruma.
In 1545, the fea between Roftbck and Denmark, and likewife between Fionia and Sealand, was thus frozen, that?
the people travelled over the ice on foot, with fledges, to which horfes and oxen were put. [Anonym, ap,.
Ludwig, t. IX. p. 176.)
In 1294, the Cattegat or fea between Norway and Denmark was frozenthat from Oxfto in-Norway, they could^
travel on itto Jutland. [Strelow Chron. Jut hi land, p. 148.).
Pole.
POL [ 63
P°k- which are formed in high latitudes, have, property
fpeaking, no fources, no fprings, but carry off only
the waters generated by the melting of foowin fpring,
and by the fall of rain in the fhort fummer, and are
for the greateft part dry in autumn. And the reafon
of this phxnomenon is obvious, -after confidering the
conftitution of the earth in thofe high northern cli¬
mates. At Yakutfle, in about 62° north latitude, the
foil is eternally frozen, even in the height of fummer,
at the depth of three feet from the furface. In the
years 1685 and 1686, an attempt was made to dig
a well; and a man, by great and indefatigable labour,
continued during two fummer-feafons, and fucceeded fo
far in this laborious talk, that he at laft reached the
depth of 91 feet; but the whole earth at this depth
was frozen, and he met with no water, which forced
him to Sefift from fo fruitlefs an attempt. And it is
eafy to infer from hence, how impoflible it is that
fprings (hould be formed in the womb of -an eternally
jj frozen foil.
<>f the free- “ The argument, therefore, is now reduced to this,
■zing of fait- 77;rt/ fait •water does not freeze at all; or, if it does,
the ice cotitains briny particles. But we have already
before produced numberlefs inftances, that the fea does
freeze; nay, Crantz allows, that the flat pieces of ice
are fait, becaufe they •were congealed from fea-’water.
We beg leave to add a few decifive fafts relative to
the freezing of the fea. Barentz obferves in the year
1596, September the 16th, the fea froze two fingers
thick, and next night the ice was as thick again. This
happened in the midft of September; what effedi then
mult the intenfe froft of a night in January not pro¬
duce ? When Captain James wintered in Charleton’s
Ifle, the fea froze in the middle of December 1631.
It remains, therefore, only to examine, whether the
ice formed in the fea mull necefiarily contain briny
particles. And here I find myfelf in a very difagree-
able dilemma; for during the intenfe froft of the win¬
ter in 1776, two fets of experiments were made on the
freezing of fea-water, and publilhed, contradicting
one another almoft in every material point. The one
by Mr Edward Nairne F. R S. an ingenious and ac¬
curate obferver; the other by Dr Higgins, who reads
kdtures on chemiftry and natural philofophy, and con-
fequently muft be fuppofed to be well acquainted with
the fubjedt. I will therefore {till venture to confider
the-queftion as undecided by thefe experiments, and
content myfelf with making a few obfervations on
them : but previoufly I beg leave to make this gene¬
ral remark, that thofe who are well acquainted with
mechanics, chemiftry, natural philofophy, and the
various arts which require a nice obfervatiori ofmmute
circumftances, need not be informed, that an experi¬
ment or machine fucceeds often very well when made
upon a fmaller fcale, but will not anfwer if undertaken
at large ; and, vice verfa, machines and experiments
executed upon a fmall fcale will not produce the efFed,
which they certainly have when made in a more enlar¬
ged manner. A few years ago an experiment made
on the dyeing of fcarlet, did not fucceed when under¬
taken on a fmall fcale, whereas it produced the defired
effeft when tried at a dyer’s houfe with the large ap¬
paratus ; and it evidently confirms the above affertion,
which I think I have a right to apply to the freezing
(c) Second Supplement to the Probabi
86 ] POL
of falt-water. It is therefore probable, that the kc Pole,
formed in the ocean at large, in a higher latitude, and " ~
in a more intenfe degree of cold, whereof we have no
idea here, may become folid, and free from any
briny particles, though a few experiments made by
Dr Higgins, in his houfe, on the freezing of falt-
water, produced only a loofe fpungy ice filled with
briny particles. ^
“ The'ice formed of fea-water by Mr Nairhe was of
very hard, 3J- inches long, and 2 inches in diameter; MrNairne’s
it follows from thence, that the walbing the outfide of experi-
this ice in frelh water, could not affeft the infide of a ™?,ltrs
hard piece of ice. This ice when melted yielded freflt ,s u je J
water, which was fpecifically lighter than water, which
was a mixture of rain and fnow water, and next in
lightnefs to diddled water. Had the ice thus obtain¬
ed not been frefh, the refiduum of the fea water, af¬
ter this ice had been taken out, could not have been
fpecifically heavier than fea .water, which, however,
was the cafe in Mr Nairne’s experiment. It feems,
therefore, in my opinion, evident from hence, that
fait water does freeze, and has no other briny par¬
ticles than what adhere to its outfide. All this per¬
fectly agrees with the curious fa& related by Mr A-
danfon (c), who had brought to France two bottles of
fea water, taken up in different parts of the ocean, in
order to examine it and to compare its faltnefs, when
more at leifure ; but both the bottles containing the
fait water were burft by being frozen, and the water
produced from melting the ice proved perfectly frelh.
This faft is fo fairly ftated, and fo very natural, that
I cannot conceive it is neceffary to fuppofe, with¬
out the lead foundation for it, that the bottles •were
changed, or that Mr Adanfsn does not mention the cir-
cumjlance ly •which the fea •water •was thus altered upon
its being diffolved: for as he exprefsly obferves the
bottles to have been burft, it is obvious that the con¬
centrated briny parts ran out and were entirely drain¬
ed from the ice, which was formed of the frelh water
only.
“ The ice formed by Dr Higgins from fea water,
conjifled of thin lamina, adhering Jo each other •weakly.
Dr Higgins took out the frozen ice from the veffels
wherein he expofed the fea water, and continued to do
fo till the remaining concentrated fea water began to
form cryftals of fea fait. Both thefe experiments,
therefore, by no means prove what the doctor intend-
ed to infer from thence ; for it was wrong to take out
fuch ice, which only conffied of thin lamina, adhering
to each other •weakly. Had he waited with patience,
he would have obtained a hard ice as well as M^
Nairne, which, by a more perfeCl congelation, would
have excluded the briny particles intercepted between
the thin lamina, adhering to each other •weakly ; and
wtould have connefted the laminae, by others formed by
frelh water. The do&or found afterwards, it is true,
thicker and fomewhat more folid ice, in the veffcl B :
but the fea water had already been,,fo much concen¬
trated by repeated congelations, that it is no wonder
the ice formed in it became at laft brackilh : it (hould
feem then, that no conclufive arguments can be drawn
from thefe experiments. ,
“ There are two other obje&ions againft the for¬
mation of the ice in the great ocean. The frfl is taken
from
lityof reaching the north pole, p.11-9. *
POL [ 6387 ] POL
Pole, from the immenfe bulk and fize of the ice maffesform- be deemed unanfwerable to thofe who are not ufed to Pole
" ed in the ocean, which is the deepeji mafs of water we
know of. But the reader is referrecf to the table com¬
municated above, where it appears, that in the midft
of fummer, in the latitudes of 550, 55° 26', and 64°
fouth, at 100 fathoms depth, the thermometer was at
340, 34°4- and 320 ; and that in all inftances, the dif¬
ference between the temperature at top and too fa¬
thoms depth never exceeded four degrees of Fahren¬
heit’s thermometer, or that the temperature of the air
did not differ five degrees from that of the ocean at
100 fathom deep. If we now add to this, that be¬
yond the yi0 fouth the temperature, of the air and
ocean muft be ftill colder, and that the rigours of an
'antar&ic winter are certainly more than fufficient to
cool the ocean to 28°^, which is requifite for con¬
gealing the aqueous particles in it; if we moreover
confider, that thefe fevere frofts are continued during
fix or eight months of the year, we may eafily con¬
ceive that there is time enough to congeal large and
extenfive mafles of ice. But it is likewife certain,
that there is more than one way by which thofe im¬
menfe ice mafles are formed. We fuppofe very juftly,
that the ocean does freeze, having produced fo many
inftances of it; we allow likewife, that the ice thus
formed in a calm, perhaps does not exceed three or
four yards in thicknefs ; a flora probably often breaks
fuch an ice-field, which Crantz allows to be 200
leagues one way, and 80 the otherthe preffure of
the broken fragments againft one another frequently
fets one upon the other piece, and they freeze in that
manner together ; feveral fuch double pieces, thrown
by another preflure upon one another, form at laft
large mafles of miles extent, and of 20, 40, 60, and
more fathoms thicknefs, or of a great bulk or height.
Martens, in his defcription of Spitzbergen, remarks,
that the pieces of ice caufe fo great a noife by their
fhock, that the navigators in thofe regions can only
with difficulty hear the words of thofe that fpeak ;
and as the ice-pieces are thrown one upon another,
ice-moCmtains are formed by it. And I obferved very
frequently, in the years 1772 and 1773, when we were
among the ice, maffes which had the moft evident
marks of fuch a formation, being compofed of ftrata
of fome feet in thicknefs. This is in fome meafure
confirmed by the date in which the Coffack Markoff
found the ice at the diftance of 420 miles from the Si¬
berian coafts. The high mafles which were not found
formed, as isfufpe&ed in the Second fupplement to the
probability of reaching the north pole, p. 143-145, near
the land, under the high cliffs, but far out at fea; and
when thefe ice mountains were climbed by Markoff,
nothing but ice, and no veftiges of land, appeared as
far as the eye could reach. The high climates near
the poles, are likewife fubjeft to heavy falls of fnow,
of feveral yards in thicknefs, which grow more and
more compaft, a/id by thaws and rain are formed in¬
to folid ice, which increafe the ftupendous fize of the
floating ice mountains.
“ The _/ecaW obje£tion*againft the freezing of the
ocean into fuch ice as is found floating in it, is taken
from the opacity of ice formed in fait water; becaufe
the iargeft mafles are commonly tranfparent like cry-
ftal, with a fine blue tin£, caufed by the refle&ion of
the fea. This argument is very fpecioijs, and might
cold winters and their effefts. But whofoever has
fpent feveral winters in countries which are fubjedt to
intenfe frofts, will find nothing extraordinary or diffi¬
cult in this argument: for it is a well-known faft in
cold countries, that the ice which covers their lakes
and rivers, is often opaque, efpecially when the froft
fets in, accompanied by a fall of fnow ; for, in thofe
inftances, the ice looks, before it hardens, like a dough,
or pafte, and when congealed it is opaque and white :
however, in fpring, a rain and the thaw, followed by
frofty nights, change the opacity and colour of the ice,
and make it quite tranfparent and colourlefs like a cry-
ftal; but, in cafe the thaw continues, and it ceafea
entirely to freeze, the fame tranfparent ice becomes
foft and porous, and turns again entirely opaque. This,
I believe, may be applicable to the ice feen by u» in
the ocean. The field-ice was commonly opaque ;
fome of the large mafles, probably drenched by rain,
and frozen again, were tranfparent and pellucid ; but
the final! fragments of loofe ice, formed by the decay
of the large mafles, and foaked by long-continued
rains, we found to be porous, foft, and opaque.
“ It is likewife urged as an argument againft the
formation of ice in the ocean, that it always requires
land, in order to have a point upon which it may be
fixed. Firft, I obferve, that in Mr Nairne’s experi¬
ments, the ice was generated on the furface, and was
feen fliooting cryftals downwards: which evidently
evinces, in my opinion, that ice is there formed or ge¬
nerated where the intenfeft cold is j as the air fooner
cools the furface than the depth of the ocean, the ice ’
ftioots naturally downwards, and cools the ocean more
and more, by which it is prepared for further conge¬
lation. I fuppofe, however, that this happens always
during calms, which are not uncommon in high lati¬
tudes, as we experienced in the late expedition. Nor
does land feem abfolutcly neceflary in order to fix the
ice ; fot thi* may bs done with as much eafe and pro¬
priety to the large ice-mountains which remain undif-
folved floating in the ocean in high latitudes ; or it may
perhaps, not be improper to fuppofe, that the whole
polar region, from 80 and upwards, in the fouthern
hemifphere,. remains a folid ice for feveral years toge¬
ther, to which yearly a new circle of ice is added, and
of which, however, part is broken oif by the winds
and the return of the mild feafon. Wherever the ice
floats in large mafles, and fometimes in ccmpadt bo¬
dies formed of an infinite number of fmall pieces, there
it is by no means difficult to freeze the whole into one
piece, for amongft the ice the wind has not a power
of raifing high and great waves. This circumftance
was not entirely unknown to the ancients ; and it is
probable they acquired this information from the na¬
tives of ancient Gaul, and from the Britons, and other'
northern nations, who fometimes undertook long voy¬
ages. The northern ocean was called by the ancients
the frozen, the dead, the lazy, and immoveable fea :
fometimes they gave it the name mare cranium, the
concrete fea, and morimarufa, the dead fea. And,
what is very remarkable, in all the northern cold'
countries the froft fometimes is fo intenfe, that all the
waters become fuddenly coagulated into a kind of pafte
or dough, and thus at once congeal.”
On this rcafoning of Mr Forfter’s, however, we
mufti
POL [ 6388 ] POL
Pole, muft obferve, that it cannot poffibly invalftfate any fadt on fome occafions In boarding an enemy, whofe Tides
' Tt vvhich Mr Barrington has advanced. The beft con- were above thofe of the boarder. This is executed
Obferva- certed and moft plaufible theory in the world muft by detaching feveral gangs to enter at different parts
p®"^r"sMr yield to experience ; for this is in fadt what muft judge of the (hip’s length, at which time the pole-axes are
icafoning. all theories. Now, from what we have already related, forcibly driven into her fide, one above another, fo as
it is demonftrated, that in the fpace between the to form a fort of fcaling-ladders.
mouths of the rivers Piafida and Chatanga, more ice Pole-CW. See Mustela.
muft be formed, and more intenfe colds generated, POLEMICAL, in matters of literature, an appel-
than in any other part of the world. Confequently, lation given to books of controverfy, efpecialiy thofe
for a eonfiderable fpace both on the eaft and weft fide in divinity.
of that, the fea muft be more full of ice than any POLEMONIUM, Greek valerian, or Ja.
where el fe. Now, between thefe two rivers there is cols ladder} a genus of the monogynia order, belong-
the promontory ofTaimura, which runs out to the la- ing to the pentandria clafs of plants. There are two
titude of 78°, or near it, and which of neceffity muft fpecies, of which the moft remarkable is the cceru-
obftrudt the difperfion of the ice ; and that it adtually leum, with an empalement longer than the flower. It
does fo is in fome degree probable, becaufe in one of grows naturally in fome places of England ; however,
the Ruffian voyages abovementioned, the eaftern mouth its beauty has obtained it a place in the gardens,
of the Lena was quite free, when the weftern ones were There are three varieties, one with a white, another
entirely choaked up with ice. Now the mouth of the with a blue, and another with a variegated flower, al-
Yana lies feveral degrees to the eaftward of the Lena : fo a kind with variegated leaves. They are eafily pro-
confequently, when the ice comes eaftward from the pagated by feeds ; but that kind with variegated
Cape of Taimura, it muft neceffarily fill all that fea to leaves is preferved by parting its roots, becaufe the
the latitude of 78° and upwards; but the Coffack plants raifed from feeds would be apt to degenerate
Markoff, if he proceeded direftly north, could not be and become plain.
farther than the promontory ofTaimura, and confe- POLEMOSCOPE,inoptics,thefamewithOpERA-
quently ftill enveloped among the ice. Befides, we are glass. See Optics, p.5584. col. 1. par. «//.
certain, that the fea in 78° is not at all frozen into a POLENBURG (Cornelius), a fweet painter of
folid cake in fome places, fince Captain Phipps, in little landfcapes and figures, was born at Utrecht in
1773, reached 81 °. Mr Forfter’s argument therefore 1586, and educated under Blomaert, whom he foon
either proves nothing, or it proves too much. If it quitted to travel into Italy; and ftudied for a long
proves, that about the middle of the eaftern continent time in Rome and Florence, where he formed a ftyle
the cold is fo intenfe that a fufficient quantity of ice entirely new^which, though preferable to the Flemifti,
is formed to obftruft the navigation for feveral hundred is unlike any Italian, except in his having adorned his
miles round, this proves nothing; becaufe we knew be- landfcapes with ruins. There is a varnifhed fmooth-
fore, that this muft be the cafe. But if it proves, nefs and finilhing in his pi&ures, that render them al-
that the fea muft be unnavigable by reafon of ice all ways pleafing, though fimple and too nearly refem-
round the globe at 78° N. L. this is too much; becaufe bling one another. The Roman cardinals were charm-
we certainly know, that, in 1773, Captain Phipps ed with the neatnefs of his works, as was alfo the great
reached the latitude of 8i°. However, tho’ it fhould duke; but could not retain him. He returned to U-
be allowed that the fea is quite clear all the way to the trecht, and pleafed Rubens, who had feveral of his
pole, it muft be a very great uncertainty whether any performances. King Charles I. invited him to Lon-
fhip could by that way reach the Eaft Indies; becaufe don, where he generally painted the figures in Steen-
we know that it muft fail down between the continents wyck’s perfpe&ives; but the king could not prevail on
of Alia and America, thro’ that ftrait whofe mouth him to fix here; for, after (laying only four years, and
muft often be blocked up with ice driving eaftward being handfomely rewarded by his Majefty for feveral
along the continent of Afia. pieces which he performed for him, he returned to
The fouth poleis ftill more inacceffible than the north Utrecht, and died there at the age of 74. His works
pole; for the ice is found in much lower fouthern than are very fcarce and valuable.
northern latitudes. This fuperior degree of cold has POLERON, one of the Banda or nutmeg iflands
by many been fuppofed to proceed from a greater in the Eaft Indies. This was one of thofe fpice iflands
quantity of land about the fouth than the north pole ; which put themfelves under the protection of the Eng-
and the notion of a vaft continent in thefe regions pre- li(h, and voluntarily acknowledged James I. king of
vailed aimoft univerfally, infomuch, that many have England for their lovereign; for which reafon the na-
fought for it but in vain. But for a particular dif- tives of this and the reft of the iflands were murdered, -
cuffion of this matter, fee the articles SourH-Setf, or driven thence by the Dutch, together with the Eng-
and Terra Aujlralis. li(h-
Pole Axey a fort of hatchet nearly refembling a POLESIA, a province of Poland, bounded by Po-
battle-axe, having an handle about 15 inches in lachio and Proper Lithuania on the north, and by Vol-
length, and being furnifhed with a (harp point or claw, hinia on the fouth. It is one of the palatinates of Li-
bending downwards from the back of its head ; the thuania, and is commonly called Brejcia, and its capi-
blade whereof is formed like that of any other tal is of this name. It is full of forefts and lakes,
hatchet. It is principally employed to cut away and POLESINO de-Bovigo, a province of Italy in the
deftroy the rigging of any adyerfary who endeavours republic of Venice, lying to the noith of the river Po,
to board. and bounded on that fide by the Paduan, on the foyth
Pole-axes site alfo faid to have been fuccefafully ufed by the Ferrarefe, on the eaft by Degado, and on the
weft
Pole
I
Polelino.
POL [ 6389 ] POL
PoHanthes. weft by the Veronefe. It is 45 miles in length, and
“ 17 in breadth, and is a fertile country. Rovigo is the
capital.
POLIANTHES, the Tuberose ; a genus of the
monogynia order, belonging to the hexandria clafs of
plants. There is but one fpecies, confiding of fome
varieties; all of which being exotics of tender quality,
require aid of artificial heat, under fhelter of frames
and glaifes, 8cc. to bring them to - flower in per¬
fection in this country. The polianthes, or tuberofe,
bath an oblong, bulb-like, tuberous, white root;
crowned with a few long very narrow leaves; amidft
them an upright, ftraight, firm ftem, three or four feet
high, terminated by a long fpike of large white flowers,
arranged alternately. The varieties are the common tu¬
berofe, with fingle-flowers,—double flowered,—dwarf-
ftalked,—variegated leaved. They all flower here in
June, July, and Auguft : the flowers are funnel or
bell ftiaped ; gamifh the upper part of the ftem, in
a long fpike, confiding of from ten to twenty or more
feparate in alternate arrangements, the lower flowers
opening firft, which are fucceeded by thofe above,
in regular order, making in the whole a mod beauti¬
ful appearance, highly enriched with a mod fragrant
odour. The common fingle-flowered tuberofe, is the
fort the mod commonly cultivated, as it generally
blows the mod freely, and poffefles the fined fragrance.
The double-flowered kind alfo highly merits cul¬
ture as when it blows fair it makes a Angularly fine
appearance. The dwarf and the variegated kinds
are inferior to the other two, but may be cultivated for
variety.
All the varieties being exotics from warm countries,
although they are made to flower in great perfeftion
in our gardens by afliftance of hot-beds, they will
not profper in the open ground, and do not increafe
freely in England ; fo that a fupply of the roots is
imported hither annually from Genoa, and other parts
of Italy, by moft of the eminent nurfery and feedfmen,
and the Italian warehoufe-keepers; generally arriving
in February or March, time enough for the enfuing
fummer’s bloom ; and are fold commonly at the rate
of twelve or fifteen thillings per hundred, being care¬
ful always to procure as large roots as poffible, for on
this depends the fuccefs of having a complete blow.
They requiring artificial heat to blow them in this
country, are planted in pots, and plunged in a hot¬
bed, under a deep frame furnifhed with glafs lights ;
or placed in a hot-houfe, where they may be blowed
to great perfection, with little trouble. The prin¬
cipal feafon for planting them is March and April;
obferving, however, that in order to continue a long
fucceffion of the bloom, it is proper to make two or
three different plantings, at about a month interval;
one in March, another in April, and a third the be¬
ginning of May, whereby the blow may be continued
from June until September ; obferying, as above-men¬
tioned, they may be flowered either by aid of a com¬
mon dung or bark hot-bed, or in a hot-houfe.
With refpe& to the propagation of thefe plants, it
is principally by off-fets of the roots. The blowing
roots that are brought annually from abroad, for fale,
are often furnifhed with off-fets, which ought to be
feparated, previous to planting; thofe alfo that are
planted here in our gardens frequently furnifh off-fets
Von. IX. 2
fit for feparation in autumn when the leaves decay; PoHcanJr®
they muft then be preferved in fand all winter in a dry II
fheltered place ; and in the beginning of March, plant PQlldoro-
them either in a bed of light dry earth in the full
ground; or, to forward them as much as poifible, allow
them a moderate hot-bed 5 and in either method in¬
dulge them with a fhelter in cold weather, either of a
frame and lights, or arched with hoops and occafion-
ally matted ; but let them enjoy the full air in all mild
weather, giving alfo plenty of water in dry weather,
during the feafon of their growth in fpring and fum-
mer. Thus let them grow till their leaves decay in
autumn ; then take them up, clean them from earth,
and lay them in a box of dry fand to preferve them
till fpring; at which time, fuch roots as are large
enough to blow may be planted and managed as
already direftcd, and thefmaller roots planted again in
a nurfery-bed, to have another year’s growth ; after¬
wards plant them for flowering. The Egyptians put
the flowers of tuberofe into fweet oil ; and by this
means give it a moft excelent flavour, fcarce inferior
to oil ofjafmine.
POLICANDRO, a fmall ifland in the Archipe¬
lago, feated between Milo and Morgo. It has no
harbour, but has a town about three miles from the
fhore near a huge rock. It is a ragged ftony ifland,
but yields as much corn as is fufficient for the inhabi¬
tants, who confift of about 120 Greek families, all
Chriftians. The only commodity is cotton; of which
they make napkins, a dozen of which are fold for a
crown. E. Long. 35. 25. N. Lat, 36. 36.
POLICASTRO, an epifcopal town of Italy in the
kingdom of Naples, and in the Hither Principatc;
but now almoft in ruins, for which reafon the biihop
refides in another town. E. Long. 15. 46. N.
Lat. 40. 26.
POLICY, or Polity, in matters of government.
See Polity.
Policy of Infurance, or Affurance, of fliips, is a
contraft or conventiop, whereby a perfon takes upon
himfelf the riflts of a fea-voyage ; obliging himfelf to
make good the Ioffes and damages that may befal the
veffel, its equipage, tackle, vidlualing, lading, &c.
either from tempefts, fhipwrecks, pirates, fire, war,
reprifals, in part or in whole; in confideration of a
certain fum of feven, eight, or ten per cevi. more
or lefs according to the rifle run ; which fum is paid
down to the affurer by the affuree, upon his figning
the policy. See Insurance.
POLIDORO da Caravaggio, an eminent pain¬
ter, born at Caravaggio in the Milanefe in 1492.
He went young to Rome, where he worked as a
labourer in preparing ftucco for the painters; and was
fo animated by feeing them at work in the Vatican,
that he folicited fome of them to teach him the rules
of defigning. He attached himfelf particularly to
Maturino a yonng Florentine ; and a fimilarity in ta¬
lents and tafte, producing a difinterefting affeftion,
they affociated like brothers, laboured together, and
lived on one common purfe, until the death of Maturi¬
no. He underftood and praftifed the chiaro fcuro in
a degree fuperior to any in the Roman fchool; and
finilhed an incredible number of pidufes both in fre-
fco and in oil, few of the public buildings at Rome
being without fome of his paintings. Being obliged
85 Z to
POL [ 6390 ] POL
Felignac to fly from Rome when it was ftormed and pillaged,
H, he retired to MefiGna, where he obtained a large fum
Pohtian. pp njopgy w;t{1 gv€at reputation, by painting the tri¬
umphal arches for the reception of Charles V. after his
vi&ory at Tunis : and when he was preparing to re¬
turn to Rome, he was murdered, for the fake of bis
riches, by his Sicilian valet with other aflafiins, in
the year 1543.
POLIGNAC (Melchier de), an excellent French
genius and a cardinal, born of an ancient and noble
family at Puy, the capital of Velay, in 1662. He
was fent by Lewis XIV. ambaflador extraordinary to
Poland, where, on the death of Sobieflii, he formed a
projeft of procuring the eleftion of the prince of Conti.
But failing, he returned home under fome difgrace;
but when reftored to favour, he was fent to Rome as
auditor of the Rota. He was plenipotentiary during
the congrefs at Utrecht, at which time Clement I.
created him a cardinal; and upon the acceflion of Lewis
XV. he was appointed to refide at Rome as miuifter of
France. He remained there till the year 1732, and
died in the 1741. He left behind him a MS. poem
intitled Anti-Lucretius, feu De Deo et Natures; the
plan of which he is faid to have formed in Holland, in
a couverfation with Mr Bayle : this celebrated poem
was firft publiftied in the year 1749, and has fince
been feveral times printed in other countries befldes
France.
POLISHER, or Burnisher, among mechanics,
an inftrument for polilhing and burnilhing things pro¬
per to take a polifh. The gilders ufe an iron-polifher
to prepare their metals before gilding, and the blood-
ftone to give them the bright polilh after gilding.
The poli(her§, among cutlers, are a kind of wooden
wheels made of walnut-tree, about an inch thick, and
of a diameter at pleafure, which are turned round
by a great wheel; upon thefe they fmooth and polilh
their work with emery and putty.
The polilhers for glafs confift of two pieces of
wood ; the one flat, covered with old hat; the other
long and half-round, fafteaed on the former, whofe
edge it exceeds on both fides by fome inches, which
ferves the workmen to take hold of, and to work back¬
wards and forwards by.
The polilhers ufed by fpedacle-makers are pieces
of wood a foot long, feven or eight inches broad, and
an inch and a half thick, covered with old beaver
bat, whereon they polifh the Ihell and horn frames
their fpe&acle-glafles are to be fet in.
POLISHING, in general, the operation of giving
a glofs or luftre to certain fubftances, as metals, glafs,
marble, &c-
The operation of polilhing optic-glafles, after being
properly ground, is one of the molt difficult poinlj of
the whole procefs. See Optics, n° 181, &c. 194, &c.
POLITIAN (Angelo), was born at Monte Pul-
ciano in Tufcany in 1454. He was one of the moft
learned and polite writers of his time. The firlt
work which gained him a reputation was a poem on
the tournament of Julian de Medicis. The account he
wrote fome time after of the confpiracy of the Pazzi’s
was very much efteemed. He w’rote many other pieces,
which have merited approbation ; and had he lived
longer, he would have enriched the republic of letters
with many excellent works; but he died at the age
of 40 years. His morals anfwered the homelinefs of Politic?
his face rather than the beauty of his genius. II .
POLITICS, the firft part of ceconomy, confifting 0 tltl0nj
in the well governing and regulating the affairs of a
ftate for the maintenance of the public lafety, order,
tranquillity, and morals.
POLITY, or Policy, denotes the peculiar form
and conftitution of the government of any ftate or na¬
tion ; or the laws, orders, and regulations relating
thereto*. Polity differs only from politics, as the * See Go- |
theory from the praftice of any art. vermenU |
POLL, a word ufed in ancient writings for the
head: hence to poll, is either to vote, or to enter down
the names of thofe perfons who give their votes, at an,
ele&ion.
Pqll-AW. See Farriery, § xxx.
Poll -Money, or Capitation, a tax impofed by au¬
thority of parliament on the perfon or head ; either on
all indifferently, or according to fome known mark or
diftinftion, as quality, calling, &c..
Thus, by the ftatute 18 Car. II. every fubjeft in the
kingdom was affeffed by the head, or poll, according
to his degree; every duke tool, marquis 8ol. baro¬
net 30I. knight 20I. efquire 10I. &c. and every Angle
private perfon 12 d.
This was no new tax, as appears by former ads of
parliament.
POLLEN, the fecundating or fertilizing duft con¬
tained within the antherae or tops of the ftamina, and
difperfed upon the female organ when ripe, for the
purpofes of impregnation. See Botany.
This duft, correfponding to the feminal fluid in ani¬
mals, is commonly of a yellow colour; and is very con-
fpicuous in the fummits of fome flowers, as the tulip
and lily. Its particles are very minute, and of extreme
hardnefs. Examined by the microfcope, they are ge¬
nerally found to affume fome determinate form, which
often predominates, not only through all the fpecies
of a particular genus, but alfo through the genera of a
natural family or order. The powder in queftion be¬
ing triturated, and otherwife prepared in the ftomach
of bees, by whom great quantities are colleded in the
hairy brulhes with which their legs are covered, is
fuppofed by fome authors to produce the fubftance
known by the name of 'wax; a fpecies of vegetable oil,
rendered concrete by the prefence of an acid, which
muft be removed before the fubftance can be rendered
fluid.
POLLEX, in anatomy, denotes either the thumb
or great toe, according as manus or pedis is added to
it.
POLLIO (Caius Afinius), a celebrated Latin poet
and orator, was of confular dignity, and cbmpofed
fome tragedies which were efteemed, but ate now loft.
He was the firft who opened at Rome a library for the
ufe of the public. He was the friend of Mark An¬
tony ; which prevented his complying with the fe¬
licitations of Auguftus, who preffed him to embrace
bis party. At length Auguftus having wrote fome
verfes againft Pollio, he was urged to anfwer them; on
which he faid, “ I fhall take care of writing againft a
man who has the power of proferibing us.” He is
praifed by Virgil and Horace.
POLLUTION, in general, fignifies defilement, or
the rendering a petfoa or place unclean or unholy.
For
POL [ 6391 ] POL
Pollution For the Jewilh pollutions, fee the article Impurity.
ft . The Romanifts hold a church to be polluted by the
Polyaadna. effuplon 0f bi00£] or uf feecj therein 5 and requires its
being cdnfccrated anew. And the Indian': are fo fu-
perftitious on this head, that they break all the veflels
which thofe of another religion have drank out of, or
even only touched; and drain all the water out of a
pond in which a ftranger has bathed.
Pollution, in medicine, a difeafe which confifls in
an involuntary emiffion of the feed in time of deep.
This, in different perfons, is very different in degree;
fome being affe&ed with it only once in a week, a
fortnight, three weeks, or a month, and others being
fubjeft to it altnoft every night. The perfons moft fub-
jedl to it, are young men of a fanguineous tempera¬
ment, who feed high and lead a fedentary life. When
this happens to a perfon but once in a fortnight or a
month, it is of no great confequence; but when it hap¬
pens almoft every night, it greatly injures the health;
the patient looks pale and fickly; in fome the eyes be¬
come weak and inflamed, are fometimes affe&ed with
violent deflu&iojis, and are ufuallyat laft incircled with
a livid appearance of the fldn. This diftemper is to
be cured rather by a change of life than by medicines.
When it has taken its rife from a high diet, and a fe¬
dentary life, a coarfer food and the ufe of exercife will
generally cure it. Perfons fubjeA to this difeafe flrould
never take any ftimulating purges, and muff avoid as
much as poffible all violent paffions of the mind: and
though exercife is recommended in moderation, yet if
this be too violent, it will rather increafe the diforder
than contribute to its cure.
Self-Pollution. See Onanism.
POLLUX. See Castor.
Pollux, in aftronomy, a fixed ftar of the fecond
magnitude in the conftellation Gemini, or the Twins.
POLTROON, orPoLTRON, a coward, or daftard,
Wanting courage to perform any thing great or noble.
The word is borrowed from the French, who, accord¬
ing to Salmafius, derive it a ptllice truncate; becaufe
anciently thofe who would avoid going to the wars,
cut off’ their thumb. But Menage, with more proba¬
bility, derives it from the Italian poltrone, and that
from poltro a “bed;” becaufe timorous, pufillanimous
people, take pleafure in lying a-bed. Others choofe to
derive the word from the Italian, poltroy a “ colt;”
becaufe of that creature’s readinefs to run away.
POLOCSKI, a palatinate in the duchy of Lithua¬
nia, bounded on the north by the palatinate of Wey-
tepflti, on the fouth by the Dwina, on the north by
Mufcovy, and on the welt by Livonia. It is a defart
•country full of wood, and bad formerly its own dukes.
Polocski, a town of Lithuania, and capital of a pa¬
latinate of the fame name, with two caftles to defend
It. It was taken by the Mufeovites in 1563, and re¬
taken the fame year. It is feated on the river Dwina,
50 miles fenth-weft of Weytepflti, and 80 eaft of Bra-
flaw. E. Long. 29. o. N. Lat. 56. 4.
POLYADELPHIA, (from “ many,” and
xtiXfia., “ brotherhood,”) many brotherhoods. The
name of the 18th clafs of Linnaeus’s fexual fyftem,
eonliftiiig of plants with hermaphrodite flowers, in
which feveral (lamina or male organs are united by
their filaments into three or more diftimS bundles.
POLYANDRIA, (tsait, “ many;” and a
“ man, or hufband,”) many hufbands; the name of the Polyanthus
13th clafs in Linnaeus’s fexual method, confiding of U
plants with hermaphrodite flowers, which are furnilh- 0 yga a‘
ed with feveral ftamina, that are inferted into the com¬
mon receptacle of the flower.
POLYANTHUS, in botany. See Primula.
POLYXjENUS, the name of many ancient perfon-
ages, and principally of one who appears to have been
a Macedonian, and the writer of eight books of Stra-
tagtmata. Stratagems of illuftrious commanders in war.
The bell edition is that of Leyden 1690, 8vo. Num¬
bers of thefe ftratagems appear ridiculous or impracti¬
cable; but the book is of ufe to thofe who (tudy the
Greek language or antiquity. We have citations from
other works of the fame author.
POLYBIUS, a famous Greek hiftorian, was born
at Megalopolis, a city of Arcadia; and was the fon of
Lycortas, chief of the republic of the Achseans. He
was fent ambaffador to Rome, where he contradted a
ftrift friendftup with Scipio and Lelius; and in that city
compofed his excellent hiftory, after he had made fe¬
veral voyages to the places of which he was to treat.
This hiftory was divided into 40 books; but there
only remains the five firft, with extra&s of fome parts
of the others. It has had feveral editions in Greek
and Latin; and there is an Englifh tranflation by Mr
Hampton. Polybius lived about 120 years before the
Chriftian sera, and died at the age of 82.
POLYCARP, one of the moft ancient fathers of
the Chriftian church, was born towards the end of the
reign of Nero, probably at Smyrna ; where he was
educated at the expence of Califta, a noble matron di-
ftinguifhed by her piety and charity. He was unque-
ftionably a difciple of St John the Evangelift, and con-
verfed familiarly with other of the apoftles. When of a
proper age, Bucolus ordained him a deacon and cate-
chift of his church; and upon his death he fucceeded
him in the bifhopric, to which he is faid to have been
confecrated by St John, who alfo directed his Apoca-
lypfe, among others, to him, under the title of the an¬
gel of the church of Smyrna. At length the controverfy
about the obfervation of Eafter beginning to groflr
high between the eaftern and weftern churches, he
went to Rome to difeourfe with thofe who were of the
oppofite party. The fee was then poffeffed by Anice-
tus, with whom he had many conferences, that were
carried on in the moft peaceable and amicable manner;
and though neither of them could bring the other to
embrace his opinion, they both retained their own fen-
timents without violating that charity which is the
great law of their religion. Polycarp governed the
church of Smyrna till he fuffered martyrdom in 167.
There is ftill extant an epiftle written by St Polycarp
to the Philippians.
POLYCHREST, in pharmacy, fignifies a medicine
that ferves for many ufes, or that cures many difeafes.
Sal Polychrest, a compound fait made of equal
parts of falt-petre and fulphur, deflagrated in a red-
hot crucible.
POLYDORE Virgil. See Virgil.
POLYGALA, miklwort; a genus of the oflan-
dria, belonging to the diadelphia clafs of plants. There
are 24 fpecies, of which the moft remarkable are,
1. The vulgaris, or common milkwort, is a native
of the Britiih heaths and dry paftures. The ftalks are
35 Y 2 about
POL
Polygala about five or fix inches long, feveral arifing from the
II fame root: the leaves are firm, fmooth, entire, and
Polygamy. groW a]ternate Up0n the ftalks, which are terminated
with fpikes of flowers, moft commonly blue, but often
red or white: the calix cpnfxfts of five leaves, three of
which are fmall and green, two below, and one above
the corolla; the other two intermediate ones are large,
oval, flat, coloured, veined, and refemble petals, which
at length turn greenifli, and remain a defence to the
feed-veflelj the corolla confifts of three petals folded
together, and forming a tube: the carina is termina¬
ted by a kind of heart-fliaped, concave appendage,
fringed at the extremity. The root of this plant has
a bitter tafte, and has been found to poflefs the virtues
of the American rattlefnake-root. It purges without
danger, and is alfo emetic and diuretic; fometimes ope¬
rating all the three ways at once. A fpoonful of the
decoflion made by boiling an ounce of the herb in a
pint of water till one half has exhaled, has been found
ferviceable in pleurifies and fevers, by promoting a dia-
phorefis and expeftoration; and three fpoonfuls of the
fame, taken once an hour, has proved beneficial in the
dropfy and anafarca. It has alfo been found fervice¬
able in confumptive complaints.
2. The fenega, or feneka, rattlefnake-wort, grows
naturally in moft parts of North America. This hath
a perennial root compofed of feveral flefhy fibres, from
which arife three or four branching ftalks which grow
ereft, garniftied with fpear-fhaped leaves placed alter¬
nately. The flowers are produced in loofe fpikes at
the end of the branches: they are fmall, white, and
fliaped like thofe of the common fort. It flowers here
in July, but the plants do not produce feeds. The
root of this fpecies operates more powerfully than the
lad ; but befides the virtues of a purgative, emetic,
and diuretic, it has been recommended as an antidote
againft the poifon of a rattlefnake; tho’ how precarious
every remedy in that cafe muft be, will appear from
what is faid under the article Poison.
As the feeds of the rattlefnake-wort feldom fucceed
even in the countries where the plant is a native, the'
beft method of propagating it is to procure the roots
from America, and plant them in a bed of light earth
in a flieltered fituation, where they will thrive without
any other culture than keeping them free from weeds.
But though the plant will ftand our ordinary winters,
it will be proper to cover it during that feafon with old
tanner’s bark, or other mulch, to keep out the froft.
POLYGAMIA, <« many;” and
“ marriage.”) This term, exprefling an intercom¬
munication of fexes, is applied, by Linnaeus, both to
plants and flowers. A polygamous plant is that which
bears both hermaphrodite flowers and male or female,
or both.
POLYGAMY, a plurality of wives or hufbands, in
the poffeflion of one man or woman, at the fame time.
Many arguments have been offered to prove the un-
lawfulnefs of polygamy; one of the principal of which
is, that the males and females brought into the world
are nearly on a balance; only abating for a fmall excefs
on the fideofthemales,to make up for the extraordinary
txpence thereof in war and at fea: whence it evidently
follows, that nature only intends one wife, or one huf-
band, for the fame perfon; (ince if they have more,
fume muft go without any at all, Hence it is juftly
POL
concluded, that the Chriftian law, which prohibits po- Polyglott
lygamy, is more agreeable to the law of nature than II
the Mahometan, and, we may add, than the Tewiftr 0
law, by which polygamy was tolerated. See Bigamy.
POLYGLOTT, among divines and critics, chiefly
denotes a bible printed in feveral languages. See Bi¬
ble, and Printing.
POLYGON, in geometry, a figure with many fides,
or whofe perimeter confifts of more than four fides at
leaft; fuch are the pentagon, hexagon, heptagon, &c.
POLYGONUM, knot-grass; a genus of thetri-
gynia order, belonging to the o&andria clafs of plants.
There are 27 fpecies; but the moft remarkable are,
1. The biftorta, biftort, or greater fnakeweed, hath a
thick oblique intorted root, blackifh without and red
within; a Ample round flender ftem near two feet high;
oval leaves, having decurrent foot-ftalks, and the (talk
terminated by thick fhort fpikes of whiti(h-red flowers.
2. The vivaparum, or fmaller biftort, hath a thickifli
root, a Ample flender ftem half a foot high, fpear-ftia-
ped leaves, and the ftalks and branches terminated by
long fpikes of whitifli-red flowers. Both thefe peren¬
nials flower in May and June, fucceeded by ripe feeds
in Auguft. They grow wild in England, &c. the firft
in moift places, the other in mountainous fituations.
3. Oriental polygonum, commonly called perJicarM,
hath fibrous roots; an upright, robuft, ftrong, jointed
ftem, rifing eight or ten feet high, dividing at top into
feveral branches ; very large oval-lanceolate alternate
leaves, on broad foot-ftalks half furrounding the ftem;
and all the branches terminated by long, flender, hang¬
ing fpikes of reddifh-purple heptandrous and digyniou*
flowers, from July till O&ober. 4. Fagopyrum, buck¬
wheat, or brank, rifes with an upright fmooth branchy
ftem, from about a foot and a half to a yard high, heart-
ftiaped fagittated leaves, and the branches terminated
by clutters of whitifh flowers, fucceeded by large an¬
gular feeds; excellent for feeding pigeons, and moft
forts of poultry.
All thefe plants are hardy, and fucceed in almoft any
foil and fituation; the two firft are perennial in root;
and the third and fourth are annual, wholly decay at
the end of fummer, or early in winter. The firft two
forts are retained in fome curious gardens for variety;
but their chief merit is for medical purpofes: they are
powerful aftringents, and are ufed both internally and
externally; efteemed very efficacious in haemorrhages,
and other fluxes; and good to heal fore mouths. Third
fort, Oriental polyganum, or perficaria, is a moft ele¬
gant annual for the embelliftiment of the pleafure-
ground; afluming a majeftic tree-like growth by its
ere& luxuriant ftem, and branchy head; which being
garnifticd with noble large foliage, and numerous pen¬
dulous fpikes of flowers, in conftant fucceffion three or
four months’, exhibits a very ornamental appearance
from June or July until Oftober, and is fo eafy of cul¬
ture, that from its fcattered feeds in autumn, young
plants rife fpontaneoufly in abundance the enfuing
fpring, and ftioot up fo rapidly as to attain fix or
eight feet ftature by July, when they generally begin
flowering, and continue till attacked by the froft, then
totally perifh; fo that a frefli fupply muft be raifed
from feed annually. The fourth fort (buck-wheat) is
a fort of corn, and is frequently cultivated both by way
of fodder, cutting its ftalks while young and green to
[ 6392 ]
>
POL [ 6393 ] POL
Polygonum feed cattle; and for its grain to feed pigeons, poultry,
il . hogs, &c. It flouriflies in any foil and fituation, but
Polypodt- genera]iy thrives belt in a light dry earth ; and the
 ]  drieft feafons feldom retard its growth. The firft and
fecond fort are eafily propagated in plenty, by parting
the roots in autumn. The third fort, Oriental poly¬
gonum, being annual, is always propagated from feed
annually, either in the full ground, or by aid of hot¬
beds.
Ufes. The root of a kind of biftort, according to
Gmelin, is ufed in Siberia for ordinary food. This fpe-
cies is by Haller called iiftorta foliis ad oram nervojis,
and by fome other botanifts biftorta montana minor.
The natives call it mouka ; and fo indolent are they,
that, to fave themfelves the trouble of digging it out
of the earth, they go in fpringand pillage the holes of
the mountain rats, which they find filled with thefe
roots. In our country, biftort is ufed in medicine. All
the parts of biftort have a rough auftere tafte, parti¬
cularly the root, which is one of the ftrongeft of the
vegetable aftringents. It is employed in all kinds of
immoderate hsemorrhagies and other fluxes, both inter¬
nally and externally; where aftringency is the only in¬
dication. It is certainly a very powerful ftyptic, and
is to be looked on Amply as fuch; the fudorific, anti-
peftilential, and other like virtues afcribed to it, it has
no other claim to, than in confequence of its aftringen¬
cy, and of the antifeptic power which it has in common
with other vegetable ftyptics. The largeft. dofe of the
root in powder is one dram.
POLYGRAPHY, Polygraphia, or Polygra-
phice, the art of writing in various unufual manners or
cyphers; as alfo of decyphering the fame. The word'
is formed from the Greek, multum, and
fcriptura, “ writing.”
The ancients feem to have been very little acquaint¬
ed with this art; nor is there any mark of their having
gone beyond the Lacedaemonian fcytala. Trithemius,
Porta, Vigenere, and father Niceron, have written on
the fubjeft of polygraphy or ciphers. See Cipher.
POLYHYMNIA, in the pagan mythology, one of
the nine mufes,thus named from the Greek words na^uf,
“ much;” and memory.” She prefided over
hiftory, or rather rhetoric ; and is reprefented with a
crown of pearls and a white robe ; her right hand in
aftion as if haranguing, and holding in her left a Ca-
duceus or fceptre to (hew her power.
POLYHEDRON, in geometry, denotes a body or
folid comprehended under many fides or planes.
Polyhedron, in optics, is a multiplying glafs or
lens, confifting of feveral plane furfaces difpofed into a
convex form. See Optics, p. 5575.
POLYMATHY, denotes the knowledge of many
arts and fciences. The word is derived from the Greek,
riuxu, multum, and difco.
POLYPETALOUS, among botanifts, an epithet
applied to fuch flowers as confift of feveral petals or
flower-leaves.
POLYPODIUM, polypody; a genus of the or¬
der of filices, belonging to the cryptogamia clafs of
plants. There are 65'fpecies, of which the moft re¬
markable is the filix mas, or common male fern. This
grows in great plenty throughout Britain in woods and
ftony foils. The leaves are a cubit high, and grow in
circular tufts. They are at firft alternately pinnate,
the pinnse increafing in fize from the bafe towards the Polypodi-
middle, and afterwards gradually decreafing upwards lll'n
to the fummit of the leaf. Thefe pinnae are again pin- p0jytri.
natifid, or fubdivided almoft to the nerve into obtufe thum.
parallel lobes, crenated on the edges. The ftalks are. 
covered with brown filmy fcales. The frudlifications
are kidney-fhaped, and covered with a permanent fcaly
fhieldorinvolucrum. The capfules are of a pale brown,
furrounded with a faffron-coloured elaftic ring.
This fern has nearly the fame qualities, and is uf«l
for moft of the fame intentions as the pteris aquilina.
They are both burnt together for the fake of their
afhes, which are purchafed by the foap and glafs-ma-
kers. In the iflandof Jura are exported annually 150I. *
worth of thefe allies.
Gunner relates, in his Flor. Noveg. that the young
curled leaves, at their firft appearance out|of the ground,
are by fome boiled and eaten like afparagus; and that
the poorer Norwegians cut off thofe fucculent laminae,
like the nails of the finger at the crown of the root,
which are the bafes of the future ftalks, and brew them
into beer, adding thereto a third portion of malt, and
in times of great fcarcity mix the fame in their bread.
The fame author adds, that this fern cut green and
dried in the open air, affords not only an excellent lit¬
ter for cattle, but, if infufed in hot water, becomes no
contemptible fodder to goats, ftieep, and other cattle,
which will readily eat, and fometimes grow fat upon
it: a circumftance well worth the attention of the in¬
habitants of the Highlands and Hebrides, as great
numbers of their cattle, in hard winters, frequently pe-
riih for want of food.
But the anthelmintic quality of the root of the male
fern is that for which it is chiefly to be valued, and of
which an account is given under the article Medicine,
n° 493-
POLYPUS, in zoology, a fpecies of the Hydra;
which, though cut in a thoufand pieces, and in every
direftion, ftill exifts, and each fe&ion becomes a com¬
plete animal.
Polypus of th>\Heart. See Medicine, n° 209, 383.
POLYSARCIA, or Corpulency. See Medicine,
n° 433-
POLLYSYLLABLE, in grammar, a word con¬
fifting of more than three fyllables; for when a word
confifts of one, two, or three fyllables, it is called a
momfyllable, a dijfyllable, and trifyllalle.
POLYSYNDETON. See Oratory, n° 65.
POLYTHEISM, in matters of religion, the doc¬
trine or belief of a plurality of gods.
POLYTRICHUM, in botany, a genus of the or¬
der of mufci, belonging to the cryptogamia clafs of
plants. There are three fpecies; the moft remarkable
of which is the commune, or great golden maiden-hair,
frequently to be met with on the bogs and wet places
of this country. It grows in patches, the ftalks ere<ft,
generally Angle and unbranched, from three inches to
a foot, or even a yard, high. The leaves are nume¬
rous, ftiff, lanceolate, acute, growing round the ftalk
without order, and, if viewed with a microfcope, ap¬
pear to have their edges finely ferrated. They are of
a bright green when young and frefh, but reddifh when
dried or in decay; the filaments, or peduncles, are of a
fhining red, or orange colour, from two to four inches
long, arifing fingly from the top of the ftalks, and fur-
rounded
POM [ 6394 ] POM
Potytri- rounded at their bafe with a cylindrical tubular vagi-
ch«m, na> or perichsetium. The aothera, or capfule, is qua-
omaceg. _jran^ui3r, ^reen at afterwards yellow, and red
when ripe, having an annular pedeftal, or apophyfis, at
its bafe. The operculum is flat, with a projefting point
in the centre; and underneath is a whitiih circular
membrane, placed in the middle of the capfule’s ori¬
fice, and fuitained there by numerous arched threads,
or cilia, connefted by one end to the circumference of
this membrane, and by the other faftened to the ring
of the anthera. The pollen, or, as others term it, the
feed, is freed from the anthera or capfule through the
fpace between the cilia. The calyptra is twofold, an
internal and external one; both which at firft entirely
cover and hang over the anthera. The internal one is
conical, membranaceous, and fmooth; the external one
is compofed only of tawny hairs, conne&ed into a fort
of mat, lacerated at the bafe, and ferving like a roof
of thatch to defend the other. Befldes the (talks be¬
fore defcribed, there are commonly fome others near at
hand, which are dettitute both of filaments and cap-
fules, but are terminated with a kind of rofaceous cup,
.either of a bright red or yellowifh colour, compofed of
leaves of different fixes, the outermoft broad, the in-
nermoft lanceolate, growing gradually more and more
fine and flendcr to the centre. This cup is looked up¬
on by Linnaeus as the female flower of this mofs; but
Haller is opinion that it is only the gem or origin of
a new ftalk, which frequently rifes from its centre, and
this again becomes fometimes proliferous. There are
two varieties of this mofs: the firft has much fhorter
flalks than the preceding, and often Branched; the
leaves ftiffer, .ered:, and more crowded; in other re-
fpefls the fame. The other has a ftalk fcarcely more
than half an inch high, terminated with a clufter of li¬
near, ereft, rigid leaves, for the moft part entire on the
edges, and tipped each with a white hair. The fila¬
ment is about an inch high, and the capfule quadran¬
gular. The female flower, or gem, is of a bright red
colour.
The firft kind, when it grows long enough for the
purpofe, is fometimes ufed in England and Holland to
make brooms or brufhes. Of the female fort the Lap¬
landers, when obliged to fleep in defart places, fre¬
quently make a fpeedy and convenient bed. Their
manner of doing it is curious: Where this mofs grows
thick together, they mark out, with a knife, a piece of
ground, about two yards fqvjare, or of the fize of a
-common blanket; then beginning at one corner, they
gently fever the turf from the ground, and as the roots
of the mofs are clofely interwoven and matted toge¬
ther, they by degrees ftrip off the whole cireumfcribed
turf in one entire piece; afterwards they mark and
draw up another piece, exa&ly correfponding with the
fir lb; then, (baking them both with their hands, they
lay one upon tire ground, with the mofs uppermoft,
initead of a mattrafs, and the other over it, with the
mofs downwards, infteadof a rug; and between them
both take a comfortable nap, free from fleas and bugs,
and without fear of contagious diftempers. It is pro¬
bable they might take the hint of making fuch a bed
from the bear, a cohabitant of their country, which
prepares his winter-quarters with a large colleftion of
this fame mbfs.
POMACEJE, (pcmum, an “ apple,”) the name of
the 36th order in Linnasus’s Fragments of a Natural Pomegra-
Method, the genera of which have a pulpy efculent fruit I]ale
of the apple, berry, and cherry kind. See Botany, pomLys
Setf. vi. 36. ■ - y_
POMEGRANATE. SeePuNicA.
POMERANIA, a province of Germany, in the
dircle of Upper Saxony, with the title of a duchy. It
is bounded on the north by the Baltic Sea, on the eaft
by Prufiia and Poland, on the fouth by the marquifate
of Brandenburg, and on the well by the duchy of
Mecklenburg; and is about 250 miles in length, and
in fome places 75 miles and in others 50 in breadth.
It is watered by feveral rivers, the moft confiderable of
which are the Oder, the Pene, the Rega, the Perfant,
the Wipper, the Stolp, the Lupo, and the Lobo. The
air is cold; but the foil abounds in paftures, and pro¬
duces corn, of which a great deal is exported. It is a
flat country; containing many lakes, woods, and fo-
refts, and has feveral good harbours. It is divided into
the Hither and Farther Pomerania, and the territories
of the kings of Sweden and Prufiia in this duchy are
divided by the river Pene.
POMET (Peter), an able druggift at Paris, was
born in 1658. He colle&ed at a great expence from
all countries drugs of every kind, and rendered himfelf
celebrated by his book intitled Hijloire Generate des
Drogues, which is the moft complete book on the fub-
je£t that has yet been printed. He gave demonftra-
tions with refpedt to his drugs in the king’s garden,
and a catalogue of all the drugs contained in his work,
with a lift of all the rarities of his cabinet, which he
propofed topublifli by fubfeription; but was prevented
by his death, which happened in 1699, uPon the very
day when the patent for a penfion granted him by
Lewis XIV. was made out.
POMFRET (John), an Englilh poet, fon of the
reftor of Luton in Bedfordftiire, was born in 1667, and
educated at Cambridge. He entered into orders, and
obtained a living in Bedfordlhire, but died of the fmall-
pox at the age of 35. He publifhed a fmall volume of
tolerable poems; which if they are not to be extolled
for their fublimity, have a moral and pious turn, which
recommended them to common readers ; fo that Pom-
fret’s poems ftill continue to be a very popular book
among thofe whole reading is not very extenfive either
in poetry or profe.
POMME', or Pommette', in heraldry, is a crofs
with one or more balls or knobs at each of the ends.
POMMEL, or Pummel, in the manege, a piece
of brafs or other matter at the top and in the middle
of the faddle-bow.
POMONA, in fabulous hiftory, the tutelar deny of
orchards and fruit-trees. See Vertumnus.
POMPEII, (anc. geog.), a town of Campania near
Herculaneum, and deftroyed along with it by the great
eruption of Vefuvius in the time of Titus.
POMPEYthe Great, (Cneius Pompeius Magnus),
the renowned rival of Julius Casfar. Being defeated by
him at the battle of Pharfalia, owing to the defeftion
of his cavalry, he fled to Egypt by lea, where he was
bafely affaffinated by order of Theodotus, prime mini-
fter to Ptolemy the Younger, then a minor, 48 B.C*. * See ^om{‘
POMPEYS (Cneius and Sextus), his fons, com¬
manded a powerful army when they loft their illuftrious
father. Julius Csefar purfued them into Spain, and de¬
feated
PON [ 6395 ] PON
Pomponius feated them at the battle of Munda, in which Cneius
fl was flain, 45 B. C. Sextus made himfelf mafter of
Portefradh gjci]y ; but being defeated in the celebrated naval en¬
gagement at A&ium, by Auguftus and Lepidus, he
fled to Afia, with only 7 fhipa, the remains of his fleet,
which confifted of more than 350; and from thence,
unable to continue the war, he was obliged to retire
to Lefoos, where renewing the war by railing an army,
and feizing on fome confiderabie cities, Marcus Titius,
in the intereft of Marc Anthony, gave him battle, de¬
feated him, took him prifoner, and bafely put him to
death, 35B. C. See Rome,
POMPONIUS mela. See Mela.
POMUM, an Apple; a fpecies of feed-veffel, com-
pofed of a fucculent flelhy pulp; in the middle of which
is generally found a membranous capfule, with a num¬
ber of cells, or cavities, for containing the feeds. Seed-
veffels of this kind have no external opening, or valve.
At the end oppofite to the foot-ftalk is frequently a
fmall cavity, called by the gardeners the eye of the fruit,
and bybotanifts umbilicus, the “ navel,” from its fan¬
cied remblance to the navel in animals. Gourd, cu¬
cumber, melon, pomegranate, pear, and apple, furnilh
inftances of the fruit or feed-veflel in queflion.
POND, or Yisn-Pond. See Fish-Ps;;*/.
Vovixs-lVeed, in botany. See Potamogeton.
PONDICHERRY, a town of the Eaft Indies, on
the coaft of Coromandel on this fide the Ganges; the
belt French fettlement in thefe parts. It was taken by
the Dutch in 1693 ; but rendered back by the treaty of
Ryfwick. It was taken by the Britifh in the laftwar;
and the fortifications were demolilhed. The country
on which it Hands is low, and the vefiels are obliged
to come to an anchor a mile and a half from it; not
even boats or canoes could come within mulket-fliot of
it, fo that the black Indians were obliged to carry their
merchandizes and other things to the fa&ory in flat-
bottomed boats. The faftory flood on a barren fpot,
infomuch that there is hardly a worfe on the whole
coaft; but it was chofen becaufe it is difficult to be
attacked on the fide of the fea. E. Long. 80. 14. N.
Lat. 12. z6.
PONIARD, a little pointed dagger, very (harp
edged ; borne in the hand, or at the girdle, or hid in
the pocket. The word is formed from the French
foignard, and that frompoignee, “handful.”—The po¬
niard was anciently in very great ufe; but it is now in
good meafure fet afide, except among aflalfins.—
Sword and poniard were the ancient arms of duelifts;
and are faid to continue ftill fo among the Spa¬
niards. The praftice of fword and poinard ftill
make a part of the exercife taught by the mafters of
defence.
PONTEFRACT, or Pomfret, a town of the
Weft Riding of Yorkfhire in England, fituated|on the
river Are. It is. faid to take its name from a broken
bridge, which is fuppofed to have been laid anciently
over that .marfhy fpot called the Wajh. Here are the
ruins of a noble old caftle, where Richard II. was
barbaroufly murdered, and two of Edward V.’s uncles.
The collegiate chapel of St .Clement, which had a
dean, three prebendaries, &c. is ftill diftinguifhable
in it. This town has a good market, and fairs for
horfes, (heep, and other cattle. It is a corporation,
governed by a mayor, recorder, aldermen, and bur-
geffes, and gives title of earl to the family of Fermer. Pontifex
In the reign of queen Elizabeth, 200 1. was left by !!
George Talbot, earl of Shrewlbury, to be lent for ever, Pontlls'
atyl. a time, on proper fecurity, for three years, to
the poor artificers of the town ; and Thomas Went¬
worth, efquire, anceftor to the marquis of Rocking¬
ham, left 2001. to the chariry-fchool. A branch of
the great Roman military way, called Erminjireet,
which pafled from Lincoln to York, may be traced be¬
twixt this town and Doncafter. The adjacent country
yields plenty of limeftone, together with liquorice and
Ikirrets. W. Long. 1. 5. N. Lat. 53. 42.
PONTIFEX, Pontif, or High pritji, a perfon
who has the fuperintendance and direction of divine
worftiip, as the offering of facrifices and other religious
folemnities. The Romans had a college of pontifs ;
and over thefe a fovereign pontif, or pontifex maxi-
mus, inftituted by Numa, whofe fundtion it was to
preferibe the ceremonies each god was to be worftiip-
ped withal, compofe the rituals, direft the veftals, and
for a good while to perform the bufinefs of augury,
till, on fome fuperftitious occafion, he was prohibited
intermeddling therewith. The office of the college of
pontifs was to affift the high-prieft in giving judgment
in all caufes relating to religion, inquiring into the
lives and manners of the inferior priefts, and punifh-
ing them if they faw occafion, &c. The Jews too had
their pontifs; and among the Romanifts, the pope is
ftill ftyled the fovereign pontif
PONTIFICATE, is ufed for the ftate or dignity
of a pontif or high prieft ; but more particularly in
modern writers, for the reign of a pope.
PONTON, or Pontoon, in war, a kind of flat-
bottomed boat, whofe carcafs of wood is lined within
and without with tin : they ferve to lay bridges over
rivers for the artillery and army to march over. The
French pontoons, and thofe of molt other powers, are
made of copper on the outfide: though thefe coft more
at firft, yet they laft much longer than thofe of tin ;
and when worn out, the copper fells nearly for as
much as it coft at firft ; but when ours are rendered
ufelefs, they fell for nothing. Our pontoons are
21 feet long, 5 feet broad broad, and depth within 2
feet 1.5 inches.
PoNTOON-C'^rr/tfgi?, is made with two wheels only,
and two long fide-pieces, whofe fore ends are fupport-
ed by a limber ; and ferves to carry the pontoon,
boards, crofs timbers, anchors, and every other thing
necefiary for making a bridge.
PoNTOON-ifrM^e, is made of pontoons flipped into
the water, and placed about five or fix feet afunder;
each fattened with an anchor, when the river has a
ftrong current; or to a ftrong rope that goes acrofs the
river, running through the rings of the pontoons.
Each boat has an anchor, cable, baulks, and cliefts.
The baulks are about five or fix inches fquare, and 21
feet long. The chefts are boards joined together by
wooden bars, about three feet broad, and J2 feet
long. The baulks are laid acrofs the pontoons at fome
diftance from one another, and the chefts upon them
jbined clofe 5 which makes a bridge in a very fhort
time, capable of fupporting any weight.
PONTUS, the name of an ancient kingdom of A-
fia, bounded on the eaft by Colchis, on the weft by
the river Halys, on the north by the Euxine Sea, and
PON [ 6396 ] PON
Pontus. on the fouth by Armenia Minor. Some derive the
' i name of Pontus from the neighbouring fea, commonly
Etymology called by the Latins Pontus Euxinus ; others from an
°f the name anc;cnt k;ng named Pu/tfa/, who imparted his name
both to the country and the fea ; but Bochart deduces
it from the Phoenician word botno, fignifying a filberd,
as if that nut abounded remarkably in this place. But
this derivation feems to be very far fetched; and the
common opinion that the country derived its name
from the fea, feems by far the moil probable. The
kingdom was divided into three parts ; the firft, named
Pontus Galaticust extending from the river Halys to
the Thermodon ; the fecbnd, named Pontus Polemo-
naicus, extended from the Thermodon to the borders
of Pontus Cappadocicus; and this laft extended from
Pontus Polemonaicus to Colchis, having Armenia Mi¬
nor and the upper ftream of the Euphrates for its
fouthern boundary.
It is commonly believed, that the firft inhabitants
of Pontus were defcended from Tubal ; but in procefs
of time mixed with Cappadocians, Paphlagonians, and
other foreign nations, befides many Greek colonies
which fettled in thofe parts, and maintained their liber¬
ty til! the time of Mithridates the Great and Pharna-
a ces. The firft king of this country whom we find men-
Artabazes tioned in hiftory is Artabazes, who had the crown be-
<lie firft flowed on him by Darius Hyftafpes. The next was
Rhodobates, who reigned in the, time of Darius No-
thus. After him came Mithridates, who, refufing to
pay the ufual tribute to the Perfians, was defeated by
Avtaxerxes Mnemon ; but a peace was foon after con¬
cluded by the mediation of Tiflaphernes. Befides this,
we hear nothing of him farther than that he was trea-
cheroufly taken prifoner by Clearchus afterwards ty¬
rant of Heraclea, and obliged to pay a large fum for
his ranfom. ,
Mithri- Mithridates I. was'fucceeded by Ariobarzanes, who
dates I. being appointed by Artaxerxes governor of Lydia,
Ionia, and Phrygia, employed the forces that were
under his care in the extending of his own dominions,
and fubduing thofe of his natural prince. The king
of Perfia fent one Autophrodates againft him ; but A-
riobarzanes, having with great promifes prevailed on
Agefilausand Timothaeus the Athenian to come to his
afiiftance, obliged Autophrodates to retire. He then
rewarded Agefilaus with a great fum of money, and
bellowed on Tiinotheus the cities of Seftos and Aby-
dos, which he had lately taken from the Perfians. He
ufed his utmoft endeavours to reconcile the Lacedae¬
monians and Thebans; but, not being able to bring
the Jatter to any reafonable terms, he affifted the La¬
cedemonians with vaft fums of money. The Atheni-
ansdhewed fo much refpeft for this prince, that they
not only made him free of their city, but granted both
him and his children whatever they alkedof them. He
was murdered in the 28th year of his reign by one
Mithridates, whom authors fuppofe to have been hi?
fon. This happened at the time that Alexander the
Great invaded Afia, fo that Pontus for a time fell un¬
der the power of the Macedonians.
Ariobar- ^ie re'gn Antigonus, Mithridates the fon of
zanes(bakes Ariobarzanes fhook off the Macedonian yoke, the par-
off the Ma-ticolars of which event are related as follow:. Antigo-
cedonian nUs having dreamed that he had a field in which gold
yoke. grew after manner 0f cor0j ancj that Mithridates
cut it down and carried it into Pontus, began to be Pontus. |
very jealous of him, and ordered him to be put to ' 1
death privately. But Mithridates, having got notice
of the king’s intention, withdrew into Paphlagonia,
attended only by fix horfemen. Here, being joined
by many others, he poffeffed himfelf of Ciniatum, a
ftrong hold fituated near mount Olgafys ; from
whence, as his army continually increafed, he made
an irruption into Cappadocia ; and, having driven the
commanders of Antigonus from that part which bor¬
ders upon Pontus, he entered his paternal kingdom,
which, in fpite of the utmoft efforts of Antigonus, he
held for the fpaee of 26 years, and tranfmitted to his
pofterity.
Under the reigns of Mithridates III. Ariobar¬
zanes II. and Mithridates IV. the immediate fuccef-
fors of Mithridates II. nothing remarkable happened. |
But Mithridates V. made war on the inhabitants of Si¬
nope, a city on the coaft of Paphlagonia. He made
himfelf mafter of all the adjacent places; but finding
the whole peninfula on which Sinope itfelf flood well j
fortified and garrifoned, not only by the inhabitants,
but by their allies the Rhodians, he abandoned theen-
terprize. He afterwards proved a great friend to the
Rhodians, and affifted them with money to repair the
Ioffes they had fuftained by an earthquake. He en¬
tered alfo into a ftri£l alliance with Antiochus the
Great, who married one of his daughters named Eao-
dice. j
After the death of Mithridates V. his fon Pharna- Pharnaces I
ces I. attacking the city of Sinope, unexpeftedly took
it by ftorm. On this the Rhodians fent ambaffadors manSi *
to Rome, complaining of the behaviour of the king of
Pontus; but Pharnaces was fo far from being intimi¬
dated by their threats, that he invaded the territories
of Eumenes their great ally. The latter fent ambaf-
fadors to Rome, and entered into an alliance with A-
riarathes king of Cappodocia. Pharnaces in his turn
fent ambaffadors to Rome, complaining of Eumenes
and Ariarathes; upon which fome Romans were fent
into Afia to inquire into the ftate of matters. Thefe
found Eumenes and his affociates willing to accommo¬
date the difference, but Pharnaces in a quite oppo-
fite difpofition, which they accordingly reported at
Rome.
In the mean time a war was commenced between
Eumenes and Pharnaces ; but the latter, being difap-
pointed of affiftance from Seleucus king of Syria, whom
the Romans would not allow to join him, was at laft
forced to fue for peace, which was granted him upon
the following conditions: That he fhould forthwith 7
withdraw his forces from Galatia, and difannul all en-Conchides y •
gagements and alliances with the inhabitants of that3 moft dif-
country; that he ihould in like manner evacuate pa.a<lvantagee*
phlagonia, and fend back fuch as he had from thence
carried into flavery; that he fhould reftore to Aria¬
rathes all the places which he had taken during the
war, the hpftages of both kings, all their prifoners
without ranfom, and moreover (hould deliver up to
them fuch of their.fubje&s as from the firft breaking
out of the war had fled to him ; that he fhould return
to Morzias, a petty king in thefe pans, and to Aria¬
rathes, 900 talents which he had feized in the war,
and pay down 300 more to Eumenes as a fine for in¬
vading his dominions without provocation. Mithri¬
dates
PON [ 6397 ] PON
Pontus. dates, king of Armenia, having in this war joined
■   Pharnaces, was, by the articles of the treaty, obliged
to pay 300 talents to Ariarathes for having aflift-
ed his enemy contrary to an alliance at that time
fubfifting between them. Soon after, Pharnaces died,
and left the kingdom to his fan Mithridates VI. more
weakened by this peace than by the moft deftru&ive
8 war.
the Great” new k'lg entered into an alliance with the Ro-
a cruel * ’ mans, and proved fuch a faithful friend, that he was
prince. rewarded by the fenate with Phrygia Major, and ho¬
noured with the title of the friend and ally of the
people of Rome. After a long and profperous reign,
he was murdered by fome of his intimate acquaintance,
and was fucceeded by his fon Mithridates VII. fur-
named the Great.
The new prince, though not exceeding 13 years of
age, began his reign with moft inhuman afts of cruel¬
ty tp his mother and neareft relations. His father, by
bis laft will, had appointed him and his mother joint-
heirs to the kingdom ; but he, claiming the whole,
threw her into pn'fon, where fhe foon died thro’ the
hard ufage '(he met with. Thofe to whom the care of
liis education was committed, obferving him to be of
a cruel and unruly temper, made various attempts on
his life, but could never effedt their defign, as the king
was always on, his guard, and armed, in that tender
age, again!! all kind of treachery, without Ihowing the
9 lead diffidence.
Mis extra- In his youth Mithridates took care to inure himfelf
ordinary tQ hardfhips, paffing whole months in the open air,
qua 1 ies. empl0yed in the exercife of hunting, and often taking
his reft amidft the frozen fnow. When he came of
age he married his filler named Laodice, by whom he
had a fon named Pharnaces. After this he took a
journey through many different kingdoms of Afia, ha¬
ving nothing lefs in view than the whole continent.
He learned their different languages, of which he is
faid to have fpoken 22 ; took an eftimate of their
ftrength ; and above all viewed narrowly their ftrong
holds and fortified towns. In this journey he fpent
three years ; during which time, a report being fpread
abroad that he was dead, his wife JLaodice had a cri¬
minal converfation with one of the lords of her court,
and had a fon by him. When her hufband returned,
fhe prefented him with a poifoned bowl ; but Mithri¬
dates had accudomed himfelf to take poifon from his
infancy, fo that it had now no other effedl than to
haften the deftru&ion of his wife, which very foon
took place, together with all thofe who had been
any way acceffory to her difloyalty and incontinence.
The king now began to put in execution his fchemes
of conqueft. However, he certainly took the wrong
method by attacking firft thofe nations which were
immediately under the proteftion of Rome, and thus
at once provoking that powerful people to fall upon
? 10 him. He began with Paphlagonia, which the Ro¬
il Conquers mans had declared a free date. This country he eafi-
l f-veral ]y reduced, and divided between himfelf and Nico-
i countries. ^,^3 kjng 0f Bithynia, at that time his ally. The
Romans remonftrated; but Mithridates, inllead of
paying any regard to their remonftrances, invaded
Galatia, which was immediately under their protec¬
tion. This he alfo reduced, and then turned his eyes
on Cappadocia. But as the kingdom of Cappadocia
Vol. IX. 2
was at that time held by Ariarathes, who was a great Pontus.
favourite of the Romans, and married to the fifter of
Mithridates, the latter hired an affaffin to difpatch
Ariarathes, after which he thought he might fucceed caufes
better in his defigns. After the death of Ariarathes, king of
Cappadocia was invaded by Nicomedes king of Bithy- Cappadocia
nia, who drove out the fon, and married the w>dow of^J^1111^'
Ariarathes. This gave Mithridates a plaufible pre¬
tence for invading Cappadocia; which he inftantly did,
and drove Nicomedes quite out of the country. Thus
Mithridates gained coniiderable reputation, not only as
a warrior, but as a juft and good-natured prince; for
as it was not known that he had any hand in the mur¬
der of Ariarathes, every one imagined that he had
undertaken the war againft Nicomedes, merely to re¬
venge the quarrel of his nephew, and to reftore him to
his right. To keep up the farce a little longer, Mi¬
thridates afiually withdrew his troops out of the coun¬
try, and left the young prince mafter of the kingdom.
In a fhorttime, however, he began to prefs the young
king of Cappadocia to recal the affaffin Gordius, who
had murdered his father : but this the king of Cappa¬
docia refufed with indignation; and MithridaUs, be¬
ing determined on a quarrel at all events, took the
field with an army of 80,000 foot, to,000 horfe, and
600 chariots armed with fcythes. With this force he
imagined he fhould carry all before him : but, finding
the king of Cappadocia ready to oppofe him with a
force no way inferior to his own, he had recourfe to
treachery; and inviting his nephew to a conference,.Afl'afl-rnates
ftabbed him, in the fight of both armies, with a dagger his ownne-
which he had concealed in the plaits of his garment, phew.
'J’his barbarous and unexpe&ed piece of treachery had
fuch an effe&'on the Cappadocians that they threw
down their arms, and fuffered Mithridates, without
oppofition, to feize upon all their ftrong holds. He
refigned the kingdom, however, to his fon, a child of
eight years of age. The care of the young prince,
and of the whole kingdom, he committed to Gordius ;
but the Cappadocians, difdaining to be ruled by fuch
a fcandalous affafiin, placed on the throne the brother
of Ariarathes, who had kept himfelf concealed in fome
part of Afia. His reign, however, was of ftiort du¬
ration; he being foon after driven out by Mithridates,
and the Cappadocians again reduced. The unhappy
prince died of grief; and in him ended the family of
Pharnaces, who had ruled Cappadocia from the time
of Cyrus the Great. 13
Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, being now greatly NicometJes
afraid of Mithridates, and fuppofing that his own |i,nf;a af
minions would next fall a prey to the ambitious con-temptsto
queror, fuborned a youth of a comely and majefticdeceive the
afpeft to pretend that he was a third fon of Ariarathes, R°mans*
to go to Rome, and demand the kingdom of Cappa¬
docia as his juft right. He was received by the fe¬
nate with the greateft kindnefs, and Laodice the wife
of Nicomedes even confirmed the deceit by her oath. I4
But in the mean time Mithridates having got intelli-The deceit
gence of the plot, fent notice of it by Gordius to theexpofed by-
Romans, lo that the impofture was foon known at
Rome alfo. The confequence of this was, that the fe-tes‘
nate commanded Mithridates to relinquifh Cappado¬
cia, and Nicomedes that part of Paphlagonia which
he poffefied ; declaring both thefe countries free. The
Cappadocians protefted that they could not live with-
36 A out
PON [ 6398 ] PON
Pontus. out a king ; upon which they were allowed to choofe
one of their own nation. Mithridates ufed all his inte-
reft in favour of Gordius ; but he being excluded by
the Romans, one Ariobarzanes was chofen by the ma-
ij jonty °f votes.
Ariobar- To enforce this eleftion, Sylla was fent into Cap-
zanes fet- padocia. He had the charafter of an ambaffador, but
throne of the rea' intent h's com'ng was t0 difappoint the
Cappadocia ambitious defigns of Mithridates. With an handful
by the Ro- of forces he defeated a numerous army of Cappadocians
nans, but ancj Armenians commanded by Gordius, and fettled
by Mithd- Ariobarzanes on the throne. But no fooner was Sylla
dates. " gone, than Mithridates ftirred up Tigranes king of
Armenia againft Ariobarzanes, who without making
any refiftance fled to Rome, and Tigranes reftored
the kingdom to Ariarathes the fon of Mithridates. At
the fame time died the king of Bithynia ; upon which
Mithridates immediately invaded that country, and
drove out Nicomedes the natural fon of the late king.
But the expelled prince, having fled to Rome, and
being affifted by that powerful republic, the king of
Pontus was foou obliged to abandon Bithynia and
16 Cappadocia.
Who cn- The Romans now being exceedingly jealous of the
waf'witV P0W£r ai,d ambition of Mithridates, refolved to humble
rhe Ro- him at all events. For this purpofe they fent ambaf-
xnans. fadors to the kings of Bithynia and Cappadocia, de-
firing them to make frequent inroads into the neigh¬
bouring territories of Mithridates, and behave there
as they pleafed ; afluring them of powerful afliftance
in cafe they Ihould have occafion. Ariobarzanes could
not by any means be induced to provoke fo powerful a
neighbour ; but Nicomedes being induced, partly by
promifes, and partly by menaces, to comply, entered
Pontus, where be laid walte whole provinces with fire
and fword. Mithridates complained to the Roman le¬
gates: but they replied, that he himfelf had been the
firft aggreflbr; that Nicomedes had only paid him in
17 his own coin, and that they would not allow him to
Defeats A- [hgjj. fnencJ and ally. Upon this, Mithridates,
and Ahi-65 entering Cappadocia with a numerous army, put to
nias. flight the united forces of Ariobarzanes and Altinius
the Roman legate ; thus making himfelf once mote
matter of this kingdom. In the mean time he fentam-
bafladors to Rome, complaining of the proceedings of
Nicomedes : but his ambaffadors met with a very in¬
different reception; being enjoined to tell their mafter,
that he muff either retlore the kingdom of Cappado¬
cia fo Ariobarzanes, and make peace with Nicomedes,
or be accounted an enemy of the Roman people.
With this anfwer they were commanded to depart the
city that very day, and told that no more ambaffadors
could be admitted till fuch time as their commands
were obeyed.
In the mean time both parties prepared for war.
The Roman legates in Afia drew together all the for¬
ces they could mufter in Bithynia, Cappadocia, Pa-
phlagonia, and Galatia ; and, being joined by Cafiius
governor of Afia, took the field againft Mithridates in
the year 89 B. C. They divided their army into fe-
veral fmall bodies: Caffius encamped on the confines
of Bithynia and Galatia ; Manius Aquilius with his
body poffeffed himfelf of the avenues leading from
Pontus into Bithynia ; Quintus Oppius fecured the
entrance into Cappadocia ; aqd the admirals Miqucius
Rufus and C. Popilius lay with a fleet of 300 fail at Pontus.
Byzantium, to prevent the enemy from entering the  ’
Euxine fea. Each of the generals had under his com¬
mand an army of 40,000 men ; befides a body of
50,000 foot and 6000 horfe brought to their affiftance
by Nicomedes.
On the other hand, Mithridates having invited fe-
veral of the neighbouring nations to join him, colleded
an army of 250,000 foot, 50,000 horfe, 130 cha¬
riots armed with feythes ; befides 300 fliips and too ,.3,
galleys. Part of this force he detached againft Nico- And Nico¬
medes ; and Utterly defeated him, though much fupe- medes and
rior in number, as he was taking poffeffion of an ad-M^J11US
vantageous poft by order of Caffius. Another part he'1'1' 'US*
detached againft; Manius Aquilius, whom he alfo de¬
feated with the lofs of 10,000 killed on the fpot, and
3000 taken prifoners ; on which the other Roman ge¬
nerals abandoned their polls, the fleet alfo difperftd,
and mod of the fhips were either taken or funk by the
admirals of Mithridates. ,5
The king of Pontus now refolving to improve the Overruns
opportunity, and drive the Romans entirely out of A- Afia Mi*
fia, over-ran all Phrygia, Myfia, Afia Proper, Ga-nor*
ria, Lycia, Pamphylia, Paphlagonia, and Bithynia,
with all the reft of the countries which had either be¬
longed to or fided with the Romans, as far as Ionia. He
was received every where with thegreateft demonftra-
tions of joy; the inhabitants flocking to him in white
garments, and calling him their father, deliverer, their
god, and the great and foie lord of all Afia. What
gained him the affe&ions of the people was his kind
ufage to the prifoners he had taken in the two en¬
gagements above-mentioned; for he not only fent
them all home without ranfom, but furnilhed them with
plenty of provifions, and money fufficient to defray
their expences by the way. Ambaffadors flocked to
him from all parts ; and among others, from Laodi-
cea on the Lycus, to whom the king promifed his
prote&ion, provided they delivered up to him Op¬
pius governor of Pamphylia, who had fled thither for
protection. This requeft was readily complied with;.
Oppius was fent to him in chains, with lictors walk¬
ing before him in derifion of the Roman pride and
oftentation. Mithridates was overjoyed to fee a Ro¬
man general and proconful in his power; and his joy
was foon after incteafed by the arrival of Manrus A-
quilius, whom the Lelhians, revolting from the Ro¬
mans, fent to him in fetters, together with many other
Romans of diftindlion who had taken ftielter among
them. As he had been the chief author of the war,
Mithridates led him about with him wherever he went,
either bound on an afs, or on foot coupled with one
Baftarnes a public malefa&or, compelling him to pro¬
claim to the crowds who came to fee him, that he was a()
Manius Aquilius the Roman legate. When he came Puts Aqni-
to Pergamus, he caufed him firft to be publicly whip- bus to
ped, then to be put on the rack, and laftly melted golddeuth*
to be poured down his throat.
Mithridates being now looked upon as invincible,
all the free cities of Afia received him as their fove-
reign, contributing large fums towards the defraying
the expences of the war ; by which means he became
pofleffed of fuch treafures as enabled him to keepfeve-
ral numerous armies in the field for five years with¬
out levying any taxes on his fubjefts. As many Ro¬
man
PON [ 6399 J PON
PontHs. man citizens were difperfed in the provinces which Mi-
^ thridates had fubdued, he confidered thefe as fo many
fpies who would not fail to fend an account of his pro-
Cruelly ceedings to Rome : for which reafon he refolved to
inaflacres all cut them all off at once by a general maffacre ; which
*he Ro- barbarous policy, it is faid, had never been heard of
mans in A-j;jj| t;mCj but has been fince pra&ifed by other na-
<a‘ lions. He difpatched private letters to all the gover¬
nors and i»agiftrates of the cities where the Romans
refided, enjoining them on pain of death, and the en¬
tire deitru&ion of their country, to caufe all the Ita¬
lian race, women and children not excepted, to be
murdered on the 30th day from the date of his letters,
and to let their bodies lie unburied in the open fields.
One moiety of their goods was to be forfeited to the
king, and the other bellowed as a reward on the af-
faffins. Whatever flave murdered his matter was to re¬
ceive his liberty, and one half of the debt was to be re¬
mitted to the debtor that Ihould kill his creditor. Who¬
ever concealed an Italian, under any pretence what¬
ever, was to be punilhed with immediate death. On
the fatal day, all the gates of the cities being ttiut,
and the avenues kept with foldiers, the king’s orders
were proclaimed, which cauttd an univerfal horror,
not only among the unhappy vidttims themfelves, but
among thofe who had any feelings of humanity, at fee¬
ing themfelves obliged either to betray and murder
their innocent guefts, friends, and relations, or to be¬
come liable to a cruel death. However, as moft of
the Afiatios bore a mortal hatred to the Romans, and
were moreover animated by the promife of an ample
reward, the orders were without delay put in execu¬
tion. The inhabitants of Ephefus, where Mithridates
then refided, dragged fuch as had taken fanftuary in
the temple of Diana from the very ftatue of the god-
defs, and put them to the fword. The Pergamenians
difcharged (bowers of darts upon them as they embra¬
ced the ttatues in the temple of Efculapius, At A-
dramyttium in Myfia many were murdered in the wa¬
ter, while they were attempting, with their children
on their backs, to fwim over to the ifland of Lefbos.
The Caunians, who not long before had been deliver¬
ed from the yoke of the Rhodians, and reftored to
their ancient privileges, excelled all the reft in cruel¬
ty : for, as if they had apoftatifed from human nature,
they took pleafure in tormenting and butchering the
innocent children before their mothers eyes ; fome of
them running diftradted, and others dying with grief
at a fight which nature could not bear. The Tral-
lians were the only people on the continent who could
not have the cruelty to imbrue their hands in the blood
of the innocent Italians. However, as the king’s or¬
ders were peremptory, they hired one Theophilus a
Paphlagonian to difpatch the few Romans that lived
among them. He, having (hut them all up together
in the temple of Concord, firft cut off their hands as
they embraced the ftatues of the gods, and then hack¬
ed them in pieces. Many Romans were faved on the
floating iflands of Lydia called Calamina^ where they
concealed themfelves till fuch time as they found an
opportunity of efcaping out of Afia. Neverthelefs, ac¬
cording to Plutarch and Dion, 150,000 Roman citi¬
zens were mafiacred on that day ; but, according to
others, only 80,000.
Mithrida'.es having now got rid of thofe whom be
was in dread of on the continent, embarked great part Ponttfs.
of his forces in order to reduce the iflands of the Ar-
chipelago. At Cos he was gladly received, and bad „ ,a1,
delivered up to him the young Alexander, fon of A- the
lexander king of Egypt, who, being driven out of of Cos.
that country, was killed by Chareas a La-captain as
he was retiring in a fmall veffel to Cyprus. With the
young prince, they put into the king’s hands valt fums
of money, with all the golden veflels and jewels, to an
immenfe value, which his grandmother Cleopatra had
been amaffing for many years. To the young prince
Mithridates gave an education fuitable for a king’s
fon, but kept the treafures for himfelf. Here like-
wife he found 800 talents in ready money, which, at
the firft breaking out of the war, had been depolited
by the Jews of Afia, and were defigned for the temple
of Jerufalem.
From Cos Mithridates (leered his courfe for Rhodes, But fails in
where at that time all the Romans, who had efcapedhis at‘
the maflacre above-mentioned, found a fan&uary, and,^^'15011
amongft others, L. Cafiius the proconful. The Rho¬
dians, however, being very expert in maritime af¬
fairs, Mithridates did not think proper to venture an
engagement. As the enemy’s fleet advanced, there¬
fore, he retired; but fix of the Rhodian (hips coming
up with 25 of his, a (harp aflion enfvted, in which the
Rhodians funk two of the king’s (hips, and put the
reft to flight. In this encounter, though Mithridates
had never feen a fea-fight before, he behaved with
great intrepidity; but one of the (hips of his own
fquadron falling foul of that which carried him, he
was very near being taken prifoner. From this time
forth he abhorred the fea, and took an averfion to all
the Chians, becaufe the pilot of that (hip was a Chian.
However, he again appeared before the ifland; but was
forced anew to leave it with difgrace, and to give over
all thoughts of reducing it.
Mithridates now retired into Afia, with a defign to His gei^
fettle the civil government of the countries which he nls reduce
had conquered, committing the care of the war to hisaH Greece;
generals. Archelaus, his generalifiimo, was fent into
Greece with an army of 120,000 men; where, by-
treachery, he made himfelf matter of Athens, and ei¬
ther put to the fword or fent to Mithridates all thofe
who favoured or were fufpe&ed to favour the Ro¬
mans. From Athens he difpatched parties to reduce
the neighbouring cattles and the ifland of Delos, which
they did accordingly ; but Orobius, a Roman gene¬
ral, hearing that the enemy kept no guards, but pafs-
ed their time in caroufing and debauchery, fell upon
them unexpeftedly, and cut off the whole party, ex¬
cept Apellicon the comander.
In the mean time, Metrophanes, another of the
king’s generals, entering Euboea, laid watte the whole
country, exerting his rage chiefly againft the cities of
Demetrias and Magnefia, which refufed to open their
gates to him. But as he was failing off with a great
booty, Bryttius, the praetor or governor of Macedo¬
nia, coming up with him, funk fome of his (hips, and
took others, putting all the prifoners to the fword.
Mithridates, upon the news of this lofs, fent his fon
Ariarathes with a powerful army to invade Macedo¬
nia ; which he foon reduced, together with the king¬
dom of Thrace, driving the Romans every where be¬
fore him. The generals whom he fent into other
36 A 2 quar-
PON [ 6400 ] PON
Ptmtus. quarters were no lefs fuccefsful; fo that Mithridates
” had, according to Aulus Gellius, 25 different nations
who paid him homage. The fame author adds, that
he was (killed in every one of their various languages,
fo that he could converfe with the natives without an
interpreter. Among thefe nations we find the Rho-
xani, now the Ruffians or Mufcovites, whom Deiphon-
tus, one of the king’s generals, brought under fubjec-
tion, after having fiain in an engagement 50,000 of the
barbarians.
All this time the Romans had been too much taken
up with their own domeftic quarrels to take fuch ef-
U feftual meafuresas they otherwife would have done for
Sylla fent checking the progrefs of Mithridates. But at laft, ha-
againfthim. v|ng rece;ved certain advice that the king defigned to
invade Italy, and that he had even been folicited to do
fo by fome of the revolted Italians, they fent againft
him Lucius Sylla, who had already given fufficient
proofs of his courage, conduft, and experience in
war. He had with him only five legions and a few
cohorts. With this inconfiderable force he landed in
Attica, and in a (hort time made himfelf mafter of the
capital; Archelaus not daring, or, according to
others, through treachery, not caring to engage him.
As Sylla had but a few frigates, he fent Lucullus to
the ifland of Rhodes, with orders to the Rhodians to
join him with their fleet. The undertaking was very
dangerous, as the king’s fleet in a manner covered the
fea. However* Lucullus, defpifing all danger, ventu¬
red out, and failed, without meeting with any perverfe
accident, to Syria, Egypt, Libya, and Cyprus ; from
whence he returned with fuch fupplies of (hips and ex¬
perienced mariners, as enabled Sylla, after their con-
jundtion with the Rhodians, to act offenfively by fea
alfo. Archelaus now difpatched meffengers to Taxi-
les, who commanded in Thrace and Macedon, defiring
him to join him with all his forces ; which the other
4(j readily did, and between both muftertd an army of
'Who to- 120,000 men. Sylla met them near Cheronasa, with
tally defeats only 15,000 foot and 1500 horfe; but gave them a mod
raisin'6" ^reac^ui overthrow, no fewer than 110,000 of the
Greece. Afiatics being flaughtered, while the Romans loft on¬
ly 12 men.
This fuccefs having raifed envy and jealoufy againft
Sylla in Rome, the fenate fent Lucius Valerius Flac-
cus, the conful of that year, with two legions into A-
fia, in appearance to attack Mithridates on that fide,
17 but with private inftruftions to fall upon Sylla himfelf,
flaccus and if they found him difaffe&ed to the fenate. As Flac-
Fimbria Cus was a man of no experience in war, C. Fimbria,
AfiV"10 3 fena,or great repute among the foldiery, was ap¬
pointed to attend him with the character of legate and
lieutenant-general. Sylla was at that time in Bceo-
tia ; but, hearing what had happened at Rome, he
marched with all expedition into Theflaly, with a de-
fign to meet Flaccus, who, he expe&ed, was to land
in that province. But no fooner had he left Bceotia, than
the country was overrun by an army of Afiatics, under
the command of Dorylaus the king’s chief favourite.
On this advice Sylla returned into Bceotia, where he
ig gained two fignal vidlories, which put an end to the
Sylla gains vvar in Greece. In the firft of thefe Dorylaus loft
vTftori'cTin I5,00° ^’s mcn according to fome, or 200,000
Greece? in according to others; and in the next all the reft. In
this laft engagement 20,000 were driven into a river, Pontus,
where they all perilhed ; an equal number were pur- “
fued into a marlh, and entirely cut off; the reft were
killed in the heat of battle, the Romans giving no
quarter to men who had treated their fellow-citizens
after fuch a barbarous manner in Alia. Plutarch tells
us, that the marlhes were dyed with blood; that the
courfe of the river was flopped by the dead bodies;
and that even in his time, that is, near 200 years af¬
ter, a great number of bows, helmets, coats of mail,
and fwords, were found buried in the mud. Archelaus,
who had joined Dorylaus with a body of 10,000 men
a few days before the battle, lay three days ftripped
among the (lain till he found a fmall veffel which car¬
ried him to Euboea, where he gathered what forces-
he could, but was never again able to appear in the
field. Indeed Livy tells us, that Archelaus betrayed
the king’s caufe; and Aurelius Vidor, that the king’s
fleet was intercepted by Sylla through the treachery
of Archelaus : adding, that there was a good under-
ftanding between thefe two commanders, as was plain
from Sylla’s bellowing upon Archelaus 10,000 acres
of land near the city of Chalcis in Euboea. Strabo
alfo informs us, that Archelaus was afterwards great¬
ly efteemed and carefftd by Sylla and the fenate ;
but Sylla himfelf in his commentaries, and Dio, en¬
deavour to clear Archelaus from all fufpicion of
treachery.
In the mean time, Sylla having given up Boeotia to
be plundered by his foldiers, marched into Theffaly,
where he took up his winter-quarters, caufed his old
(hips to be refitted and feveral new ones built, in or¬
der to pafs over into Afia in the beginning of the
fpring, that he might drive from thence not only Mi¬
thridates but his rival Flaccus alfo, whom the fenate,
out of oppofition to him, had appointed governor of
that province. But before he arrived, fome differences
having arifen between Flaccus and Fimbria, the lat-
ter was by the conful deprived of his command. Up- Fimbria
on this Fimbria, having gained over the foldiery toputs Flac-
his fide, made war on the conful, took him prifoner,cus *°
put him to death, and affumed the command of all*1631 *
the Roman forces in Afia. In this ftation he be¬
haved with the greateft cruelty, infomuch that his
name became more odious than even that of Mithri¬
dates itfelf. This hatred the king of Pontus endea¬
voured to improve to his own advantage ; and there¬
fore commanded his fon, by name alfo Mithridates, to
join Taxiles, Diophantes, and Menander, three of
his moft experienced commanders, to return at the
head of a numerous army into Afia ; not doubting*
but the inhabitants, thus haraffed by Fimbria, would
lhake off the Roman yoke when they faw fuch
a powerful army in the field ready to proted them.
But Fimbria, diftrufting the Afiatics, marched out
to meet the enemy, and offered them battle be-
fore they entered the province. As the king’s army Defeats the
was greatly fuperior to the Romans in number* theforces of
latter fuffered greatly in the engagement, but held out Mithr'tla*
till night parted them, when they withdrew to the op-^
polite fide of a river, which was at a final! diftance
from the field of battle. Here they defigned to in¬
trench themfelves : but in the mean time a violent florin
arifing, Fimbria laid hold of that opportunity to repa&
the
PON [ 6401 ] PON
And be-
(icges the
king.
31
Who is fuf-
fered by
I.ucullus to
efcape.
the river and furprife the enemy; of whom he made
fuch havock as they lay in their tents, that only the
commanders and fome few troops of horfe efcaped.
Among thefe was the king’s fon ; who, attended
by a few horfe, got fafe to Pergamus, where his fa¬
ther refided. But Fimbria, purfuing him night and
day without intermiffion, entered Pergamus fword in
band ; and hearing that both Mithridates and his fon
had fled from thence a few hours before, he continu¬
ed his purfuit, and would have taken the king him-
felf, had he not entered Pitane with a confiderable
body of horfe. The place was clofely invefted by
Fimbria ; but as he had no /hips to block it up by fea
alfo, he fent a meflenger to Lucullus, who command¬
ed the Roman navy in Afia, intreating him, as he
tendered the welfare of the republic, to make what
hafte he could to Pitane, and aflift him in taking the
mod inveterate enemy the Romans had. But Lucul¬
lus, preferring the gratification of a private pique to
the good of his country, refufed to come; and thus al¬
lowed the fleet of Mithridates to carry him in fafety to
Mitylene.
Soon after the king’s departure Fimbria took
Pitane by florm, and reduced mod of the cities of Afia,
particularly Troy, which he took by ftorm in eleven
days, and put mod of the inhabitants to the fword,
becaufe they had fent an embafly to Sylla, offer¬
ing to fubmit to him rather than to Fimbria.—To
add to the misfortunes of Mithridates, his fleet was en¬
tirely defeated in two engagements by Lucullus; fo
that he began to be weary of the war, and therefore
defired Arcbelaus to conclude a peace upon as honour¬
able terms as he could. The king himfelf had after¬
wards alfo a conference with Sylla, and a peace was
concluded in 85 B. C. on the following terms, viz.
That Mithridatts fliould relinq'uilh all his conqueds,
and content himfelf with his paternal dominions which
were confined within the limits of Pontus: that he
fhould immediately refign Bithynia to Nicomedes, and
Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, and releafe without ran-
fom all the prifoners he had taken during the war:
that he fliould pay to the Romans 2000, or as others
will have it 3000 talents, and deliver up to Sylla 80
fliips with all their arms and ammunition, and 500
archers; and laflly, that he fliould not moled fuch
cities or perfons as had during the war revolted to him
3nd fided with the Romans.
Sylla, having thus concluded the war with great
glory to himfelf and advantage to the republic, turned
his army againd Fimbria; but the latter, finding
himfelf in no condition to oppofe his rival by force,
had recourfe to treachery, and attempted to get Sylla
murdered. The plot mifcarried, and Fimbria put an
end to his own life; upon which Sylla, having now
an uncontrouled power in Afia, declared the Chians,
Rhodians, Lycians, Magnefians, and Trojans, free,
and friends of the people of Rome, by way of reward
for their having fided with the Romans: but on the
other cities he laid heavy fines; condemning them in
orte year to pay 20,000 talents, and quartering his
foldiers in the houfes of thofe who had (hewn difaffec-
tiontothe Romans. Each private man was to receive
of his landlord 16 drachmas a day, and each officer 50 ;
and befides, both were to be fupplied with provifions,
not only for thetnfelves, but for fuch of their friends
as they thoirght proper to invite. By thefe impofi- Potrtus.
tions moft of the people of Afia were reduced .to ‘
beggary ; efpecially the inhabitants of Ephefus, who
had above all others fliown their hatred to the Romans.
Sylla then, having colle&ed immenfe treafures, fet
fail for Italy; leaving behind him Lucullus with the
charadler of quaftor, and Muraena with that of prator.
The two legions which Fimbria had commanded
were given to Mursena, becaufe Sylla fufpecled them
of an inclination to the faftion of Marius, whofe pany
he was going to crufli at Rome.
Mithridates in the meantime no fooner returned in- Mulukiates
to Pontus, than he fet about the redmflion of thofe reducb the
nations which had revolted from him during the war. natt.,ons
He began with the Colchi; whoimmediately fubmitted,
upon condition that Mithridates would give his fon for from h'uu.
a king over them. This was complied with; but the
old king had thenceforward a jealoufy of his fon, and
therefore firft imprifoned and then put him to death.
Soon after this, the king having made great prepara¬
tions under pretence of reducing the Bofphori, a war¬
like nation who had revolted from him, the Romans
began to be jealous. Their jealoufy was further in-
creafed by Archelaus, who fled to them, and affured
them that the preparations of Mithridates were notatall 53
defigned againft the Bofpori. On hearing this, Mu- The Ri-
raena invaded Pontus without any farther provocation.
The king put him in mind of the articles of peace con- terr;tories
eluded with Sylla; but Mursena replied that he knew without
of no fuch articles; for Sylla had fet nothing down inprovoc*-
writing, but contented himfelf with the execution oftior!-
what had been agreed upon. Having given this an-
fwer, the Ro/nan general began to lay wafte and
plunder the country, without fparing even the treafures
or temples confecrated to the gods. Having put all
to fire and fword on the frontiers of Pontus towards
Cappadocia, he paffed the river Halys, and on that
fide poffeffed himfelf of 40® villages without oppofi-
tion ; for Mithridates was unwilling to commit any
hoflilities before the return of an ambaffador whom he
had fent to Rome to complain of the conduct of Mu¬
rsena. At iaft the ambaffador returned, and with him
one Callidius; who, in public affembly, commanded
Mursena to forbear molefling a friend and ally of the
Roman people ; but afterwards, calling him afide, he
had a private conference with him, in which it is fr.p-
pofed, as he brought no decree of the fenate, that he
encouraged him to purfue the war. Whatever might
be in this, it is certain that Muraena ftill continued to
pra&ife the fame hoftilities, and even made an at¬
tempt on Sinope, where the king refided and the royal
treafures were kept. But as the town was well for- 3<i
tified, he was forced to retire with fome lofs. In the But are de¬
mean time Mithridates himfelf taking the field, ap-featccJ’
peared at the head of a powerful army, drove the Ro¬
mans out of their camp, and forced them, with great
flaughter, to fave themfelves over the mountains into
Phrygia ; which hidden vi&ory again induced many
cities to join Mithridates, and gave him an oppor¬
tunity once more of driving the Romans out of Cap¬
padocia.
In the mean time Sylla, being created dilator at
Rome, fent a meffenger to Murasna, charging him in
bis name not to moled Mithridates, whom he had
honoured with the title of a friend and ally of Rome.
Mursena
PON
PON
Pjntus. Mufsena did not think proper to difregard this mefTagei
and therefore immediately abandoned all the places he
had feized, and Mithridates again renounced Cap¬
padocia, giving his own fon as an hoftage of his fide¬
lity. Being then at leifure to purfue his other plans,
Mithridates fell upon the Bofpori ; and, having foon
fubdued them, appointed Machares one of his fons
king of the country. But leading his army from
thence againftthe Achaeans, a people bordering on the
Colchi, and originally defcended from the Greeks,
who returning from Troy had miftaken their way in-
57 to Greece and fettled there, he was defeated with the
Engages ;n lofs of three-fourths of his men. On his return to
witlTthe^ P°ntus> however, he recruited his army, and made
Romans. va^ preparations to invade them anew; but in the
mean time, hearing of Sylla’s death, he came to the
imprudent refolution of entering into a fecond war
with the Romans. Having therefore induced his fon-
in law Tigranes, king of Armenia, to invade Cappa¬
docia, he himfelf entered Paphlagonia at the head of
120,000 foot difciplined after the Roman manner.,
16,000 horfc, and 100 chariots armed with fcythea.
"This country readily fubmitted ; after which the king
marched into Bithynia, which alfo fubmitted without
oppofition; the province of Afia followed the exam¬
ple of the reft; for-thefe countries being oppreffed
with exorbitant taxes, looked upon him as their de¬
liverer. In entering the cities of Afia, he caufed M.
Marius or Varius, whom Sertorius had fent him out of
Spain to difcipline his troops, walk before him with
the enfigns of confular dignity as if he was the chief
-magiftrate ; the king following as one of hisattendants.
He made feveral cities free ; but at the fame time ac¬
quainted the inhabitants that they were indebted to
Sertorius for their liberty ; and thus, by the connivance
of that general, many cities revolted from the Romans
without knowing that tkey had done fo. But in the
mean time Julius Ctefar, being at that time at Rhodes
whither he had gone to ftudy oratory, and hearing
what hayock the king’s officers made in the adjacent
xountries, he colledled what troops he could, and fall¬
ing unexpectedly upon them, drove them quite out of
3® the province of Afia.
amiCocta ^ ^oman fenate, now finding a war unavoidable,
7ent agair.ft appointed Luctillus to manage it. The other confol
him. Cotta, having folicited an employment in this war,
was fent with a fleet to guard the Propontis and de¬
fend Bithynia. Lucullus having railed one legion in
Italy, paffed over with it into Afia, where he was joined
by four others, two of which, as they had ferved under
Fimbria, proved at firft very mutinous and refradory ;
nor were the other two much better, having immerfed
in the Afiatic luxuries. The difeiplining of thefe
troops took up a confiderable time, which .was preju¬
dicial to the Roman affairs ; for almoft all the Afiatics
were ready to revolt, and Mithridates was making the
greateft preparations. One of his armies was ordered
to march into Cappadocia, under the command of
Diophantus Matharus, in order to oppofe Lucullus if
he fhould attempt to enter Pontus on that fide; ano¬
ther, commanded by Mithridates in perfon, confifted
of 150,000 foot, 12,000 horfe, and 100 chariots
armed with feytbes ; a third army, commanded by
Marius and Eumachus, two generals of great expe¬
rience in war, was encamped in the neighbourhood of
[ 6402 )
Heraclea in Pontus. Pontu*.
The beginning of the war proved favourable to Mi* ~ ~ '
thridates. Cotta being defired by Lucullus to keep Mith3Hd-t
his fleet within the harbour, as being inferior to that ;s at
of Mithridates, refolved to take the firft opportunity fuccefsful.
of fighting the king by land, not doubting of an eafy
viftory. Having for this purpofe collefted all the forces
he could, Cotta difpatched his legate, P. Rutilius, with
a confiderable body to obferve the motions of the ene¬
my. This commander being met by Marius and Eu¬
machus, an engagement enfued, in which the Romans
were defeated, and the greateft part of them, together
with their commander, cut in pieces. The fame mif-
fortune befel feveral other officers of diftinftion fent
out to oppofe Mithridates; who, being elated with
fuccefs, ordered his admiral to fail into the very har¬
bour, and fire the Roman fleet. This was accordingly
performed without the leaft oppofition from Cotta ;
and 60 ffiips were taken, funk, or burnt, on that occa-
fion.
Thefe vi&ories having increafed the rebellious difpo-
fition of the Afiatics, made Lucullus haften his march
in order to ftop the progrefs of the enemy. But find¬
ing the king’s army much more numerous than he ex-
pefted, he thought proper to decline an engagemenu
However, feveral ikirmiflies happened, in which the
Romans had always fo much ihe advantage, that they
became impatient for a general engagement. But Lu¬
cullus did not at this time choofe to run fo great a rifle;
and therefore Mithridates, feeing he could not force
the Romans to a battle, decamped in the night-time,
and by day-break reached Cyzicum, a moft important
city, and greatly attached to the Romans. Lucullus
purfued him; and, falling on his rear, killed 10,000,
and took 13,000 prifoners. After this, -the Roman Km iTro
general, by a manoeuvre, gained an important pafs, duced to
which enabled him to cut off all communication be- g,eat fira:ts
tween the army of Mitridates and the neighbouring
country. The king, feeing himfelf thus in danger of
famine, redoubled his efforts to gain the city; but find¬
ing that he could not batter down the walls, he refoi-
ved to undermine them. In this alfo he was unfuccefs-
ful; the befieged funk countermines, and had very near
taken the king himfelf in one of his own mines. In
the mean time, winter coming on, the army of Mi¬
thridates was fo diftreffed for want of provifions,
that many died of hunger, while the furvivors were
forced to feed on the flefh of their dead companions.
The famine was followed by a plague; which deftroy-
ed fuch numbers, that Mithridates was obliged to think
of a retreat; and even this was become very dangerous.
However, he laid hold of the opportunity when Lucul¬
lus went away to befiege a neighbouring caftle, and
fent off the greateft part of his cavalry in the night;
ordering them not to halt till they were out of the
reach of the enemy. But Lucullus having got intel- Wh *cuts
ligence of their march, fuddenly returned, and purfued off great
them fo clofe, that he came up with them as they were "nhibers of
paffing a river, took 600 horfe, all their beafts of bur-hls men'
den, 15,000 men, and put the reft to the fword. On
his return he fell in with Ariftonicus the king’s admi¬
ral, whom he took, juft as he was ready to fail with a
large fum of money defigned to bribe the Roman army*
In the mean time Mithridates, finding himfelf reduced
to the laft extremity, embarked in the night-time with
the
PON [ 6403 ] PON
^•Ponms. the greateft part of the forces, while Marius and Eu-
machus, with 30,000 men, made the bell of their way
to Lampfacus. But being clofely purfued by the Ro¬
mans, they were overtaken at the river iEfopus, which
*at that time was not fordable, by reafon of its having
been fwelled by heavy rains. Twenty thoufand were
killed on the fpot; nor could a fingle man have efca-
ped, had not the Afiatics fcattered great quantities of
gold and filver in the way, that the march of the Ro¬
mans might be retarded by their flopping to gather it
tip. Lucullus on his return entered Cyzicum amidft
the acclamations of the citizens ; who afterwards infti-
tutcd public fports in honour of him, which they call¬
ed Cucullea. The city was declared free, and all the
privileges, exemptions, and immunities bellowed upon
the citizens which were enjoyed by the inhabitants of
^ Rome itfelf.
I.ucullus From Cyzicum, Lucullus marched along the coaft
gains a of the Hellefpont till he came toTroas; where he
great vie- equipped his fleet, and put to fea in quell of Marius,
tory at lea. ^\|exan(jer> an(] Dionyfius, three of the king’s gene¬
ral’s, who had a fleet of 50 (hips, with x0,000 Ihnd-
forces on board. Lucullus came up with them near
the ifland of Lemnos, took 32 of their (hips, and put
a great number of their land-forces to the fword. The
day after the engagement the three generals were dif-
covered in a cave where they had concealed themfelves,
and dragged from thence to Lucullus; who, after ha¬
ving feverely upbraided Marius for fighting againft his
country, caufed him to be put to death. Alexander
and Dionyfius were referved for the triumph; but the
latter poifoned himfelf to avoid that difgrace. Lucul-
Jus then fleered his courfe for Bithynia, on receiving
intelligence that Mithridates had appeared with his
fleet on thofe coafts: but the king having notice of his
approach, made what hade he could to gain Pontus,
and arrived at Heraclea on board a pirate named Se/e-
mus; with whom he was obliged to trull himfelf, his
fleet being difperfed by a violent dorm, and the Ihip
that carried him call away.
Farther In the mean time Mithridates was no lefs unfortu-
fucceflesof nate by land than by fea. Triarius, on* of the officers
.Lucullus. 0f Lucu]lus, reduced the cities of Apamea, Prufa,
Prulias, and Nicsea. From thence he marched with all
expedition to Nicomedia, where the king himfelf was,
and near which place Cotta lay encamped. But before
the two armies could be joined, Mithridates efcaped,
firft to Heraclea, which was betrayed to him, and from
thence to Sinope. Nor was Lucullus himfelf all this
time inadlive. Having reduced all Paphlagonia and
Bithynia, he marched through Cappadocia, and join¬
ed Cotta and Triarius at Nicomedia, with a defign to
invade Pontus; but hearing that Heraclea was in the
hands of Mithridates, he difpatched Cotta to reduce
that city. Triarius was ordered with the fleet to the
Hellefpont and Propontis, to intercept the king’s fleet,
which was £aily expedted from Spain with fupplies
from Sertorius. Lucullus himfelf, with the main
flrength of the army, purfued his march into Pontus.
His army was greatly harafied, efpecially in the nar¬
row pafles between Cappadocia and Pontus, by flying
parties of the enemy. But the greatdl inconvenience
was the want of provifions, as the king’s troops had
laid wafte all the country round ; infomuch that Lu¬
cullus having loft almoft all his beafts of burden, was
obliged to take along with the army 30,000 Galatians, Pont**,
each of them carrying a fack of corn on his back. At~
lafl, however, he gained the plains of Pontus; where
provifions were fo plentiful, that an ox was fold for a
drachma, and every thing elfe in proportion.
The Roman general having now carried the war into
the enemy’s country, divided his forces, and at the
fame time invefted a very ftrong town named Amifus
another called Eupatoria, built by Mithridates, and
made the place of his refidence; and another, named
Thetnifcyra, fituated on the banks of the Thermodoon.
Eupatoria was foon taken, but Themifcyra made a vi¬
gorous refiftance. The townfmen galled the Romans
to fuch a degree, that, not daring to approach the
walls openly, they contented themfelves with undermi¬
ning them: but in this, too, they met with no final!
difficulty; for the enemy countermined, and often en¬
gaged them under ground, letting into the mines bears
and other wild beafts, with fwarms of bees, which ob¬
liged them to abandon their works. However the town
was at laft obliged to furrender for want of provifions.
As for Amifus, Lucullus himfelf fat down before it:
but, finding it itrongly fortified, and garrifoned with
the flower of the king’s troops, the Roman general
thought proper to reduce it by famine; and on this
occafien his countrymen firft complained of him aspro-
tradling the war for his own advantage.
In the mean time Mithridates having recruited his
(battered army, advanced to Cabira;, a city not far di-
ftant from Amifus. Lucullus, leaving part of the army
to continue the fiege, marched at the head of the red
to oppofe Mithridates. But the king having drawn his
cavalry into a general engagement, defeated them with
confiderable lofs, and drove them back to the moun¬
tains, through the pafles of which Lucullus had lately
marched to attack him. This check obliged the Ro¬
man general to retire to a rifing ground near the city
of Cabira;, where the enemy could not force him to an
engagement. Here, proviliqns beginning to grow
fcarce, Lucullus fent out ftrong parties from his army
into Cappadocia, the only place from whence he could
have fupplies. One of thefc parties entirely defeated
Taxiles and Diophantes, two of the king’s generals,
who had been ftationed there to prevent Lucullus from
having any communication with the country. The
king, upon the news of this defeat, refolved to break
up his camp and retire, not queftioning but that Lu¬
cullus would attack him as foon as his forces returned. 44
This refolution he no fooner imparted to his nobles, The army
than they began privately to fend away their mod Va-
luable goods; which being found out by the foldiers,
they took it in fuch bad part that no intelligence had obliges the
been given them, that they plundered their baggage',king toffy
and put tbofe who had the care of it to the fword. illto Ainie*
After this they betook themfelves to flight, crowdingniai
out of the gates in the utmoil confufion. The king
haftened to flop their flight; but nobody (howing him
the lead refpedl, he was carried away by the crowd,
and in great danger of being trampled to death. Ha¬
ving with difficulty made his efcape, he retired with a
fmall retinue, firft to Cabirae, and then to his fon-in-
law Tigranes king of Armenia. Lucullus difpatched
the bell part of his cavalry to purfue the fugitives;
while he himfelf, with the reft, invefted the camp of
Mithrisiates; where ihofe remained who could not fly
PON [ 6404 ] PON
Pontus, with the veft. The camp was eafily taken; but mod
of the foldiers made their efcape, while the Romans,
contrary to their general’s orders, were bufied in plun- ’
dering. Lucullus then purfued hard after the king;
who, being overtaken by a company of Galatians, cau-
fed a mule loaded with part of his treafures to be dri¬
ven in among them, by which means he made his efcape
while they quarrelled about the booty. Mithridates,
remembering in his flight, that he had left his fifters,
wives, and concubines at Pharnacia, difpatched an eu¬
nuch, named Bacchus, or Bacchides, with orders to put
them all to death, lead they Ihould fall into the hands
of the enemy ; which was accordingly done.
After the flight of Mithridates, the Romans no lon¬
ger met with any oppofition; the king’s governors
flocking from all parts to put themfelves under the pro-
te&ion of the conqueror. Among thefe was the grand¬
father of Strabo the geographer, whom the king had
, difobliged by putting to death his coufin-german Ti-
bias, and his fon Theophilus. He was a man of fuch
credit, that it was no fooner heard that he had aban¬
doned the king’s party, than 15 other commanders de¬
livered up to Lucullus the places with which they had
been intrufted ; and about the fame time Triarius fall¬
ing in with the king’s fleet near the ifland of Tenedos,
obtained a complete vi&ory, having either taken or
funk 60 of the enemy’s veffels.
All this time Cotta had been employed without fuc-
.cefs in befieging Heraclea, which he could never have
reduced witiiout the afiiftance of Triarius. That
commander, having defeated the fleet, foon reduced
the town to fuch diftrefs, that a third part of the gar-
rifon died of hunger ; upon which the governor, Co-
.nacorix, privately agreed with Triarius to deliver one
of the gates to him. This was accordingly done ; and
the Romans, entering, made a terrible daughter of the
helplefs inhabitants. But in the mean time Cotta,
provoked at feeing himfelf deprived both of all (hare
of the bpoty, and the honour of reducing a place be¬
fore which he had fat fo long, fell upon his country¬
men as they were bufied in plundering ; which would
have occafioned a great deal of bloodflied, had not
Triarius promifed to divide the booty equally. Co-
nacorix, in order to conceal his treachery, after march¬
ing out of Heraclea, feized on two forts belonging to
the Romans ; and Triarius being fent to recover them,
Cotta, in his abfence, plundered the city anew, rifled
the temples which the other had fpared, put all the
citizens he could meet with to the fword, and having
-carried off every thing valuable, at laft fet fire to the
city in feveral places, by which means it was foon re¬
duced to afhes. Cotta then, having no farther occa-
fion for his troops, difmifled the auxiliaries, refigned
his legions to Lucullus, and put to fea himfelf in or¬
der to return to Rome. But he had fcarce got out of
the harbour, when part of his (hips, being overloaded
with the fpoils of the city, funk ; and the others were
by a violent north wind dafhed againft the (hore,
which ocSafioned the lofs of a great part of the
booty. However, on his return to Rome, he was
highly applauded by the fenate, and honoured with
the title of Ponticus.
Lucullus, having now reduced Pontus, marched
againft-the Chaldeans, Tibarenians, and inhabitants
cf Armenia Minor ; who voluntarily (ubmitted to him,
and put him in poffefiion of all their ftrong holds. Pontus.
From Armenia, he returned before Amifius, which
ftiil held out ; Callimachus, governor of the place, ha¬
ving harafled the Romans to fuch a degree by engines
of his own contrving, that they had given over their
aflaults, and contented themfelves with blocking it up
by land, though the garrifon was at the fame time
plentifully fupplied with provifions by fea. Lucullus,
on his arrival, fummoned the city to furrender, oft'er-
'ing the inhabitants very honourable terms; but, being
refufed, he made a general aflault at the time when he
knew that Callimachus ufed to draw off great part of
his troops to give them fome refpite. The Romans
applying their fealing ladders, got over the wall be¬
fore Callimachus could come to the afliftance of thofe
whom he had left to guard it; however, by fetting
the city on fire, he found means in that confufion to
make his efcape. Lucullus commanded his men to ufe
their utmoft endeavours to fave the city ; but they be¬
ing intent only upon plundering, regarded nothing
but the furniture. At laft the fire was extinguiftied
by a violent (bower ; and Lucullus, having with much
ado reftrained his foldiers from committing any farther
exceffes, repaired the city in fome meafure before he
left it, and fuffered the inhabitants to enjoy their pof-
fefiions in peace.
Nothing was now wanting but the captivity of Mi-Tigranes
thridates himfelf to put a final period to the war; and dewax’d by
therefore Lucullus demanded him from his fon-in-lawLucu"us*
Tigranes. But though that prince could not be pre- -
vailed to fee Mithridates on account of his mifeon-
du£, he could as little be induced tt» deliver him up
to his enemies. After this refufal, however, he for
the firft time condefcended to fee his father-in-law,
after he had refided a year and eight months in his
dominions. In a private conference held by the two
kings, it was agreed, that Tigranes (hould march
againft the Romans, and Mithridates with 10,000
horfe return into Pontus, where he (hould make what
levies he^eould, and rejoin Tigranes, before Lucullus,
who was then employed in the fiege of Sinope, could
enter Armenia. But, in the mean time, Sinope ha¬
ving furrendered, Lucullus with all poffible expedi¬
tion marched againft Tigranes, and, having drawn
him into a general engagement, gave have him an
entire defeat, as is related under the article Arme¬
nia.
Mithridates was marching to his affiftance, when he
met his fon-in law flying with a fmall retinue to (bel¬
ter himfelf in fome remote edrner of the kingdom. 4fi
He encouraged him to raife new forces; not doubting But refolve*
but that another campaign would repair all former10 try an°-
loffes, provided he would commit, to his management th?r cam'
every thing relating to the war. To this Tigranes pa'sn‘
agreeing, as thinking him more fit to deal with the
Romans than himfelf, orders were iffued out for raifing
a new army, and all the Armenians ablg. to bear arms
fummoned to meet at the place of the general rendez¬
vous. Out of thefe Mithridates choofe 70,000 foot,
and 35,ooodiorfe; and having trained them up during
the winter, after the Roman difeipline, in the begin¬
ning of the fpring he left part of them with Tigranes,
and marched himfelf with the reft into Pontus, where
he recovered many important places, and overcame in a
pitched battle M. Fahius, whom Lucullus had appoint-
PON [ 6405 j PON
Fontus. ed governor of that province. Being flulhed with this
' fuccefs, as foon as the wounds he received in the en¬
gagement fuffered him to move, he purfued Fabius, and
beiieged him in the city of Cabira, whither he had re¬
tired; but in the mean time Triarius, who was march¬
ing out of Afia to join Lucullus, hearing what diftrefs
the Romans were in, battened to their relief, and ap¬
pearing unexpectedly on the neighbouring hill, {truck
fuch ter»or into the enemy, that they raifed the fiege,
and made the beft of their way into Cappadocia. Tri¬
arius purfued them, and got fo near them as to be
parted only by a river. Here he halted, with a delign
to pafs the river after he had allowed his men fome
reft; for they were tired out with long marches. But
Mithridates was before-hand with him, and croffing
47 the river on a bridge, where he had placed a ftrong
Mithridates attacked the Romans with great refolution be-
e eate . pore tjjey t;me to refre(h themfelves. The battle
was bloody, and the event doubtful, till the bridge
breaking down with the weight of the multitude that
paffed, the king’s troops who had engaged, relying
chiefly on their numbers, began to lofe courage, feeing
they could receive no further affiftance; and the Ro¬
mans charging them with frefh vigour, they betook
themfelves to a precipitate flight. After this engage¬
ment, as winter came on, both armies were glad to re¬
tire to their winter-quarters.
During the winter Mithridates raifed new forces;
and havingreceived confiderable fupplies fromTigranes,
- took the field early in the fpring, in hopes of driving
the Romans quite out of Pontus, before Lucullus, who
had work enough on his hands in Armenia, could come
to their afliftance. With this view he marched ttraight
againft Triarius and Sornatius, to whom Lucullus had
committed the care and defence of that province; and
finding them encamped near the city of Gaziurfa, prof¬
fered them battle ; which they declining, he fent a
ftrong detachment to befiege a cattle where the Ro¬
mans had left all their baggage, hoping they would
rather venture an engagement to relieve the place, than
lofe all they had got with fo much toil and labour du¬
ring the war: neither was he difappointed in his hopes;
for though Triarius was for keeping clofe in his camp
till the arrival of Lucullus, whom he daily expe&ed,
having acquainted him with the danger, the foldiers
hearing that the caftle was befieged, declared in a tu¬
multuous manner, that if he did not lead them they
48 would march to the relief of the place without his
Dcfe.ts leave. Triarius being thus forced by his own men to
Triarius. fight, drew out his forces againft the king, whofe army
was three times his number; but while they were upon
the point of engaging, both armies were by a violent
ftorm forced to retire to their refpeftive camps ; but
Triarius receiving that very day intelligence of the
approach of Lucullus, and fearing he would fnatch
the viftory out of his hands, refolved to make a bold
pufh, and next morning by break of day attack the
king in his camp. If he conquered, the glory he
thought would be entirely his own; if he were over¬
come, the enemy could reap no great advantage from
his vi&ory, Lucullus being at hand with a powerful
army. The king, In that furprife, putting himfelf at
* the head of a few troops of his guards, fuftained the
brunt of the Romans, till the reft of his army drawing
up came to his relief, and attacked the enemy with
Vol. IX.
fuch fury, that the Roman foot were forced to give way, Pontns.
and were driven into a morafs,jwhere they were furround-
ed and great numbers of them cut in pieces.
Their horfe were likewife put to flight, and purfued
with great {laughter, till a Roman centurion in the
king’s fervice, pitying his countrymen, attempted to
kill him. The king’s life was faved by his breaft-
plate; but as he received a deep wound in the thigh,
he was obliged to give over the purfuit himfelf, and
thofe that were about him caufed the retreat to be
founded, which, as it was unexpefted, occafioned a great
confufion in the whole army. The centurion was im¬
mediately cut in pieces; but the Roman horfe in the
mean time getting the ftart of the enemy, found means
to make their efcape. Above 7000 of the Romans
were killed in that battle; and among them 150centu¬
rions and 24 tribunes, the greateft number of officers
that had been loft in any engagement to that day. 49
Mithridates being cured of his wound, that he might AH thcRo-
not for the future be expofed to fuch dangers, caufed ™ra“.*jno'he
all the Romans that ferved in his army to be formed jyiitj^yates
into one body, as if they were to be fent out on a par-maflacred,
ty, and then ordered them to retire to their tents, where
they were all to a man cut in pieces.
The king, however elated with fuccefs, yet would
not engage Lucullus; but with long marches haftened
into Armenia Minor, and encamped upon a hill near the
town of Talura, expeding Tigranes, who was advan¬
cing with a ftrong army to join him. Lucullus, in pur¬
fuit of Mithridates, marched over the field of battle,
leaving thofe unburied who had fallen in the engage¬
ment, which alienated the minds of the foldiery from
him, and they began to be very mutinous; being ftir-
red up by Appius Claudius, whom Lucullus had turn¬
ed out of his command for his vile behaviour, notwith-
ftanding he was nearly related to him, Lucullus having
married his After. The difcontent that prevailed in
the army came to fuch a height, that Lucnllus was ob¬
liged to lie ftill in his camp all that fummer; the fol¬
diers declaring in a mutinous manner, that they would
not follow him any longer, nor ferve under a general
who rcfufed to ftiare the booty with them. 50
Thefe complaints, and the general difcontent thatLuailil,sre¬
reigned in the army, obliged the fenate to recal Lu- re
cnllus, and appoint Manius Acilius Glabrio, conful of Sieves the
that year, in his room. Glabrio arriving in Bithynia, affiirs of
gave notice by public criers to all the cities, that the Mithridates
fenate had difcharged Lucullus and his army, and con-
fifcated his goods for protrading the war and refufing
to comply with their injundions. Hereupon Lucullus
was abandoned by the greater part of his army, and
forced to retire into Galatia, not being in a condition
to make head againft the joint forces of the two kings;
who, laying hold of that opportunity, recovered the beft
part of Pontus, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Armenia
Minor: for though Glabrio had haftened into Pontus,
as if he had intended to engage the enemy and rob
Lucullus of the vidory, yet, upon the firft news of the
approach of the two kings, he thought fit to retire and
leave the country open on all Tides to the enemy. sr
When this was heard at Rome, a law was enaded
there by C. Maniliu's, a tribune of the people, where-^ again^
by the management of the war againft Mithridates and im'
Tigranes was committed to Pompey, and likewife the
provinces of Cilicia, then under Quintus Marcius, and
36 B of
PON [ 6406 ] PON
Pontus. of Bithynia under Glabrio. By the fame law he was
“ " continued in that unlimited power by fea, with which
he was inyefted when he firft fet out againft the pi¬
rates of Cilicia. In virtue of this law, Pompey, who
had juft then ended the war with the Cilician pirates,
took upon him the command of the army, and direc¬
ted all the allies of the Roman people to join him with
all pofiible expedition: but before he took the field,
he renewed the alliance which Sylla and Lucullus had
. S* concluded with Phrahates king of Parthia, and then
rejefts'hisCS^enl fr*enc^y propofals to Mithridates; who at firft feem-
firopofals ed inclined to give ear to them, and accordingly dif-
<51 peace, patched an ambaffador to the Roman army to treat of
a peace. Pompey required of him to lay down his arms
if he was in earneft, and deliver up to him all thofe who
had revolted from the Romans during the war. This de¬
mand was no fooner reported abroad in the king’s camp,
but the deferters, who were very numerous in the king’s
army, betaking themfelves to their arms, threatened to
put Mithridates himfelf to death; and would have oc-
cafioned a great difturbance, had not the king appeafed
the growing tumult, by affuring them, that he had fent
ambafladors, not to treat of a peace, but only to take,
under pretence of fuing for peace, a view of the ene¬
my’s ftrength. He moreover obliged himfelf, by a fo-
lemn oath in the prefence of the whole army, never to
enter into any treaty of friendfhip with the Romans, nor
to deliver up to them fuch as had ever ferved under him.
Pompey, finding his propofals rejefted, advanced
againft the king with an army of 30,000 foot and
20,000 horfe, as Plutarch writes, or 30,000, as we read
in Appian, all chofen troops; for he difcharged moft
of thofe who had ferved under Glabrio and Lucul-
lus. As he entered Galatia, he was met by Lucullus,
who endeavoured to perfuade him to march back, the
war being near finifhed, and even deputies fent by the
republic to fettle the province of Pontus: but not be¬
ing able to prevail with him, after mutual complaints
againft each other, they parted ; and Pompey remo¬
ving his camp, commanded the troops that were with
Lucullus to join him, except 1600 whom he left to at¬
tend Lucullus in his triumph. From thence Lucullus
fet out for Rome, where he was received by the fenate
with great marks of efteem, moft men thinking him
highly injured by the authors of the Manilian law.
Pompey purfued his march into Pontus; but finding
that he could not by any means draw the king to a
battle, he marched back into Armenia Minor, with a
defign either to reduce that province, or oblige Mi¬
thridates to venture a battle in order to relieve it. Mi¬
thridates followed him at fome diftance; and entering
Armenia, encamped on a hill over-againft the Romans,
and, by intercepting their convoys, reduced them to
fuch diftrefs, that they were obliged to remove t© a
more convenient place, the king cutting off many in
their rear, and harraffing them with frequent attacks,
till he fell into an ambufcade laid by Pompey, whofe
perfonal courage and prudent conduft on that occafion
confirmed the king in his refolution not to hazard a
general engagement. The twm armies encamped over-
againft each other; Pompey on one hill and the king
©n another, hear the city of Daftira, in the province
©f Acifilene, at a fmall diftance from «he Euphrates,
which divides Acifilene from Armenia Minor.
Here Poropey, feeing he could hcither draw the king
to a battle, nor force his camp, which was pitched oh Pontus.
a fteep and craggy mountain, began to block him up
with a ditch which he carried round the bottom of the j$ be^ .
hill where the king was encamped; and meeting with by p0m-
no oppofition, finilhed his work, and quite cut off the pey,
enemy’s communication with the country. Pompey
was amazed to fee the king thus tamely ftiffer himfelf
to be fhut up; and could not help faying, That he w?as
either a great fool or a great coward: a fool, if he did
not apprehend the danger he was in; a coward, if, being
apprifed of it, he did not to the utmoft of his power pre¬
vent it. By this ditch, which wTas 150 furlongs in cir¬
cuit, and defended by many forts railed at fmall diftances
from each other, the king was fo clofely befieged, that
he could neither fend out parties to forage, nor receive
the fupplies that came to him from Pontus. He was
thus befieged for the fpace of 45 or 50 days; and his
army reduced to fuch ftraits, that, having confumed all
their provifions, they were at laft forced to live on
their dead horfes. Hereupon Mithridates refolved at
all events to break through the Roman fortifications;.
and accordingly, having put to the fword all thofe thatgut breaks
were fick or difabled, that they might not fall into the through the
enemy’s hands, he attacked in the dead of the night Roman
the Roman guards, and having overpowered them with- s'
his numbers, got fafe into the open fields, and continued
his march all night towards Armenia Major, where he
was expeAed by Tigranes.
Pompey next morning by break of day purfued the-
enemy with his whole army; and having with much
ado overtaken them, found the king encamped on a
hill, to which there was but one afcent, and that guard¬
ed by a ftrong body of foot. The Romans encamped
over-againft them ; but Pompey fearing the king-
(hould make his efcape in the night-time, privately de¬
camped, and taking the fame rout the enemies were to
hold in order to gain Armenia, poffefled himfelf of all
the eminences and defiles thro’ which the king was to
pafs. Mithridates thinking that Pompey was returned is 0ver-
to his former camp, purfued his march, and about the reached b|p
dufle of the evening entered a narrow valley, which was
furrounded on all fides by fteep hills. On thefe hills ^
the Romans lay concealed, expe&ing the fignal to fall
upon the enemy and attack them on all fides at once,
while they were tired with their march, and feemingly,
as they had fent out no fcouts, in great fecurity. Pom¬
pey was at firft for putting off the attack till the next
morning, thinking it not fafe to engage in the night¬
time among fuch fteep and craggy mountains; but was
at laft prevailed upon, by the earneft prayers and in¬
treaties of all the chief officers of the army, to fall up¬
on the enemy that very night. It was therefore agreed,
that in the dead of the night all the trumpets fhould
at once found the charge, that this fignal fhould be
followed by an univerfal fhout of the whole army, and
that the foldiers fhould make what noife they could,
by ftriking their fpears againft the brafs veffels that
were ufed in the camp. The king’s army at this fud-.
den and unexpe&ed noife, which was echoed again by
the mountains, imagined at firft that the gods them¬
felves were come down from heaven to deftroy them
and the Romans charging them on all fides with fhow-
ers of ftones and arrows from the tops of the hills, they,
betook themfelves to a precipitate flight; but finding
all the paffes befet with ftrong bodies of horfe and foot,.
were
PON [ 6407 ] PON
P©ntus. vvere forced to fly back into the valley, where, for
' many hours together, they were expofed to the enemy’s
ftiot, without being able, in that confufion, either to
attack them or defend themfelves. They attempted in¬
deed to-make fome refiftance when the moon rofe; but
the Romans running down upon them from the hills,
did not give them time to draw up, and the place was
fo narrow that they had not room even to make ufe of
their fwords. The king loft on that oocation 10,000
men, according to Appian, but 40,000, according to
Eutropius and others. £)n Pompey’s fide there fell
between 20 and 30 private men, and two centurions.
Diftrefs of Mithridates, at the head of 800 horfe, broke through
Mkhridatesth6 R°tnan army, and being after this effort abandon¬
ed by all the reft, becaufe they were clofely purfued
by the enemy, he travelled all night attended by three
perfons only, viz. his wife, or, as Plutarch calls her,
his concubine, by name Hypjicr&tia, his daughter Dri-
petine, and an officer. At day-break he fell in
with a body of mercenary horfe, and 3000 foot, who
vvere marching to join him. By thefe he was efcorted
to the caftle of Sinoria, iituated on the borders of the
two Armenias. As great part of his treafures were
lodged here, he rewarded vet*y liberally thofe who ac¬
companied him in his flight; and taking 6000 talents,
withdrew into Armenia. As foon as he entered the
borders, he difpatched ambafladors to Tigranes, ac¬
quainting him with his arrival; but that prince, who
was then on the point of concluding a feparate peace
with the Romans, clapt his ambafladors in irons, pre¬
tending that his fon Tigranes had, at the inftigation of
Mithridates, revolted firft to the Parthians, and then
to the Romans. Mithridates finding himfelf thus aban¬
doned, even by his fon-in-law, left Armenia; and di¬
recting his courfe towards Colchis, which was fubjeft
to him, and not as yet invaded by the Romans, pafled
the Euphrates the fourth day, and got fafe into his
own territories.
Pompey fent outTeveral parties in purfuit of the
king; but remained himfelf with the main body of the
army in the field of battle, where he' built a city, call¬
ing it from that remarkable vi&ory, Nicopolis. This
city, with theadjoining territory, he beftowed upon fuch
of his foldiers as were old or difabled; and many flock¬
ing to it from the neighbouring countries, it became
in a (hort time a very confiderable place. This battle
J7 was certainly attended with very fatal confequences for
He flies in- Mithridates; who was forced, his artfiy being entirely
to Scythia, either cut off or difperfed, to abandon his own domi-
and from n;on8> an(j fly for fhelter to the molt remote parts of
other^ouu- Scythia. Pompey having concluded a peace with Ti-
sries. granes, as we have related in the hiftory of Armenia,
and fettled the affairs of that kingdom, began his march
in purfuit of Mithridates through thofe countries that
lie about mount Caucafus. The barbarous nations
through which he paffed, chiefly the Albanians and
Iberians, attempted to flop his march, but were put
to flight. However, he was obliged, by the exceffive
cold and deep roads, to pafs the winter near the river
Cyrus. Early in the fpring he purfued his march; but
meeting with great oppofition from the Iberians, a
warlike nation, and entirely devoted to Mithridates, he
was employed moft part of the fummer in rediicing
them. In the mean time Mithridates, who had wintered
at Diofcurias, on the ifthmus between the Euxine and
Cafpian feas, and had been joined there by fuch of his Pnntus.
troops as had made their efcape from the late unfortu- —I ’
nate battle, continued his flight through the countries
of the Achseans, Zygians, Heniochians, Cercetans,
Mofchi, and Colchians. Of thefe nations fome recei¬
ved him kindly, and even entered into alliance with
him; thro’ others he was forced to make himfelf a way
with his fword. Jg
Pompty took the fame rout, drre&ing his courfePon-pcy’s
by the ffars, efpeciaily in the northern parts of Scy-furtherco«-
thia, and carrying with him even provifion of water
to fupply the army in the vaft defarts through which
he marched. He fpent two years in warring with
thefe nations, and was often in danger of lofing both
his life and his army : but at laft he overcame them
all; and believing Mithridates, of whom he could have
no account, to be dead, he marched back into Arme¬
nia Minor, where he allowed fome reft to his foldiers,
who were quite worn out with the hardfhips they had
endured in that expedition. Having refrelhed his ar¬
my, he marched into Pontus, to reduce fome rtrong-
holds which were (till garrifoned by the king’s troops;
While he was at Afpis in Pontus, many of the king’s
concubines were brought to him; but he fent them all
home to their parents, without offering them the lealc
injury, and thereby gained the affedtion of the chief
lords of Pontus, whofe daughters they were. The
ftrong caftle of Symphori was delivered up to him by
Stratonix, one of the king’s concubines, upon no
other terms thaa that he would fpare her fon Xiphares,
who was with the king, in cafe he fhould fall into his
hands. She likewife difeovered to-him great treafures
hid under ground, which he, with great generofity,
beftowed upon her, referving for himfelf only fome
veffels to fet off his triumph. Having taken another
fort called the New Cajile, and to that time looked
upon as impregnable, he found in it great (tore of
gold, filver, and other valuable things, which he af¬
terwards confecrated to Jupiter Capitolinus. Here, in
looking over the king’s manuferipts, he came to dif-
cover where the reft of his treafures were concealed,
what troops he could raife and maintain, what fum*
were yearly paid him by his fubje&s and tributaries,
&c. whereby he could make a true eftimate of his
whole power and wealth. Amongft other manuferipts
he found fome books of pbyfic, wrote by Mithridates
himfelf, which he commanded Lenaeus, a learned gram¬
marian, to tranflate into Latin.
Pompey, haying thus reduced all Pontus, marched
into Syria, with a defign to recover that kingdom,
and palling through Arabia to penetrate as far as the
Red Sea. But while he was employed in this expedi- 45
tion, news was brought him, that Mithridates, whom Mlthridstes
he believed dead, had appeared unexpe&edly in Pon- appears
tus at the head of a confiderable army, and furprized ti,s
Panticapasum, a famous empory at the mouth of the^nfiderable
Euxine Sea. He had lain all this time concealed in army,
the territories of a Scythian prince, adjoining to the
Pains Mceotis; but hearing that Pompey had left
Pontus, and was engaged in other wars, he ventured
out of his hiding-place, reiblved either to recover his
paternal kingdom, or die in the attempt. He return¬
ed privately into Pontua, and managed matters there
lo dexteroufly, that the Roman garrifons knew no¬
thing of his arrival till he appeared with a confider-
36 L 2 able
PON [ 6408 ] PON
Pontu?. al^e army in the field. He advanced firfl to the cattle
of Symphori ; and underftanding that Stratonix had
delivered it up to Pompey, on condition he would
fave the life of her fon in cafe he fhould take him pri-
foner, the king immediately caufed the youth, who was
in his army, to be put to death, and his body to be
left unburied, Stratonix beholding from the walls the.
cruel and unnatural murder, for he was her fon by
Mithridates, and had ferved him with great fidelity.
At the fame time he fent ambaffadors to Pompey to
treat of a peace ; offering to pay a yearly tribute to
the republic, on condition he reftored to him his king¬
dom. Pompey replied, that he would hearken to no
propofals whatfoever, without the king came to treat
with him in perfon, as Tigranes had done. This Mi¬
thridates v looked upon as noways Confiftent with his
dignity ; and therefore laying alide all thoughts of an
accommodation, began to make what preparations he
£0 could for renewing the war.
Recovers He fummoned all his fubjeds that were able to bear
Several arms to meet at an appointed place; and having cho-
places. pen out 0f tjje whole multitude 60 cohorts, each con-
fitting of 100 men, he incorporated them with the re¬
gular troops that were already on foot. Being now in
a condition to aft offenfively, for Pompey had left but
a fmall number of troops in Pontus, he pofftffed him-
felf of Phanagorium, Cherfonefus, Theodofia, Nym-
phteum, and feveral other important places. But in the
mean time Caftor, whom Mithridates had appointed
governor of Phanagorium, falling out with Tripho,
one of the king’s favourite eunuchs, killed him, and
dreading the king’s refentment, ftirred up the inhabi¬
tants to a revolt: by which means Phanagorium
was again loft ; but the cattle, which was defended by
four of the king’s fons, Artaphernes, Darius, Xerxes,
and Oxathres, held out for fome time. The king ba¬
ttened to their relief; but the cattle being fet on fire
by the rebels, they were forced to fiirrender tbemfelves
to Caftor before his arrival. Thefe four fons, with one
of the king’s daughters, by name Cleopatra^ Caftor
fent to the Romans ; and fortifying himfelf in the
town, perfuaded moft of the neighbouring cities,
which were oppreffed with heavy taxes, and ftrangely
harraffed by the king’s colleftors, to join in the re-
6l bellion.
His fubje&s Mithridates finding that he could neither rely up-
difcontent- on the foldiery, moft of them being forced into the
^ fervice, nor on his other fubjefts, who were diffatis-
fied by reafon of the exorbitant taxes, fent ambaffa¬
dors to invite the princes of Scythia to his relief, and
with them his daughters, to be beftowed in marriage
upon fuch as ftiowed themfelves moft. inclined to affift
him. But as the ambaffadors he employed on this oc-
cafion were eunuchs, a race of men no lefs abhorred
by the army than favoured by the king, over whom
they had a great afcendant, efpecially in his old age,
the foldiers who were fent to attend them or> their
journey, put them pll to the fword as foon as they
were out of the king’s reach, and delivered his daugh¬
ters up to the Romans. Mithridates, finding himfelf
thus deprived of his children, betrayed by his army,
and forfaken even by thofe on whom he chiefly relied,
could not yet be induced to fubmit to the Romans,
tho’ Pompey promifed him honourable conditions, pro¬
vided he came to treat with him in gerfon. In this
defperate condition, he left no ftone unturned to ftir Pontus.
up the princes of Alia againft the Romans, efpecially '
the Parthians : but finding them awed by the great 61
opinion they all had of Pompey, he had recourfe atHis.extra-
laft to the European Gauls, whom he underftood tpje(jgna
be at war with the Romans; and having fent before invading l-
fome of his trufty friends to engage them in his favour, taly.
taking leave of his own kingdom, he began his long
march, defigning to pafs thro’ Bofphorus, Cimmerius,
Scythia, Pannonia, &c. and joining the Gauls, pafs
the Alps, and invade Italy.
This defign was no fooner known in the army, but
the foldiers began openly to complain and mutiny ;
exaggerating the boldnefs of the attempt, the length
of the march, and the unfurmountable difficulties that
mutt neceffarily attend fuch a defperate enterprife.
The chief commanders did all that lay in their power
to divert him from it ; reprefenting to him, that if he
was not able to cope with the Romans in his own
kingdom, much Ic-fs would he be a match for them in
Italy or Gaul, where they could daily receive new
fupplies; whereas he would lofe the beft part of his ar¬
my in fo long and difficult a march, and the reft per¬
haps in the firft engagement, without any poffibiiity
of repairing the lofs. But all was to no purpofe ; for
they found him fo unalterably fixed in his refolution,
that he caufed thofe to be put to death who with
moft warmth remonftrated againft it, not fparingeven
his own fon Exipodras for dropping fome unguarded
expreffions on that occafion. Thus they were forced
to let him purfue his own meafures, till they found a
more proper opportunity to oppofe them, which foon
after offered as they were encamped at Bofphorus Cim¬
merius on their march into Scythia. ^
Here Pharnaces, the king’s favourite fon, whom he His Ton
had appointed to fucceed him, obferving the general Pharnaces
difcontent that reigned in the army, began to enter- rcvoits.
tain thoughts of placing the crown on his own head ;
and not doubting but the foldiery would Hand by him
if he declared againft the intended expedition into I-
taly, openly protefted among the Roman deferters,
who were a confiderable part of the army, that if they
would follow him he would return into Pontus. The
Romans, who were well apprifed of the danger that
attended fuch an undertaking, and had moft of all ex¬
claimed againft it, promifed to fupport him to the ut-
moft of their power, and even encouraged him, upon
fome expreffions which he purpofely dropped, to af-
fume the title of king, a title which his father Teem¬
ed determined to hold till he had deftroytd, by his raffi
and defperate attempts, himfelf, his friends, and his
army. Pharnaces, finding he could depend on the Ro¬
mans, engaged the fame night moft of the chief com¬
manders in his party, and by their means the greater
part of the foldiery. It was agreed, that next morn¬
ing by break of day all thofe who had declared in his
favour ftiould appear in arms, and with a loud ftiout
proclaim Pharnaces king ; which was'done according¬
ly, and the ftiout returned even by thofe whom Phar¬
naces had not thought fit to let into the fecret. The
king, who had taken up his quarters in the city, being
awaked by the noife, fent out fome of his domeftics
to know what had happened in the army. Neither
did the officers or foldiers diffemble the matter, but
boldly anfwered, that they had chofen a young king
PON [ 6409 ] PON
Pontus. in (lead of an old dotard governed by eunuchs.
Hereupon Mithridates mounting on horfeback, and
attended by his guSTds, went out to appeafe the tu¬
mult : but his guards forfaking him, and his horfe be¬
ing killed under him, he was obliged to fly back into
the city ; from whence he fent feveral of his atten¬
dants one after another to defire of his fon a fafe-con-
dudi for himfelf and his friends. But as none of the
meflengers returned, fome being flain, others fiding
with the new king, Mithridates endeavoured to move
his fon to compaflion by fignifying to him from the
walls the diftreflld condition he was reduced to by a
fon whom he had favoured above the relt of his chil¬
dren ; but finding him noways affedled by his fpeech,
turning to the gods, he befeeched them with many
tears to make his fon know one day by experience the
grief and agony which a father mull feel in feeing his
love and tendernefs requited with fuch ungrateful and
monftrous returns. Having thus fpoke, he thank¬
ed in a very obliging manner thofe who had flood by
him to the laft, and exhorted them to make their fub-
miffion to the new king on the heft terms they could
procure; adding, that as for himfelf, he was determi¬
ned not to outlive the rebellion of a fon whom he had
always diftinguilhed with particular marks of paternal
affeikion.
Mithddates After this, he withdrew into the apartment of his
attempts to wives and concubines, where he firlt took poifon him-
deftroy felf, and then prefented it to them, and to his favou-
himfelf. rjte daughters Mithridatis and Nifla, who not long
before had been betrothed to the kings of Egypt and
Cyprus. To the women it proved immediate death ;
but on the king, who from his infancy had inured his
conflitution to poifonous potions, it had fo flow an
operation, that he was forced, through fear of falling
into the rebels hands, to recur to his fword. Neither
did the wofmd, as he was greatly weakened by the
pbifon, prove mortal: fa* that the rebels, having in
the mean time ftormed the town, and broke into the
houfe, found the king wallowing in his blood, but
ftill alive, and in his fenfes ; whi<;h Pharnaces hearing,
fent fome of thofe that were about him to drefs his
wounds, with a defign to deliver^him up to the Ro¬
mans, and thereby ingratiate himfelf with Pompey.
But in the mean time a Gaul, who ferved in the ar-
64 my, by name Bit at us, or Bithocus, entering the king’s
A Gaul room in quell of booty, and being touched withcom-
fohis'lifendPaffi°n,. in feeing him forfaken by sll his friends, and
our of com-on t^e bare ground with the pangs of death,
paffion, drawing his fword, put an end to his prefent agonies,
and prevented the infults which he chiefly apprehend¬
ed if he fhould fall alive into his fon’s hands., iThe
barbarian is faid, when he firft faw the king, to have
been fo awed with the majefty of his countenance, that,
forgetful of his booty, he fled out of the room but
being called back, and earneftly intreated by the dy¬
ing prince to put an end to his mifery, he fummoned
all his courage to perform, as he did, with a trembling
hand, that office; and immediately retired without
touching any thing that belonged to the king, tho’ the
hopes of a rich booty was the only motive that had,
led him thither.
Pompey, who was at time engaged in a war with
the Jews, received the firlt notice of the death of Mi-
thrida,tes as he was on his march to Jerufalem. The
meffenger who brought the joyful tidings, was fent by Pontns.
Pharnaces, and appeared unexpe&edly before Pom-    
pey with the branch of a laurel, as was cuftoniary on 6s
the like occafions, twilled round the head of his jave-
lin. When he heard what had happened at Pautica-”anls eat
pteum, he was fo impatient to impart it to the fol-his death,
diery, that he could not even wait till they had raifed
him a mount of turf to fpeak from thence to the army
according to the cuftom of the camp ; but ordered
thole who were by him to form a kind of mount with
their faddles, and from thence acquainted the foldiery
that Mithridates had laid violent hands on himfelf, and
his fon Pharnaces was ready to acknowledge the king¬
dom as a gift of the people of Rome, or refign it if
they were unwilling he fliould reign. This news was
received with joyful fhouts of the whole army, and the
day folemnized with feafls and facrifices throughout
the camp, as if in Mithridates alone all the enemies of
the republic had died. Pompey difpatehed without
delay a meffenger with letters to the fenate, acquaint¬
ing them with the death of Mithridates, and the fub-
miffion of his fon Pharnaces. When his letters were
read, the fenators were fo overjoyed, that they ap¬
pointed, at the propofal of Cicero, then conful, 12 days
for returning due thanks to the gods, who had deli¬
vered them from fuch an infulting and powerful ene¬
my ; and the tribunes of the people enafted a law,
whereby Pompey, in confidcration of his eminent fer-
vice in the Mithridatic war, was to wear a crown of
laurel, with the triumphial gown at the Circenfian
fports, and a purple gown at the fcenical plays.
Pharnaces, when he heard of his father’s death,
caufed his body to be preferved in brine, propoling to
prefent it to Pompey, who had promifed to return in¬
to Pontus after the redu&ion of Judaea, and there fettle
matters to his fatisfa&ion. And accordingly having
taken the city dnd temple of Jerufalem, he fet out submfifive.
with two legions for Pontus; and being arrived at Si'embaffy of
nope, he was there met by ambaffadors from Pharna- Pharnaces
ces, acquainting him, that their ma-fter had forbore af-t0 PomP.ey>
fuming the title of king till his will and pleafure were
known s that he put both himfelf and the kingdom
entirely into his hands, and that he was willing to at¬
tend him at what time or place he thought fit to ap¬
point. The fame ambaffadors delivered up to Pompey
thofe who had taken Manius Aquilius the Reman legate,.
whom Mithridates- had put to a cruel death, all the
prifoners, hoftages, and deferters, whether Romans,
Greeks, or Barbarians, and the body of Mithridates,
with his rich apparel and arms, which were greatly.
admired by Pompey and the other Romans. Both fol-
diers and officers flocked to fee the king’s body ; but
Pompey declined that fight ; and, faying that all en¬
mity between that great prince and the people of Rome,
was ended with his life, he returned the body to the
ambaffadors, and caufed it to be interred with the ut-
moft pomp and magnificence among his anceftors in
the burying-place of the kings of Pontus, Pompey de--
fraying all the charges of that ceremony, which was
the molt coftly and pompous that ever had been feen
in thofe parts. With the body Pompey reflored his
wearing apparel and armour; but the fcabbard of his
fword, which coft 400 talents, was ftolen by Rublius
a Roman, and fold to Ariarathes king of Cappado¬
cia ; and. hi« cap or turban, which was a very curious
PON [ 64.
Pontus; piece of workraanfhip,. was privately taken by one
Cains, who prefented it to Fauftus the fon-of Sylla, in
whofe houfe it was kept, and fliewn for many years
after among the many rarities which Sylla had brought
«? out of Afia.
■'fiT'ho be- Pompey beftowed the kingdom of Bofphorus on
him^he^° Pkarnaces, and honoured him with the title of a
kingdom offend and ally of the people of Rome. Pharnaces be-
Bofphor^s. ing thus acknowledged king of Bofphorus, fent orders
to all the garrifons of Pontus to fubmit themfelves,
with the caftles and treafures which they were trufted
■with, to. Pompey, who by that means amafled an im-
menfe booty. In the city of Talaura, which Mithri-
dates ufed to call his wardrobe, he found 2000 cups of
onyx fet in gold, with fuch ftore of gold and filver
veflels, of coftly furniture, of faddles, bridles, and
trappings, fet with jewels and precious ftones, that the
Roman commiffaries fpent 30 days in taking the in¬
ventory of the whole. In another cattle he found
three large tables-with ninefalvers of maffy gold, en¬
riched with precious ftones to an inettimable value ;
the ftatues of Minerva, Mars, and Apollo, of pure
gold and mod curious workmanthip ; and a pair of
.gaming tables of two precious ftones, three foot broad,
and four foot long, on which was a moon of gold
•weighing 30 pounds, with their men all of the fame
precious done. In a fort fituated among the moun¬
tains, were delivered up to him the king’s ftatue of
raalTy gold eight cubits high, his throne and feeptre,
.and the bed of Darius the fon of Hyftafpes. Moft of
thefe treafures had been tranfmitted to him from his
.anceftors, chiefly from Darius king of Perfia ; fome
belonged to the Ptolemies of Egypt, and had been
depofited by Cleopatra, as we have hinted above, in
the hands of the Coans, who delivered them to Mi-
thridates ; great part of them had been colle&ed by
the king himfelf, who was very fond of rich and (late¬
ly furniture.
Pompey having thus got entire pofleffion of Pontus,
and reduced it to the form of a Roman province,
inarched into j4//a properly fo called ; and having win¬
tered at Ephefus, early in the fpring fet out for Italy
with a fleet of 700 (hips. As he brought over his
army with him, the fenate was under no fmall appre-
henfion left he fliould make himfelf abfolute, and
.rule without controul. But he no fooner landed at
Brunduflum than he diibanded the army, without
wailing for any decree either of the fenate or people ;
what neither his friends nor his enemies had believed.
His triumph lafted two whole days; and though he
was attended in his triumphal chariot by 324 captives
of diilinclion, among whom were five fons and two
daughters of Mithridates, yet he would not fuffer any
of them to be put to death, as it had been pra&ifed
by others; but lent them all back, except fuch as were
of royal extradlion, to their refpedlive countries, and
even fupplied them with money to defray the charges
of their journey. After his triumph he delivered into
. the treafury 20,000 talents, though, at the difmiffing
of the army, he had divided 16,00O talents among the
tribunes and centurions, 2000 feftertiums among the
quasftors, and had given to each foldier 50 feftertiums.
68 Pompey had no fooner left Afia, but Pharnaces fell
PnainuteS uncxPeaedly nPort ^ie Phanagorenfes, a people of
with‘the ..Bofphorus, whom Pompey had declared free, becaufe
Remans.
10 ] PON
they had revolted the firft of all from Mfthridates, Pontus.
and by thetr example induced others to abandon the
king’s party. Pharnaces befieged their chief city
Phanagoria, and kept them blocked up, till, for want
of provifions, they were forced to fally out, and put all
to the iflTue of a battle; which proving unfuccefsful,
they delivered up themfelves and their city to the con¬
queror. Some years after the civil war breaking out
between Casfar and Pompey, he laid hold of that op¬
portunity to recover the provinces which his father
had formerly poflefied; and having raifed a confider-
able army, over-ran Pontus, Colchis, Bithynia, Ar¬
menia, and the kingdom of Mofchis, where he plun¬
dered, as Strabo obferves, the temple of the goddefs
Leucothea. He took the ftrong and important city
of Sinope, but could not reduce Amifus. But in the
mean time Ccefar, having got the better of Pompey
and his party, appointed Cn. Domitius Calvinus go¬
vernor of Afia, enjoining him to make war upon Phar¬
naces with the legions that were quartered in that
province. Domitius immediately difpatched embafia-
dors to Pharnaces, commanding him to withdraw his
troops from Armenia and Cappadocia. The king re¬
turned anfwer, that he was willing to abandon Cap¬
padocia, but as for the kingdom of Armenia Minor,
it was part of his hereditary dominions; and therefore
he would not refign it till he had an opportunity of .
of laying his pretenfions before Casfar hxmfelf, whom
he was ready to obey in all things. Hereupon Do¬
mains drawing together what forces he could, march¬
ed into Cappadocia, which he recovered without op-
pofition, Pharnaces having abandoned it to make a
Hand in Armenia, which lay nearer his own dominions.
Thither Domitius purfued him; and having overtaken
him near Nicopolis, found his army drawn up in
battle-array, and the king ready to come to an en¬
gagement; which Domitius not declining, both armies
advanced.
The king, at the head of a choice body of men, Arid
fell upon the Romans left wing, confifting moftly of feats them,
raw and undifeiplined Afiatics ; and having without
much ado put them to flight, penetrated to the centre,
where the thirty-fifth legion, the only one which Do¬
mitius had, after a faint refiftance, gave ground, and,
retiring to the neighbouring mountains, left their allks
to fhift for themfelves, who were all cut off. Domi¬
tius with the remains of his fcattered army marched
back into Cappaddcia; and from thence, winter draw¬
ing on, into the province of Afia. The king being
puffed up with this vidlory, and hearing that Casfar.
with the flower of the Roman forces, was engaged at
the fiege of Alexandria, appointed one Afander go¬
vernor of Bofphorus, and marched himfelf into Cap¬
padocia in purfuit of Domitius, with a deflgn to.in¬
vade Afia, and recover all the provinces which had
been once fubdued by his father. Bithynia and Cap¬
padocia readily fubmitted; but Armenia the Leffer,
which was held by Dejotarus, made fo vigorous a re¬
fiftance, that he was forced to give over the enterprife,
left the Romans (hould in the mean time ftrengthen
themfelves in Afia, whither he was in hafte to march,
in hopes of meeting there with the fame fuccefs as his
father Mithridates had done. But before he reached
that province, he was informed that Afander had re¬
volted, in hopes of gaining thereby the good-will of
the
PON [ 6411 } PON
Bontus. the Romans, and obtaining of them the kingdom of
! ' “' Bofphorus for himfelf. At the fame time fee received
intelligence, that Ctefar having at laft reduced Alex¬
andria, and fettled the affairs of Egypt and Syria, was
. 70 marching into Armenia.
! to outwit was not a little difmayed at this news, and
11 Julius Cs> therefore without delay difpatched ambaffadors to fue
fjr> for peace ; hoping that Ctefar, who was hailening into
Italy with a defign to pafs over into Afric, would
willingly give ear to any propofals of that nature.
Caefar courteoufly entertained the ambaffadors; and
though he did not propofe to agree to their conditions,
yet, that he might come upon Pharnaces unawares,
he fhowed himfelf very defirous of entering into a
treaty of peace. But in the mean time he purfued
his march with all poffible expedition ; and arriving on
the confines of Pontus, ordered all the troops that
were quartered in the neighbouring provinces to join
him ; for he had brought from Alexandria but one
legion, namely, the fixth, and that confining of 1000
men only, the reft having been killed at the fiege of
Alexandria. Befides this veteran legion, he found at
the place of general pendezvous three others, but all of
them very indifferently armed, and worfe difeiplined.
With thefe forces however, fuch as they were, he ad¬
vanced againft Pharnaces; who being greatly frightened
at his approach by reafon of the fuccefs that had at¬
tended him in all his expeditions, again difpatched
ambaffadors to him with a crown of gold, offering
him his daughter in marriage, and prorfsifing to do
whatever he fhould require. The ambaffadors took
care to let know that their mafter, though highly ob¬
liged to Pompey, yet had never been prevailed upon
to fend him any fupplies during the civil war, which
Dejotarus king of Armenia the Leffer, whom he had
honoured with his friendfhip, had done. Caefar re-
turired for anfwer, that he was willing to conclude
a peace with Pharnaces, provided he retired without
delay from Pontus, returned all the captives and
hoftages whether Roman or their allies, and reftored
the goods of the Roman citizens and publicans which
be had feized fince he firft took up arms. He added,
that as to his not fending fupplies to Pompey, they
ought rather to have concealed fuch an ungrateful pro-
ceedingtof their mafter, than aledged it as any merit,
fince the forfaking of one to whom he was indebted
for his crown, befpoke him-a man of mean, felfifti, and
unworthy principles.
Pharnaces, upon the return of his ambaffadors, ac¬
quainted Caefat, that he agreed to the conditions ; but
finding that Casfar’s affairs called him into Italy, he
required a longer term of time for the performance of
what was ftipuiaied between them, ftarting daily new
difficulties, in hopes that Casfar would in the mean
time be obliged to depart, and leave the affairs of
Pontus in the fame pofture he had found them. Casfar
feeing himfelf disappointed, and put off from day to
day, could not longer brook the king’s deceitful be¬
haviour. Wherefore he determined to put himfelf at
t,' the head of his fmall army, and attack the enemy in
his camp when he leaft expe&ed it., And accor¬
dingly, marching out in the night, he came by break,
of day in fight of the king’s army, and uttering thefe
words, Shall this treacherous parricide go unpunijhed ?
broke into the camp at the head of jqqo horfe. . The
king’s chariots, which were armed with feythes, caufed Pofttus,-
fome fmall diforder among Csefar’s horfe ; but in the"''
mean time the reft of his army coming up, he put the 7»
enemy to flight, and obtained a complete v^ory,
This battle was fought near the place where Mithri-. (jcfcate<i*
dates had routed with great daughter the Roman army
under the command of Triarius. Moft of the king’s
army were either taken or cut in pieces ; but Phar¬
naces himfelf had the good luck to make his efcape,
while the Romans were bufy in plundering the camp.
This victory was fo quick, that Caefar in a letter to his
fritnd Aminitius, or Anitius, at Rome, expreffed it in
three words, thus: “ I came, I faw, I conquered.” He
ever afterwards ufed to call Pompey a fortunate rather
than a great commander, fince Jie bad gained his chief
glory in the Mithridatic war, fighting with fo coward¬
ly an enemy. He divided the rich booty and the
fpoils of the camp among his foldiers; and becaufe
Mithridates had erefted a trophy near that place as a
monument of his vi&ory over Triarius, which Csefar,
as it was confecrated to the gods, did not think law¬
ful to pull down, he fet up another over-againft it tty
tranfmit to pofterity his vidftory over Pharnaces. After
this.vi&ory he recovered and reftored to the allies of
the people of Rome all the the places which Pharnaces
had poffeffed himfelf of during the war, declared
Amifus a free city, and appointed Mithridates Perga-
menus king of Bofphorus in the room of Phar¬
naces.
Having thus fettled the affairs of Pontus, he fet fail
for Italy; leaving Domitius Calvinus to purfue the
war againft Pharnaces, if he ffiould appear again in
the field. Pharnaces had retired after the battle ta .
Sinope with 1000 horfe, where he was quickly be-
fieged by Domitius, to whom he futrendered the town,
upon no other conditions than that he ffiould be fuffered
to retire into Bofphorus with the fmall body that at¬
tended him. This Domitius willingly granted ; but
caufed all the king’s horfes to be killed, fince he had
alked a fafe-condudt only for his horfemen. With
thefe and a band of Scythians and Samaritans he at¬
tempted to recover the kingdom of Bofphorus; but :
being met between Theudocia and Panticapeum, both 72
which cities he had reduced, by Afander, who was Is killed in
ftill in poffeffion of the kingdom, a ffiarp engagement another en- -
enfued, wherein the king’s men, as not being ufed toSa£ement'
fight on foot, were put to flight, and Pharnaces him¬
felf, who remained alone in the field, was furrounded by
the enemy, and cut in pieces, after having reigned in
Bofphoros Ctmmerius, the kingdom which Pompey
had beftowed upon him,, according to Appian, fifteen
years, according to others, feventeen.
Upon the death of Pbarnaees the kingdom of Pon¬
tus was again reduced to the form of a province, and fo 7J
continueto the triumvirate of Marc Antony, who after Pontus
the battle at Philippi conferred it upon Darius the again made1
fon of Pharnaces for bis fervices during the civil war-
He continued faithful to the Romans; but did nothing Antony,
during his reign worth mentioning.
Darius was fucceedcd in the kingdom by Polemon,
preferred to that honour by Marc Antony. He was the
fon of Zeno, a famous orator of Laodicea, and greatly fa¬
voured by Antony. From him that part of Pontus which
borders on Cappadocia, borrowed the name of Polemo-
niacus. He. attended. Marc Antony in his expedition
sgajnft \
PON [ 6412 ] POO
Tontus, again ft the Parthians; and being taken prifonerin that
unfuccefsful battle fought by Statianus, he was fent
by the king of the Medes, an ally of the Parthians, to
conclude a peace with the Romans. In which embafly
he acquitted himfelf fo well, that Antony added the
kingdom of Armenia to his own dominions. In the
war between Antony and Auguftus he fided with the
former: but after the battle at Aflium, he was received
Into favour by the latter; and being fent by Agrippa
againft Scribonius, who upon the death of Afander had
ufurped the kingdom of Bofphorus, he overcame him,
and reduced the kingdom of Colchis, which was be¬
llowed upon him by Agrippa, who likewife honoured
him with the title of friend and ally of the people of Ro?ne.
He afterwards waged war with the neighbouring barba¬
rians refufing to live in fubjedtion to the Romans; but
was overcome, taken, and put to death, by the Afpun-
gitani, a people bordering, according to Strabo, on
the Palus Moeotis.
Upon his death his fon Polemon II. was by the em¬
peror Caligula railed to the throne of Bofphorus and
Pontus. But the emperor obliged him to exchange the
kingdom of Bofphorus with part of Cilicia; and Nero
with his confent reduced that part of Pontus which he
enjoyed to the form of a province. He fell in love
with Berenice, daughter to Agrippa king of Judaea;
and in order to marry her, embraced the Jewilh reli¬
gion. But as file foon became tired of his riotous way
of living, and returned to her father; fo he renounced
74 his new religion, and again embraced the fuperftitions
parcelled of Paganifm. Polemon dying without iflue, the an-
feveral'0 r .c'ent kingdom of Pontus was parcelled out intofeveral
vinces. P ° Parts> an<^ added to the provinces of Bithynia, Gala¬
tia, and Cappadocia, only that part of it which was
called Pontus Polemoniacus retaining the dignity of a
diftinft and feparate province. During the civil dif-
cords between Vefpafian and Vitellius, one Anicetus,
firft a Have, afterwards freedman to king Polemon, and
laftly commander of the royal navy, took up arms with
a defign to refcue the kingdom from the Roman bon¬
dage; and being joined by great multitudes drawn
together with the profpeft of fpoil, over-ran the coun¬
try, and poffefied himfelf of Trapefund, a city found¬
ed by the Grecians on the utmoft confines of Pontus.
Here he cut in pieces a cohort made up of the inhabi¬
tants, but which had been formerly prefented with the
privilege of Roman citizens. He likewife burnt the
fleet, and with fcorn and infults fcoured the fea; Mu-
cianus having called to Byzantium moft of the Roman
galleys. Hereupon Vefpafian, who was at that time
in Syria, fent Verdius Gemnius into Pontus with a
choice body of vexillaries from the legions. He affail-
ing the enemy while they were in diforder and roam¬
ing afunder in purfuit of prey, drove them into their
veffels; then with fome galleys chafed Anicetus into
the mouth of the river Chobus, where he thought him¬
felf fafe under the protedlion of Sedochus king of the
Lazians, whofe alliance he had purchafed with large
.Bums and rich prefents. Sedochus at firft refufed to
deliver him up to the Romans; but was foon prevail¬
ed upon, partly by threats, partly by prefents, to fur-
render both him and all the other fugitives who had
taken fantfuary in his dominions. Thus ended that
fervile war; and the kingdom of Pontus continued to
be a province of the empire till the time of David and
Alexis Comneni, who being driven from Conftanti- Ponntypool
nople by the French and Venetians, under the com- II
mand of Baldwin earl of Flanders, fettled, the one at
Haraclea, the other at Trebifond. The troubles that
arofe among the Latins gave Alexus Comnenus an op¬
portunity of erefting here a new empire, which com¬
prehended great part of Pontus, and was known by
the name of the empire of Trebifond. The Comnent
held it about 250 years, till the time of Mohamed II.
who carried David Comnenus, the laft emperor of Tre¬
bifond, prifoner to Conftantinople, with all his family,
and fubjefled his empire to that of Conftantinople; in
which abjeft flavery Trebifond and all Pontus have
continued ever fince.
PONTYPOOL, a town of Monmouthlhire in Eng¬
land, feated between two hills. It is but a fmall place,
though noted for its iron-mills, great manufafture of
japanned mugs, See. W. Long. 3. o. N. Lac. 51.45.
PONZA, or Pontia, a fmall ifland in the Tufcan
fea, being the place to which many iiluftrious Romans
were formerly banilhed. E. Long. 13. 50. N. Lat.
41.15.
POOL, is properly a refervoir of water fupplied
with fprings, and difeharging the overplus by flukes,
defenders, weirs, and other caufeways.
Pool, a fea-port town of Dorfetfhire in England.
It is furrounded on all fides by the fea, except on the
north, where there is an entrance through a gate. It
W’as formerly nothing but a place where a few fifher-
men lived: but in the reign of Henry VI. it was greatly
enlarged, and the inhabitants had the privilege to wall
it round; it was alfo made a county of itfelf, and fent
two members to parliament. It is governed by a mayor,
a fenior bailiff, four other juftices, and an indeter¬
minate number of burgeffes. The town confifts of a
church and about 600 houfes, with broad paved ftreets;
and has a manufadtory of knit hofe. It is 47 miles
weft fouth weft of Winchefter, and no weft by fouth
of London. W. Long. 3.6. N. Lat. 50. 45.
POOLE (Matthew), a very learned writer in the
17th century, was born at York in 1624. He was
educated at Emanuel-college Cambridge, and after¬
wards incorporated in the univerfity of Oxford. He
fucceeded Dr Anthony Tuckney in the reftory of St
Michael de Quern, in London, about 1648. In 1658
he fet on foot a projeft for maintaining youths of great
parts at the univerfities, and had the approbation of
the heads of houfes in both of them. He folicited the
affair with fo much vigour, that in a fhort time 900I.
per annum was procured for that purgofe; but this de-
fign was laid afide at the Reftoration. In 1662, he was
ejefted from his living for nonconformity. Ten years
was he employed in compofing his Synopfis Criiicorum
Bibliorum. Befides this great work he publifhed fe-
veral other pieces. When Dr Oates’s depofitions con¬
cerning the Popifti plot were printed, our author found
his name in the lift of tkofe who were to be cut off, on
the account (as was fuppofed) of what he had written
againft the Papifts in his Nullity of the Romijh Faith.
So that he was obliged to retire into Holland, where
he died in 1679, and left behind him the charafterof
a very able critic and cafuift.
POOP, the ftern of a (hip; or the higheft, upper-
moft, and hinder part of a (hip’s hull. See Stern.
POOR, in law, an appellation given to all thofe who
are
Popayan,
Pope.
POP [ 6413 ] POP
are In fuch a low and mean condition, tliat they either
are, or may become, a burden to the parifti.
POPAYAN, a province of South America, In the
kingdom of New Granada, between the audience of
Panama, that of Quito, and the South Sea; 400 miles
in length, and 300 in breadth. A chain of barren
mountains runs through the country from north to
fouth ; and near the fea the foil is fo foaked with al-
moft continual rains, that few care to refide there, ex¬
cept for the fake of the gold that is met with in great
plenty in the fands of the rivulets. This bewitching
metal brings many in fearch of it, though it is a great
doubt whether they ever return back alive or not. For
this reafon the favage Americans are Hill mailers of a
great part of it, and continually annoy the Spaniards.
Popayan, the capital town of a province of that
name in South America, with a bilhop's fee, a Spanilh
governor, and wlhere the courts of juftice are held.
The inhabitants are almoft all Creoles. W. Long. 73.
5. N. Lat. 2. 25.
POPE, the fovereign pontiff, or fupreme head of
the Romilh church. The appellation of /c/’i? was an-
ciently jjiven to all the Chriilian bilhops; but about
the latter end of the nth century,in the pontificate of
Gregory VII. it was ufurped by the bilhop of Rome,
whole peculiar title it has ever fince continued.
POPE (Alexander), a late celebrated Englilb poet,
was defcended from good families, and born the 8th
of June 1688, at London, where his father was then
a confiderable merchant. He was taught to read very
early by an aunt; and learned to write without any af-
fiftance, by copying printed books. The family be¬
ing of the Romilh religion, he was put, at eight years
of age, under one Taverner, a prieft, who taught him
the rudiments of the Latin and Greek tongues toge¬
ther; and foon after was fent to a Popifh feminary at
Winchefter, from whence he was removed to a fchool
at Hyde-Park Corner. He difcovered early an incli¬
nation to verfifying; and the tranflations of Ogilby
and Sandys from Virgil and Ovid firft falling in his
way, thefe were his favourite authors. At 12, l;e re¬
tired with his parents to Binfieid, in Windfor Foreft;
and there became acquainted with the writings of
Spenfer,Waller, and Dryden. Dryden ftruck him moll,
probably becaufe the call of that poet was moft con¬
genial with his own ; and therefore he not only ftudied
his works intenfely, but ever after mentioned him with
a kind of rapturous veneration. He once obtained a
fight of him at a coffee-houfe, but never was known to
him: a misfortune which he laments in thefe pathe¬
tic words, Virgilium tantum vidi. Though Pope had
been under more tutors than one, yet it feems they
were fo infufficient for the purpofe of teaching, that
he had learned very little from them: fo that, being
obliged afterwards to begin all over again, he may
juftly be confidered as one of the ^vWiiWIoi, or “ felf-
taught.” At 15 he had acquired a readinefs in the
two learned languages; to which he foon after added
the French and Italian. He had already fcribbled a
great deal of poetry in various ways; and this year fet
about an epic poem, called Alcander. He long after
communicated it to Atterbury, with a declared inten¬
tion to burn it; and that friend concurred with him:
“ Though (adds he) I would have interceded for the
firft page, and put it, with your leave, among my cu-
Vol. IX. 2
riofities.,, What the poet himfelf obferves upon thefe
early pieces is agreeable-enough; and fhows, that tho*
at firft a little intoxicated with the waters of Helicon,
he afterwards arrived to great fobriety of thinking.
“ I confefs (fays he) there was a time when I was rn
love with myfelf; and my firft produftions were the
children of Self-love upon Innocence. I had made an
epic poem, and panegyrics on all the princes, and I
thought myfelf the greateft genius that ever was. I
cannot but regret thefe delrghtful vifions of my child¬
hood, which, like the fine colours we fee when our
eyes are ftiut, are vanilhed for ever.” His paftorals,
begun in 1704, firft introduced him to the wits of the
time; among which were Wycherly and Walih. This
laft gentleman proved a fincere friend to him ; and foon
difcerning that his talent lay, not fo much in linking
out new thoughts of his own, as in improving thofe of
other men, and in an eafy verfification, tojd him, among
other things, that there was one way left open for him
to excel his predeceffors in, which was corre&nefs : ob-
ferving, that though we had feveral great poets, yet
none of them were corredl. Pope took the hint, and
turned it to good account; for no doubt the diftinguilh-
ing harmony of his numbers was in a great meafure
owing to it. The fame year, 1704, he wrote the firft
part of his Windfor Foreft, though the whole was not
publifhed till t?io. In 1708, be wrote the Effay on
Criticifm : which produ&ion was juftly elleemed a
mafter-piece in its kind, and fhowed not only the pe¬
culiar turn of his talents, but that thofe talents, young
as he was, were ripened into perfe&ion. He was not
yet 20 years old; and yet the maturity of judgment,
the knowledge of the world, and the penetration into
human nature, difplayed in that piece, were fuch as
would have done honour to the greateft abilities and'
experience. But whatever may be the merit of the
Eflay on Criticifm, it was ftill furpafled, in a poetical
view, by the Rape of the Lock, firft completely pub¬
lifhed in 1712. The former excelled in the didaftic
way, for which he was peculiarly formed; a clear head,
ftrong fenfe, and a found judgment, being his cbarac-
teriftical qualities: but it is the creative power of the
imagination that conftitutes what is properly called a
poet; and therefore it is in the Rape of the Lock that
Pope principally appears one, there being more vis
imaginandi difplayed in this poem than perhaps in all
his other works put together. In 1713, he gave ouc
propofals for publilhing a tranflation of Homer’s Iliad,
by fubfcription; in which all parties concurred fo hear¬
tily, that he acquired a confiderable fortune by it.
The fubfcription amounted to 6000 1. befides 1200I.
which Lintot the bookfeller gave him for the copy.
Pope’s finances being now in good condition, he pur-
chafed a houfe at Twickenham, whither he removed
with his father and mother in 1715: where the for¬
mer died about two years after. As he was a Papift,
he could not purchafe, nor put his money to intereft
on real fecurity; and as he adhered to the caufe of
king James, he made it a point of conference not to
lend it to the new government: fo that, though he was
worth near 20,0001. when he laid afide bufinefs, yet, li¬
ving afterwards upon the quick flock, he left but a flen-
der fubftance to his family. Our poet, however, did not
fail to improve it to the utmoft: he had already acqui¬
red much by his publications, and he was all attention
36 C to
Pope.
POP [ 6414 1 POP
Pope, to acquire more. In 1717, he publifhed a colle&ion
~of all he had printed feparately; and proceeded to give
a new edition of Shakefpeare, which, being publiftied
in 1721, difcovered that he had confulted his fortune
more than his fame in that undertaking. The Iliad
being finifhed, he engaged upon the like footing to
undertake the Odyffey. Mr Broome and Mr Fenton
did part of it, and received 500I. of Mr Pope for their
labours. It was publiihed in the fame manner, and on
the fame conditions to Lintot; excepting that, inftead
of 1200I. he had but 600I. for the copy. This work
being finifhed in 1725, he was afterwards employed
with Swift and Arbuthnot in printing fome volumes
of Mifcellanies. About this time he narrowly efcaped
lofing his life, as he was returning home in a friend’s
chariot; which, on pafiing a bridge, happened to be
overturned, and thrown with the horfes into the river.
The glafies were up, and he not able to break them :
fo that he had immediately been drowned, if the po-
flilipn had not broke them, and dragged him out to
the bank. A fragment of the glafs, however, cut him
fo defperately, that he ever after loft the ufe of two of
his fingers. In 1727,hisDunciad appeared in Ireland;
and the year after in England, with notes by Swift,
under the name of Scriblerus. This edition was p're-
fented to the king and queen by Sir Robert Walpole;
who, probably about this time, offered to procure Pope
a penfion, which however he refufed, as he had for¬
merly done a propofal of the fame kind made him by
X.ord Halifax. He greatly cultivated the fpirit of in¬
dependency; and “ Unplac’d, unpenfion’d, no man’s
heir or flave,” was frequently his bpaft. He fome-
where obferves, that the life of an author is a ftate of
warfare: he has fhown himfelf a complete general in
this way of warring. He bore the infults and injuries
of his enemies long; but at length, in the Dunciad,
made an abfolutely univerfal (laughter of them : for
even Cibber, who was afterwards advanced to be the
hero of it, could not forbear owning, that nothing was
ever more perfedf and finifhed in its kind than this poem.
In 1729, by the advice of Lord Bolingbroke, he turn¬
ed his pen to fubjedls of morality ; and accordingly
we find him, with the affiftance of that noble friend,
who furnifhed him with the materials, at work this year
upon the Effay on Man. The following extradl of a
letter to Swift difeovers the reafon of his Lordfhip’s
advice: “ Bid him (fays Bolingbroke) talk to you of
the work he is about, I hope, in good earneft ; it is a
fine one, and will be, in his hands, an original. His
foie complaint is, that he finds it too eafy in the exe¬
cution. This flattery his lazinefs: it flatters my judge¬
ment; who always thought, that, nniverfal as his ta¬
lents are, this is eminently and peculiarly his, above all
the writers I know, living or dead; I do not except
Horace. Pope tells the dean in the next letter, that
“ the work, Lord Bolingbroke fpeaks of with fuch
abundant partiality, is a fyftem of ethics, in the Ho-
ratian way-” In purfuing the fame defign, he wrote
his Ethic Epiflles: the fourth of which, Upon Tafte,
giving great offence, as he was fuppofed to ridicule the
duke of Chandois under the gharafler of Timon, is
faid to have put him upon writing fatires, which he
continued till 17^9. He ventured to attack perfons of
the higheft rank, and fet no bounds to his fatirical
rage. A genuine colle&ion of his letters was publifh-
ed in 1737. In 1738, a French tranflation of the PoP«*
Effay on Man, by the Abbe Refnel, was printed at —
Paris; and Mr Croufaz, a German profefibr, animad¬
verted upon this fyftem of ethics, which he reprefented as
nothing elfe but a fyftem of naturalifm. MrWarburton,
afterwards bifliop of Gloucefter, wrote a commentary
upon the Eflay; in which he defends it againft Crou¬
faz, whofe obje&ions he fuppofes owing to the faulti-
nefs of the Abbe Refnel’s tranflation. The poem was
republifhed in 1740, with the commentary. Our au¬
thor now added a fourth book to the Dunciad, which
was firft printed feparately in 1742; but the year af¬
ter, the whole poem came out together, as a fpecimen
of a more corredt edition of his works. He had made
fome progrefs in that defign, but did not live to com¬
plete it. He had all his life long been fubjeft to the
head-ach; and that complaint, which he derived from
his mother, was now greatly increafed by a dropfy in
his breaft, under which he expired the 30th of May
1744, in the 56th year of his age. In his will, dated
December 12. i 743, Mifs Blount, a lady to whom he
was always devoted, was made his heir during her life:
and among other legacies, he bequeathed to Mr War-
burton the property of all fuch of his works, already
printed, as he had written or fhould write commenta¬
ries upon, and had not otherwife been difpofed of or
alienated; with this condition, that they were publifh-
ed without future alterations. In difeharge of this
truft, that gentleman gave a complete edition of all Mr
Pope’s works, 1751, in 9 vols, 8vo. A work, enti¬
tled, j4n EJfay on the Writings and Genius of Pope, by
Mr Warton, 2 vols 8vo, will be read with pleafure by
thofe who defire to know more of the perfon, charac¬
ter, and writings of this excellent poet. In the mean
time, the following account of him by Lord Orrery
may fuffice: “ If we may judge of him by his wprks,
(fays this noble author) his chief aim was to be efteem-
ed a man of virtue. His letters are written in that
ftyle; his lad volumes are all of the moral kind; he has
avoided .trifles, and confequently has efcaped a rock
which has proved very injurious to Swift’s reputation.
He has given his imagination full fcope, and yet has
preferved a perpetual guard upon his condu&. The
conftitution of his body and mind might really incline
him to the habits of caution and referve. The treat¬
ment which he met with afterwards, from an innume¬
rable tribe of adverfaries, confirmed this habit; and
made him flower than the dean, in pronouncing his
judgment upon perfons and things. His profe-wri-
tings are little lefs harmonious than his verfe; and his
voice, in common converfation, was fo naturally mufi-
cal, that I remember honeft Tom Southern ufed to
call him the little nightingale. His manners were de¬
licate, eafy, and engaging; and he treated his friends
with a politenefs that charmed, and a generoiity that
was much to his honour. Every guert was made happy
within his doors; pleafure dwelt under his roof, and
elegance prefided at his table.”
Pope’s Dominions, or Ecclefiafical States ; a coun¬
try of Italy, bounded on the north by the gulph of Ve¬
nice and the Venetian dominions, on the fouth by
the Mediterranean, on the eaft by the kingdom of
Naples and the Adriatic, and on the weft by Tuf-
cany and Modena. Its length is about 240 miles,
but its breadth varies from 20 to 120 miles.
The
POP t 6315 1 POP
Pops." The foil, in general, of the pope’s dominions is very
fertile, but ill cultivated } and there are many fens and
marfliy grounds, which are very prejudicial to the air.
That the lands are badly cultivated and inhabited, the
air bad, and the inhabitants poor, idle, lazy, and
grofsly fuperftitious, is owing to their being govern¬
ed by priefts, who may jullly be faid not only to fleece
them, but flea them. This country, with refpeft to
the accommodations of life, is but in a very indif¬
ferent condition ; for, notwithftanding the fertility of
its foil, its advantageous fituation for traffic, the large
fums fpent in it by travellers, or remitted to it from
foreign countries, and its having, for its ruler, the
fucceffbr of St Peter, the prince of the apoftles, and
the vicar of Jefus Chrift, yet it is poor and thin of in¬
habitants, ill cultivated, and without trade and manu-
faftures. This is partly owing to the great number
of holidays, of fturdy beggars called pilgrims^ and of
hofpitals and convents, with the amazing but ufelefs
wealth of churches and convents, and the inquifition ;
but the chief caufe is the feverity of the government,
and the grievous exa&ions and hardfliips to which the
fubjedts are expofed. The legates, tho’ moftly clergy¬
men, whofe thoughts fhould be chiefly ernployed a-
bout laying up treafures in heaven, and who ought to
fet an example to the laity of difintereftednefs and a
contempt of this world, yet, in fa<9t, fcruple no kind
of rapacioufnefs: even the holy father himfelf, and the
cardinals, make the enriching of their nephews and
other relations, and the aggrandizing their families,
the great bufinefs of their lives. The extravagant
claims and pretenfions of the pope are well known,
and by all the rational part of Chriftendom now treat¬
ed with contempt and mockery. The Reformation
gave a great blow to his fpiritual power: but as to his
•temporal dominions, he ftill poflefles them entire; tho’
it is not likely that will long be the cafe, confidering
how much he hath loft, and is daily lofing, of his
ghoftly empire, and the veneration in which he was
formerly held. The Papal dominions were originally
procured, partly by the voluntary gift of bigotted
princes, and partly by other methods. The Campa¬
nia of Rome is under the pope’s immediate govern¬
ment ; but the other provinces are governed by le¬
gates and vice-legates, and there is a commander in
chief of the pope’s forces in every province. The pope
is chofen by the cardinals in the conclave, who are 70
in number when complete, and conffft of three claffes,
namely, cardinal-birtiops, priefts, and deacons: they
look upon themfelves as on a footing with crowned
heads, and have the title of eminentijjimi. The pope
holds a confiftory of cardinals on ecclefiaftical affairs ;
but the cardinals do not meddle with his civil govern¬
ment. The pope’s chief minifter is the cardinal-pa¬
tron, ufually his nephew, who amafles an immenfe
eftate, if the reign ,60 of any long duration. The
cardinal that is chofen pope muft be an Italian, and at
leaft 55 years of age. The fpiritual power of the
pope, though far ftiort of what it was before the Re¬
formation, is ftill confiderable. It is computed that
the monks and regular clergy, who are abfolutely at
his devotion, do not amount to lefs than 2,000,000
of people difperfed through all the Roman Catholic
countries, to aflert his fupremacy over princes, and
promote the intereft of the church. The revenues of
thefe monks do not fall fhort of L. 20,060,000 Ster- Popham
ling, befides the cafual profits ariling from offer- I'
ings, and the people’s bounty to the church, who ar<» PoPu us*
taught that their falvation depends on this kind of be¬
nevolence.
The pope’s revenues, as a temporal prince, may
amount to about L. 1,000,000 Sterling per annum,
arifing chiefly from the monopoly of corn, the duties
on wine and other provifions. Over and above thefe,
vaft fums «re continually flowing into the papal trea-
fury from all the Roman Catholic countries, for dif-
penfations, indulgences, canonizations, annates, the
pallia, and inveftitures of archbiftips, bifliops, &c.
The pope has a conliderable body of regular forces,
well clothed and paid; but his fleet confifts only of a
few galleys. His life-guards are 40 Swizers, 75 cuiraf-
fiers, and as many light horfe.
POPHAM (Sir John), lord chief juftice of the
common pleas in the reign of queen Elizabeth, was
the eldeft fon of Edward Popham, efq; of Huntworth
in Somerfetfhire, and born in the year 1531. He was
fome time a ftudentof Baliol college in Oxford; “ be¬
ing then,” fays Ant. Wood, “ given at leifure hours
to many fports and cxercifes.” After quitting the
univerfity, he fixed in the Middle Temple ; where, du¬
ring his novitiate, he is faid to have indulged in that
kind of diflipation to which youth and a vigorous con-
ftitution more naturally incline than to the ftudy of
voluminous reports : but, fatiated at length with what
are called the pleafures of the town, he applied fedu-
loufly to the ftudy of his profeflion, was called to the
bar, and in 1568 became fummer or autumn reader.
He was foon after made ferjeant at law, and folicitor-
general in 1579. In 1581, he was appointed attor¬
ney-general, and treafurer of the Middle Temple. In
1592, he was made lord chief juftice of the king’s
bench, and the fame year received the honour of
knighthood. In the year 1601, his lordftiip was one
of the council detained by the unfortunate earl of Ef-
fex, when he formed the ridiculous proje& of defend¬
ing himfelf in his houfe ; and, on the earl’s trial, he
gave evidence again!! him relative to their detention.
He died in the year 1607, aged 76; and was buried
in the fouth aifle of the church at Wellington in So¬
merfetfhire, where he generally refided as often as it
was in his power to retire. He was thought fome-
what fevere in the execution of the law again!! capital
offenders ; but his feverity had the happy effed! of re¬
ducing the number of highway robbers. He wrote,
1. Reports and cafes adjudged in the time of queen
Elizabeth. 2. Refolutions and judgments upon cafes
and matters agitated in all the courts at Weftminfter
in the latter end of queen Elizabeth.
POPLAR, in botany. See Populus.
POPLITJEUS, in anatomy, a fmall mufcle ob¬
liquely pyramidal, fituated under the ham. See Ana¬
tomy, Tab/e of the Mufcles.
POPPY, in botany. See Papaver.
POPULAR, fomething that relates to the common
people.
POPULUS, the poplar ; a genus of the oc-
tandria order, belonging to the dicecia clafs of
plants.
Species. I. The alba, or abele-tree, grows natural¬
ly in the temperate parts of Europe. Its leaves are
36 C 2 large
Populus.
POP [63
large, ami divided into three, four, or five lobes, in¬
dented on their edges, of a very dark colour on their
upper fide, but very white and downy on the under
fide; {landing upon footftalks an inch long. The
young branches have a purple bark, and are covered
with a white down ; but the bark of the ftem and older
branches is grey. In the beginning of April, the
male flowers or catkins appear, which are cylindrical,
and about three inches long. About a week after
come out the female flowers on catkins, which have
no ftamina like thofe of the male. Soon after thefe
come out, the male catkins fall off; and in five or fix
weeks after, the female flowers will have ripe feeds in-
clofed in a hairy covering. The catkins will then drop,
and the feeds be wafted by the winds to a great di-
ftance. 2. The major, or white poplar, has its leaves
rounder than the firft, and not much above half their
fize : they are indented on their edges, and are downy
on their under fide, but not fo white as thofe of the
former, nor are their upper furfaces of fuch a deep
green colour. 3. The nigra, or black poplar, has
oval heart-fhaped leaves, {lightly crenated on their
edges; they are fmooth on both Tides, and of a light
green colour. 4. The tremula, or afpen-tree, has
roundifli, angularly-indented leaves : they are fmooth
on both fides, and {land on long footftalks ; fo are
ihaken by the leaft wind ; from whence it has the title
of the trembling poplar, or afpen-tree. 5. The balfa-
mifera, or Carolina poplar, is a native of Carolina,
where it becomes a large tree. The fhoots of this
fort grow very ftrong in Britain, and are generally
angular; with a light green bark like the willow. The
leaves on young trees, and alfo thofe on the lower
{hoots, are very large, almoft heart-lhaped and cre¬
nated ; but thofe upon the older trees are fmaller: as
the trees advance, their bark becomes lighter, ap¬
proaching to a greyilh colour. 7. The tacamahaca
grows naturally in Canada and other parts of North
America. This is a tree of a middling growth, fend¬
ing out on every fide many ftiort thick {hoots, which
are covered with a light brown bark, garnifhed with
leaves differing from one another in ftiape and fize ;
moft of them are almoft; heart-fliaped ; but fome are
oval, and others nearly fpear-ftiaped ; they are whitilh
on their under fide, but green on their upper.
Culture. Thefe trees may be propagated either by
layers or cuttings, as alfo from fuckers which the
white poplars fend up from their roots in great plen¬
ty. The beft time for tranfplanting thefe fuckers is
in O&ober, when their leaves begin to decay. Thefe
may be placed in a nurfery for two or three years to
get ftrength before they are planted out where they
defign to remain ; but if they are propagated from
cuttings, it is better to defer the doing of that until
February, at which time truncheons of two or three
feet long ftiould be thruft about a foot and a half into
the ground. Thefe will readily take root; and if the
foil in which they are planted be moift, they will ar¬
rive at a confiderable bulk in a few years. The black
poplar is lefs ^pt to take root from large truncheons;
therefore it is a better method to plant cuttings of it
about a foot and a half in length, thrufting them a
foot deep in the ground. This fort will grow almoft
on any foil, but will thrive beft in moift places. The
Carolina poplar may alfo be propagated by cuttings
[6 ] FOR
or layers; but the lad is the method generally pra&i-
fed, and the plants raifed by it are lefs moift than_
others. The {hoots of this tree while young are fre-~
quently killed down to a confiderable length by the
froft in winter; but as the trees grow older, their
{hoots are not fo vigorous, and become more ligneous,
fo are not liable to the fame difafter. But the trees
Ihotild be planted in a flieltered fituation : for, as their
leaves are very large, the wind has great power over
them ; and the branches being tender, they are fre¬
quently broken or fplit by the winds in fummer, when
they are much expofed. The tacamahaca fends up a
great number of fuckers from its roots, by which it
multiplies in plenty, and every cutting which is plant¬
ed will take root.
Ufes. The wood of thefe trees, efpecially of the
abele, is good for laying floors, where it will laft for
many years; and on account of its extreme whitenefs
is by many preferred to oak ; yet, on account of its
foft contexture, being very fubjeft to take the impref-
fion of nails, &c. it is lefs proper on this account
than the harder woods. The inner bark of the black
poplar is ufed by the inhabitants of Kamtfchatka as a
material for bread; and paper has fometimes been
made of the cottony down of the feeds. The roots
have been obferved to diffolve into a kind of gelati¬
nous fubftance, and to be coated over with a tubular
cruftaceous fpar, called by naturalifts ojleocolla, former¬
ly imagined to have fome virtue in producing the cal¬
lus of a fradlured bone. The buds of the fixth fpecies
are covered with a glutinous refin which fmells very
ftrong, and is the gum tacamahaca of the {hops. The
beft, called, from its being colle&ed in a kind of
gourd-lhells, tacamabaca in fliells, is fomewhat unati¬
ons and foftifh, of a pale yellowifh or greeniftt co¬
lour, an aromatic tafte, and a fragrant delightful
fmell, approaching to that of lavender or ambergris.
This fort is very rare ; that commonly found in the
{hops is in femitranfparent globes or grains, of a whi-
tiffi, yellowifh, browniffi, orgreenifh colour, of a lefs
grateful fmell than the foregoing. This refin is faid
to be employed externally by the Indians, for difcuf-
fing and maturating tumours, and abating pains in
the limbs. It is an ingredient in fome anodyne, hyfte-
ric, cephalic,and ftomachic plafters ; but the fragrance
of the finer fort fufficiently points out its being appli¬
cable for other purpofes.
PORCELAIN, a fine kind of earthen ware, chief¬
ly manufa&ured in China, and thence called China-
ware. All earthen wares which are white and femi¬
tranfparent are generally called porcelains: but a-
mongft thefe, fo great differences may be obferved,
that, notwithftanding the fimilarity of their externa!
appearance, they cannot be confidered as matters of
the fame kind. Thefe differences are fo evident,
that even perfons who are not connoiffeurs in this way
prefer much the porcelain of fome countries to that
of others.
The art of making porcelain is one of thofe in which
Europe has been excelled by oriental nations. The
firft porcelain that was feen in Europe was brought
from Japan and China. The whitenefs, tranfparency,
finenefs, neatnefs, elegance, and even the magnifi¬
cence of this pottery, which foon became the ornament
of fumptuous tabUs, did not fail to excite the admi¬
ration
Populus,
Porcelain.
P O R [ 6417 J FOR
Porcelain, ration and induftry of Europeans ; and their attempts
“ 'have fucceeded fo well, that in different parts of Eu¬
rope, earthen wares have been made fo like the orien¬
tal that they have acquired the name alporcelain. The
firft European porcelains were made in Saxony and in
France ; and afterwards in England, Germany, and
Italy: but as all thefe were different from the Japa-
, nefe, fo each of them had its peculiar charafter.
Porcelain The illuftrious Reaumur firit attended to the manu-
firft exa- fa&ure of porcelain as a fcience, and communicated
entificall refearches in two memoirs before the Academy of
by Rtau- Sciences in 1727 and 1729. He did not fatisfy him-
nmr. felf with confidering the external appearance, the
painting and gilding, which are only ornaments not
effential to the porcelain, but he endeavoured to exa¬
mine it internally: and having broken pieces of the
Japanefe, Saxon, and French porcelains, he examined
the difference of their grains (which name is given to
their internal flrudture).. The grain of the Japanefe
porcelain appeared to him to be fine, clofe, compaft,
moderately fmooth, and fomewhat ffiining. The grain
of the Saxon porcelain was found to be ftill more com-
x pad, not granulous, fmooth, (hining like enamel.
Different Laftly, the porcelain of St Cloud had a grain much
porcelain c^°^e an<^ ^ne ^ian ^at of Japan; not, or but little,
ffiining ; and refembling the grain of fugar.
From thefe firft obfervations Mr Reaumur perceived
that porcelains differed confiderably. That he might
examine them further, he expofed them to a violent
heat. More effential differences than thofe of the grain
appeared upon this trial; for £he Japanefe porcelain
was unaltered by the fire, and all the European were
melted.
This effential difference betwixt the Japanefe and
European porcelains fuggefted to Mr Reaumur a very
ingenious thought, and in many refpe&s true, concern¬
ing the nature of porcelain in general. As all porce¬
lains fomewhat refemble glafs in confiftence and tranf-
parency, though they are lefs compad and much lefs
3 tranfparent, Mr Reamur confidered them as femivi-
Truecom- trifications. But every fubftance may appear, and may
petition of adually be, in a femivitrified ftate in two way*: for,
difcovcred ^ ma^ ke entirety compofed of vitrifiable or fu-
by Rcau- n^tUrs; and in this cafe, by expoiing it to the
Btur, adion of fire, it will be adually melted or vitrjfied, if
the heat be fufficiently ftrong and long-continued. But
as this change is not made inftantly, eipecially when the -
heat is not very violent; and as it paffes thro’ different
flages or degrees, which may be more eafily obferved
as the heat is better managed ; hence, by flopping in
proper time the application of heat to porcelain made
in this manner, ~we may obtain it in an intermediate
ftate betwixt thofe of crude earths and of completely
vitrified fubftances, and alfo poffeffed of the femitranf-
parency and of the other fenfible qualities of porce¬
lain. We know alfo, that if fuch porcelain be expo-
fed to a ftronger degree of fire, it will then be com¬
pletely fufed and entirely vitrified. But the European
porcelains tried by Mr Reaumur had this fufibility;
from which he concluded, that their compofition is
founded upon the aboveroentioned principle.
In the fecond place, a pafte of porcelain may be
compofed of fufible and vitrifiable matter, mixed with
a certain proportion of another matter which is abfo-
lutely unfufible in the fires of our furnaces. Wc may
eafily perceive, that if fuch a mixture be expofed to a Porcelain,
heat fufficient to melt entirely the vitrifiable ingre- ——-——
dient, that this matter will a&ually melt : but as it is
intermixed with another matter which does not melt,
and which confequently preferves its confiftency and
opacity, the whole muft form a compound partly
opake and partly tranfparent ; or rather a femitran!-
parent mafs; that is, a femi-vitrified fubftance, or
porcelain, but of a kind very different from the for¬
mer ; for as the fufible part of this latter has produ¬
ced all its effeft, and as it has been as much fufed as
it can be during the baking of the porcelain, the
compound may be expofed a fecond time to a more
violent fire, without approaching nearer to a complete
vitrification, or without departing from its ftate of
porcelain. But as oriental porcelain has precifdy
thefe appearances and properties, Mr Reaumur con¬
cludes with reafon, that it is compofed upon this prin¬
ciple ; and he afterwards confirmed his opinion by un¬
deniable fadls. ^
Father Entrecolles, miffionary at China, had fentConfirmed
from thence a fummary deTcription of the procefs by by accounts
which the inhabitants of that country make their por- from the
celain, and alfo a fmall quantity of the materials which Eafl: IuJ'es"
they employ in its compofition. He faid that the
Chinefe compofed their porcelain of two ingredients ^
one of w’hich is a hard ftone or rock, called by them
petuntfe, which they carefully grind to a very fine
powder ; and the other, called by them kaolin, is a
white, earthy fubftance, which they mix intimately
with the ground petuntfe. Mr Reaumur examined
both thefe matters, and having expofed them feparate-
ly to a violent fire, he difeovered that the petuntfe had
fufed without addition, and that the kaolin had given
no fign of fufibility. He afterwards mixed thefe
matters, and formed cakes of them, which by baking
were converted into porcelain fimilar to that of Chi¬
na. Mr Reaumur cafily found, that the petuntfe of
the Chinefe was a bard ftone of the kind called vitrfr-
fialle, but much more fofible than any of thofe which
were known in Europe ; and that the kaolin w'as a
talcy matter, reduced to a very fine powder. From
that time he hoped to make a porcelain of the fame
kind as the Chinefe with materials found in France.
Whether he could not find any materials equal to
thofe of China, particularly that material analogous
to the petuntfe of the Chinefe, or becaufe other occu¬
pations prevented the continuance of his refearches, we
do not know; but we find, from his fecond memoir
upon porcelain, that'he afterwards attempted to make
an artificial petuntfe, by mixing our vitrifiable ftones
with falls capable of rendering them fufible, or eveir
by fubftituting for it glafs ready formed, and by ad¬
ding to thefe fuch fubftances as he thought might be fub-
ftituted for kaolin. But he probably found he could s
not execute thefe intentions; for he did not refume this Glafs con-
fubjectfrom the year 1729 to 1739, when he gave a verted by
procefs for converting common glafs to a Angular kind a
of porcelain, to which he has given his name, and of poiCe|aill>
which an account is given under the article Chemi¬
stry, n° 92. 6
Although Mr Reaumur has furmounted many dif-Miftaken
Acuities, and has given juft notions concerning thisihfome
fubjeft, yet he has been miftaken, or rather miffed, in particulars,
two important points. His firft error concerns the
Saxon
P O R
Porcelain. Saxon porcelain, which he confounds with the other
fufible porcelains made in Europe. Formerly, indeed,
a porcelain might be made in Saxony, compofed en-
tirely'of fufible or vitrifiable materials, the vitrifica¬
tion of which was ftopt in proper time, and which
Mr Reaumur had examined. But now we are certainly
informed, that all of that country is capable of refilling
the mod violent fires without fufion, as well, at lead,
as thofe of China and Japan. Mr Reaumur might
have been mifled by the appearance of the internal
texture of this porcelain. For when a piece of it is
broken, its internal furface does not appear granulcws,
but .compadl, uniform, fmooth, Ihining, and much
refembling white enamel. But this appearance, fo
far from Ihowing that Saxon porcelain is a fufed or
vitrified fubdance, proves that it is not entirely com¬
pofed of fufible matters. All who have confidered at¬
tentively this fubjedt know, that the internal furface of
the mod fufible porcelains is alfo the lead denfe and
leadcompad : the reafon of which is, that no vitreous
matter can be fmooth and denfe internally, pnlefs it
has been completely fufed. But if the denfity and
fhining appearance of the internal furface of the Saxon
porcelain were only the effedls of the fufion of a vitreous
matter, how could we conceive that veflels formed of
that matter Ihould.have fudained the neceflary fufion
for giving this denfity and fhining appearance, with¬
out having entirely lod their fhape ? The impofiibility
of this is evident to any perfons who have been con-
verfant in thefe matters and in the fufion of glafs.
Difference This quality of the Saxon porcelain mud therefore,
between the proceed from another caufe. It does indeed contain,
Saxon and as every porcelain does, particularly thofe of China
porcelain anc* JaPan> a fufible fubdance, which has been even
completely fufed during the baking. Its denfity
alfo and its internal ludre proceed chiefly from this
fufed matter : but we are alfo certain, that it contains
a large quantity of a fubdance abfolutely unfufible,
from which it receives its admirable whitenefs, its
firmnefs and folidity, during the baking ; in a word,
which fupplies the place of the oriental kaolin, and
which has the property of contradling its dimenfions
confiderably while it incorporates with the fufible fub-
llance. If it be fubjedled to the mod decifive trial,
namely, the aftion of a violent fire, capable of melting
every porcelain compofed of fufible matters alone,
,0cm. Die7,'1 I affirm, (fays Mr Macquer), after many experi¬
ments, that it cannot be fufed, unlefs by a fire cap¬
able alfo of melting the bed Japanefe porcelain.” The
Saxon porcelain is therefore not to be confounded
with thofe which are vitreous and fufible ; but is in its
kind as excellent as that of Japan, and perhaps fupe-
rior, as we fhall fee when we enumerate the qualities
which conditute the excellence of porcelain. The fub-
jedl of Mr Reaumur’s fecond error, or at lead that
which he has not fufficiently explained, is the kaolin
of China. According to him, this matter is a fine
talcy powder, from the mixture of which with pe-
tuntfe the oriental porcelain is formed.. Poffibly a
very finely-ground talcy fubdance mixed with petuntfe
might form a porcelain fimilar to the oriental; but
perfons acquainted with the manufadure of any por¬
celain, mud perceive the impoffibility of forming veflels,
unlefs the pade of which they are made be fo dudtile
and tenacious, that it may be worked upon a potter’s
] p o R
lathe, or at lead that it may be moulded. But talcs, Porcelain,
or any kinds of dones, however finely-ground, cannot
acquire the requifite tenacity, which clays only, of all
known earthy fubdances, pofiefs. The Chinefe por¬
celain veflels evidently appear to be turned upon the
lathe, fince they retain the marks of it: hence they
mud have been formed of a very tenacious pade, and
confequently the kaolin is not a purely talcy matter,
but is mixed with clay ; or elfe the petuntfe and
kaolin are not, as Mr Reaumur fuppofes, the only in¬
gredients of the pade of which Chinefe porcelain is
formed, but a fufficient quantity of fome binding
matter, unknown to father d’Entrecolles and Mr Reau¬
mur, mud be alfo added. 3
Although, fince Mr Reaumur, no fcientific perfon.Manufac-
has written concerning porcelain, many have attempt- t°ries of
ed to make it. Manufactories have been edabliftied in P?IcelaHl lR
almod all the dates of Europe. Befides that pf,.^^;^
Saxony, which has been long edablifhed, porcelain
is alfo made at Vienna, at Frankendal, and lately in
the neighbourhood of Berlin. All thefe German
porcelains are fimilar to the Saxon ; and are made of
materials of the fame kind, although they differ fome-
what from each other. England and Italy alfo have
their porcelains, the chief of which are thofe of
Chelfea and of Naples. Mr de la Condamine, in hi»
lad journey into Italy, vifited a manufacture of porce¬
lain edablifhed at Florence by the marquis de la Ginori,
thengovernorofLeghorn. Mrdela Condamineobferved
particularly the large fize of fome pieces of this por¬
celain. He fays he faw datues and groupes half a«
large as nature, modelled from fome of the fined an¬
tiques. The furnaces in which the porcelain was
baked were condruCled with much art, and lined with
bricks made of the porcelain materials. The pade of
this porcelain is very beautiful; and from the grain of
broken pieces it, it appears to have all the qualities
of the bed Chinefe porcelain. A whiter glazing
would be defirable, which they might probably attain,
if the Marquis Ginori was not determined to ufe thofe
materials only which were found in that country.
But in no date of Europe have fuch attempts been
made to difeover porcelain, or fo many manufactories
of it been edablifhed, as in France. Before even Mr
Reaumur had publifhed on this fubjeCt, porcelain was
made at Saint Cloud, and in the fuburb of St Antoine
at Paris, which was of the vitreous and fufible kind,
but confiderably beautiful. Since that time, confi-
derable manufactures of it have been edablifhed at
Chantilly, at Villeroi, and at Orleans; the porcelains
of which have a didinguifhed merit. But the por¬
celain produced in the king’s manufacture at Sevres
holds at prefent the fird rank, from its fliining
white, its beautiful glazing, and coloured grounds,
in which no porcelain has ever equalled it. The
magnificence o( the gilding, the regularity and ele¬
gance of its forms, furpafs every thing of the kind. p
Mr Guettard has publifhed an account of his dif-M. Guet-
coveries on this fubjeCt, in the Memoirs of the Aca-: tard’s.di**
demy of Sciences for the year 1765. The kaolincovenes‘
which he employed was a white argillaceous earth,
filled with mica, which he found in^ the neighbour¬
hood of Ale^on; and his petuntfe is a hard, quarts
zofe grit done, found aboundantly in the fame country,
with which the ftreets of Alenjon are paved. We al¬
fo
[ 6418
FOR [64
Porcelain. f0 know that Mr Guettard had begun to make his
experiments on porcelain with thefe materials in the
year 1751, together with the late Duke of Orleans,
to whom he was attached. The Count de Lauraguais,
of the Academy of Sciences, engaged in the purfuit
of porcelain for feveral years with uncommon ardour
and conftancy. He fpared no trouble nor expence to
attain his purpofe, which was to make porcelain equal
in all refpe&s to that of China and Japan. He (hew¬
ed fome pieces made by him, in the year 1766, to
the members of the Academy of Sciences. The per-
fons appointed by them to examine it gave their opi¬
nion, “ that of all the porcelains made in the country,
that of the Count de Lauraguais mod refembles the
porcelain of China and Japan in folidity, grain, and
unfufibility.” It were to be wifhed that it poflefled
equally the other qualities eflential to the excellence of
porcelain, namely, the whitenels and luftre obfervable
in the ancient Japanefe porcelain. See Chemistry,
10 n° 91.
Qaalities We (hall now (hew what thofe qualities are which
ftitute the" con^,tute the perfe&ion of porcelain. We muft firft
perfettkm carefuHy diftinguifh the qualities which only contribute
of porcelain to the beauty and external appearance, from the in-
trinfic and effentiaLproperties in which the goodnefs
and folidity of porcelain confift. All perfons who
have made experiments in this way have foon difco-
vered the poffibility of making compounds very white,
beautifully femi tranfparent, and covered with a (hin-
ing glazing; but which cangot be worked for want of
tenacity, are not fufficiently compadl, are effentially
fufible, are fubjecl to break by fudden application of
heat and cold ; and laftly, the glazing of which cracks,
becomes rough, and confequently lofes its luftre by
ufe, becaufe it is too foft.
On the other fide, we (hall alfo find it not difficult
to compofe very tenacious paftes, which (hall be
capable of being eafily worked and well baked; which
in the baking (hall acquire the defirable hardnefs and
denfity; which are unfufible, and capable of fuftaining
very well the fudden change of heat and cold ; and,
in a word, which (hall have all the qualities of the
moft excellent porcelain, excepting whitenefs and
beauty. We (hall foon fee that the materials fit for
the compofition of fuch porcelains may be found a-
bundantly in every country. The only difficulty, then,
in this inquiry concerning porcelain, is, to unite beauty
and goodnefs in one compofition ; and indeed nature
feemsto,be very fparing of materials fit for this purpofe,
and therefore perfect porcelain will always be a dear
and valuable commodity.
Stone ware Thofe potteries which we call Jione-<ware are not
, a kind of of modern invention, and have all the efiential qualities
I porcelain, of the heft Japanefe. For if we except whitenefs, on
which alone the femi-tranfparency depends, and com¬
pare all the properties of Japanefe porcelain with thofe
of our (lone-ware, no difference can be found betwixt
them. The fame grain appears internally in both ;
the fame found is produced by ftriking them when
properly fufpended ; the fame denfity, the fame hard¬
nefs by which they ftrike fire with fteel, the fame
faculty of fuftaining the heat of boiling liquors with¬
out breaking, and the fame unfiifibility in fire, are
obfervable. Laftly, if the earths of which ftone-ware
is made were free from heterogeneous colouring mat-
19 ] r o r
ters, which prevent their whitenefs and femitranf- Porcelain.
parency; if veflels were carefully formed ; if all the
proper attentions were given ; and if thefe vefiels were
covered over with a fine glazing ; they would be as
perfect porcelain as that of Japan. The moft perfedt
porcelain, therefore, is nothing elfe than a fine white
ftone-ware.
Earths of this kind are probably more rare in Eu¬
rope than in Japan and China. And probably alfo the
want of thefe earths was the caufe that the firft ma¬
kers of porcelain in this country confined themfelves to
an external imitation, by employing nothing but vitri-
fiable matters with fufible falls and a fmall quantity of
white earth, from which fufible and vitreous porcelains
were compofed, which might be called falfe porcelains.
But things are much-changed fince thefe firft attempts. \z
Befides the difcoveries of the count de Lauraguais and Genuine
of Mr Guettard, genuine white porcelains have been Porce!.a‘n
made a long time ago in Germany, efpecially in Saxony coun-
and at Frankendal. trjes of ElT,
Thefe porcelains are not inferior in any refpecl to rope,
the oriental ; they are even much fuperior in beauty
and whitenefs to the modern oriental porcelain, which
has much degenerated in thefe refpedfs; they feem even
to excel the oriental in the moft valuable quality of
porcelain, namely, the property of fuftaining the hid¬
den change of heat and cold. We cannot judge of the
quality of porcelain by a (light trial: for fo manycir-
cumftances concur to make a piece of porcelain capa¬
ble or incapable of fuftaining the fudden application of
heat and of cold, that if at the fame time boiling water
be poured into two vefiels, one of which is good por¬
celain and the other bad, the former may poffibly break
and the latter remain entire. The only true method of
difcovering good porcelain in this refpeft is, to exa¬
mine feveral pieces of it which are daily ufed ; for in-
ftance, a fet of coffee-cups. But it has been obferved,,
that in many fuch pieces of oriental porcelain, which*
have been long and daily ufed, cracks in„the dire&ion
of their height may be always perceived, which are ne¬
ver feen in the good European porcelains. rj:
Every one talks of porcelain, and yet few are con- Exceheiicy
noiffeurs of it. None can be confidered as fuch but thofe0?thc ari"
who have long made it an objeft of their inquiries.nefepor-1""
That the ancient Japanefe porcelain is the moft perfed, cdain.
is a general opinion. This porcelain is indeed very beau¬
tiful, and we muft alfo acknowledge that its quality is
excellent. It has been our model, and has long been
the objed of our admiration and emulation; but which
we have been never able to equal, and which many
perfons believe never can be equalled. Some perfons
even decry the Saxon porcelain for a quality which
really gives it a fuperiority to the Japanefe, namely,
the greater fmoothnefs, luftre, and lei's granulous ap¬
pearance of its internal furface than the oriental. The
refemblance of this furface to that of glafs has evident¬
ly fuggefted this notion: and it would be well found¬
ed, if the denfity and luftre of this porcelain proceeded
only from a fufible and vitreous quality;, but as they
do not, and as this porcelain is as fixed and as unfu¬
fible as the Japanefe, its denfity, fo far from being a
fault, is a valuable quality. For we muft allow, that
of porcelains equal in other refpeds, thofe are bed which
are moft firm and compad. Hence the interior fub-
ftancc of the Japanefe porcelain is efteemed for its great¬
er .
I
FOR [ 6420 1 FOR
Porcelain, er denfity, compaflnefs, and luftre, than our vitreous compofition called the. ^>orcela5«*
fand or fritt porcelains, becaufe thefe qualities indicate The porcelain when baked and not glazed is called 1
greater cohefion, and more intimate incorporation of which is more or lefs beautiful according to the Porcelain
its parts. For the fame reafon alfo the fuperior denfity nature of the porcelain. The mannfafhire of Sevres fculptures.
of the Saxon porcelain ought to give it the preference excells all others in this refpeft, and it is therefore the
to the Japanefe. Befides, nothing would be eafier only one which can produce very fine pieces of fculp-
than to give the Saxon porcelain the granulous texture ture; that is, in which all the finenefs of the workman-
of the Japanefe, by mixing with the palle a certain (hip is preferved, and which are preferable in fmooth-
quantity of fand. But the perfons who perfe&ed that nefs and whitenefs to the fined marble of Italy,
manufa&ure were certainly fenfible, that fuch a con- As no piece of fculpture of this kind can preferve
formity to the Japanefe porcelain would lefien the me- all the delicacy of its workmanfhip when covered with
rit of theirs. For we know, that in general porcelains a glazing; and as fcnlptors avoid polifiiing their marble
are better in proportion as they contain a larger pro- figures, becaufe the ludre of the polifh is difadvanta-
portion of clay or earth, and lefs of fand, flints, or geous; therefore, in the manufaftures at Sevres, all fi-
other matters of that kind. gures, or little datues, and even feme ornamental vafes.
What we have faid concerning porcelain in general, are left in the date of bifeuit. The other pieces of
and the principal kinds of it, feems fufficient to give porcelain are to be glazed in the following manner. ^
jud notions of it, if not to perfons who without corrfi- A glafs is fird to be compofed fuited to the natureMet|lod of
deringihe fubjeft are determined to prefer the mod of the porcelain to which it is to be applied; for every glazing anc
ancient, to thofe, at lead, who have made experiments glafs is not fit for this purpofe. We frequently find colouring
on this fubjeft, or who, having a fufficient knowledge that a glafs which makes a fine glazing for one por-P®rce*a*!*s
of chemidry, are capable of dudying and examining it celain fliall make a very bad glazing for another por-
thoroughly. We fliall finifli this article by giving a celain; fliall crack in many places, fliall havenoluflre,
(hort defeription of the method of manufacturing por- or fliall contain bubbles. The glazing then mud be
celain. appropriated to each porcelain, that is, to the hardnefs
Of making The bafisof the porcelains which we have called/?r- and denfity of the ware, and to the ingredients of its
iutihie or fihls, vitreous, or falfe porcelains, is called by artids a compofition, &c.
vitreous fritt; which is nothing elfe than a mixture of fand or Thefe glazings are prepared by previoufly fufing to-
porce air.s. ^ powdered flints, with falts capable of difpofing them gether all the fubdances of which they confid, fo as to
to fufion, and of giving them a great whitenefs by form vitreous mafles. Thefe maffes are to be ground
means of a fufficient heat. This fritt is to be then mix- very finely in a mill. This vitreous powder is to be
ed with as much, and no more, of a white tenacious mixed with a fufficient quantity of water, or other
earth of an argillaceous or marly nature, than is fuffi- proper liquor, fo that the mixture ftiall have the con-
cient to make it capable of being worked upon the flftence of cream of milk. The pieces of porcelain are
wheel. The whole mixture is to be well ground together to be covered with a thin dratum of this matter; and
in a mill, and made into a pade, which is to be form- when very dry, they are to be again put into the
ed, either upon the wheel or in moulds, into pieces of furnace in the fame manner as before for the form-
fuch forms as are required. i‘ng of the bifeuit, and to be continued there till the
Each of thefe pieces, when dry, is to be put into a glazing be well fufed. The neceflary degree of fire for
cafe made of earthen ware (a) ; which cafes are to be fufing the glazing is much lefs than that for baking the
ranged in piles one upon another, in a furnace or kiln, pade.
_ which is to be filled with thefe to the roof. The fur- The pieces of porcelain which are intended to re-
naces are chambers or cavities of various forms and main white are now finifhed ; but thofe which are to
flzes; and are fo difpofed, that their fire-place is placed be painted and gilded mud undergo further operations,
on the outfide oppofite to one or more openings, which The colours to be applied are the fame as thofe ufed
communicate within the furnace. The flame of the for enamel painting. They all confid of metallic calxes
fuel is drawn within the furnace, the air of which ra- bruifed and incorporated with a very fufible glafs.
refying, determines a current of air from without in-' Crocus of iron furniflves a red colour: Gold f preci-f See
wards, as in all furnaces. At fird a very little fire is pitated by tin makes the purple and violet; copper cal- Memiftry,
made, that the furnace may be heated gradually, and cined by acids and precipitated by an alkali gives an° 3S4'
is to be increafed more and more till the porcehin is fine green; zaffre makes the blue; earths flightly fer-
baked, that is, till it has acquired its proper hardnefs and ruginous produce a yellow; and, ladly, brown and
tranfparency; which is known by taking out of the black colours are produced by calcined iron, together
furnace from time to time, and examining, fmall pieces with a deep blue of zaffre. Thefe colours being ground
of porcelain, placed for that purpofe in cafes which with gum-water, or with oil of fpike, are to be em-
have lateral openings. When thefe pieces (how that the ployed for the painting of the porcelain with defigns
porcelain is Efficiently baked, the ffift is no longer to of flowers and other figures. For gilding, a powder
be fupplied with fuel, the furnace is to be cooled, and or calx of gold is to be applied in the fame manner as
the porcelain taken out, which in this ftate refembles the coloured enamels. The painted and gilded porce-
white marble not having a fliining furface, which is af- laias are to be then expofed to a fire capable of fufing
terwards to be given by covering them with a vitreous the glafs, with which the metallic colours are mixed.
- Thus
(a) The cafes are called by Englifh potters, feg^ars. They are generally formed of coarfer clays, but which muft
be alfo capable of fuftaining the heat required without fufion. By means of thefe cafes, the contained porcelain is
preferved.from the fmoke of the burning fuel. The whitenefs of the porcelain depends much on their compa&nefs
of texture by which the foioke is excluded, and on the purity of the clay of which they are made.
-
P O R [ 6421 3 P O R
Porcelain Thus the colours are made to adhere, and at the fame
U time acquire a glofs equal to that of the glazing. The
^ P01*' gold alone has not then a (hining appearance, which
muft be afterwards given to it by burnifhing with a
IL 18 .. blood (lone.
j5| ,f unfirfible d'he operations for the unfufible porcelains, and alfo
olnorcelain. for fuch as are of the nature of ftone-ware, are fome-
what more fimple. The fands and ftones which enterinto
their compofition are to be ground in a mill: the earths
or clays are to be wafhed: the materials are to be well
mixed, and formed into a pafte: the pieces are firft
rudely formed upon a potter’s wheel ; and when dry,
or half dry, they are turned again upon the wheel, and
their form is made more perfect: they are then placed
in the furnace, not to bake them, but only to apply a
fufficient heat to give them fuch a folidity that they
may be handled without breaking, and may receive the
glazing. As the pieces of porcelain after this flight
heat are very dry, they imbibe water readily. This
difpofition affifts the application of the glazing. The
vitrifiable or vitrified matter of this glazing, which has
been previoufly ground in a mill, is to be mixed with
fuch a quantity of water, that the liquor lhall hare the
confiftence of milk. The pieces of porcelain are haftily
dipt in this liquor, the water of which they imbibe,
and thus on their furface is left an uniform covering of
the glazing materials. This covering, which ought to
be very thin, will foon become fo dry, that it cannot
! ftick to the fingers when the pieces are handled.
The pieces of this porcelain are then put into the
furnace to be perfe&ly baked. The heat is to be rai-
fed to fuch a height, that all within the furnace lhall
be white, and the cafes lhall be undiftinguilhable from
the flame. When, by taking out fmall pieces, the por¬
celain is known to be fufficiently baked, the fire is dif-
continued, and the furnace cooled. If the baking has
j. been well performed, the pieces of porcelain will be
found by this Angle operation to be rendered compad,
fonorous, clofe-grained, moderately glofly, and cover¬
ed externally with a fine glazing. The painting and
gilding of this porcelain are to be executed in a man¬
ner fimilar to that already dtferibed.
Porcelain &W/, a fpecies of Cyjrea.
PORCH, in architefture, a kind of veftibule fup-
ported by columns; much ufed at the entrance of the
ancient temples, halls, churches, &c.
A porch, in the ancient architeflure, was a veftible,
or a difpofition of infulated'columns ufually crowned
with a pediment, forming a covert place before the
principal door of a temple or court of juftice. Such is
that before the door of St PauPs, Covent-Garden, the
work of Inigo Jones. When a porch had four columns
in front, it was called a tetrajlyle; when t\%, hexajiyle;
when eight, oftaftyle, &c.
PORCUPINE, in zoology. See Histrix.
PORE, in anatomy, a little interftice or fpace be¬
tween the parts of the Ikin, ferving for perfpiration.
PORK, the flelh of fwine killed for the purpofesof
food. See Sus.
The hog is the only domeftic animal that we know
J|(' of no ufe to man when alive, and therefore feems pro¬
perly defigned for food. Befides, as loathfome and ugly
to every human eye, it is killed without reluflance.
The Pythagoreans, whether to preferve health, or
on account of compalfion, generally forbade the ufe o£
Vol. IX. 3
animal food; and yet it is alleged that Pythagoras Pork
referred the ufe of hogs-flefh for himfclf. The Jews, !!
the Egyptians, &c. and others in the warm coun- PorPhyry.
tries, and all the Mahometans at prefent, reject the ufe
pork. It is difficult to find out the reafon of this, or
of the precept given to fome of them, though com¬
monly fuch as are not given without a particular one.
The Greeks gave great commendations to this food ;
and Galen, though indeed that is fufpedled to be from
a particular fondnefs, is every where full of it. The
Romans confidered it as one of their delicacies; and if
fome of the inhabitants of the northern climates have
taken an averfion to it, that probably arofe from the
uncultivated fiate of their country not being able to
rear it. Pork is of a very tender ftru&ure; increafed
perhaps from a peculiarity in its oeconomy, viz. taking
on fat more readily than any other animal. Pork is a
white meat even in its adult ftate, and then gives out
a jelly in very great quantity. On account of its little
perfpirability and tendernefs, it is very nutritious, and
was given for that intention ^to the athle'tx. With re¬
gard to its alkalefcency, no “proper experiments have
yet been made; but as it is of a gelatinous and fuccu-
lent nature,it is probablylefs fothanmanyothers. Upon
the whole, it appears to be a very valuable nutriment,
and the reafon is not very obvious why it was in fomeA - f '
countries forbid. It is faid that this animal is apt to
be difeafed; but why were not inconveniencies felt on
that account in Greece? Again, it has been alleged,
that as Palefline would not rear thefe animals, and as
the Jews had learned the ufe of them in Egypt, it was
neceffary they (hould have a precept to avoid them.
But the Egyptians themfelves did not ufe this meat;
and this religious precept, indeed, as well as many
others, feems to have been borrowed from them. Pof-
fibly, as pork is not very perfpirable, it might increafe
theleprofy, which was faid to be epidemic in Paleftine;
though this is far from being certain. <
PORPESSE, in ichthyology. See Belphinus.
PORPHYRIUS, a famous Platonic phiiofopher,
born at Tyre in 233, in the reign of Alexander Seve-
rus. He was the difciple of Longinus, and became
the ornament of his fchool at Athens; from thence he
went to Rome, and attended Plotinus, with whom he
lived fix years. After Plotinus’s death, he taught phi-
lofophy at Rome with great applaufe; and became well
fkilled in polite literature, geography, aftronomy, and
mufic. He lived till the end of the third century, and
died in the reign of Dioclefian. There are Hill extant,
his book on the Categories of Ariftotle; aTreatifeou
Abftinence from Flelh; and feveral other pieces in
Greek. He alfo compofed a large treatife againlt the
Chrirtian Religion, which is loll. That work was an-
fwered by Methodius bifiiop of Tyre, and alfo by Ea-
febius, Apollinarius, St Auguftin, §t Jerome, St Cy¬
ril, and Theodoret. The emperor Theodofius the Great
caufed Porpbyrius’s book to be burned in 338. Thofe-
of his works that are ftill extant, were printed at Cam¬
bridge in 1655, 8vo, with a Latin verfion.
PORPHYRY, in natural hiilory, a kind of ftone
of a plain uniform mafs, fpotted with feparate concre¬
tions, of great hardnefs, giving fire with (led, not fer¬
menting with acids, and very flowly and difficultly cal-.
cining in a ftrong fire.
Porphyry is of fevtral forts; as, 1. The porphyry
$.6 D e£
P O R [ 6422 ] P O R
Porphyry cf the ancients, which is a mod elegant mafs of an ex-
ll tremely firm and compadl ftrufture, remarkably heavy,
I>ort‘ anrl of a fine ftrong purple, variegated more or lefs
with pale red and white; its purple is of all degrees,
from the claret-colour to that of the violet; and its
variegations are rarely difpofed in veins, but fpots,
fometimes very fmall, and at others running into large
blotches. It is lefs fine than many of the ordinary
marbles; but it excels them all in hardnefs, and is capa¬
ble of a mod elegant poliih. It is Hill found in immenfe
ftrata in Egypt. 2. The hard red-lead coloured por¬
phyry, variegated with black, white, and green. This
rs a mod beautiful and valuable fubdance. It has the
hardnefs and all the other chara&ers of the oriental
porphyry; and even greatly excels it in brightnefs, and
in the beauty and variegation of its colours. It is
found in great plenty in the ifland of Minorca; and is
extremely worth importing, for it is greatly fuperior
to all the Italian marbles. 3. The hard, pale-red por¬
phyry, variegated with black, white, and green. This
is of a pale flefli-colour; often approaching to white.
It is variegated in blotches from half an inch to an inch
broad. It takes a high polifli, and emulates all the
qualities of the oriental porphyry. It is found in im-
menfe drata in Arabia Petrasa, and in the Upper E*
gypt; and in feparate nodules in Germany, England,
and Ireland.
Porphyry-5^/4 a fpecies of Murex.
PORRUM, the Leek ; a fpecies of plants, belong¬
ing to the genus of Allium. There are two fpecies
known in this country; the fativum, or London leek,
sod the ampeloprafum. The fird is the kind com¬
monly cultivated ; and of it there have been fuppofed
two varieties: but Mr Miller obferves, that the diffe¬
rence has been occafioned by fome perfons faving the
feeds from old leeks, and,not from the feedling leeks;
whereby they have degenerated, and become fmaller
and narrower-leaved; but may be recovered again by
properxare. The other fpecies is a native of Siberia;
its leaves are narrower than the common fort; the
dalks are fmaller, and do not rife near fo high ; the
heads of the flowers are alfo fmaller, and of a purplifh
colour; the flamina hand out beyond the flower. Leeks
are cultivated in the fame manner as onions, and com¬
monly fown along with them ; their qualities as food
are alfo the fame.
PORT, a harbour, river, or haven, formed either by
nature or art, to receive and flicker /hipping from the
dorms and waves of the open fea.
Artificial ports are thofe which are either formed by
throwing a ftrong mound or rampire acrofs the har¬
bour’s mouth to fome ifland or rock, or ere&ing two
long barriers, which ftretch from the land on each fide
like arms or the horns of a crefcent, and nearly inclofe
the haven ; the former of thefe are called mole-heads,
and the latter piers.
Port, is alfo a name given on fome occafions to the
larboard or left fide of the ftiip, as in the following in¬
dances. Thus it is faid, “ the fhip heels to port,” i.e.
doops or inclines to the larboard fide. “ Top the yard
to port!” the order to make the larboard extremity of
a yard higher than the other. “ Port the helm!” the
order to put the helm over to the larboard-fide of the
veflel. In all thefe fenfes this phrafe appears intended to
prevent any miftakes happening from the fimilarity of
founds in the vtovfa Jlarboard and larboard, particular¬
ly when they relate to the helm, where a mifapprehen-
fion might be attended with very dangerous confe-
quences.
Ports, the embrafures or openings in the fide of a
fhip of war,- wherein the artillery is ranged in battery
upon the decks above and below.
The ports are formed of a fufficient extent to point
and fire the cannon, without injuring the (hip’s fide by
the recoiland as it ferves no end to enlarge them be¬
yond what is neceflary for that purpofe, the (hipwrights
have eftabliftied certain dimenfions, by which they are
cut in proportion to the fize of the cannon.
The ports are (hut in at fea by a fort of hanging-
doors,called iheport-lids; which are faftened by hingesr
to their upper-edges, fo as to let down when the cannon
are drawn into the (hip. By this means the water is
prevented from entering the lower-decks in a turbulent
fea. The lower and upper edges of the ports are al¬
ways parallel to the deck, fo that the guns, when le¬
velled in their carriages, are all equally high above the
the lower extremity of the ports, which is called the
port-cells.
Port, is alfo a ftrong wine brought from Port-a-
port, and alfo called Porto and Oporto.
Port of the Voice, in mufic, thejaculty or habit of
making the (hakes, paflages, and diminutions, in which
the beauty of a fong or piece of mufic confifts.
YoKT-Crayon, a pencil-cafe, which is ufually four
or five inches long, and contrived fo as that the pencil
may Aide up and down. Its infide is ropnd, and its
outfide is fometimes filed into eight (ides or faces, on
which are drawn the fedor-iines; fometimes it is made
round both without-fide and within, and has its length
divided into inches and parts of inches.
PORTCULLICE, in fortification, is an aflemblage
of feveral large pieces of wood, joined acrofs one ano¬
ther like a harrow, and each pointed with iron at the
bottom. They are iometimes hung over the gate-way
of old fortified towns, ready to let down in cafe ,of fur-
prife, when the gates could not be (hut.
PoRT-ivVe, acompofition for fetting fire to powder,
&c. Port-fires are frequently ufed by artillery people
in preference to matches ; and they are diftinguifhed
into wet and dry port-fires. The compofition of the
former isfalt-petre four, fulphur one, and mealed pow¬
der four. When thefe materials are thoroughly mixed
and fifted, the whole is to be moiftened with a little
linfeed oil, and rubbed between the hands till all the
oil is imbibed by the coropofition. The preparation
for dry port-fires is falt-petre four, fulphur one, meal¬
ed powder twof and antimony one. Thefe compofitions
a<e driven into fmall paper cafes, to be ufed whenever
neceflary.
Yo&T-aux-Prme, fo called by the French, is a coun¬
try on the coaft of Africa, to the north of the ifland
of Madagafcar. It is a rich country, and fertile in rice
and pailures; it is inhabited only by the Negroes, who
are an induftrious, good fort of people, but very fuc
perditions. There are no towns, but feveral villages,
and they have fome cuftoms which feem to incline to
Judaifm.
PoRT-jRcyw/, a fea-port town of America, in the
ifland of Jamaica. It was once one of the fined fea-
port towns in America, abounding in riches and trade;
but
P O R [ 6423 ] P O R
Port but in 1692 it was deftroyed by an earthquake, in
’ll. 1702 by fire, in 1722 by an inundation of the fea,
Portico. anj jn fuffered greatly by a hurricane. It is
now but a fmall place; and yet it confifts of three hand-
fome ftreets, with feveral crofs lanes, and a fine church.
Not many years ago there was a yard built here for
the king’s naval ftores, and for workmen employed a-
bout men of war. It is built on a fmall neck of land
which jets out feveral miles into the fea, and is guard¬
ed by a very ftrong fort, which has a line of near too
pieces of cannon, and a garrifon of foldiers. The har¬
bour is one of the beft in the world, and 1000 flops
may ride therein, fecure from every wind that can blow.
It is fix miles eaft of Spanifh-town, and as much by
water fouth-eaft of Kingdom W. Long. 77. o. N. Lat.
*7-3°-
Vokt-Royal, an ifland in North America, on the coaft
of South Carolina, which, with the neighbouring con¬
tinent, forms one of the mod commodious harbours in
the Britifh plantations. It is 15 miles in length ; and
the town on the north fhore is called Beaufort. W.
Long, 80. 10. N. Lat. 31. 45.
RoViT-Royal, the name of two monaderies of Cider-
tian nuns in the diocefe of Paris; the onq near Chev-
reufe, at the diflance of five leagues from Paris, called
Port-Royal of the Fields; and the other in Paris, in the
fuburbs of St James.
The nuns of the former of thefe monaderies proving
refra&ory, were difperfed ; when many ecclefiadics, and
others, who were of the fame fentiments as thefe reli¬
gious, retired to Port-Royal, took apartments there,
and printed many books. Hence the name of Port-
Royalifts was given to all of their party, and their books
were called books of Port-Royal: from hence we fay the
writers of Port-Royal, Meffieurs de Port-Royal, and
the tranflations and grammars of Port-Royal.
PORTA, or Ve72a Porta, in anatomy, a large vein
didributed through the liver in the manner of an ar¬
tery. See Anatomy, n° 357, d.
PORTAL, in architedture, a little gate where there
are two gates of a different bignefs; alfo a little fquare
corner of a room cut off from the red by the wainfcot,
and forming a fhort pafiage into the room. The fame
name is alfo fometimes given to a kind of arch of join¬
ers work before a door.
PORTATE, or a Crofs Portate, in heraldry, a
crofs which does not dand upright, as croffes generally
do; but lies acrofs the efcutcheon in bend, as if it were
carried on a man’s fhoulder.
PORTER, a kind of malt-liquor which differs from
ale and pale beer in its being made with high dried
malt. See Ale, Beer, and Brewing.
PORT-greve, or Portgrave, was anciently the
principal magidrate in ports and other maritime towns.
The word is formed from the Saxon port, “ a port or
other town;” add a “ governor.”—It is fome¬
times alfp written port-reve.
Camden obferves, that the chief magidrate of Lon¬
don was anciently called port-greve: indead of whom,
Richard I. ordained two bailiffs; and foon afterwards,
king John granted them a mayor for their yearly ma¬
gidrate.
PORTICO, in archite&ure, a kind of gallery on
the ground;, or a piazza encompaffed with archesfup-
ported by columns, where people walk under covert.
2
The roof is ufually vaulted, fometimes flat. The an- Portiei
cients called it lacunar. Though the word portico be H
derived from porta, “ gate, door;” vet it is appliedPorto be l0,
to any difpofition of columns which form a gallery,
without any immediate relation to doors or gates. The
mod celebrated porticos of antiquity were, thofe of
Solomon’s temple, which formed the atrium or court,
and encompaffed the fandluary: that of Athens, built
for the people to divert themfelves in, and wherein the
philofophers held their difputes and converfations;
which occafioned the difciples of Zeno to be called
foies, from the Greek ro«, porticus : and that of Pom-
pey at Rome, raifed merely for magnificence, confid¬
ing of feveral rows of columns fupporting a platform
of vafl extent; a draught whereof, Serlio gives us in
his antique buildings. Among the modern porticos,
the mod celebrated is the piazza of St Peter of the Va-
tica.—That of Covent-Garden, London, the work of
Inigo Jones, is alfo much admired.
PORTICI, a palace of the king of Naples, four
miles from that capital. It has a charming fituation,
on the fea-fide, near mount Vefuvius.. It is enriched
with a vad number of fine datues, and other remains
of antiquity, taken oufof the ruins of Herculaneum,
which is not far from thence, and was fwaliowed up by
an earthquake which attended an irruption of mount
Vefuvius in the reign of the emperor Titus.
PORTLAND, a peninfula in Dorfetfhire, of great
drength both by nature and art, being furrounded with
inacceffible rocks, except at the landing-place, where
there is a drong caflle, called Portland cafle, built by
king Henry VIII. There is but one church in the
ifland; and that dands fo near the fea, that it is often
in danger from it. But this peninfula is chiefly noted
for the free done which is got here, and greatly em¬
ployed in London for building the fined flrudures,
and particularly St Paul’s church was built therewith,
W. Long. 2. 35. N. Lat. 50. 30.
PORTO-bello, a town of North America, fitua-
ted in N. Lat. 90 34' 35", clofe to the fea, on the de¬
clivity of a mountain, which furrounds the whole har¬
bour. This harbour is fo large, deep, and fafe, thaj:
Columbus, who fird difeovered it, gave it the name of
Porto-Bello, or the “ Fine Harbour,” which is now
commonly ufed to denote the town. The number of
the houfes is about 130; mod of them of wood, large
and fpacious, forming one long dreet along the drand,
with other fmaller ones crofling it. The governor of.
the town is always a gentleman of the army, fubordi-
nate to the prefident of Panama ; but having under
him the commandants of the forts that defend the har¬
bour. At the ead end of the town, on the road to
Panama, is a place called Guinea, where all the negroes
of both fexes, whether flaves or free, have their habi¬
tations. This place is very much crowded when the
galleons are here: mod of the inhabitants of the town
quitting their houfes entirely, for the fake of letting
them; while others content themfelves with a fmaii
part, in order to make money of the reft. The Mu-
lattoes, and other poor families alfo, remove either to
Guinea, or to cottages already eredted near it, or built-
on the occafion. Great numbers of artificers likewife,
who flock to Porto-Bello from Panama to-work at
their refpe&ive callings during the fair, lodge in Guinea
for cheapncfs. Towards the fea, in a large tradl be-
36 D 2 tween
FOR [ 6424 ] FOR
Porto-Bcllo tween the town and Gloria caftle, barracks are ere&ed,
in moft of which the (hips crews keep (tails of fweet*
meats, and other kinds of eatables, brought from Spain;
but at the conclufion of the fair, when the (hips put to
fea, all thefe buildings are taken down, and the town
returns to its former tranquillity and emptinefs. In
1739, the harbour was defended by a caftle and two
forts j which were all demolKhed by admiral Vernon,
who, with fix (hips only, made himfelf matter of this
port. The country about Porto-Bello is over-run with
mountains and impenetrable forefts, except a few val¬
leys, in which are fome fcattered farms. Among the
mountains that furround the harbour, one diftinguiflied
by the name of Capiro and by its fuperior loftinefs, is
a fort of barometer to the country, by foretelling every
change of weather. Its top is always covered with
clouds, of a denfity and darknefs feldom feen in thofe
of the atmofphere. When thefe clouds thicken, in-
creafe their blacknefs, and fink below their ufual (la-
tion, it is a fure fign of a temped ; while, on the other
hand, their clearnefs and afcent as certainly indicate
the approach of fair weather. Thefe changes are very
fudden and frequent here. The fummit of the moun¬
tain is fcarce ever clear from clouds; and when it hap¬
pens, it is only, as it were, for an indant. Except in
the time of the fair, all the inhabitants of Porto-Bello
do not amount to 3000; half of whom are Indians,
Mulattoes, or negroes; the Spaniards of any fubdance
not choofing to refide in a place fo extremely unhealthy,
and fatal even to the lives of the natives. Uiloa tells
us, that the cattle brought hither from Panama or
Carthagena, lofe their flcdi fo fad in the bed padures,
as to become fcarce eatable: he allures us alfo, that
neither horfes nor affes are bred here. The heat, in¬
deed, is exceflive; and the torrents of rain are fo dread¬
ful, fudden, and impetuous, that one not accudomed
to them would imagine a fecond deluge was coming.
Thefe torrents are alfo accompanied with frightful
tempeds of thunder and lightning, the awfulnefs of the
fcene being heightened by the repercufiions from the
mountains, and the (hrieks and bowlings of multitudes
of monkeys of all kinds which inhabit the furrounding
woods.
Frefh water pours down in dreams from the moun¬
tains, fome running without the town, and others crof-
fing it.- Thefe waters are very light and digedive ;
qualities, which in other countries would be very valu¬
able, but are here pernicious, producing dyfenteries,
which the patient feldom furvives. However, thefe ri¬
vulets, formed into refervoirs, ferve the purpofes of ba¬
thing, which is here found to be very conducive to
health.
As the foreds almod border on the houfes of the
flreets, tygers often make incurfions into the dreets
during the night, carrying off fowls, dogs, and other
domedic animals, and fometimes even children have
fallen a prey to them. Befides the fnares ufually laid
for them, the negroes and mulattoes, who fell wood in
the foreds of the mountains, are very dextrous in en¬
countering them; and fome, for a (lender reward, even
feek them in their retreats.
The town of Porto-Bello, which is thinly inhabited
by reafon of its noxious air, the fcarcity of provifions,
and the barrennefs of the foil, becomes, after the arri¬
val of the galleons, one of the mod populous towns in
the world. He who had feen it quite empty, and Porto Bello
every place wearing a melancholy afpedl, would be II .
filled with adonifliment, to fee the budling multitudes ortrait«
in the time of the fair, when every houfe is crowded,
the fquares and dreets encumbered with bales of mer¬
chandize and cheds of gold and filver, the harbour
full of (hips and veffels, fome loaded with provifions
from Carthagena, and others with the goods of Peru,
as cocoa, Jefuits bark, Vicuna wool, and bezoar dones;
and this town, at all other times deteded for its delete¬
rious qualities, becomes the daple of the riches of the
Old and New World, and the fcene of one of the mod
confiderable branches of trade in the univerfe. For¬
merly the fair was limited to no particular time; but
as a long day in fuch a fickly place extremely affefted
the health of the traders, his Catholic majedy tranf-
mitted an order that the fair (hould not lad above 40
days; and that, if in that time the merchants could not
agree on their rates, thofe of Spain fliould be allowed
to carry their goods up the country to Peru; and ac¬
cordingly, the commodore of the galleons has ordera
to re-embark them, and return to Carthagena; but
otherwife, by virtue of a compaft between the mer¬
chants of both kingdoms, and ratified by the king, no
Spani(h trader is to fend his goods, on his own account,
beyond Porto-Bello. The Englidi were formerly al¬
lowed to fend a (hip annually to this fair, which turn¬
ed to great account; and, whild the affiento contraft
fubfifted, either with the Englidi or the French, one
of their principal fa&ories was at Porto-Bello.
PoRro-i^rr^/i?, a handfome town of Italy, in the
ifle of Elba, with a good citadel. It is very drong, and
feated on a long, high, deep poiut of land, to the wed
of the bay of the fame name, which has two forts. It
belongs to the great duke of Tufcany, who always
keeps a good garrifon there. E. Long. to. 37. N.
Lat. 48. 55'.
Porto-Longcwe, a fmall but very drong town of I-
taly, and in the iile of Elba, with a good harbour, and
a fortrefs upon a rock almoll inacceffible. The king
of Naples has a right to put a garrifon therein, though
the place belongs to the prince of Piombino. It is
feated on the ead end of the ifland, eight miles fouth-
wed of Piombino. E. Long. to. 40. N. Lat. 42. 45.
PoRTO-Santo, an ifland of the Atlantic Ocean, on
the coad of Africa, and the lead of thofe called the
Madeira*. It is about 15 miles in circumference, and
produces but little corn; however, there are oxen and
wild hogs, and a vad number of rabbits. There are
trees which produce the gum or rofin called dragon's
blood; and there is likewife a little honey and wax,
which are extremely good. It has no harbour, but
good mooring in the road. It belongs to the Portu-
guefe, and is 300 miles wed of the coad of Africa.
W. Long. 15. 5. N. Lat. 32. 30.
PoRTo-Seguro, a government of South America, on
the eadern coad of Brafil; bounded on the north by
the government of Rio-dos-Hilios, on the ead by the
North Sea, on the foutb by the government of Spiritu-
Santo, and on the wed by the Tupicks. It is a very
fertile country, and the capital town is of the fame
name. It is built on the top of a rock, at the mouth
of a river, on the coad of the North Sea, and is inha--
bited by Portuguefe. W. Long. 35. 50. S. Lat. 17. o.
PORTRAIT, in painting, the reprefentation of a
FOR [ 6355 ] FOR
Portfmouth perfon, and efpecially of a face, done from the life. In
— — this fenfe we ufe the term portrait-painting, in contra-
diftinftion to hijiory-painting, where a refemblance of
perfon is ufually difregarded. Portraits, when as large
as the life, are ufually painted in oil-colours ; fome-
timestheyaje painted in miniature with water-colours,
crayons, paftils, &c. See Painting, a0 39.
PORTSMOUTH, a fea-port town in Hampihire,
with one of the mod fecure and capacious harbours in
England, being defended by a numerous artillery, both
on the fea and land-fide, and very good fortifications.
A great part of the royal navy is built here; and here
are fome of the fined docks, yards, and magazines of
naval dores, in Europe. It is feated in the ifle of
Portfey, being furrounded by the fea except on the
north fide, where there is a river which runs from one
arm of it to the other. It is much reforted to on ac¬
count of the royal navy, whofe ufual rendezvous is at
Spit-head, which is at the ead end of the ifle of Wight,
and oppofite to Portfmouth. There is a draw-bridge
over the river, and it has always a good garrifon. It
is governed by a mayor, 12 aldermen and burgefles,
and .fends two members to parliament. It has one
church, and two chapels, one in the garrifon, and one
in the Common, for the ufe of the dock, and others,
befides feveral meeting-houfes of the diflenters. The
houfes of Portfmouth amount to about 2000, and the
inhabitants to about 12,000. W. Long. 1. 6. N. Lat.
50. 48. .
The town is fuppofed to receive its name from Port,
a famous Saxon chieftain, who, A. D. 501, landed
here with his two fons. It made a confiderable figure
in the time of the Saxons; and from the utility of its
fituation, was highly favoured by all our monarchs of
the Norman line. It was incorporated, and became alfo
a parliamentary borough. In the reign of Edward III.
it was in a very flourifliing ftate ; but, A. D. 1338,
in the very fame reign, was burned by the French,
when that monarch, which was afterwards ratified by
king Richard II. forgave the inhabitants a debt, and
remitted their fee-farm for 10 years; within which
fpace they fo recovered themfelves, as to equip a fqua-
dron, which failed into the mouth of the Sein, funk
^Political S two ^‘Ps» anc* brought away a great booty. The
Survey. Angular excellence of its port, and the convenience of
fitting out fleets from thence in the time of a French
war, induced Edward IV. to think of fortifying it,
as he a&ually, in fome meafure, did ; which fortifi¬
cations were farther carried on by Richard III. But
king Henry VII. was the firft who fettled a garrifon
therein ; which was increafed, and the place made
ftill ftronger, in the reign of Henry VIII. who had a
great dock there, wherein was built the Henry Grace
de Dieu, which was the largeft (hip in the navy of his
time. The fame monarch, remarkably attentive to
the fecurity of all maritime places, built what is now
called South-Sea Cajlle, for the prote&ion of this.
The improvements made here in the reign of queen E-
lizabeth, were much fuperior to all thefe. King
Charles II. after his reftoration, direfted great alte¬
rations, eftabliflied new docks and yards, raifed feve¬
ral forts, and fortified them after the modern manner;
which works were augmented under his brother’s
reign. Notwithftanding this, king William dire&ed
likewife frelh alterations and additions \ and fucceed-
ing princes, following his example, have, at a large Pornig*!.
expence, extended thefe fortifications, and taken in a    
vaft deal of ground : fo that it is at prefent, &s the
importance of the place deferves, the mod regular
fortrefs in Britain ; and, as it cannot be effe&ually
attacked by fea, may be juftly efteemed impreg¬
nable.
PORTUGAL, the mod wefterly kingdom of Eu¬
rope, bounded on the weft and fouth by the Atlantic
Ocean, and on the eaft and north by Spain ; extending
about310 miles in length, and 150 in breadth.
By modern writers, we find this country conftantly Botmdat.jes,
ftyled in Lufitania; and it is certain, that an¬
ciently a country of Spain went by that name ; but it
does not by any means appear that the country called
by the ancients Lufitania, had the fame boundaries
with the modern kingdom of Portugal. Before Au-
guftus Caefar, Lufitania feems to have been bounded
on the north by the ocean, and on the fouth by the ri¬
ver Tagus ; by which means it comprehended all Ga¬
licia, and excluded two of the fix provinces of Portu¬
gal. But in the more ftrift and reftrained fenfe of
the word, it was bounded on the north by the Durius,
now the Douro, and on the fouth by the river A-
nas, now the Guadiana; in which fenfe it was not
quite fo long as modern Portugal, but confiderably
broader. j
The commonly received opinion with regard to the Etymology
etymology of the word Portugal is, that a great num-ofthenamc’
ber of Gauls landed at Porto, or Oporto, whence it
received the name of Portus Gallorum, or the Port of
the Gauls; and in procefs of time that name gradually
extended over the whole country, being foftened, or
rather fliortened, into Portugal. But the time when
this event happened, the reafon why thefe Gauls came
thither, and what became of them afterwards, are all
particulars which lie buried in oblivion. It is alleged,
however, that, upon an eminence which overlooks the
mouth of the river Douro, there flood an ancient town,
called Cale, ftrong and well peopled, but ill feated for
trade; and this occafioned the conftrufition of a lower
town or hamlet, which was called Portus Cale, that
is, the haven of Cale; and, in procefs of time, Por-
tucalia. At length becoming fo confiderable as to
merit an epifcopal chair, thefe bifliops fubferibed them¬
felves, as the records of ancient councils teftify, Por-
tucalenfes, and the name of the city was transferred to
the diocefe. It is true, that thefe biftiops afterwards
changed their title, and fubferibed themfelves Portu~
enfes, that is, bijhops of Porto. But the fafts juft
mentioned are a&ually recorded in authentic hiftories;
and as the diocefe of Portucalia contained in a great
meafure that little country in which the fovereignty
originally began, the name extended itfelf, together
with the acquifitionsof the fovereigns, and has remain¬
ed to the kingdom, tho’ the diocefe itfelf has changed
its name, and pofiibly on that very account. 3
Portugal, though even yet but a fmall kingdom,°r!ginal,J'
was originally much fmaller. The Spanifli and Por-1?1? ,a fma 1
tuguefe hiftorians agree, that Don Alonfo, king ofk'nSd0ni*
Leon and Caftile, and fon to Don Ferdinand the
Great, beftowed his daughter Donna Therefa in mar¬
riage upon an illuftrious ftranger, Don Henry, and
gave him with her the frontier province which he had
conquered from the Moors, fnjail indeed in extent,
but
Portugal.
Henry of
Burgundy
the firfl
count of
Portugal.
Differences
with Ca-
ftile.
P O R
[ 6426 ]
P O R
but excellently fituated, and fo pleafant itnd fertile, fatal to the new kingdom, had not the archbilhop of Portugal,
*1 _^ 1 r  1 t\j^ rr-n • _ r* n_n_ .  ^ 1 r m r* . .
"that it has fometimes been ftiled Medulla Hifpamca,
or the marrow of Spain. To this territory was added
the title of Count; but authors are much divided about
the time that this ftranger came into Spain, and who
he was. However, the authors of the Univerfal Hi-
ftory make it pretty evident, that he was a grandfon
of Robert the firft duke of Burgundy. The manner in
which he obtained the principality abovementioned is
related as follows.
The king, Don Alonfo, apprehenfive that his fuc-
cefs in taking the city of Toledo would bring upon
Compoftella, without whofe affiftance. Urraca could -
do nothing, demanded leave to retire with his vafials.
This offended the queen to fuch a degree, that fhe
threw him into prifon ; which a& of violence excited
fuch a commotion among her own fubjedts, that the
Portuguefe were foon delivered from their apprehen-
fions. Queen Therefa fell immediately after into a fi-
milar error, by throwing into prifon the archbilhop
ofBraga, who had not efpoufed her caufe fo warmly as
fhe had expedted. The bifhop, however, was quickly
delivered by a bull from the pope, who alfo threaten-
him the whole force of the Moors, fent to demand ed the kingdom with an interdidl; and this was the
afiiftance from Philip I. of France, and the duke of firft remarkable offence which Therefa gave her fub-
Burgundy, whofe daughter he had married. His re- jedfs.
queft was granted by both princes ; and a numerous
body of troops was fpeedily colledted for his fervice, at
whofe head went Raymond count of Burgundy, Hen¬
ry younger brother of Hugh duke of Burgundy, Ray¬
mond count of Tholoufe, and many others. They
arrived at the court of Don Alonfo in the year 1087,
where they were received and treated with all poffible
marks of efteem ; and having in the courfe of two or
three years given great proofs of their courage and
condudf, the king refolved to beftow his only daugh¬
ter named Urraca, then a mere child, being at moft
in her ninth year, upon Raymond count of Burgundy,
and afiigned them the province of Galicia for the fup-
port of their dignity. About four years after, Don
Alonfo being very defirous to exprefs his gratitude to
Henry of Burgundy, gave him in marriage a natural
daughter of his, born while he remained in exile at
Toledo, whofe name was Donna Therefa; and upon
this marriage, he gave up in full property the country
which has been already mentioned.
The new fovereign, with his confort, fixed their re-
.fidence in the town of Guimaraez, pleafantly fituated
on the banks of the river Ave. The remains of an
ancient palace belonging to their fucceffors are ftill to
be feen; and on account of its having been anciently
the capital, the king Don Denis granted the inha¬
bitants an immunity from taxes, which they ftill en-
j°y-
The Portuguefe, now finding themfelves indepen¬
dent, immediately began, like other nations, to at¬
tempt the fubjedtion of their neighbours. Henry is
faid to have performed great exploits againft the
Moors; but the accounts of them are fo indiftindt,
that they cannot be taken notice of here. He died in
1112; and was fucceeded by his fon Don Alonfo,.then
an infant in the third year of his age. In his mi¬
nority, the kingdom was governed by his mother
Donna Therefa, afnfted by two able minifters. Du¬
ring the firft nine years of their adminiftration nothing
remarkable happened ; but after that period, fome dif¬
ferences. took place between the queen regent (for fhe
had aflumed the title of queen after her father’s death,
and Urraca queen of Caftile.) Therefa infilled, that
fome part of Galicia belonged to her in virtue of her
father’s will ; and therefore feized on Tuy an epifeo-
pal town, and a place of fome confequence. Urraca,
having afiembkd a numerous army, went in perfon in¬
to Galicia ; upon which Therefa was obliged to aban-
Soon after this, queen Urraca died, and all diffe¬
rences were amicably fettled at an interview between
Therefa and Don Alonfo Raymond, who fucceeded to
the kingdom of Caftile. But, in 1126, the king of
Caftile being obliged to march with the whole ftrength
of his dominions againft his father-in-law the king of
Navarre and Arragon, Therefa took the opportunity
of again feizing upon Tuy ; but the king foon re¬
turning with a fuperior army, Ihe was again obliged
to abandon her xonqueft. But the greatelt misfortune
which befel this princefs, was a quarrel with her own
fon Don Alonfo Enriquez. It does not appear in¬
deed that Therefa had given him any juft caufe of of¬
fence ; but it is certain that a civil war enfued, in
which the queen’s forces were totally defeated, and file
herfelf made prifoner, in which fituation Ihe continued
during the remainder of her life. 6
Enriquez having thus attained to the free and Don A loir--
full poffelfion of his dominions, made feveral attemptsz°’s wars
upon fome places in Galicia, but without fuccefs ; fo
that he was at laft conftrained to make peace with of ci-
Don Alonfo king of Caftile and Leon, who had affu- dilc.
med the title of Emperor of the Spains ; the more efpe-
eially as his dominions happened to be at that time in¬
vaded by the Moors. The number of infidels was fo
great, that the count of Portugal had little hopes of fub-
duing them: but a plague breaking out in the Moorifti
army, they were obliged to retreat; after which
he reduced feveral places belonging to that na¬
tion. But in the mean time the emperor Don Alon¬
fo, breaking into the Portuguefe territories, deftroy-
ed every thing with fire and fword. The king of Por¬
tugal furprifed and cut off a coniiderable part of his
army; which, however, did not hinder the emperor
from marching direftly towards him. But, at thein-
terceffion of the pope’s legate, all differences were ac¬
commodated, and a peace concluded ;■ all places and
prifoners taken on both fides being delivered up.
In the mean time, the progrefs of the Chriftian
arms in Spain being reported to Abu-Ali Texefitn
the miramamolin or chief monarch of the Moors in
Barbary, hedire&cd Ifmar, or Ifhmael, his lieutenant
in Spain, to affemble all the forces in the fouthern
provinces, and drive the Chriftians beyond the Douro-
Ilhmael immediately began to prepare for putting
thefe orders in execution; and having added a confi-
derable body of troops brought from Barbary to thofe
. . ^ whom he had raifed in Spain, the whole army was very
don Tuy, and take fhelter in one of her own fortreffes. numerous. Hewas metby Don Alonfoof Portugalin the *
The confequeaces, hi all probability, would have beep plains of Ourique on the banks of the river Tayo; andolirimv-0
. . - Jfo. H ,
P O R. [ 6427 ] FOR
Portugal. Iflimael took all poflible means to prevent the Chri-
‘ftians from paffing that river, becaufe his own caval¬
ry, in which the ftrength of his army chiefly confift-
ed, had thus more room to aft. The Portuguefe
forces were very inconfiderable in number in compa-
rifon of the Moors; but Ilhmael, being too confident
of viftory, divided his army into 12 bodies, and dif-
pofed them in fuch a manner as might beft prevent the
flight, not futlain the attack, of the Chriftians. The
confequence was, that his army was overthrown with
incredible flaughter, and a valt number of prifoners
taken, among whom were 1000 Chriftians, of the
feft iiy\e&Mozarabians, whom, at the requeft ofTheo-
tonus, prior of the Holy Crofs, Don Alonfo fet at li¬
berty with their wives and children, and procured them
8 fettlements in his own dominions.
Don Alon- After this fignal viftory, gained in the year 1139,
lb affumes Don Alonfo was proclaimed king by his foldiers, and
the title of ever after retained that title, renouncing all kind of
k'1’2, fubjeftion to the crown of Spain. Being very d'e-
firous, however, of bringing down the power of the
emperor, he entered into a league with Raymond count
of Barcelona and regent of the kingdom of Arragon,
againft that prince. In confequence of this treaty, he
entered Galicia with a confiderable force on one fide,
while Don Raymond did the fame on the other. Nei¬
ther of thefe enterprizes, however, fucceeded. The
Portuguefe monarch met with a fevere check in his
expedition into Galicia, where he received a danger¬
ous wound, and had fome of the nobility who attend¬
ed him taken prifoners. At the fame time he recei¬
ved Intelligence that the Moors had invaded his domi¬
nions, fo that he was obliged to retire; which, how¬
ever, was not done in timefufficientto prevent the ftrong
fortrefs of Leyria from falling into their hands. This
fortrefs they demoliftied, and put all the garrifon to
the fword ; but the king caufed it to be rebuilt
ftronger than before, and put a more numerous garri¬
fon into it; however, he undertook nothing farther
this campaign. The war continued with various fuc-
cefs till the year 1145, when the king projefted an en-
terprife againft Santaren, a ftrong city about 12 miles
from Lifbon. In this he luckily fucceeded; and by that
means gained a confiderable track of country, and a
ftrong barrier to his dominions.
After this fuccefs Don Alonfo caufed himfcif with
much ceremony to be chofen and crowned king of Por^
tugal before an affembly of the dates, where he alfo fo-
lemnly renounced all dependence on the crown of Spain,
declaring, that if any of his fucceffors Ihould conde-
fcend to pay tribute or to do homage to that crown, he
was unworthy of enjoying the kingdom of Portugal.
^Reduces '^'^e neXt ycar undertook the recovery of
Diibon and out ^ hands of the Moors; and concern-
Bwelveothering this expedition there are fuch numbers of fables,
teities. that it is almofl impoflible to come at the truth. What
can be gathered from thefe accounts is, that he un¬
dertook the fiege with a fmall army, and was able to
make but little progrefs in it, partly from the ftrength
of the place, and partly from the numerous garrifon
t? by which it was defended. At length, fortunately for
Don Alonfo, a fleet of adventurers, French, Englifti,
Germans, and Flemings, that were going to the Ho¬
ly Land, anchored at the mouth of the river Tagus,
whofe affiftance he demanded, as not altogether fo¬
reign to their defign of making war on the infidels. Portugal.
His requeft was readily granted; and, with their af-
fiftance, Lilbon was fpeedily reduced ; which conqueft
fo much raifed the reputation of this monarch, and
brought fuch numbers to recruit his army, that before
the end of the year 1147 he had reduced j 2 other con¬
fiderable cities.
For many years after this, Don Alonfo was fuccefs- Has hi,- re-
ful in all his undertakings. He fettled the internal 8al^!gl1lty
government of his kingdom, procured a bull from£ontj)e * ‘
pope Alexander III. confirming his regal dignity, un-popS.
dertook many fuccefsful expeditions againft the Moors,
and became mafter of four of the fix provinces which
compofe the prefent kingdom of Portugal. In all his
undertakings, he was affifted by the counfels of his
queen Matilda, who was a woman of great capacity,
and fufficient for the government of the kingdom in
her hufband’s abfence. By her he had a numerous
offspring, particularly three daughters ; the eldeft of-
whom, Donna Mafalda, or Mathilda, was married to
the king of Arragon ; the fecond, Urraca, to Don
Ferdinand king of Leon ; and the third, Therefa, to
Philip earl of Flanders. In 1166, however, the king His
thought-proper, from what provocation we know hot, cefsful war
to invade the dominions of his foh-in law Don Ferdi-with Don
nand; and poffeffed himfelf of Limmia and Turon, Fe^lin.an<i
two cities of Galicia, in which he put ftrong garri-0 "a
fons. The next year, elated with his fucoefs, he
marched with a numerous army towards Badajos,
which he invefted ; on the news of which, Don Fer¬
dinand, who had affembled a large army at Ciudad
Rodrigo, marched to its relief. Yet before he could
come within fight of it, it had furrendered to the king
of Portugal: upon which Don Ferdinand came to a
refolution of befieging his antagonift in his newly con¬
quered city ; which Don Alonfo perceiving, endea¬
voured to draw out his forces into the field. Though
he was at that time upwards of 70 years of age, he
was himfelf on horfeback, and pulhing forwards at the
head of his horfe to get out at the gate, he (truck his.
leg againft one of the bolts with fuch violence that
the bone was fhattered to pieces. This accident oc-
cafioned fuch confufion, that the Portuguefe troops
were eafily beaten, and Don Alonfo was taken prifoner.
He was exceedingly mortified by this difgrace, efper
daily as he had no great rcafon to expeft very kind
treatment from his fon-in-law. However, the king
of Leon behaved towards him with thegreateft refpedt
and affeftion. He defired him to lay afide ail thoughts
ofbufinefs, and attend to his cure; but finding him
reftlefs and impatient, he affured him that he expefted
nothing more than to have things put into the fame
condition as before the war, and that they might live
in peace and friendlhip for the future : to which the
king of Portugal mod readily affented ; but returned
to his dominions before his cure was perfefted, which,
was the caufe of his being lame all the reft of his life.
Howe’ver, this did not abate his military ardour; for,
notwithftanding this inconvenience, his courage tranf-
ported hirti Into the field wherever he was called by the
infereft of his fubjefts. Towards the end of his reign,
an opportiinttyfeeitted to prefent itfelf of obtaining once
for all an entire, releafe from the difagreea’ble pretCn-
fions of the king of Leon, who, it feems, had ihfifted >.
on the king of Portugal’s doing homage for his king-
' - " dcm.
P O R [ 6428 ] FOR
Portugal dom. The opportunity which now prefenteditfelf was
a quarrel between the king of Leon and his nephew
Don Alonfo king of Caftile. The latter afked afiifl-
ance from the king of Portugal, which was readily
granted. But Don Ferdinand, having received intel¬
ligence that the infant Don Sancho (the king’s eldeft
fon) was advancing towards Ciudad Rodrigo, Effem-
bled.his troops on that frontier with fuch diligence,
Jt that he was enabled to attack him unexpectedly, and
Don San- entirely defeated him. Underftanding, however, that
cho'sfuc- Don Sancho was recruiting his forces with great
refs againft diligence, he let him know that they might be
‘1''^v*001*’much better employed againft the infidels, who re¬
mained cartels and unprepared, expecting the iffueof
the war. Don Sancho made a proper ufe of this ad¬
vice ; and, after making fome motions to amufe the
enemy, made a fudden irruption into Andalufia, pene¬
trating as far- as Triana, one of the fuburbs of Se¬
ville. The Moors afiembled their forces in order to
attack him on his retreat ; but Don Sancho having
firft fatigued them by the celerity of his march, at
length chofe a ftrong camp, and, having given his
troops time to repofe, drew them out and offered the
enemy battle. The Moors accepted the challenge,
but were entirely defeated ; and Don Sancho returned
into Portugal with fpoils to an immenfe value. For
fome years after, the war was continued without any
remarkable event but, in 1184, Jofeph king of Mo¬
rocco, having already tranfported multitudes of men
from Barbary, at length followed in perfon with a
prodigious army, and carried all before him as far as
the Tayo. He appeared before the city of Santaren;
but having wearied and reduced his army by unfuc-
cefsful affaults on that place, he was attacked by the
Portuguefe forces afiifted by Ferdinand of Leon, en¬
tirely defeated, and bimfelf killed. By this vidtory,
the Portnguefe were left at liberty to improve the inte¬
rior part of their country, and fortify their frontiers ;
and during this interval, the king died in the 76th year
13 of his age, in the year 1185.
miniitra3*1" ^)on -^on*° was fuccee(^e^ ^,s f°n Don San-
tion'wlien c^° ^ ®f l^IS Pr'nce i3 remarkable, that, before
itng, he afcended the throne, he was of a reftlefs and war¬
like difpofition ; but no fooner did he come to the
poifefiion of the kingdom, than he became a lover of
peace, and began with great affiduity to repair the ci¬
ties that had fuffered moft by the war, and to re¬
people the country around them. By his Ready atten¬
tion to this, he in a very Ihort time quite altered the
appearance of his territories, and procured to himfelf
the glorious title of The rejlorer of citiesy and father
of his country.. In the year 1189, a fleet compofed
for the moft part of Lnglilh veffels, but having on
board a great number of adventurers of other nations,
bound to the Holy Land, entered the river of Lif-
bon. They were very kindly received, and fupplied
with all kinds of refrefhments by Don Sancho, who
took this opportunity of foliciting them to affift him
in a defign he had formed of attacking the city of
Silves in Algarve, to which they readily yielded. Ha-
ving joined a fquadron of his own galleys, and march¬
ed a body of troops by land,, the place was reduced, and
the Englilh, according to agreement, rewarded with
the plunder. But, in a fliort time, the Moors ffom A-
feica having again-invaded Portugal, the town was fe-
veral times taken and retaken, till at bft, l)on San- Portugal,
cho, being fenfible of the difficulties that would at-^
tend the keeping of it, caufed it to be demolilhed.
His laft enterprize was the redu&ion of Elvas; foon
after which he died with the reputation of the belt oe-
conomift that ever fat on the throne of Portugal.
With the character of being rather liberal than avari-
tious, he had amafled a treafure of more than 700,000
crowns in ready money, befides 1400 merks of filver,
and 100 of gold plate, which he difpofed of fome time
before his death. He was interred by his own com¬
mand with much lefspomp than his father, in the ca¬
thedral of Coimbra ; and when his body was taken
up 400 years after by order of the king Don Emanuel
that it might be laid in a new tomb, it was found un¬
corrupted. _
The hiftory of Portugal affords fcarce any event of Differences ;l
importance tillthe-year 1289; when, in the reign of withCaftik.
Don Denis, a difference commenced with Caftile, which
fubfifted for a long time. Frequent reconciliation
took place; but thefe were either of very Ihort dura¬
tion, or never fincere. At length, in the reign of
John I. Don Juan of Caftile, who had alfo preten-
lions to the crown of Portugal, invaded that kingdom
at the head of the whole force of his dominions, and
with the flower of the Caftilian nobility entered the
province of Alentego. According to the Portuguefe
hiftorians, he befieged the city of Elvas without ef-
fe6t 1 which difappointment enraged him to fuch a de¬
gree, that he determined next year to invade Portugal
a fecond time, and ruin all the country before him.
Accordingly, having colle&ed an army of 30,000
men, he invaded Portugal, took and ruined feveral
places, while king John lay inaftive, with a fmall ar¬
my, waiting for fome Englilh fuccours, which he ex- ^
pe&ed. At laft he ventured an engagement with the The Cafti- i
forces which he had ; and, notwithstanding the great Hans entire- I
fuperiority of the enemy, obtained axomplete victory;1/ defeated, j
after which he made an irruption into Caltile; and had
the good fortune to gain another battle, which fixed
him firmly on the throne of Portugal. The Caftilians
were obliged to confent to a truce of three years,
which was foon after improved into a lading peace. r6
In 1414, king John undertook an expedition The city of
againft the Moors in Barbary, where he commandedCeilta takeQ
in perfon ; but before he fet out, his queen (PM'PP3 ^™rshc 1
the daughter of John duke of Lancafter) died of ' I
grief at the thoughts of his abfence. The expedition,
however, proved fuccefsful, and the city of Ceuta was
taken from the Moors almoft at the firft aflault: but
fcarce had the king left that country, when the princes
of Barbary formed a league for the recovery of it;
and though they were defeated by the young princes
of Portugal, whom John again fent into Barbary, yec
the trouble of keeping, it was fo great, that fome of
the king’s council were of opinion that the town
fliould be demolilhed. But John, having confidered
the arguments on both fides, determined to keep the
city; and therefore* enlarged and ftrengthened the for¬
tifications, augmenting- his forces there to 6000 foot
and 2500 horfe, which he hoped would be fufficient
for keeping off the attacks of the Moors.
King John died in 1428, and was fucceeded by his
eldeft fon Edward. He undertook an expedition
againft Tangier in Barbary; but the event proved very
unfer-
P O R [ 6429 ] FOR
Portugal, unfortunate; the Portuguefe being fo Ciut up by the
_ Moors, that they were obliged to oft’er Ceuta back
again, in order to obtain leave to return to Portugal.
The king’s fon, Don Ferdinand, was left as a hoftage
for the delivery of Ceuta ; but was, with the utmoft
cruelty and injuftice, left in the hands of the infidels,
by the king and council of Portugal, who conftantly
refufed to deliver up the place. Many preparations
indeed were made for recovering the prince by force;
but before any thing could be accomplifhed the
king died in 1430, which put an end to all thefe de-
1? figns.
Pafiage to The war w;t}1 Barbary continued at intervals, but
dies^dlfco-^with little fuccefs on the part of the Portuguefe; and
vered. till the year 1497, there is no event of any confequence
recorded in the hiftory of Portugal. This year was
remarkable for the difcovery of thepaffage to theEaft
Indies by the Cape of Good Hope. The enterpri-
fing fpirit of. the Portuguefe had prompted them to
undertake voyages along the coaft of Africa for a con-
fiderable time before ; but none of the voyagers had the
good fortune to double the Cape of Good Hope, be¬
fore Vafco de Gama, in the year abovementioned. He
performed his voyage in two years, but with a great
lofs of men ; for out of 148 perfons whom he took out
with him, only 55 returned. The king received him
with all poffible teftimonies of refpeft and kindnefs ;
created him count of Videgueira; and not only decla¬
red him admiral of the Indies, but made that office
hereditary in his family. This difcovery tended great¬
ly to enrich the kingdom; but at the fame time it pro¬
ved detrimental, by inducing the moft bold and enter-
prizing adventurers to leave their country for the In-
18 dies, whence very few of them returned. The intro-
Proves de- duftion of foreign luxuries alfo proved detrimental by
^ corrupting the manners of the people, and produ-
dom. 0 cing an effeminacy unknown before. The fettlements
on the weftern coafts of Africa, of which there were
now a great number, contributed alfo to produce the
fame effeft. However, the king had the honour of
beginning a correfpondence with the emperor of Aby.f-
finia, and of gaining fome advantages over the Moors
in Barbary: but neither of thefe turned out to be of
any fervice to the kingdom; forjealoufy, envy, ra¬
pine, and every kind of vice, had diffufed itfelf thro’the
whole nation, infomuch that the Portoguefe could
neither be unanimous among themfelves, nor behave
with propriety to any other nation.
In September 1522, king Emanuel died of an epi¬
demical fever, and was fucceeded by his fon John III.
l3 The moft remarkable tranfadion of this prince’s reign
Tnqu'inion was the introduction of the inquifition into his domi-
introdueed nions. This happened in the year 1525, or, as fome
Portu'fay, in 1535. A famine happening to ceafeina fiiort
8 * time after it was introduced, the priefts perfuaded the
ignorant multitude that it was a bleffing from heaven
on .account of the ereding fuch an holy tribunal.
However, it was not long before the bulk of the
nation perceived what kind of a bleffing the inquifi-
fition was: but their difcernment came too late; for
by that time the inquifitors had acquired fuch power,
that it became equally dangerous and ineffedual to at¬
tempt difclofing any of their myfteries.
In the mean time the Mohammedans, provoked at
the continual depredations and arbitary behaviour of
Von. IX. 1
the Portuguefe In the Eaft Indies, refolved to drive Portugal,
them all out at once. This fcheme had been propofed r
by Campfon fultan of the Mamalukes in Egypt, but 20
his affairs not allowing him to put it in execution,
Solyman II. emperor of the Turks refolved to take drive the
up the quarrel againft the Portuguefe; and accord-Portuguefc
ingly fent orders to the baihaw of Egypt to employ^0™ the!r
his whole ftrength againft the Chriftians in the Eaft ®^nts
Indies. The baihaw, ino bedience to thefe orders, but in vain,
failed out from the Red Sea with a greater naval force
than ever the Mohammedans had employed before;
having 4000 Janiffaries, and x6,000 other land troops
on board. Yet, by the courage and condudt of
the Portuguefe officers and foldiers, all this mighty
armame’nt was defeated, and their Eaft India pof-
feffions faved from the danger which threatened them.
In Africa likewife the king of Fez was baffled before
the town of Safi, and freih quarrels breaking out
among the princes gave great relief to the Chriftians,
who had long been obliged to carry on a defenfive war,
and had more than once been on the very brink of
ruin. For a long time indeed their fafety had been
derived only from the qarrels of the Moors among
themfelves ; for fuch was the envy and jealoufy which
reigned among the Portuguefe, that they could never
unite heartly in oppofing the common enemy, and
therefore had their enemies united againft them, they
muft certainly have been cut off. But whenever the
cheriffs quarrelled with each other, one party was
fure to have recourfe to the Portuguefe ; who, by
fending them a fmall fupply, fecured quiet to them¬
felves, and had the pleafure of feeing their enemies n
deftroy one another. Yet in the end even this had ^ of
bad confequences; for, on one hand, it kept up
martial fpirit among the Moors, and on the other it
made them acquainted with the Portuguefe difcipline;
fo that after every ffiort-interval of repofe they not on¬
ly found them as much enemies as before, but much
more formidable than ever. The confequence of all
was, that king John began to apprehend that the
conqueft of Barbary was impoffible, and therefore be¬
gan to limit his defires to the keeping of thofe few
fortreffes which he had already ; which, though a
neceffary and prudent meafure, difpleafed the gene¬
rality of his fubjefls.
King John exerted himfelf much in the fettlement
of Brazil in South America, which he brought into
a very good ftate, caufed feveral ftrong towns to be
eredted there, and took all poffible methods to en¬
courage the converfion of the natives to Chriftianity.
He alfo made many regulations for the welfare and
happinefs of his fubjedts. The difputes of the nobility
about precedency were frequently attended with very
difagreeable confeqnences, which made the king re-
folve once for all to fettle them by eftablifhed rules,
and the rules eftablifhed by him on this occafion have
fubfifted ever fince, and in a great meafure prevent
thefe altercations. He had other great dtfigns in his
mind, particularly with regard to the reformation,
which he had pulhed very far with refpedl to religious
perfons of both fexes; but, on a clofe examination
of bis affairs, he found his fubjedls in general to have
been fo much injured by his leaving their concerns to
the infpedtion of his council, that he was thrown by
the grief of it into a kind of apoplexy, from which he
36 E never
P O R [ 6434 ] FOR
Portugal, never recovered. His death happened in June 1557;
■“ and he was fucceeded by his fon Don Sebaftian HI.
an infant of three years of age.
After the death of King John, the adminiftration re¬
mained in the hands of the queen, grandmother to
Sebaftian, who behaved with great prudence and cir-
cumfpeftion. The Moors, however, fuppofing that
under a minority they might be able to difpolfefs the
Chriftians of fuch places as they held in Barbary, laid
clofe fiege to Mafagnan. But the queen-regent fent
fuch fpeedy fuccours, and promifed fuch rewards to
thofe who diftinguilhed themfelves, that the Moors,
though they brought 80,000 men into the field, were
obliged to abandon the enterprife. This was at firft
magnified as a high inftance of the queen’s capacity
and wifdom ; but in a (hort time the natural averfion
which the Portuguefe had to the government of wo¬
men, together with the prejudice they had againft
her country, as being a Caftilian, appeared fo plainly,
and gave her fo much uneafinefs, that of her own
accord fhe refigned her authority into the hands of
cardinal Don Henry the king’s brother. By him
** Don Alexius de Menefes was appointed the king’s
rousTediica- governor> and Gonfales de Gomera with two other
tionofthe priefts his preceptors. By means of thofe inftruftors
young king the king’s education was totally marred. His gover-
Sebaftian. n0r afiiduoufly inculcated upon him that the chief vir¬
tue of a king was courage ; that danger was never to
be avoided, but always furmounted, let the occafion
be what it would. His other tutors, inftead of in-
flruding him in the true religion, only infpired him
■with an abhorrence of profefled infidels: the confe-
quence of all which was, that he became rafh, incon-
fiderate, and obftinate; all which qualities confpired
to draw upon him the cataftrophe which ruined both
him and the kingdom.
After the king was grown up to man’s eftate, his
defire was to diftinguifh himfelf againft the infidels.
He himfelf chofe an expedition to the Eaft Indies ;
but the prime minifter Alccgova, who did not choofe to
attend his monarch to fuch a diftance, fubftituted
Africa in its ftead. This expedition the king entered
into in the moft inconfiderate and abfurd manner.
He firft fent over Don Antonio prior of Crato, with
fome hundreds of foldiers ; carried his principal cour¬
tiers over with him from a hunting match, and with¬
out equipages ; he then fent for the duke of Aveyro,
with fuch troops as he could colled on the ftiort warn¬
ing he had got; and when all thefe were affembled,
the king fpent his time in hunting, and flight excur-
fions againft the enemy, without doing any thing of
confi-quence, except expofing his perfon upon all oc-
cafions. At length he returned to Portugal in fuch
tempelluous weather, that his fubjeffs had given him
up for loft ; when they were agreeably furprifed by
his unexpefled arrival in the river of Lifbon, which they
14 celebrated with the greateft rejoicings,
another^in r^e fuccefs which attended the king in this
fpite of’theexPe^1't'0n ferved only to inflame him more with de-
remon- fire for another ; fo that from the time he returned,
Ibances of he feemed to think on nothing elfe. He was highly
friends delighted alfo with an accident which at this time
furnifhed him with a pretence for war, though of that
he flood in no great need. ' Muley Hamet, king of
Fez and Morocco, had be»n difpoffeffed of his domi¬
He under¬
takes an ex
pedition in
to Africa.
nions by his uncle Muley Moloch. At the beginning Portugal,
of this war Don Sebaftian had offered him his troops 
in Africa, which offer was rejedled with contempt:
but now being a fugitive, and having in vain applied
for affiftance to Philip of Spain, Muley Hamet ap¬
plied to the king of Portugal; and, that he might
the more eafily fucceed, caufed the fortrefs of ArztJa,
which his father had recovered, to be reftored to the
Portuguefe. The king was in a rapture at this
event, and fancied that his glory would exceed that of
all his predeceffors. He was advifed againft this ex¬
pedition, however, by all his friends. King Philip of
Spain having done every thing to diffuade him from it
in a perfonal conference, fent Francifco Aldana, an
old and experienced officer, to Morocco; and at bis re¬
turn ordered him to attend Don Sebaftian, in order to
give him an account of the ftate of affairs in that
country. This he performed with the greateft fidelity,
but without any effeft. The queen dowager and car¬
dinal united in their endeavours to divert him from this
unfortunate enterprife ; but he treated them both with
fo little refpeft, that his grandmother broke her heart,
and the cardinal, to {hew his diftafte to the meafure,
retired to Evora without coming either to court or
council; which example was followed by many of the
nobles. Many of thefe, however, fent very free remon-
ftrances to the king on the impropriety of his condmft;
and king Philip fent to him the duke de Medina
Celi, once more to lay before him the reafons why
he thought his fcbeme imprafticable, and to put him
in mind that he had no hand in pufhing him upon his
deftru&ion, or of concealing from him the dangers
into which he feemed determined to plunge himftlf and
his fubje&s. Laftly, he received a letter on the fub-
je£b from Muley Moloch himfelf, wherein that prince
explained to him his own right to the crown of Fez,
and {hewed that he had only difpofftfled a tyrant and
a murderer, who had therefore no right to his friend-
fliip or affiftance. He next affured him that he had
no reafon to fear either the power or neighbourhood
of the Portuguefe; as a proof of which, and as a
mark of his efteem, he was content to make him a
prefent of ten miles of arable ground round each of
the fortreffes he poffeffed in Africa, and which indeed .
were no more than four, viz. Tangier, Ceuta, Mafa-
gan, and Arzila. At the fame time he addreffed him¬
felf to king Philip of Spain, with whom he was on
good terms, defiring him to interpofe with his nephew
Sebaftian, that things might be yet adjufted without
the effufion of human blood. But the king of Por¬
tugal was deaf to ail falutary advice; and therefore iJ
paid no regard to this letter, nor to the reman ft ran
of his uncle. On the 24th of June 1577, therefore, hems °rce"
fet fail from the bar of Liffion with a fleet of 50 Ihips
and five gallies, twelve pieces of cannon, and tranf-
ports and tenders, making up near iooo fail. His
troops confifted of 9000 Portuguefe foot ; 3000 Ger¬
mans ; 7°° Italians commanded by Sir Thomas
Stukeley, an Englifli exile, but remarkably brave;
2000 Caftilians and 300 volunters, commanded by Don
Chriftopher de Tuvara mafter of the horfe, a man of
courage, but without either conduft or experience.
He touched firft at Lagos bay in the kingdom of
Algarve, where he remained for four days: thence he
proceeded to Cadiz j where he was magnificently
feafled
P O R [ 6435 ] P O R
Portugal, feafted for a week by the duke de Medina Sidonia, who
' took the opportunity once more, by order of Philip,
of diffuading him from proceeding further in perfon.
But this exhortation proved as fruitlefs as the reft;
and the king having failed with a ftrong detachment
for Tangier, ordered Don Diego de Souza, his com¬
mander in chief, to follow with the remaining part of
the army.
The troops landed on the coaft of Africa without
any bad acccident, and joi.r d at Arzila. Here the
king was met by the cheriff Muley Hamet, on whofe
account he had undertaken the war, who delivered him
hisfon Muley, a boy of iz years of age, as a hoftage,
and brought a reinforcement of 300 Moors. The boy
was fent to Mafagan under a ftrong guard ; but the fa¬
ther remained in the Portuguefe camp. Here it was
refolved in a council of war to reduce the town of La-
rache, but it was difputed whether the troops fhould
proceed thither by land or fea. Don Sebaftian, who
efpoufed the former opinion, finding himfelf oppofed by
Muley Hamet, gave him fuch a rude anfwer, that he
left his prefence in difcontent; after which the king’s
opinion prevailed, and the army began its march on the
29th of July. As they proceeded, the king received a
letter from the duke of Alba, requefting him to at¬
tempt nothing beyond the taking of the town of
Larache. Along with this letter was fent an helmet
26 which had been worn by Charles V.
Movements On the other hand Muley Moloch, having intelli-
"the8ence this formidable invafion, took the field, tho’
armies” tirne i° °i a tever that he could not fit on
horfeback, with 40,000 foot and 60,000 horfe. He
conduced every thing, notwithftanding his diftrefled
iituation, with the greateft prudence. Finding fome
reafon to fufpedl that part of his army were defirous of
going over to his rival, he proclaimed that fuch as io-
clined to join their old mafter were at liberty to do it.
This at once put a flop to the defeftion, and only a
very few made ufe of the liberty which was granted
them. Standing in doubt likewife of the fidelity ofa
body of 3000 horfe, he fent them to reconnoitre the
enemy, by which aft of confidence he fecured them.
Still, however, he feared that his officers might be
corrupted by the Portuguefe gold; for which reafon
he changed the difpofition of bis army entirely, fo
that none of his officers commanded the corps to which
they had been accuftomed; and therefore, having
new men to deal with, had none whom they could
truft.
Having taken thefe precautions, he advanced againft
the Portuguefe army with fuch celerity, that he came
in fight of them on the 3d of Auguft. On this Don
Sebaftian called a council of war ; in which many who
out of complaifance had given their opinions for this
march, were now for returning. They were feparated
from the enemy by a river, and" the Moors were
mailers of the ford, fo that it was impoffible to force
them immediately in their polls ; neither was it prac¬
ticable for them to wait for a more favourable oppor¬
tunity, becaufe they had no provifions. The foreign
officers, on the contrary, were of opinion that fighting
was now become neceffary, and a retreat dangerous. This,
however, was violently oppofed by the cheriff, who faw
plainly that they ran a great rifle of being defeated and
of lofing all, while at the fame time they were not
certain of gaining any thing of confequence though Portugal
they Ihould be viftorious : whereas, if they drew down
towards the fea, they might entrench themfirlves till
they were relieved by their fleet; during which in¬
terval if Muley Moloch Ihould die, he looked upon it
as certain that a great part of the army would defert
to him, which would render him mailer not only of
the kingdom, but of the fate of the Chriilians alfo.
When he found that the king was bent on fighting,
he only requefted that the engagement might be de¬
layed till 4 o’clock in the afternoon, that, in cafe of
a defeat, they might have fome chance of efcaping :
but even in this he could not prevail; for the king
having difpofed of every thing for a battle the next
day, was impatient to begin the onfet as foon as it
was light.
In the mean time Muley Moloch was fo fenfible of
the advantages of his fituation, that he was inclined
to take the whole Portuguefe army prifoners; but find¬
ing his difeafe increafe, fo that he had no hopes of re¬
covery, he came to a refolution to fight, that his an-
tagonift might not avail himfelf of his death. The
dilpofition of the Chriftian army was very regular and
correft, through the care of fome old officers in Don
Sebaftian’s fervice : the infantry were, difpofed in three
lines ; the battalion of volunteers made the vanguard;
the Germans commanded by colonel Amberg, and the
Italians by Sir Thomas Stukeley, were on the right;
the Caftilian battalions on the left; the Portuguefe in
the centre and rear; the cavalry, confifting of about
1500 men, partly on the right under the command of
the duke d’Avegro, to whom the cheriff joined him¬
felf with his horfe: on the left was the royal ftandard,
with the reft of the cavalry, under the command of the
duke of Barcelos elded fon to the duke of Braganza,
Don Antonio prior of Crato, and feveral other pei fons
of great rank. The king took poll at firft with the vo¬
lunteers. Muley Moloch difpofed alfo his troops in
three lines: the firft confifted of the Andalufian Moors,
commanded by three officers who had dillinguiftied
themfelves in the wars of Granada ; the fecond of re-
negadoes ; and the third of the natives of Africa.
They moved in a half moon, with 10,000 horfe on
each wing, and the reft in the rear, with orders to
extend themfelves in fuch a manner as to encompafs
the Chriftian army. Muley Moloch, though extreme¬
ly weak, was taken out of his litter, and fet on horfe¬
back, that he might fee how his commands had been
obeyed; and being perfeftly fatisfied with the fitua¬
tion of his troops, he direfted the fignal of battle to
be given. The Chriftians advanced with the greateft a?
refolution; broke the firft line of the Moorish infantry, P°r"
and difordered the fecond. On this Muley Moloch my ent;re.
drew his fword, and would have advanced to encou- ly deftroy-
rage his troops, but that his guards prevented him; onei1*
which his emotion of mind was fo great, that he fell
from his horfe. One of his guards caught him in his
arms, and conveyed him to his litter; where he imme¬
diately expired, having only time to lay his finger on
his lips by way of enjoining them to conceal his death.
But by this time the Moorifh cavalry had wheeled
quite round, and attacked the Chriftian army in the
rear : upon which the cavalry in the left wing made
fuch a vigorous effort that they broke the Portuguefe
on the right; and at this time the cheriff, in palling a
36 E 2 rivulet
P O R [ 6432 ] P O R
tv gal, rivulet was drowned. In this emergency, the Ger-
mans, Italians, and Caftilians, did wonders; but the
Portuguefe, according to their own hiftorians, beha¬
ved indifferently. Attacked on all fides, however,
they were unable to refill ; and the whole army, ex¬
cept about 50 men, were killed or taken prifoners.
The fate of the king is varioully related. According
to fome, he had two horfes killed under him, and then
mounted a third. His braved officers were killed in
his defence ; after which the Moors furrounding him,
feized his perfon, dripped him of his fword and arms,
and fecured him. They immediately began to quar¬
rel about whofe prifoner he was; upon which one of
the generals rode in among them, crying, “ What,
you dogs, when God has given you fo glorious a vie-'
tory, would you cut one anothers throats about a pri¬
foner ?” at the fame difeharging a blow at Sebadian,
he brought him to the ground, when the red of the
Moors foon difpatehed him. Others affirm, that one
Lewis de Brito meeting the king with his dandard
wrapped round him, Sebadian cried out, “ Hold it
fad, let us die upon it!” upon which charging the
Moors, he was feized, refeuedby Brito, who washim-
felf taken with the dandard, and carried to Fez. He
affirmed, that after he was taken, he faw the king at
a didance, and unpurfued. Don Lewis de Lima
met him afterwards making towards the river, and
this is the lad account we have of his being feen
alive.
Muley Hamet, the brother of Muley Moloch, was
proclaimed king by the Moors immediately after the
battle. Next day, having ordered all the prifoners to
be brought before him, the new fovereign gave orders
to fearch for the body of Don Sebadian. . The king’s
valet-de-chambre brought back a body, which he faid
was that of his mader, but fo disfigured with wounds,'
that it could not well be known ; fo that notwith-
ftanding the mod diligent fearch, this monarch’s death
could never be properly authenticated. This body,
however, was preferved by Muley Hamet, who deli¬
vered it up as the body of Don Sebadian, to king Phi¬
lip of Spain. By him it was fent to Ceuta, from
whence it was tranfported to Portugal, and buried a-
mong his ancedors in the monadery at Belem, with all
poffible folemnity.
By this terrible difader, the kingdom of Portugal,
from being the mod eminent, funk at once into the
lowed rank of the European dates. All the young
nobility were cut off, or carried into fiavery : the
kingdom was exhauded of men, money, and reputa¬
tion ; fo that Don Henry, who affumed the govern¬
ment after the death of his brother Don Sebadian,
found himfelf in a very difagreeable fituation. The
tranfa&ions of his reign were quite trifling and unim¬
portant ; but after his death a great revolution took
place. The crown of Portugal was claimed by three
different competitors ; viz. the prince of Parma, the
duchefs of Braganza, and king Philip of Spain. What-
Portunal eve.r miSht have bee^ tbe merits of their refpe&ive
conqueretf claims, the power of Philip quickly decided the con-
Uy Philip ted in his favour. He found his fchemes facilitated by
o£ Spain. the treachery of the regents, who took the moil fcan-
dalous methods of putting the kingdom into his hands.
Under pretence of infpedting the magazines, they took
out fome of the powder, and mixed the reft with
fand : they appointed an agent to go to France for Portugal,
fuccours, -from whence they knew that they could not
arrive in time ; they diffolved the dates as foon as
they difeovered that they were bent on maintaining
the freedom of the nation; and, under a fnow of con¬
fidence, fent off to diftant places fuch of the nobility
as they fufpefted.
King Philip, finding every thing in his favour,
commanded the duke of Alva to invade Portugal, at
the head of 20,060 mtr.. The people, perceiving
that they were betrayed, exclaimed againft the gover¬
nors, ami placed on the throne Don Antonio prior of
Crato. But his forces being inexperienced, and he
himfelf behaving in a very improper manner, he was
quickly defeated by the duke of Alva, and forced to
fly out of the kingdom, which he effe&ed with great
difficulty. On his flight the whole kingdom fubmitted;
together with the garrifons in Earbary, the fettle-
ments on the weftern coaft of Africa, of Brazil, and
in the Eaft Indies. All the Madeiras, however, ex¬
cept the ifle of St Michael, held out for Don An¬
tonio until they were reduced, and the French navy,
who came to their affiftance, entirely defeated and de-
ftroyed. _ j9
Philip made his entry into Lilbon as foon as theTerms
kingdom was totally reduced, and endeavoured to con-gyanted by
eiliate the affe&ions of the people by confirming theb™
terms which he had before ‘offered to the Hates. jc^s>
Thefe terms were, that he would take a folemn oath
to maintain the privileges and liberties of the people :
that the Hates ffiould be affembled within the realm,
and nothing propofed in any other Hates that related
to Portugal: that the viceroy or chief governor (hould
be a native, unlefs the king {hould give that charge to
one of the royal family : that the houfehold {hould be
kept ou the fame footing: that the poll of firtt preli-
dent, and of all offices, civil, military, and judicial,
fhould be filled with Portuguefe; all dignities in the
church, and in the orders of knighthood confined to
the fame ; the commerce of Ethiopia, Africa, and the
Indies, referved alfo to them, and to be carried on only
by their merchants and veffds: that he would remit
all imports on ecelefiaftical revenues: that he would
make no grant of any city, town, or juriididlion royal,
to any but Portuguefe: thateftates refulting from/or-
feitures fhould not be uniteji to the domain, but go
to the relations of the laft poffefibr, or be given to
other Portuguefe for recompence of fervices: that
when the king came to Portugal,- where he {hould rer
fide as much as poffible, he {hould not take the houfes
of private perfons for his officers lodging, but keep to
the cuftom of Portugal: that wherever his majefty re-
fided, he rtiould have an ecclefiaftic, a treafurer, a
chancellor, two mailers of requefts, with under offi¬
cers, all of them Portuguefe, who {hould difpatch
every thing relating to the kingdom : that Portugal
{hould ever continue a dirtind kingdom, and its reve¬
nue be -confumed within itfelf: that all matters of ju-
ftice fhould be decided within the realm: that the
Portuguefe {hould be admitted to charges in the boufe-
holds of the king and queen of Spain : that all duties
on the frontiers {hould be taken away : and laftly,
that Philip fhould give 300,000 ducats to redeem pri¬
foners, repair cities, and relieve the miferies which
the plague and other calamities had brought upon the
people.
1
FOR [ 6433 ] FOR
Portugal, people. All thefe conditions, formerly offered and re-
' jefted by the Portuguefe, the kiitg now confirmed :
but whereas the duke of Offuna, by way of fecurity
for thefe conditions, had promifed them a law, that if
the king did not adhere to them, the ftates fhould be
freed from their obedience, and might defend their
right by the £word,i without incurring the reproach of
perjury, or the guilt of treafoa; this he abfolutely re-
3° fufed to ratify.
conciliate AH thefe conceffions, however, did not anfwer the
their affec- purpofe ; nay, though Philip was to the laft degree
tions. laviih of honours and employments, the Portuguefe
were ftill diffatisfied. This had aifo an effect which
was not forefeen : it weakened the power, and abforb-
ed the revenues, of the crown ; and, by putting it out
of the power of any of his fucceffors to be liberal in the
fame proportion, it raifed only a ihort-lived gratitude
in a few, and left a number of malcontents, to which
time was continually adding.
Thus Philip, with all his policy, and endeavours to
pkafe, found his new fubjefls ftill more and more dif-
gufted with his government, efpecially when they
found their king treating with the utmoft feverity all
thofe who had fupported Don Antonio. The exiled
prince, however, ftill ftyled himfelf king of Portugal.
3t At firft he retired to France, and there demanded fue¬
ls difturbed cours for the recovery of his dominions. Here he found
Anturfio muc^ counteuance, that with a fleet of near 60 fail,
and a good body of troops on board, he made an at¬
tempt upon the Terceras, where his fleet was beat by
the Spaniards ; and a great number of prifoners being
taken, all the officers and gentlemen were beheaded,
and a great number of meaner people hanged. Don
Antonio, notwithftanding, kept poffeffion of fome
places, coined money, and did many other acts of re¬
gal power ; but was at length conftrained to retire,
and it was with fome difficulty that he did this, and
returned into France. He paffed from thence into
England, where he was well .received ; and many fit¬
ted out privateers> to cruife againft the Spaniards under
his commiffion.. But after king Philip had ruined the
naval power of Portugal as well as Spain, by equip¬
ping the armada, Queen Elifabeth made no difficul¬
ty of owning and aififting Don Antonio, and even
of fending Sir John, Norris and Sir Francis Drake
with a ftrong fleet and a great army to reftore him. Up¬
on this occafion Don Antonio fent his fon Don Chri-
ftopher a hoftage to Muley Hamet king of Fez and
Morocco, who was to lend him 200,000 ducats. But
king Philip prevented this by furrendering Arzila: and
this difappointment, the unfeafonable enterprife upon
Gorunna, and the difputes that arofe between Norris
and Drake, rendered that expedition abortive; fo that,
except carrying the plague into England, it was at¬
tended with no confequences worthy of notice. He
remained fome time after in England * but finding
himfelf little regarded, he withdrew once more into
France, where he fell into great poverty and diftrefs ;
and at length dying in the 64th year of his age, his
body was buried in the church of the nuns of Ave
Maria, with an infeription on his tomb, in which he
is ftyled king. He left feveral children behind him,
who, on account of his being a knight of Malta, and
having made a vow of virginity at his entrance into
the order, were looked upon as illegitimate. He pre-
ferved, even to the day of his death, a great intereft in Portugal.
Portugal; and had drawn from thence, in the courfe'
pf his life, immenfe fums of money ; which had been
fquandered in many fruitlefs negotiations, and attempts
to difturb the poffeffions of king Philip in almoft all
parts of his dominions, and particularly in the Indies,
where the Portuguefe were rather more averfe to the
Caftilian yoke, or at leaft teftified their averfion more
openly, than in Europe. 3*
But Don Antonio was not the only pretender toImPoi\°.r5
the crown of Portugal : for the people, partly thro’fobe'nolf
the love of their prince, and partly from their hatred Sebaftian,
to the Caftilians, w’ere continually feeding themfdves
with the hopes that Don Sebaftian w,ould appear and
deliver them ; and in this refpect fuch a fpirit of cre¬
dulity reigned, that it was faid proverbially, they would
have taken a negro for Don Sebaftian. This humour
put the fon of a tyler at Alcobaza, who had led a pro¬
fligate life, and at length turned hermit, to give himfelf
out for that prince; and having with him two com¬
panions, one of them ftyled himfelf Don Cbrijlopher de
Tavora, and the other the bifloop of Guarda, they began
to colleft money, and were in a fair way of creating
much difturbance, if the cardinal arch-duke had not
caufed him to be apprehended ; and after leading him
ignominioufly through the ftreets of Eilbon, he who
took the name of Sebafian was fent to the galleys for
life, and the pretended biffiop was hanged. Not long
after, Gonfalo Alvarez, the fon of a rnafon, gave him¬
felf out for the fame king, and having promifed mar¬
riage to the daughter of Pedro Alonfo, a rich yeo¬
man, whom he created earl of Torres Novas, he af-
fembled a body of about 800 men, and fome blood
was fpilt before he was apprehended: at length, being
clearly proved to be an impoftor, himfelf and his in¬
tended father-in-law were publicly hanged and quar¬
tered at Lifbon ; which, inftead of extinguiftring this
humour, farther increafed it.
• There was, however, a perfon who-appeared, about Account of
20 years after the fatal defeat of Sebaltian, at Venice, a remark-
who created much more trouble. He affumed the nameab^e one*
of Don Sebafian, and "ave a very diftinct account of
the manner in which he had paffed his time from that
defeat. He affirmed, that he had preferved his life
and liberty by hiding himfelf amongft the flain: that,
after wandering in difgmfe for fome time in Africa,
he returned with two of his friends into the king-
' dom of Algarve: that he gave notice of this to the king
Don Henry: that finding his life fought, and being
unwilling to difturb the peace of the kingdom, he re¬
turned again among the Moors, and paffed freely from
one place to another in Barbary, in the habit of a pe¬
nitent: that after this he became a hermit in Sicily ;
but at length refolved to go to Rome, and difeover
himfelf to the pope. On the road he was robbed by
hisdomeftics, and came almoft naked to Venice, where
he was known, and acknowledged by fome Portuguefe.
Complaint being made to the fenate; he was obliged
to retire to Padua. But the governor of that city or¬
dering him alfo to depart, he, not knowing what to do,
returned again to Venice; where, at the requeft of the
Spanifh ambaflador, who charged him not only with
being an impoftor, but alfo with many black and atro¬
cious crimes, he was feized, and thrown into prifon. He
underwent 28 examinations before a committee of noble
and.
P O R t 6417 1 . p 0 R
'• and impartial perfons; in which he not only acquitted came, and continue to this hour, fixed and hereditary; Portugal.
himfelf clearly of all the crimes that had been laid to bis fo that the merchant was opprefied, and the king re¬
charge, but entered alfo into fo minute a detail of the cetved nothing. This expedient failing, a tax of three
tranfadions that had palled between himfelf and the per cent, was impofed, in the nature ot Ihip-money, for
republic, that the commiffioners were perfectly afto- the defence of the coafts and the commerce, which for
nilhed, and Ihewed no difpofition to declare him an im- fome years was properly applied; but then made a
pollor; moved more efpecially by the firmnefs of bis part of the ordinary revenue, and went into the king’s
behaviour, his Angular modefty, the fobriety of his life, exchequer without account. This made way for divert-
his exemplary piety, and his admirable patience under ing other appropriated branches; as for inltance, that
his aftli&ions. The noife of this was diffufed through- for the repair ot fortifications, the money being Itriclly
out Europe, and the enemies of Spain endeavoured levied, and the works fuffered to decay and tumble
every where to give it credit. down; and for the maintenance of the conquefts in A-
The (late, however, refufed to difeufs the great point, frica, by which the garrifons mouldered away, and the
whether he was or was not an impoilor, unlefs they places were loft. Upon the whole, in the fpace of 18
were requefted fo to do by fome prince or ftate in alii- years, the nation was vifibly irapoverifhed: and yet the
ance with them. Upon this the prince of Orange fent government of Philip was incomparably better than
Don Chriftopher, the fon of the late Don Antonio, to that of his fucceflbrs; fo that his death was juftly re¬
make that demand; and at his requeft an examination gretted; and the Portuguefe were taught by experience
was made with great folemnity: but no decifion fol- to confefs, that of bad matters he was the belt,
lowed; only the fenate fet him at liberty, and ordered His fon Philip, the fecond of Portugal and the third
him to depart their dominions in three days. He went of Spain, fat 20 years upon the throne before he made
therefore, by the advice of his friends, to Padua, but a vifit to Portugal, where the people put themfelves to
in the difguife of a monk, and from thence to Florence; a moft enormous expence to receive him; for which
where he was arrefted by the command of the grand they received little more than the compliment, that,
duke, who delivered him to the viceroy of Naples, before his entry into Lilbon, he knew not how great a
The count de Lemos, then in poflefiion of t^hat dig- king he was. He held an affembly of the dates, in
nity, died foon after, before whom he was firft brought; which his fon was fworn fucceffor. Having done all
this man afferted, he mull know him to be Don Seba- that he wanted for himfelf, he acquired a falfe idea of
Ilian, fince he had been twice fent to him from the king the riches of the nation from an immoderate and foolilh
of Spain. He remained prifoner feveral years in ±he difplay of them during his Ihort ftay at Lifbon; and
cattle del Ovo, where he endured incredible hardfhtps. having fliown himfelf little, and done lefs, he returned
At length he was brought out, led with infamy thro’ into Spain; where he adted the part of a good king
the ft reels of the city, and declared to be an impoftor, upon his death-bed, in deploring bitterly that he never ??
who aflumed the name of Sebajhan: at which words, thought of aifling it before. The reign of Philip h^Afo'and
when proclaimed before him, he faid gravely, And fo I and IV. was a feries of worfe meafures, and worfe for- America.
am. In the'fame proclamation it was affirmed, that he tun?: all his dominions fuffered greatly; Portugal
was in truth a Calabrian; which as foon as he heard, moft of all. The lofs of Ormus in the Eaft, of Brazil
be faid, It is falfe. He was next Ihipped on board a in the Weft Indies, together with the (hipwreck of a
galley as a Have; then carried to St Lucar, where he fleet fent to efcort that from Goa, brought the nation
was feme time confined; from thence he was transfer- incredibly low, and encouraged the conde duke to hope
red to a cattle in the heart of Caftile, and never heard they might be entirely crulhed. Thefe are the heads
of more. Some perfons we-c executed at Lifbon for only of the tranfaiSUons for 40 years: to enter in any
their endeavours to raife an infurredion on his behalf: degree into the particulars, is, in other words, to point
b it it was thought ftrange policy, or rather a ftrangc out the breaches made by the Spanilh minifters on the
want of policy, in the Spaniards, to make this affair fo conditions granted by king Philip; which, with re¬
public: without proofs; and the attempt to filence this fped to them, was the original contrad, and unalter-
objedion, by affirming him to be a magician, was juft- able conftitution of Portugal while fubjed to the mo-
ly looked upon as ridiculous. narchs of Caftile ; and which, notwithftanding, they fo
'e‘^ The adminiftration of affairs in Portugal, during often and fo flagrantly violated, that one would have
the reign of Philip, was certainly detrimental to the imagined they had ftudiedto provoke the wrath of hea-
ra- nation; and yet it does not appear that this flowed fo ven, and infult the patience of men, inftead of availing
much from any ill intention in that monarch, as from themfelves, as they might have done, of the riches,
errors in judgment. His prodigious preparations for power, and martial fpirit of the Portuguefe people.
the invafion of England impoverifhed all his European It was the very bafis and foundation of their privi- The Por-
dominions; but it abfolutely exhaufted Portugal. The leges, that the kingdom fhouW remain feparate and in- tugnefe op-
pretenfions of Don Antonio, and the hopes of defpoil- dependent, and confequently that Lifbon fhould con-PrelTeJ
ing their Indian fleets, expofed the Portuguefe to the tinue as much its capital as ever, the feveral fupreme
refentment of the Englifh ; from which the king ha- councils and courts refiding; fo that the natives of this"13
ving granted away all his domains, wanted power to realm might not be obliged to travel in fearch of ju-
defend them. Their clamours were not at all the lefs dice. So little, or at leaft fo fhort a time was this ob-
loud for their being in fome meafure without caufe. ferved, that neither promotion nor juftice was to be
1 he king, to pacify them, borrowed money from the obtained without journeys, and Madrid was not more
nobility upon the cuftoms, which were the only fure the capital of Caftile than of Portugal. The general
remedy he had (till left; and this was attended with affembly of eftates was to be held frequently, amd they
fatal confequences. The branches, thus mortgaged, be- were held thrice in the fpace of Co years; and of thefe
twice
P O R [ 6420 ] P O R
Portugal, twice within the firft three. The king was to refide
— in this realm, as often and as long as poffible; in com¬
pliance with which, Philip I. was there but once, Phi¬
lip II. but four months, and Philip III. was never
there at all. The houfehold eftabliihment was fup-
prefled through all their reigns. The viceroy was to
be a native of Portugal, or a prince or princefs of the
blood; yet when any of the royal family bore the title,
the power was in reality in the hands of a Spaniard.
Thus, when the princefs of Mantua was vice-queen,
the marquis de la Puebla was to aflift in council, and
in all difpatches; and file was to do nothing without
his advice. The council of Portugal, which was to be
compofed entirely of natives, was filled with Caftilians,
as the garrifons alfo were, though the contrary had
been promifed. The prefidents of provinces, or corre-
gidors, were to be natives; but by keeping thofe of¬
fices in his own hands, the king eluded this article.
No city, town, or diftrift, were to be given but to
Portuguefe; yet the duke of Lerma had Btja, Serpa,
and other parts of the demefnes of the crown, which
were formerly appenages of the princes of the blood.
None but natives were capable of offices of jufticee, in
the revenue, in the fleet, or of any pod civil or mili¬
tary ; yet thefe were given promifcuoufly to foreigners,
or fold to the higheft bidder ; not excepting the go¬
vernments of caiiles, cities, and provinces. The na¬
tives were fo far from having an equal chance in fuch
cafes, that no pofts in the prefidials were ever given to
them, and fcarce any in garrifons; and whenever it
happened, in the cafe of a perfon of extraordinary me¬
rit, whofe pretenfions could not be rejefted, he was ei¬
ther removed, or not allowed to exercife his charge;
as fell out to the marquis of Marialva and others. The
forms of proceeding, the jurifdiftion, the minifters, the
fecretaries, were all changed, in the council of Portu¬
gal ; being reduced from five to three, then two, and
at lafi to a Angle perfon.
By reafon of thefe and many orther grievances too
tedious to be mentioned here, the deteftation of the
Spaniih government became univerfal; and in 1640 a
revolution took place, in which John duke of Bra-
37 ganza was declared king, by the the title of John IV.
A reyolu- This revolution, as being determined by the almoft
unanimous voice of the nation, was attended with very.
Hukeof little effufion of blood ; neither were all the efforts of
Braganza. the king of Spain able to regain his authority. Se-
Iveral attempts indeed were made for this purpofe.
The firft battle was fought in the year 1644, between a
Portuguefe army of 6000 foot and xioo horfe, and a
Spaniih army of nearly the fame number. The latter
u’ere entirely defeated ; which contributed greatly to
efiablifti the affairs of Portugal on a firm balis. The
king carried on a defenfive war during the remainder
of his lifg; but after his death, which happened in
1655, the war was renewed with great vigour. The
marquis of Marialva gained another battle at Elvas ;
and in 1665 the fortune of the war was finally decided
I in favour of the Portuguefs by the vidory of Montef-
claros, which entirely broke the power of the Spa¬
niards, and fince that time they have never been able
to undertake any thing of moment againft Por¬
tugal. But though the Portugefe had recovered their
liberty, they have entirely loft their confequence in the
political fcale of Europe ; and had not Britain, for
commercial reafons, conftantly kept their powerful Portias!,
neighbours in awe, it is more than probably that the-
country would long fince have again become a pro¬
vince of Spain ; of which the laft invafion of Portugal
by the Spaniards affords a convincing proof. See
Britain, n°449. 38
The air of Portugal, in the fouthern provinces, would Air> ci''
be exceffive hot, if it were not refrelhed by the fea- mate’ &c*
breezes; but in the northern, it is much cooler, and
the weather more fubjeft to rains. The fpring is ex¬
tremely delightful here; and the air, in general, more
temperate than in Spain. Lifbon has been much re-
forted to of late by valetudinarians, and confumptive
perfons, from Great Britain, on account of its air.
The foil is very fruitful in wine, oil, lemons, oranges,
pomegranates, figs, raifins, almonds, thefnuts, and
other fine fruits; but there is a want of corn, owing,
it is faid, in a great meafure to the negleft of agricul¬
ture. There is plenty of excellent honey here; and alfo
of fea and river-fifii, and fea-falt. The horfes in Por¬
tugal are brilk lively animals, as they are in Spain, but
of a flight make : but mules being furer-footed, are
more uled for carriage and draught. By reafon of the
fcarcity of pafture, there are not many herds of cattle
or flocks of ffieep; and what they have are fmall and
lean, though the flelh is tolerably good: their beft
meat is faid to be that of hogs and kids. The country-
in many parts is mountainous: but the mountains con¬
tain all kinds of ores ; particularly of filver, copper,
tin and iron, with a variety of gems, beautifully varie¬
gated marble, mill-ftones, and many curious foffiis.
Not far from Lifbon is a mine of falt-petre; but none
of the metal mines are here worked, the inhabitants
being fupplied with metals of all kinds from their foreign
fettlements. The principal rivers are the Minho, in
Latin Minius; the Limia, anciently the famed Lethe;
the Cavado ; the Douro; the Guadiana, anciently
Anas; and the Tajo, or Tagus, which is the largelt
river in the kingdom, carrying fome gold in its fands,
and falling into the fea a little below Lifbon. There
are feveral mineral fprings in the kingdom, both hot
and cold, which are much frequented. 35
The only religion tolerated in Portugal is that of Religion,
the church of Rome; yet there are many concealed
Jews, and thofe too even among the nobility, bifhqps,
prebends, monks, and nuns, and the very inquifitors
themfelves. If a Jew pretends to be a Chriftian and
a Roman catholic, while he is really a Jew, by going
to mafs, confeffion, See. or if after being converted, or
pretending to be converted and pardoned, he relapfes
in Judaifm and is difeovered, the inquifition lays hold
of him. In the firft cafe, if they renounce Judaifm,
they are only condemned to fome corporal punifltment
or public fhame, and then ordered to be inftru&ed in
the Chriflian religion. In the fecond, they are con¬
demned to the flames without mercy. Btfides Jews
and heretics, who broach or maintain any do&rmes
contrary to the religion of the country, the inquifition
punifhes all fodomites, pretenders to forcery and the
black art, apoftates, blafphemers, perjured perfons, im-
poftors, and hypocrites. The burning of thofe con¬
demned by the inquifition, is called an auto da fe, or
“ aft of faith.” There are feveral tribunals of the in-
quifition, one of which is at Goa in the Eaft Indies;
but there are none in Brafil. The number of convents
P O R [ 6436 ] P O R
Portugal, in Portugal is faid to be 900. The order of Jefuits
'hath been fupprefled in this country, as they have been
in others. Here is a patriarch, feveral archbiihops
and bifhops : the patriarch is always a cardinal, and
of the royal family. The archbilhops rank with mar-
quifles, and the bifhops with counts. The Portuguefe
have archbifhops and bifhops in the other quarters of
the world, as well as in Europe. The fums raifed by
the popes here, by virtue of their prerogatives, are
thought to exceed the revenues of the crown, and the
nuncios never fail of acquiring vaft fortunes in a fhort
time. Though there are two univerfities and feveral
academies, yet while the papal power, and that of the
ecclefiaftics, continues at fuch a height, true learning
is like to make but a fmall progrefs. The language of
the Portuguefe does not differ much from that of Spain:
Latin is the ground-work of both; but the former is
more remote from it, and harfher to the ear, than the
latter. The Portuguefe tongue is fpoken on all the
coafts of Africa and Afia as far as China, hut mixed
with the languages of the feveral nations in thofe di-
llant regions.
4* With regard to manufadlures, there are very few
Mamifac- Jn Portugal, and thofe chiefly coarfe .fiiks, woollen
tures. cloths, and fome linen ; but their foreign trade is very
conliderable, efpecially with England, which takes a
great deal of their wine, fait, foreign commodities,
and fruits, in return for its woollen manufa&ures,
with which the Portuguefe furnifh their colonies and
'fubje&s in Afia, Africa, and America, Their plan¬
tations in Brazil are very valuable, yielding gold,
diamonds, indigo, copper, tobacco, fugar, ginger,
«otton, bides, gums, drugs, dying woods, &c. From
their plantations in Africa, they bring gold and ivory,
and flaves to cultivate their fugar and tobacco planta¬
tions in Brazil. They have ftil! feveral fettkments in
the Eaft Indies, butfarlefs confiderable than formerly,
the Azores or Weftern Ifles, Madeira and the Cape de
Verde iflands alfo belong to them; but a great part of
the riches and merchandize brought from thefe dittant
countries becomes the property of foreigners, for the
goods they furnilh the Portuguefe with to carry
thither. The king’s fifth of the gold brought from
' Brazil amounts commonly to about 300,000!. Ster¬
ling ; fo that the whole annual produce of gold in
Brazil may be eftimated at near 2,000,000 Sterling.
• Lifbon is the greateft port in Europe next to London
snd Amfterdam.
4I As to the conftitution of Portugal, it is an abfolute
Conftitu- hereditary monarchy. Both here and in Spain, there
tionand were anciently cortes, dates, or parliaments; but they
govern- ]ong flnce ent;re|y ]0ft their fliare in the legifla-
nl@n ’ ture. For the adminiflration of the civil government,
there is a council of Hate, and feveral fecretaries; for
military affairs, a council of war ; for the finances, a
treafury-court ; apd, for the didributiofl of judice,
feveral high tribunals, rvith others fubordinate to them,
in the feveral diftridls into which the kingdom is
divided. The cities have their particular magidracy.
The proceedings of the courts are regulated by the
Roman law, the royal ediffs, the canon law, and the
pope’s mandates. Like the Spaniards, they tranfaA
mod of their bufinefs in the mornings and evenings,
and deep at noon. The nobility are very numerous,
and many of them are defeended from natural fons of
the royal family. They are divided into high and Portugal,
low. The high confids of the dukes, marquifies, "*i
counts, vifeounts, and barons, who are alfo gran¬
dees, but of different claffes, being fuffered to be
covered in the king’s prefence, and having the title
of donsy with a penfion from the royal treafury,
to enable them the better to fupport their dignity : the
king dyles them illujirious in his letters, and treats
them as princes. A duke’s fons are alfo grandees
and his daughters rank as marchionefles. The inferior
nobility or gentry are termed Hidalgos, i. e. gentlemen :
they cannot aflume the title of don, without the king’s
licence. 4*. j
The revenues of the crown, fince the difeovery 0fReveniI's I j
the Brazil mines are very confiderable ; but the realofthckingfr
amount can only be gneffed at. Some have faid that
it amounts, clear of all falaries and penfions, to up- j
wards of 3,000,000 Sterling : others make it a great
deal lefs. Thus much is certain, that the cudoms and
other taxes run exceffively high. Befides the royal
demefnes, the hereditary edates of the houfe of Bra-
ganza, the monopoly of Brazil fnuff, the coinage, the
money arifing from the fale of indulgences granted by
the pope, the fifth of the gold brought from Brazil,
the farm of the Brazil diamonds, the maderfhips of
the orders of knighthood, and other fources, yield
very large fums. The forces, notwithdanding, of this
nation, both by fea and land, are very inconfiderable ;
their land-forces being the word militia in Europe,
and their navy of little importance. They would be
an eafyeonqued to the Spaniards if they were not un¬
der the prote&ion of Britain.
There are feveral orders of knighthood here, viz. Orders of
the order of Chrid, the badge of which is a red crofsknight*
within a white one, and the number of the comman-hoo<J*
deries 454. 2. The order of St James, the badge of
which is a red fword in the drape of a crofs. A great
number of towns and commanderies belong to this or¬
der. 3. The order of Aviz, whofe badge is a gre^n
crofs in form of a lily, and the number of its com¬
ma nderies 49. Though thefe three orders are re¬
ligious, yet the knights are at liberty to marry.
4. The order of St John, which has alfo feveral com-
manderies. 44
The king’s titles are, King of Portugal and the Al King’s j
garves, on this fide and the other fide the fea of Africa; titles. ;
Lord of Guinea, and of the navigation, conquejls, and
commerce, in Lthi'pia, Arabia, Perfia, India, &c.
The king’s elded fon is dyled Prince of Brazil. In the
year 1749, pope Benedift XIV. dignified the king
with the title of His mojlfaithfulmajejly. 4;
The Portuguefe are reprefented as inferior to theChantter
Spaniards both in perfon and genius; as extremelytlie Peof
haughty, treacherous, and crafty in their dealings ;p c‘ 1
much given to avarice and ufury ; and vindi&ive, ma¬
licious, and cruel. The meaner fort are faid to be ex¬
tremely addicted to thieving: notwithdanding, it mud;
be owned, that they have ihown themfelves on many
occafions a brave and warlike people. They are jud-
ly famed for their Ikill in navigation; and for the
many difeoveries they have made, both in the Eaft
and Weft Indies. The women here, and in other
countries of the fame degree of heat, are not fo proli¬
fic as in the colder climates; but they are faid to be
very beautiful whilft young, though their complexion
P O S [ 6441 ] P o s
Portugallka ;3 fomewhat upon the olive. Their eyes are very black
ft and fparkling, and retain their brilliancy after all their
0 e‘ other charms are gone. It is the fafhion here, at pre-
fent, as in moll other countries, for the ladies to fpoil
and disfigure their {kins and compleKions with paints
andwafhes: but, though lively and witty, they are
laid to have a nice fenfe of female honour. Both men
and women make great ufe of fpe&acles; often not fo
much to aid their fight, as to denote their wifdom and
gravity. Their drefs, like that of the Spaniards, ne¬
ver ufed to vary till of late, efpecially among the men;
but of late years, both men and women have given
much into the French modes. The women, when they
go abroad on foot, are wont to ufe long veils, which
cover their heads, but leave their faces bare.
PORTUGALLICA. terra, earth of Portugal ;
the name of a fine aflringent bole, dug in great plenty
in the northern part of Portugal.
PORTULACA, purslane ; a genus of the mo-
jiogynia order, belonging to the dodecandria clafs of
plants. There are feveral fpecies, but the two follow¬
ing are the mod remarkable. 1. The oleracea, an¬
nual or common culinary purflane, rifes with herba¬
ceous, low, fucculent, branchy ftalks, fix or eight
inches high, garnifhed with wedge-ftiaped, thick, fuc-
culent-leaves, and fmall clofe-fetting flowers. There
are two varieties 5 one with deep green leaves, the
other with yellow leaves ; both of which rife from
the fame feed. 2. The anacampferos, perennial or
fhrubby cape purflane, rifes with a fhrubby branchy
flalk, about fix inches high, with oval, gibbous, fucculent
leaves, and the (talks terminated by fmall clufters of
red flowers. Both thefe plants are of a fucculent na¬
ture : the firft is an herbaceous annual, for culinary
ufes; and the fecond a fhrubby perennial, raifed by
the curious for variety. They are both exotics of a
tender quality, of the temperature of green-houfe or
ftove-plants. The common culinary purflane is raifed
annually from feed for fummer ufe, and is an excel¬
lent ingredient in fummer falads, but improper for
winter on account of its cold moift nature. The plant
being tender, muft be raifed either on a hot-bed, or iu
a warm border; in which laft it will not fucceed be¬
fore April or May. The fhrubby fort muft be kept in
the hot-houfe, in pots of a dry foil.
POSE, in heraldry, denotes a lion, horfe, or other
beaft, (landing (till, with all his four feet on the
ground.
POSITIVE, a term of relation, oppofed to nega¬
tive. It is alfo ufed in oppofition to relative or arbi-
- trary : thus we fay, Beauty is no pofitive thing, but
depends on the different taftes of people.
Positive Degree, in grammar, is the adje£five
in its Ample fignification, without any comparifon.
Positive Elettricity. In the Franklinian fyftem all
bodies fuppofed to contain more than their natural
quantity of ele&ric matter, are faid to be pofitively
de&rified; and thofe from whom fome part of their
de&ricity is fuppofed to be taken away, are faid to be
dedlrified negatively. Thefe two eledlricities being firft
produced, one from glafs, the other from amber or ro-
(in, the former was called vitreous, the latter, re/f/wa/
deftricity.
POSSE coMiTATus, in law, fignifies the power
of the county, or the aid and affiftance of all the
VOL. IX. 2
knights, gentlemen, yeomen, labourers, ferVants, ap- Poflcffion
prentices, &e. and all others within the county that K
are above the age of 15, except women, ecclefia-
ftical perfons, and fuch as are decrepit and infirm.
This poffe comitatus is to be raifed where a riot is
committed, a poffeflion kept upon a forcible entry, or
any force of refcue ufed contrary to the king’s writ,
or in oppofition to the execution of juftice ; and it is
the duty of all (heriffs to aflift juftices of the peace in
the fupprefiion of riots, &c. and to raife the poffe co¬
mitatus, or to charge any number of men for that pur-
pofe.
POSSESSION, in law, is either aflual, where a
perfon aftually enters into lands or tenements defend¬
ed or conveyed to him ; or where lands ore defcended
to a perfon, and he has not yet entered into them. A
long poffeffion is much favoured by the law, as an ar¬
gument of right, even tho’ no deed can be fhown, and
it is more regarded than an ancient deed without pof-.
feffion.
If he that is out of poffefiion of land brings an ac¬
tion, he muft prove an undeniable title to it ; and
when a perfon would recover any thing of another, it
is not fufficient to deftroy the title of the perfon in pof-
feflion, without he can prove that his own right is bet¬
ter than his.
In order to make poffeflion lawful upon an (entry, .
the former poffeffor and his fervants are to be removed
from off the premifes entered on : but a perfon by leafe
and releafe, is in pofftffion without making any entry
upon the lands.
Possession, in Scots law. See Law, Part III,
Nc clxii. 11, &c.
Dsemenaical Possession. See Daemon., Demo¬
niacs, and Demoniacal, in the APPENDIX.
POSSESSIVE, in grammar, a term applied to
pronouns, which denote the enjoyment or poffeflion of
any thing either in particular, or in common: as meus,
“ mine;” and tuus, “ thine.”
POSSESSORY action, in Scots law. See Law,
N° clxxxiii. 18.
POSSIBILITY, in law, is defined to be any
thing that is altogether uncertain, or what may or
may not be.
. Possibility, alfo denotes a non-repugnance to
exifting, in any thing that does not any wayexift.
POSSIBLE, is fometimes oppofed to real exift-
ence, and is underftood of a thing, which, though
it actually does not exift, yet may exift ; as a new
ftar.
POSSIDONIA, (anc. geog.) See Poestum.
POST, a courier or letter-carrier ; or one w ho fre¬
quently changes horfes, polled or placed on the road,
for quicker difpatch.
We find mention made of poft-horfes in the Theo-
dofian Code, De curfu publico ; but . thefe were very
different from the prefent eftablifhment, and were on- .
ly public horfes firft appointed by Trajan, till whcfe
time the meffengers feized any horfes that came in
their way.
Lewis Hornigk has an exprefs treatife on pofts,
whereof he makes four kinds: viz. on horfeback, in
chariots, in boats, and on foot; which laft kind is in
ufe in Italy, Tyrky, and Peru.
Herodotus afcribes the origin of pofts to Cyrus, or
36 F Xerxes;
P O S [ 6442 ] P o s
Port Xerxes; bnt the pofts inilituted by thofe princes were
' no more than couriers.
In effe£t, pofts on the prefent footing are but a mo¬
dern invention ; though fome go back as high as
Charlemagne.—It is certain it was the policy, or ra¬
ther the diffidence, of Louis XL of France that they
owed their rife to; that uneafy prince firft fettling
them by an ordonnance of the 19th of June 1464, to
be the fooner, and the more furely,_ advertifed of
what paired in his own kingdom, and in the neigh¬
bouring Rates. From France, the inftitution propa¬
gated itfelf, by degrees, through the feveral other
parts of Europe. In Germany, Hornigk obferves,
pofts were firft fettled by the count de Taxis at his
own expence ; in acknowledgment whereof, the em¬
peror Matthias, in 1716, gave him, in fief, the charge
of poft-mafter under him and his fucceffors.
The duty for the carriage of letters by poft in Bri¬
tain, forms a branch of the Revenue.
This ufeful invention owes its firft legiflative efta-
bliihment in England to the parliament 1643. It is
true, there exifted poft-mafters in much earlier times:
but their bufinefs was confined to the furnilhing of
poft-horfes to perfons who were defirous to travel ex-
peditioufly, and to the difpatching of extraordinary
pacquets upon fpecial occafions. King James I. ori¬
ginally erefted a poft-office under the eontroul of one
Matthew de Quefter or de 1’Equefter for the convey¬
ance of letters to and from foreign parts; which office
was afterwards claimed by lord Stanhope, but was
confirmed and continued to William Frizeil and Tho¬
mas Witherings by king Charles I. A. D. 1632, for
the better accommodation of the Englifh merchants.
In 1635, the fame prince eredted a letter-office for
England and Scotland, under the dire&ion of the
fame Thomas Witherings, and fettled certain rates of
poftage. But this extended only to a few of the prin-
•ipal roads, the times of carriage were uncertain, and
the poft-mafters on each road were required to furnifh
him with horfes at the rate of 2-|-d. a mile. Witherings
was fuperfeded, for abufes in the execution of both his
offices, in 1640; and they were fequeftrated into the
hands of Philip Burlamachy, to be exercifed under
the care and overfight of the king’s principal fecretary
«f ftate. On the breaking out of the civil war, great
confufions and interruptions were neceffarily occafion-
ed in the condudl of the letter-office. And, about
that time, the outline of the prefent more extended
and regular plan ieems to have been conceived by Mr
Edmond Prideaux, who was appointed attorney-ge-
• ml to the commonwealth after the murder of king
Charles. He was chairman of a committee in 1642,
tor con fide ring what ftiould be fet upon inland letters ;
and afterwards appointed poft-mafter by an ordonnance
of both the houfes, in the execution of which office
he firft eft ah! iihed a weekly conveyance of letters into
•?// parts of the nation ; thereby faving to the public
1 he charge of maintaining poftmafters, to the amount
of -7G00 I. per annum. And, his own emoluments be¬
ing probably very confiderable, the common council
of London endeavoured to erect another poll-office in
oapcfition to his; till checked by a refolution of the
•.irnrnons, declaring,'that the office of poft-mafter is,
and ought to-be, in the- foie power and di-fpofal ofths
parliament. This office was afterwards farmed by one Poft
Manley in 1654. But, in 1657, a regular poft-office 1*.
was eredted by the authority of the protestor and
his parliament, upon nearly the fame model as has .
been ever fince adopted, with the fame rates of poft¬
age as were continued till the reign of queen Anne.
After the reftoration, a fimilar office, with fome im¬
provements, was eftablilhed by ftatute \z Car. II.
c. 35. but the rates of letters were altered, and fome
farther regulations added, by the ftatutes 9 Ann. c. xo.
6 Geo. I. c. 2t. 26 Geo. II. c. 12. 5 Geo. III.
c. 25. & 7 Geo. III. c. 50. and penalties were enac¬
ted, in order to confine the carriage of letters to the
public office only, except in fome few cafes : a pro-
vifion, which is abfolutely neceffary ; for nothing but
an exclufive right can fupport an office of this fort:
many rival independent offices would only ferve to ruin
one another.
Post, in war, any fort of ground, fortified or not,
where a body of men can be in a condition of refilling
the enemy.
Advanced Post, a fpot of ground, feized by a
party to fecure their front and the pofts behind them.
Post of Honour. The advanced guard is a poft of
honour : the right of the two lines is the poft of ho¬
nour, and is always given to the eldeft regiment : the
left is the next poft, and is given to the next eldeft,
and fo on.. The centre-of the lines is the poft the
leaft honourable, and is given to the youngeft regi¬
ments. A centinel placed before the colours, and
at the door of the commanding officer, is a poft of ho¬
nour.
Ptwy-PosT, a poft eftablilhed for the benefit of
London and the adjacent parts ; by which any let¬
ter or parcel not exceeding 16 ounces weight, is fpee-
dily conveyed to and from all parts within ten miles of
London.
POSTDAM. See Potsdam.
POSTERIOR, a term of relation, implying fome-
thing behind, or that comes after another. In which
fenfe it is ufed in oppofition to prior and anterior.
The back and hips are the pofterior parts of man.
Ariftotle has given prior and pofterior analytics. A
date is pofterior to another, when it is later or frelber.
POSTERN, in fortification, a fmall gate, ufually
made in the angle of the flank of a baftion, or in that
of the curtain, or near the orillon, defcending into
the ditch ; whereby the garrifon can march in and out,
unperceived by the enemy, either to relieve the works,
or to make private fallies, &r.
The word is alfo ufed in the general for any private
or back-door.
POSTHUMOUS, a child born .after the death of
his father, -or taken out of the body of a dead mo¬
ther : from whence it is frequently applied to the works-
of an author not publilhed till after his deceaie.
POSTIL, a name anciently given to a note in the
margin of the bible, and afterwards to one in any
other book pofterior to the text.
POSTING, among merchants, the putting an ac¬
count forward from one book to another, particularly
from the journal or wafte-book to the ledger. See
Book-Keeping.
POSTLIMINIUM, among the Romans, the re¬
turn*
POT [ 6443 ] POT
Poftponlng turn of one who had gone to fojourn elfewhere, or had
II been banifhed, or taken by an enemy to his own coun-
■‘o1-11- try or ’
POSTPONING, putting any thing after or be¬
hind another with regard to time.
POSTSCRIPT, an article added to a letter or me¬
moir, containing fomething learnt or recolle&ed af¬
ter the piece was written.
POSTULATE, in mathematics, &c. is defcribed
to be fuch an eafy and felf-evident fuppofition, as
needs no explication or illuftration to render it intel¬
ligible ; as that a right line may be drawn from one
point to another.
POSTURE, in painting and fculpture, the fitua-
tion of a figure with regard to the eye, and of the fe-
veral principal members thereof with regard to one an¬
other, whereby its adion is expreffed. A confider-
able part of the art of a painter, confifts in adjufting
the poftures ; in giving the moft agreeable ones to
his figures, in accommodating them to the charaders
of the refpe&ive figures and the part each has in
the adion, and in conduding and in purfuing them
throughout.
Poftures are either natural or artificial.
Natural poftures are fuch as nature feems to have
had a view to in the mechaniftn of the body, or ra¬
ther fuch as the ordinary adions and occafions of life
lead us to exhibit while young, and while the joints,
mufcles, ligaments, &c. are flexible.
Artificial poftures, are thofe which fome extraordi¬
nary views, or ftudies, occafion us to learn ; as thofe
of dancing, fencing, &e. Such alfo are thofe of our
balance and pofture-mafters.
A painter would be ftrangely puzzled with the fi¬
gure of Clark (a late famous pofture-mafter in Lon¬
don) in a hiftory-piece. This man, we are told
in the Phil. Tranf. had fuch an abfolute command of
his mufcles, &c. that he could disjoint almoft his
whole body ; fo that he impofed on the great furgeon
Mullens, who looked upon him as in fuch a miferable
condition, he would not undertake his care. Though
a well-made man, he would appear with all the defor¬
mities imaginable ; hunch-backed, pot-bellied, (harp-
breafted, &c. He disjointed his arms, fhoulders, legs,
and thighs ; and rendered himfelf fuch an objeft of
pity, that he has frequently extorted money, in quality
of a cripple, from the fame company in which he had
the minute before been in quality of a comrade. He
would make his hips ftand a confiderable way out from
his loins, and fo high as to invade the place of his
back. Yet his face was the moft changeable part about
him, and fhowed more poftures than all the reft. Of
himfelf he could exhibit all the uncouth odd faces of a
Quaker’s meeting.
POT-ASH, the lixivious afhes of certain vege¬
tables, ufed in making of glafs, foap, &c. See Glass.
Soap, &c.
The method of making pot-afh is direfted by
Dr Shaw, as follows. Burn a quantity of billet-wood
to grey allies ; and taking feveral pounds of thefe
afhes, boil them in water, fo as to make a very ftrong
lixivium, or ley. Let this ley be ftrained through a
coarfe linen cloth, to keep out any black parts of the
half-burnt wood that might happen to remain in the
afhes; then evaporate this ftrained ley in an iron-pan
2
over a quick fire almoft to drinefs : then taking out Pot
the matter remaining at the bottom, and putting it in- ~~~
to an iron-crucible, fet it in a ftrong fire till the
matter is melted, and then immediately pour it out
upon an iron-plate, where it foon cools, and appears
in the form of a folid lump of pot-afh. Much after
this manner is pot-afh made in the large way of bufi -
nefs, for the fervice of the foap-boiler, glafa-ma¬
ker, fuller, &c. but according to the difference of
the wood, or combufiible matter employed, with the
manner of turning it, and conducing the procefs,
different kinds of pot-afh are prepared. There are
certain faline-plants that yield this pot-afh to great
advantage, as particularly the plant kali; there are
others that afford it in lefs plenty, and of an inferior
quality, as hean-ftalks, &c. but in general, all vege¬
table fubjedls afford it of one kind or other, and may
moft of them be made to yield it tolerably perfect
after the manner of the procefs already laid down,
even the loppings, roots, and refufe parts of ordinary
trees, vine clippings, &c. The fixed falts of all vege¬
tables excepting the kali, and marine plants, when
reduced to abfolute purity, or entirely feparated from
the other principles, appear to be one and the fame
thing: when it fbould feem, fays Dr Shaw, that by
a fuitable management, good faleable pot-afh might
be made in all places where vegetable matters abound.
For if by examining Rufiia pot-afh, for example, we
find that its fuperior excellence depends upon its being
clear of earth, or upon its containing a large propor¬
tion of oil, or fined fait, thefe advantages may, by
properly regulating the operation, be given to Englifh
pot-afhes, fo as perhaps to render the latter as good
as the former: but where the pot-afh of any remark¬
able faline vegetable is to be imitated, that of the kali,
for example, the do&or recommends a prudent fprink-
ling of the fubjeft with fait, or fea-water, in the
burning; and by thefe ways, properly diverfified, any
principle that is naturally wanting, might be artifici¬
ally introduced fo as to perfeft the art of pot-afh.
In the 70th volume of the Philofophical Tranfac-
rions we have an account of a method of procuring
this fait from the putrid water which runs from dung¬
hills. The procefs is very fimple, confifting only in
fimple evaporation of the fluid, and calcining the im¬
pure fait till moft of the foulnefs is burnt out. From
24 wine pipes full of this muck-water were obtained
9 Cw‘. 1 q. 12 It>. of faleable pot-afh, valued at 42 s.
per Cwr ; the expence of manufa&uring them being
only valued at 4I. 9 s.
The pot-afh thus made is of a greyifh white appear¬
ance ; deliquefees a little in moift air; but if kept in
a dry room, near the fire, acquires a powdery furface.
It is hard and of a fpongy texture when broken, with
many fmall cryftals in its fubftance. The colour of its
internal parts is dufky and variegated. To the tafte
it is acrid, faline, and fulphureous. It emits no fmell
of volatile alkali, either in a folid form, diffolved, or
when added to lime-water; neither does it communi¬
cate the fapphire colour to a folution of blue vitriol.
Silver is quickly tinged black, by it; a proof that it
contains much phlogifton. Ten grains of this pot-afh
required 11 drops of the weak fpirit of vitriol to fe-
parate it. The like quantity of fait of tartar requi¬
red 24 drops; a ftrong effetvefence occurred in both
36 D 2 mix-
POT [ 6444 I POT
Pot-afli, mixtures; and a fulphureous vapour exhaled from the
—   former. A tea fpoonful of the fyrup of violets diluted
with an ounce of water, was changed into a bright
green colour by five grains of the fait of tartar ; but
ten grains of this pot-alh were neceffary to produce
the fame hue in a fimilar mixture. Half an ounce
of the fait difiblved entirely in half a pint of hot-
water ; but when the liquor was cold, a large purple
fediment fubfided to the bottom; and it was found
that this fediment amounted to about two-thirds of
the whole quantity of afhes ufed.
Thefe are the two proceffes moft eflentially diffe¬
rent from one another which have appeared concern¬
ing the manufafture of this ufeful fait. Some in¬
deed have attempted to compofe it on the fuppofition
.that alkali confifted ofan earth combined in a peculiar
manner with a certain acid. But the little fuccefs of
all thefe attempts (how that they have been built on a
falfe principle. The only method of producing alka¬
line falls originally is from the alhes of vegetables ;
and the vegetable fubftances which yield the larged
quantity of them are tartar, and marine plants. From
the former the pured and dronged vegetable alkali is
obtained, and from the latter the mineral alcali. From
other vegetables, as fern, broom, bean-dalks, &c. an
alkaline fait is produced, but fo impure, and in fuch
fmall quantity, that no manufafture of it can be eda-
blifhed in this country with any reafonable expectations
of profit. The pot-afhes of different countries alfo vary
much in quality ; and the experiments of Dr Home,
in his treatife on Bleaching, feem to fet forth their
different properties in the cleared point of view. The
different kinds tried by him were,
1. Blue pearl-ajhes. Tbefe appear to be a pure
alkaline fait, mixed with a fmall quantity of vitriolated
tartar, and earth. Half a pound of this, filtered and
evaporated, yielded 5I- ounces of pure fait.—Here,
however, we mud obferve, that though the quantity
was fo far diminifhed by this operation, yet we are
not to imagine that the whole of this diminution was
owing to impurities; for all falls are dedroyed in fome
meafure by folution in water and exficcation. See
Chemistry, n° 21.
2. White pearl-ajhes are nearly of the fame quality
with the former; half a pound of them giving five
ounces and feven drams of pure fait, with fome vitriola¬
ted Tartar and earth.
3. Rujfia or Mufcovy ajhes have very much the ap¬
pearance of flaked lime, and are, like it, friable be¬
twixt the fingers. They adhere to,the tongue, and
their alkaline tade foon goes away, leaving in the
mouth a drong tade of lime. Some fmall bits of char¬
coal are obfervable in their compofition, and they never
turn moid in the air. Half a pound of the fait lixi¬
viated with water and evaporated, gave only 10 drams
15 grains of very caudic fait. Thefe confid therefore
of a fmall quantity of alkaline fait united with a large
quantity of lime.
4. Cajbub ajhes are of the colour of iron done, and
extremely hard, with many finning particles of char¬
coal in them. They iave a faline tade with a confi-
derable degree of pungency ; feel gritty in the mouth,
when broke in pieces hy the teeth ; and will diffolve
in water. To extraft the pure fait, half a pound of
the allies were boiled in a pint of water; then that
water poured off, and kalf a pint put oh the afhes
again; and fo on, till the afhes tade no more fait. Pot-alh;
This boiling took 24 hours, and the lad water that”
came off had a ftrongtade of fulphur and was blackilh.
A piece of filver put in the dccoftion was in a few
minutes turned almod black ; but though the decocr
tion was evaporated confiderably, it did not turn filver
black more fpeedily than before. The whole, when
totally evaporated, yielded only 10 drams of a brown
fait having a drong caudic alkaline tade. Some
Cafhub afhes powdered, and often wafhed in water fo
that the falls were all carried off, were infufed in
water. After danding fome time, there was a weak
lime-water, with fomething of a faline tade, but no
pellicle. Some of this refiduum was put into a rever¬
beratory furnace for two hours; after which it afforded
good lime-water. Calhub afhes then appear to con¬
tain an earth half vitrified, fome lime, alkaline falts,
and a quantity of fulphur.
5. Marcoft ajhes are of a paler colour than the
former, with fome fmall pieces of charcoal in their
compofition. They have a drong faline tade; and fo
great pungency, that they cannot beheld long in the
mouth. Half a pound diffolved in water, filtered and
evaporated, yielded 11 drams one fcruple and two
grains of alkaline refiduum. The deco&ion blackened
filver, but not fo drongly as the former, and by eva¬
poration it quickly lod that quality.
Our author next proceeds to confider the probabi¬
lity of manufacturing thefe afhes in this country; on
which fubjeft he has the following obfervations. 
“ The blue and white pearl-afhes we have difcovered
to be pure alkaline falts, without any confiderable mix¬
ture of heterogeneous bodies. Their purity (hows the
lixive to have been drained through fome clofe fub-
dance, fuch as linen or flannel. The blue afhes fliow,
by their colour, that they have fudained the mod fire.
But both of them are fo much alike, that the one may¬
be fubdituted for the other; and therefore we fhall
confider them in one view.
“ Every one knows, that alkaline falts, fuch as thefe,
are got from all plants except the alkalefcent, and from
all trees except the mod refinous, which afford them
in very fmall quantity. Thefe plants, or trees, when
found, are pulled or felled in the fpring, dried, and
burnt to afhes. By the affufion of warm water the
falts are diffolved, and, by draining, feparated from the
earth along with the water. This faline liquor, which
is called a lixive, is evaporated over a fire; and what
remains, is an alkaline fait of the fame kind with the
pearl alhes.
“ I was informed by a fkilful bleacher in Ireland,
that he praftifed a more expeditious way of extracting
the falts. He bought the afhes of different vegetables
from the commonalty for 9 s. a-bulhel. From thefe a
very ftrong ley was made, into which dry draw was
dipped, until it fucked up all the ley. This draw was
afterwards dried and burnt, and gave him falts which
he fhowed me, almod as good and pore as the pearl-
alhes. This method I have feveral times tried; but
could never burn the draw to white afhes, the falts di-
minilhing the inflammability of the draw. It is a very-
expeditious method, if it can be praCtifed. But I can
fee no occafion for bringing the ley into a folid form,
as the falts mud again be diffolved in water before they
can be ufed. The drength of the ley can eafily be de¬
termined by the bydroltatical balance.
‘‘ Though
POT
Poc-afli. c< Though I make no queftion, that the quantity of
" fait, in plants of the fame fpecies, will vary in different
foils and climates; yet it would be «f advantage to
have the proportion afcertained in general. Some trials
of this kind I have made.
“ Two pounds of fern which had been pulled Au-
guft 16. were dried, and burnt to white afhes. Thefe
weighed 7 dr. and tafted very fait. When lixiviated,
trained, and evaporated, they gave me 49 gr. of fait,
about the eighth part of the afhes. If the fern had
been pulled in April, it would have afforded more fait.
Why then fhould we not prepare falls from this vege¬
table ? There is more of it growing on our hills than
would fet've. all our bleachfields. The Irifh make great
ufe of it.
“ From 1 t oz. of tobacco-afhes I had 1 oz. of fait.
Two oz. of peat-afhes afforded half a drachm of fait.
Nettles, I am informed, afford much fait. Furz and
broom, natives of this country, are very fit for this pur-
pofe.
“ But the kelp, as it grows in fuch plenty along
our fhore, and contains more fait than any other vege¬
table I know, would be the moft proper, were it not
for a mixture of fome fubftance that renders it unfit
for bleaching, at leaft of fine cloths, after they have
obtained a tolerable degree of whitenefs. It is obfer-
ved by bleachers, that, in thefe circumflances, it leaves
a great yellownefs in the linen. As thefe afhes are
much ufed in Ireland, and as it is not uncommon to
bleach coarfe cloths with them in Scotland, a difquifi-
tion into their nature, and fome attempts to purify
them, may not be improper. There are no afhes fold
fo cheap as thefe; for the beft gives but zl. the 2000
weight (a). They may, therefore, allow of more la¬
bour to be expended on them, and come cheaper at
long-run than the foreign falts.
“ I dried fome fea-ware, and burnt it, though I
found that laft operation very difficult. When I had
kept them fufed in the fire for two hours, they weigh¬
ed oz. I poured on the afhes an Englifh pint and
a half of cold water, that I might have as little of the
fulphur as poffible. This ley, after it had flood for
fome hours, was poured off clear, and had but a flight
tendency to a green colour. I made a fecond infu-
fion with milk-warm water, and poured it off from
the fediment. This had a darker colour than the
former; was kept feparated from it, and evaporated
by itfelf. There was a third infufion made; but ha¬
ving no fait tafle, it was thrown away. The fecond
infufion feemed to contain more fulphur than the firft;
and a piece of white linen kept in it half an hour,
while it was boiling, was tinged yellow, and could not
be wafhed white again. The earthy part remaining,
weighed, when well dried, 1 oz. 2 dr. The faline de-
codtion, evaporated by degrees, and fet at different
times in a cellar to cryftaliize, afforded me 5 dr. 46 gr.
The liquor, when entirely evaporated, left 4-i- dr. of a
yellow fait, which appeared to be a ftrong alkaline.
The falts which cryftallifed feemed to be moftly fea-
falt, with a confiderable quantity of fulphur, and fome
alkaline fait. There appeared no figns of the bittern
in thefe falts, as their folution did not turn turbid with
the oil of tartar. Nor was any of the bittern to be
POT
expe&ed in kelp afhes, although it probably is to be Pot-afh..
found in the recent vegetable; becaufe the alkaline
falts formed by the fire muff have changed it into a
neutraL The ley made warm with water, being eva¬
porated, left 4 dr. of a black bitter fait, which, from
its quantity of fulphur, appeared unfit for bleaching.
Thefe afhes, then, feem to be a compofition of fome-
what lefs than the fourth of fulphur, the fame quan¬
tity of fea-falt, about a fourth of alkaline fait, and
fomewhat more than a fourth of earth. The alkaline
fait contained in kelp afhes, amounts to one penny a-
pound. This cheapnefs makes it worth our pains to
beftow fome labour on them.
“ If the bad effedts in bleaching with kelp allies
arife from the fea-falt, as fome of the moft knowing
bleachers think, they can be freed from it in an eafy
manner. Let a lixive of kelp-afhes be made with cold
water, for that does not extract fo much of the ful¬
phur; it muft ftand but for a fhort time, for thefe falls
diffolve eafily; decant it, and evaporate the ley. As
the boiling continues, the fea-falt will cryftallize.
When that is all feparated, the remaining ley will
contain alkaline fait with fome fulphur. This opera¬
tion every mafter of a bleachfield may le&rn and over¬
fee, without taking up much of his time. A fimilar
procefs is carried on by common fervants in the alum-
works, who have by pra&ice learned it from others.
“ I had fome hopes that the fulphur might be car¬
ried off by long roafting, fuch as thefe falts undergo
before they are fufed in order to be turned into glafs;
becaufe I had obferved, that the longer time they were
kept in the fire, the freer were they from this fulphu-
reous part.
“ I ordered a quantity of kelp afhes to be kept in
the furnace of a glafs-houfe, where the heat was juft
below the vitrifying point, for 24 hours. During this
time they had loft almoft four-fifths of their weight.
They were now much freer from their fulphur, and
were of a light colour; but much of the alkaline fait
had been driven off with the oils. If a ley is much im¬
pregnated with this fulphureous matter, it appears to
be carried off, in a great meafure, by long boiling.
“ We come now to explain the method of manu-
fa&uring the white Mufcovy afhes. We have fhown,
by undoubted experiments, that the greateft part of
thefe afhes confifts of lime ; and yet we have feveral
ads of parliament which forbid the ufe of that mate¬
rial under fevere penalties. The parliament were in
the right to difcharge its ufe, upon the difadvantageous
reports which were made-to them. We fhall immedi¬
ately fee how dangerous a material it is when ufed im¬
properly, or without the mixture of alkaline falts, which
render it fafe, and more foluble in water. But I will
venture to fay, that experiment will not fupport the
prejudice entertained with regard to it, if carried any
further.
“ Since bleaching, then, cannot be carried on with¬
out it; for thofe allies'which contain it, are quite ne-
ceffary in that operation; and fince we import them
from foreign countries; let thefe prejudices againft it,
ceafe, and let us only confider how we may render
our own lime as fafe as the foreign. If we can do that,
the wifdom of the legiflature will be as ready to abro¬
gate
(a) Since this treatife was written, however, the price of kelp has been advanced to 7I. or upwards the 2009 weight;
fo that thofe who would now attempt any thing of tills kind, muft alfo manufacture the kelp themfelves.
[ 6445 ]
POT [ 6446 ] POT
• afli. gate thefe a£b, as they were to make them.
“ By my experiments on the white Mufcovy aflies,
I got about the eighth part of alkaline falts from them.
This made me expeft, that, by mixing in the fame
proportion quick-lime and alkaline falts, I Ihould be
able to produce Mufcovy alhes.
“ To an ounce of quick-lime and a drachm of white
pearl afhes, I added about a gill of water, and boiled
them together till the water was all evaporated. The
tafte of this fubftance was little different from lime.
To recover the falts again from the lime, I diffolved it
in water, drained off the liquor, and evaporated it. In-
dead of the drachm of falts, I had but 2 gr. of a fub-
flance which was more earthy than faline.
“ To 3 dr. of quicklime, and as much potafhes, I
added a mutchkin of water, and kept it boiling for two
hours till it was evaporated. I diffolved it again in
water, which being filtered and evaporated, gave me
li dr. of a cauftic fait, that liquefied in the air when
it had been but four minutes from the fire. It appears,
then, that the alkaline falts are deftroyed by lime, and
that a great part of them can never be again recovered.
From the remaining lime, after the falts were extrac¬
ted, I got ftrong lime-water, but without a pellicle.
This (hows, that a quantity of alkaline faks, equal to
the lime, boiled with it for two hours, are not able to
fix all the foluble part of the lime.
“ From thefe experiments w'e may draw fome corol¬
laries with regard to the prefent fubjeft. 1/?, That
evaporating the water from the lime and faks by boil¬
ing, is a moft unfrugal way of preparing thefe white
alhes. idly. That thefe alhes ought to be kept clofe
fliut up in calks; for if expofed to the open air, though
in a room, the alternate moifture and drought mull fix
their moft ufeful parts. This I have found to be fad:
for the falts that I made became lefs pungent by keep¬
ing; and I have obferved, that the furface of the Muf¬
covy alhes loft all pungency by being expofed to the
air, while their internal parts Hill retained it. $dly, That
all boiling is prejudicial to thefe Mufcovy alhes, as it
fixes, and that quickly, their moft fubtile, and probably
their moft ferviceable parts.
“ Let us now proceed to another method of making
thefe white alhes. I imagined, that if the faks were
difiblved in water, and the quick-lime flaked with that,
the mafs would foon dry without the affiftance of fire.
In this way I added equal parts of both; but the com-
pofition was fo ftrong, that it bliftered my tongue if it
but touched it. When the fourth part was alkaline
fait, it bliftered my tongue when kept to it a few fe-
conds. I could tafte the falts plainly in the compofi-
lition, when they made but the thirty-fecond part of
the whole.
“ I thought, when compofed with the eighteenth
part of fait, it had, when frelh made, juft the tafte and
look of the Mufcovy alhes; nor could any perfon have
dillinguilhed them. This I once imagined was the pro¬
portion ; but when I found that the faline pungency
foon turned weaker by keeping, and that this compo-
fition would not afford the fame quantity of faks that
the Mufcovy allies did, I faw that a much greater
quantity of falts was neceffary. The proportion ap¬
pears to be one of fak to four of lime, prepared in this
laft way. Three drachms of alhes prepared in this way,
and -kept for a fortnight, gave me but 15 grains of
fait; which is but the half of what the Mufcovy would Pot-aft.
have afforded. I find, if the quick-lime is firft quench- - '
ed, it does not fix the falts fo much ; and therefore is
better and cheaper. One drachm of potalhes diffolved
in a little water, and added to 3 drachms of quenched
lime, gave me 44 grains of a very cauftic fak. I pre¬
fer this method as the belt.
“ The manufacturers of this fait probably pour the
lixive upon the lime, as they can know by its fpecific
gravity what quantity of falts is in the water, and fo
fave themfelves the expence of procuring the falts in a
dry form.
“ The manufacture of the Marcoft and Cafhub alhes
remains yet to be explained. We have difcovered that
both of them contain fulphur, earth, alkaline falts, and
lime; and differ in nothing, but in the Calhub’s ha¬
ving more fulphur than the Marcoft afhes. We lhall
therefore confider them together.
“ Whether thefe two fpecies of alhes are of any ufe
in bleaching, may be, and has already been, difputed.
I find they contain no other principles, the fulphureous
part excepted, than the former alhes combined toge¬
ther. Why then ftiould we expeCt any other effe&s
from the fame ingredients in the Marcoft and Calhub
allies, than what we have from either of the pearl and
Mufcovy alhes mixed together? The fulphureous prin¬
ciple in the former mull have very bad effeCls; as I
find by experiment, that it leaves a yellownefs on cloth
that is very hard to be wafhed out. It is owing to this
fulphureous principle, that linen, after it has been waffl¬
ed with foap, and is pretty well advanced in whitenefs,
is apt to be difcoloured by ley which is brought to boil:
for, by boiling, the fulphureous part is extraded from
thefe alhes, and the ley becomes of a deep brown colour.
Daily praClice, then, fhows the difadvantage of this
fulphureous principle. Befides, as fulphur unites itfelf,
quickly and firmly, with alkaline faks, it muff weaken,
or altogether deftroy a great quantity of thefe in the
Marcofc and Calhub alhes, and fo render them of no
effeCI in bleaching. Thefe two reafons feem to me fuf-
ficient to exclude them from the bleachfield; efpecially
as, by increafing the other materials, we can attain,
perhaps more fpeedily, the fame end.
“ However, as cuftom has introduced them into ge¬
neral pra&ice, we lhall confider how they are to be
manufactured. Dr Mitchell has, in a very ingenious
and ufeful paper, contained in the Philofophical Tranf-
aCtions for the year 1748, delivered an account tranf-
mitted to him by Dr Linnaeus, of the method of ma-
king potalhes in Sweden. This account was contain¬
ed in an academical differtation of one Lundmark up¬
on this fubjeCt at Aboe in Sweden. The fubftance of
this account is, “ That birch or alder is burnt by a
“ flow fire to alhes, and made into a pafte with water.
“ This pafte is plaftered over a row of green pine or
“ fir logs. Above that is laid, tranfverfely, another
“ row of the fame; and that likewife is plaftered over.
“ In this way they continue building and plaftering,
“ till the pile be of a confiderable height. This pile
“ is fet on fire; and whenever the alhes begin to run,
“ it is overturned, and the melted allies are beat with
“ flexible flicks, fo that the alhes incruft the logs of
“ wood, and become as hard as ftone.” This, in the
DoClor’s opinion, is the method of making the pot¬
alhes that come from Sweden, Ruflia, and Dantzic:
and
POT [ 6347 ] POT
Pot-a(h. and that there is no other difference betwixt the afhes
 made in thofe different countries, but that the Ruffian,
containing more fait, muff be made into a pafte with a
ftrong ley.
“ There would appear, by my experiments, a great¬
er difference than this, betwixt the Swedifh alhes, if
that is the true procefs, and tbofe I have examined. I
had difcovered the greateft part of the Mufcovy afhes
to be lime. I fufpe&ed it might enter into the com-
pofition of the Marcoft and Calhub; and have accord¬
ingly difcovered it there. Without the fame grounds,
none would ever have fearched for it. Whence then
comes this lime? It muff either enter into its compofi-
tion, or arife from the materials managed according as
the procefs diredls.
“ I have tried the birch afhes made into a pafte
with water. I have tried common charcoal, made into
a pafte with a third part of potafhes, and kept them in
a itrong reverberatory heat for fome hours, and yet no
fuch cauftic fubftance appeared. I have kept earth
and falls of kelp-afhes fufed together for 24 hours in
the furnace of a glafs-houfe, where the heat was juft
below the degree of vitrification; and yet no remark¬
able caufticity appeared, afterwards, in the concreted
mafs. But fuppofing that there did, will ever this ac¬
count for the generation of lime? Thefe chemifts do
not affert that it is a calcareous caullicity. The earth
of vegetables kept in fufion with their falls, is fo far
from turning into a quick-lime, that the mafs takes the
oppofite courfe, and becomes glafs. Bodies that, by
the laws of nature, are vjirefcibie, can never, fo far as
we know, become calcareous. In one or other of thefe
two fubftances all bodies terminate, that are change¬
able by fire; and vegetables are of the former kind.
Here it may be afked, Why then, fince they endure
fuch a fire, are they not »’itrified ? The obje&ion would
be juft, did they contain nothing elfe but what was
found in vegetables. But if we once allow, that lime
is one of the materials, the difficulty is eafily folved;
for lime,' we know, in proportion as it is mixed, hin¬
ders the vitrification of all bodies. In effe£t, the earthy
part in thefe allies is almoft vitrified; and I think that
I have carried the vitrification yet farther in that party,
but I never was able, with the utmoft heat of a rever¬
beratory furnace, continued for fix hours, to produce
any thing like a thorough vitrification in thefe alhes.
The heat of the fire ufed in the procefs would feem to
be very great; and muft, if it were not very difficult,
reduce them to glafs. The invitvefcible nature of thefe
falls, fo far from being an obje&ion, becomes a ftrong
proof of my opinion.
“ Thefe falts have a remarkable pungency. This
we have already feen is the natural effedl of quick-lime
en falls.
“ Thefe falts are found to be the fitteft for making
foap, and to incorporate fooneft and bed with oils..
Salts, we know, of themfelves do not readily unite with
oil; but when once mixed with quick-lime, they have
a greater tendency to union.
“ Again, I find that thefe allies are more eafily
fluxed than charcoal made into a pafte with the third
part fait; which is much more than the afhes eontaim
Now, it is obferved, that quicklime increafes the flux¬
ing power of alkaline falts; for the common cauftic
made of quicklime and alkaline falts,. is fooner fufed.
than the latUr alone.
“ From thefe reafons, and the experiments that dif-
cover lime in thefe allies, I am led to think, that it is
not generated by the procefs, but mixed writh the alhes
when they are made into a pafte. The following ex¬
periment is a convincing proof of what I have been en¬
deavouring to make out.
“ I boiled fome peafe-ftrawin a ftrong ley of pearl
alhes burnt into a black coal, and made it into a pafte
with water. Another quantity of ftraw was boiled in
a ley made of one part of quick-lime and four parts
pearl falts, the ley being poured off turbid from the
lime. This ftraw was likewife burnt when dry, and
mad* into a pafte. Thefe two fubftances were put in¬
to feparate crucibles, and fluxed in a reverberatory fur¬
nace. The latter appeared to refemble the Marcoft and
Calhub alhes more than the former, which feemed to
want their pungency.”
Though the only method of preparing the alkaline
fait originally is by the combuftion of vegetables, yet
there are fome neutral falts from which if it were pof-
fible to expel the acid, we Ihould have it in our power
to procure the fineft pearl-alhes in vaft quantity. Thefe
are vitriolated tartar, nitre, but efpecially fea-falt, on
account of the inexhauftible quantities of it to be met
with in the waters of the ocean. Unhappily, however,
there are fome obje&ions to every one of thofe. The
vitriolated tartar, or any other fait in which the vi¬
triolic acid enters, cannot be decompofed without con¬
verting the acid into fulphur by charcoal dull; in w'hich
cafe it is as difficult to get free of the fulphur as of
the acid ; and if we attempt it by frequent folutions
in water, we deftroy the phlogifton of the fulphur,.
and have only vitriolated tartar again inftead of al¬
kali. See Chemistry, n° 225, 324..
With refpedl to nitre, though its acid may be ex¬
pelled by fire, yet it is too high-priced, and too much
ufed in othcV manufa&ures, to be thought of for this
purpofe, A potalh manufa&ure from fea-falt has in¬
deed been lately ere&ed in England. The principle on
which this was eftablifhed is, that the acid of fea-falt
may be extradfed by means of lime; and accordingly
we find that the faline efflorefcence, which frequent¬
ly appears on walls, conlifts chiefly of the marine al¬
kali deprived of its acid. But this, tho’ delivered on
the credit of a very eminent chemift, we can affirm,
from our own obfervation to be a miftake. Of the
many cafes in which we have examined this efflore¬
fcence, only one was found to be alkaline ; the others
uniformly appeared to be true Glauber’s fait compo-
fed of the vitriolic acid and foffile alkali. Neither did
this appear to be formed by any decompofition of fait
originally in the plafter, but to be a real generation of
both acid and alkali where none of them exifted be¬
fore. See Efflorescence, in the APPENDIX.
POTAMOGETON, pond-weed; a genus of the
tetragynia order, belonging to the tetrandria clafs
of plants. There are 12 fpecieS, all of them, floating
vegetables on the furfacesof ftagnant waters, affording
an agreeable fliade to fiffi, and food to cattle.
POTATOE, in botany. See Solanom.
Thefe roots came firft from Ireland into Lancafhire
where they are ftill very much cultivated. It was,,
however, 40 years after their introdu&ion before they,
were i^uch cultivated abou^London; and then they were:
con-
Pot-afti
fl
Potatoe.
POT [ 6448 ] POT
3?otatoc. confidered as rarities, without any conception of the
utility that might arife from bringing them into com-
jnon ufe. At this time they were diftinguifhed from
the Spanifii by the name of Virginia potatoes, or hat-
tatas, which is the Indian name of the Spanifh fort.
At a meeting of the Royal Society, March 18th,
1662-3, a letter was read from Mr Buckland, a So-
merfet gentleman, recommending the planting of po¬
tatoes in all parts of the kingdom to prevent famine.
This was referred to a committee ; and, in confequence
of their report, Mr Buckland had the thanks of the
fociety, fuch members as had lands were intreated to
plant them, and Mr Evelyn was defired to mention
the propofals at the clofe of his Sylva. Since that
time the plant has been fo univerfally cultivated, that
it has btcome a confiderable part of our food ; and
attempts have even been made to fubftitute the pota-
toe inftead of bread, or to make bread from it. See
the article Bread.
For the method of cultivating potatoes, fee Agri¬
culture, n° 127—129. Befides what is there de¬
livered, there are many curious experiments concern¬
ing the culture of potatoes related in the Georgieal
;E flays.
“ 1. On the Howard or large Bedfordfhire potatoe.
By all the experiments that have been made, the
Howard potatoe is found to produce the largeft crop.
-On that account they are chiefly ufed is feeding of
cattle. In two beds, four feet wide and 200 feet
long, I planted in a common field a fufficient number
of fets of this kind of patotoe, and managed them by
the horfe-hoe. The produce was 64 bufhels, each
bufliel up-heaped, weighing about 70 lb. My cattle
eat them boiled with as much eagernefs as the belt
forts, and came on as well with them. I have built a
hoiling-houfe, &c. on Mr Young’s plan, and during
this whole winter have boiled potatoes for my cattle.
For the fattening ones, I mix ground oats with them;
and for the milk-cows, malt-duft ; and dare venture
to affirm, that they are much more profitable than ei¬
ther turnips or cabbages. Once, when my potatoes
grew low, I defifted giving them to the milking-
cows. Immediately, though fed with the beft hay,
they fell off amazingly in their milk. I therefore
began again, and in a week’s time they gave better
than one-third more butter, I own this accidental
djfcovery gave me much fatisfadlion, as it confirmed
my opinion, that potatoes boiled are an excellent win¬
ter food for cattle. Their culture is not fo difficult,
at leafl not fo precarious, as either turnips or cabba¬
ges. Their value is fuperior, and there is no rifk of
Aheir giving a difagreeable tafte either to butter or
milk. Add to this the vaft increafe of the Howard po¬
tatoe, and its equality with the beft. forts when ufed
for cattle.
“ 2. On the increafe of potatoes. My gardener cut
a large potatoe into nine pieces, which he planted
with d'-vg, in a drill, in the garden. By earthing up
and laying the fhoots, he produced 575 fizeable pota¬
toes, which weighed eight flone eight pound. Ano¬
ther of my fervants produced, in the field, feven ftone
of good potatoes from the fame number offets. Tho’
this experiment cannot always be executed in its full
force in an extenfive fcale, it ought, notwithftanding,
to be imitated as nearly as circumftances will allow. It
fhows, in the moll diftinguifhing manner, the ufe of Potatoe.
clean and careful hufbandry.
“ 3. On the increafe of potatoes. On the 14th of
April, I cut a large white potatoe into 17 fets, which
were planted in as many hillocks, at the diftance of
four feet. In the courfe of growing, the plants were
earthed up, and on the 14th of Oflober the crop was
taken up: The produce, to,pecks of fizeable pota¬
toes. At the time that this experiment was made, I
had feveral hillocks, in which I put three and four fets
of the fame kind of potatoe. But, upon the mod care¬
ful examination, I could not obferve that thefe hil¬
locks produced % greater crop than the others planted
with a fingle fet. Hence it is obvious, that the
potatoe fpreads its roots moft kindly when leaft
crowded.
“ 4. On the method ofraifing feed ling potatoes. Take
a bunch of the apples of any fort of potatoe. Hang it
up in a warm room during the winter, and in Febru¬
ary feparate the feeds from the pulp, by waiting the
apples in water', and preffing them with the fingers.
Then dry the feeds upon paper. In the month of A-
pril, fow thefe feeds, in drills, in a bed of earth well
dug, and manured with rotten dung. When the
plants are about an inch high, draw a little earth up
to them with a hoe, in order to lengthen their main
roots. When they are about three inches high, dig
them up with a fpade, and feparate them carefully
from each other, in order for planting out in the fol¬
lowing manner.
“ Prepare a piece of frelh ground by trenching it
well. Dig up the feedling plants as before dire&ed ;
and plant them out in the ground, thus prepared, in
fuch a manner, that there fhall be 16 inches between
each plant. As they advance in growth, let them re¬
ceive one or two earthings up, in order to lengthen
the main root, and encourage the {hoots under ground.
“ By this management, the potatoes will, in the
courfe of one feafon, arrive at the fize of hen’s eggs,
and the haulm will be as vigorous as if fets had been
planted. But what proves the luxuriancy, in the moft
convincing manner, is, that flowers and apples are pro¬
duced.
“ In Lancafhire, where the gardeners raife pota¬
toes from feed, they are always two, and fometimes
three years in bringing them to full fize. By the
above method of tranfplanting, with wide diftances,
many of the potatoes nearly attain their full fize in one
feafon.
“ It is ohfervabie, that thefe feedlings produce po¬
tatoes of all the different kinds ; and fometimes new
forts are procured. We do not find any difference
whether the apple comes from one kind or another.
It is not fo when we ufe the fet, which invariably pro¬
duces the fame kind.
“ Potatoes, when propagated from fets, after a num¬
ber of years, are found to decreafe in bearing; for
which reafon they fhould be brought back every 14
years to their original.
“ From a want of attention to this-circumftance, I
have known potatoes fo run out, that they hardly re¬
turned treble feed. The farmer corpplains that his
land is tired of them, but the true caufe is the age of
the fets.
‘‘ The increafe of potatoes raifed from feed is
afto-
POT [ 6449 ] POT
Potatoes, aftoniftiing. They continue in vigour for about 14
’ years ; after which, the produce gradually declines.
“ 5. On the beji method of raiftng early potatoes. As
the culture of potatoes, and particularly of the early
forts for the table, has of late become an objedt of
very general attention, I hope the following account
of a new method of obtaining thefe (without the
help of hot-beds) will be acceptable to the public.
“ On the 2d of January 1772, I made a hot-bed
for the forward fort of potatoes, and on the 7th put
in the fets, placing a glafs and frame over them, and
taking every precaution to defend them from thefroft.
Of thete fmall potatoes, or fets, there remained about
40 in a balket, which was accidentally hung up in a
warm kitchen, and there remained unnoticed till about
the 25th of April. I then accidentally obferved the
bafket, and perceiving fomething green on the edge
of it, took it down, and, to my great furprife, found
that the potatoes had fprouted half a yard in length,
and that there were a great number of very fmall po¬
tatoes formed on the fibrous roots which had grown
out. I took them into my garden, and planted them
in a rich fandy foil, without any manure. The roots
I put into the ground three inches deep, and laid
down the ftems that had fprouted, horizontally, and
covered them with two inches of foil, but left the
tops uncovered. Without farther attention they grew
furprifingly.
“ On the 26th of May, I took up the roots plant¬
ed in the hot-bed on the 7th of January. They by no
means anfwered my expectations, or paid for the
trouble of their culture : but, at the fame time, I was
aftonilhed to find the others, which were put into the
ground fo late, to have produced larger potatoes than
the roots in the hot-bed. I took up all the roots, and
picked off the large potatoes from them, which a-
mounted to from 4 to 12 on each root, and then fet
the roots again in the fame ground. This, indeed, I
have fuccefsfully pradifed for many years, fometimes
even twice, and have had a third good crop at Mi¬
chaelmas. When this method is tried, the roots mull
be watered on the evenings of hot days.
“ In January 1773, in order to make a fecond trial
of this experiment with a large quantity, I placed a
great many potatoes of the early forts on a thick layer
of gravelly foil, clofe to each other, over an oven, fla-
ted over, but open to the fouth-weft, and covered them
two inches deep with the fame earth.
“ At the end of April I tookjthem up, and found
the ftems about a foot long or more. For fear of in¬
juring the fine and delicate fibres of the roots, I took
great care in taking them up, and planting them in
the foil. This I now manured, but in all other re-
fpeds treated them in the manner above defcribed,
many of the fibrous roots having then potatoes formed
upon them, nearly as large as walnuts. For a week,
the plants came on furprifmgly, when, by one fharp
night’s uncommon froft, they were nearly deftroyed.
However, notwithftanding this, frelh ftems grew up in
a few days, and I a&ually gathered from them, on the
3d of June following, finer potatoes than were fold at
that time, at Manchefter, from is. to is. 6d. per
pound, being the produce of hot-beds.
“ Affer taking off the larger potatoes, I again
planted the roots for a fecond crop, and in September
I VOL. IX. 2
obtained a very large produce. I weighed the increafe Potatoes,
of many feparate roots, which amounted from four   
pound eight ounces to 14 pound 12 ounces, the po¬
tatoes being the largeft of the forward kinds I ever
faw.
“ 6. On a method of raifing potatoes in 'winter.
Make a compoft of earth, fand, and coal-alhes. With
this mixture fill a tub about 16 inches deep. Plant
this artificial foil with fome fets of the early round po-
tatoe, and place the tub in a liable oppofite to a win¬
dow, taking care to water the earth now and then.
In all feafons the fets will fprout, and give a tolerable
increafe of potatoes. Laft November I planted fome
fets in the above manner; and, in February following,
I took up a confiderable number of young potatoes,
clean Ikinned and well flavoured.
“ 7. On tranfplantingpotatoe tops. On the 18th of
May 1772, finding fome beds I had fown very early
with onions, to be a miffing crop, 1 was induced to
make the following experiment. The year before, I
had fet fome potatoes in another part of my garden,
in the common way ; and as it is impoffible but fome
will remain in the ground all winter, fo I found a num¬
ber of fprouts about three inches high, which I nip¬
ped off clofe to the ground, and tranfplanted them in¬
to the onion-beds, without any further preparation,
about a foot and a half afunder, in the fame manner
that cabbages and cauliflowers are planted. As the
feafon became immediately very dry, I was obliged to
give my plants a little water for four or five fucceffive
nights; after which they began to flourilh, and had
the appearance of a promifing crop during all thefum-
mer. At the ufual time, in O&ober, I ordered them
to be taken up ; and for fize, quantity, and quality)
they exceeded all I ever had in the common way.
Had the ground been freffi, properly manured and
prepared, and the plants put down at a proper di-
ftance from each other, I am of opinion that the fuc-
cefs would have been dill greater.
“ 8. On feeding hogs 'with potatoes. From an accu¬
rate experiment made laft year, I dare venture to re¬
commend baked potatoes as an excellent food for hogs.
The pork produced by this food, was equal to that
from barley and beans: but at prefent I cannot ex¬
actly afeertain the comparative experiment with regard
to expence ; however, I am of opinion, that roalied
potatoes, confidering the improvement of the hogs, is
as cheap a food, if not cheaper, than can be given
them. I roafted my potatoes upon'a kiln, fimiiar to
what is ufed by oat-meal (hellers for drying their oats.
The difference in expence between boiling and roafting
the potatoes is prodigious, both with i;egard to the la¬
bour and fuel. A kiln that will caft 31. will road
potatoes Efficient for the maintenance of more than
20 hogs; and one man will beftow all the neceffary
attendance upon them, and do other work befides.
The adtion of the fire, by diffipating the crude juices
that are contained in raw potatoes, reduces them into
a (late highly wholefome and nutritious. Boiling
does this in part, but not fo effedlually. A potatoe
roafted in the manner above dtferibed, partakes much
of the nature of a chefnut, and perhaps is not greatly
inferior to it.”
There ii one remarkable property of the potatoe,
that when planted in water, it (hoots out a great num-
36 G ber
POT [ 6450 ] POT
Potatoe ber of fine white roots like threads into the water; but lobed leaves, having oval lobes, with the extreme
II on none of them is there to be found the leaft appear- lobe the largeft, and clutters of fmali white flowers,
otenti a^ance 0f a . w}ji|e on the other hand, the potatoes   
in that cafe always grow on the top.
Votatok-Bread. See Bread.
Spanijb Potatoe. See Convolvulus.
s POTENT, or Potence, in heraldry, a term for a
kind of crofs, whofe ends all terminate like the head
of a crutch. It is otherwife called the Jerufalem
crofs, and is reprefented Plate CXLVI. fig. x. 12.
POTENTIA (power,) that whereby a thing is
capable either of afting, or being afted upon.
POTENTIAL, in the fchools, is ufed to denote
and diftinguifh a kind of qualities, which are fuppofed
to exift in the body in potentia only ; by which they
are capable in fome meafure of affeiling and imprefs-
ing on us the ideas of fuch qualities, though not ac¬
tually inherent in themfelves ; in which fenfe we fay,
potential heat, potential cold, &c.
Potential Cautery, in medicine, denotes the con-
fuming, or reducing to an efchar, any part of the hu¬
man body by a cauftic alkaline or metallic fait, &c.
inttead of a red-hot iron, which laft is called the ac¬
tual cautery.
Potential, in grammar, an epithet applied to one
of the moods of verbs. The potential is the fame in
form with the fubjundtive, and is, according to Ruddi-
man, implied in that mood, for which reafon that
grammarian rejedfs it; but others will have it to differ
from the fubjun&ive in this, that it always implies in
it either pojfum, volo, or debeo. It is fometimes call¬
ed the permijfive mood, becaufe it often implies a per-
miffion or conceflion to do a thing. See Grammar,
n° 43*
POTENTILLA, silver-weed, ovild tanfey, or
cinque-foil '; a genus of the pentagynia order, belong¬
ing to the icofandria clafs of plants. The fpeciesare,
uThe fruticofa, or fhrubby potentilla, commonly called
This fpecies bears a great refemblance to the fmall
fterile ftrawberry plants. 6. The argentea, fil-
very upright potentilla, hath upright ftalks, branch¬
ing a foot high ; and five-lobed leaves, having the
lobes wedge-fliaped, cut on the edges, hoary and
white underneath, and the branches terminated by
fmall yellow flowers.
All thefe plants flower in June and July; the flow¬
ers are compofed each of five roundifli petals, and
about 20 ftamina. They are all very hardy, and may
be employed in the different compartments of the plea-
fnre ground. Their propagation is very eafy. The
fhrubby potentilla may be propagated abundantly by
fuckers, layers, and cuttings ; all of which will readi¬
ly grow, and make plants in one year, which after
having two or three years growth in the nurfery will
be fit for any of the fhrubbery compartments. All
the herbaceous kinds may be propagated by parting
the roots in autumn or fpring, or by feed in any of
thofe feafons.
POTERIUM, garden burnet; a genus of the
polyandria order, belonging to thfi moncecia clafs of
plants. The fpecies are, 1. The fanguiforba, or
common garden burnet, hath fibry perennial roots,
crowned by a large tuft of pinnated leaves, or fix or
feven pair of fawed lobes, terminated by an odd one ;
upright angular ftalks, dividing, and branching a
foot and a half high, terminated by oblong fpikes of
purpli/h red flowers. This fpecies grows wild in
England, in chalky foils; but has been long cultiva¬
ted as a choice falad-herb for winter and fpring ufe, it
being of a warm nature ; the young leaves are the ufe-
ful parts. It is perennial in root, and retains its radi¬
cal leaves all the year, but the ftalks are annual.
2. The hybridum, hybrid agrimony-leaved Mont¬
pelier burnet, rifes with upright, taper, clofelygather-
fhrub cinquefoil. This rifes with a fhort fhrubby ftem, ed ftalks two feet high; pinnated odoriferous leaves of
dividing into a branchy full head, three or four feet
high ; clofely garnifhed with pinnates leaves of five
©blong, narrow, acute-pointed, folioles, pale green
above, and whitifh underneath ; and the branches ter¬
minated by clufters of large, fpreading, yellow flowers.
This is a beautiful deciduous flowering fhrub, worthy
a place in every curious colledtion. It grows wild in
Yorkfhire and other northern parts of England, &c.
but has been long cultivated in gardens as an orna¬
mental fhrub. 2. The reptans, or creeping com¬
mon five-leaved potentilla, or five-leaved grafs, hath a
thick fibrey root, flender, trailing, repent ftalks, di¬
gitated, five-lobed, petioiated leaves, and yellow flow¬
ers fingly. 3. The rupeftris, or mountain up¬
right cinquefoil, hath upright ftalks, eight or nine
inches high ; pinhated. five and three-lobed alter-
three or four pair of fawed lobes, terminated by an
odd one ; and the ftalks terminated by long foot-
ftalks dividing into fmaller, each fupporting a fmall
roundifh fpike of flowers. This fpecies often proves
biennial; but by cutting down fome of the ftalks be¬
fore they flower, it will caufe it to multiply at bot¬
tom, and become abiding. 3. Poterium fpinofum,
fhrubby fpinous burnet of Crete, hath a fhrubby ftem
and branches, riling a yard high, armed with fpines;
fmall pinnated evergreen leaves, of fix or feven pair of
lobes, terminated by an odd one, and the branches
termined by fmall heads of greenifh flowers.
All thefe three fpecies flower in June and July, fuc-
ceeded by ripe feeds in Autumn. They are all na¬
turally perennial; but the two herbaceous ones are
abiding in root only ; the other in root, ftem, and
nate leaves, having oval crenated lobes, and the ftalks branches: the two former are hardy, and the third
terminated by fmall white flowers. 4. The rec- requires fhelter in winter. The firft fort merits culture
ta, or ereft feven-lobed yellow cinquefoil, hath ere& in every kitchen-garden for winter and fpring falads.
ftalks, feven-lobed leaves ; having three lobes fpear- Some plants, both of the firft and fecond forts, may be
ihaped and ferrated, green and hairy on both fides, introduced in the herbaceous colle&ion in the plea-
and the ftaiks terminated by coryombofe clufters of fure-garden for variety. The third fort muft be
yellow flowers. 5. The fragaroides, or ftrawberry- kept always in pots to have flicker in winter. They
hke trading potentilla, hath a fomewhat tuberous are all eafily propagated, the firft fort by feed,
root, furnilhed with many long fibres, long trailing and by parting the roots. The fecond fort may alfo
fhoots, rooting at-the joints ; pinnated, mottly three- be iucreafed by feeds and flips off the root, as for the
for-
Potentilk
II
Poterium.
POT [ 6451 ] POT
Potion former forf. And the propagation of the third is by
0 flips or cuttings of the branches in fpring and fummer,
P0”61-- planted in pots, and placed under glafles, giving fhade
and water ; or might be forwarded more by plunging
them in a hot-bed.
Burnet is of a beating drying nature, cordial, and
alexipharmic ; in fummer, the leaves are ufed for cool
tankards, to given the wine an agreeable flavour. The
powder of the root of the firft Ipecies is commended
againft fpitting of blood, bleeding at the nofe, dyfen-
teries, and difeafes attended with violent fecretio-ns.
In winter and fpring, the young tender leaves are ufed
in falads. For its ufes as food for cattle, fee Agri¬
culture, n° 47—49.
POTION, a liquid medicine, confiding of as much
as can be drunk at one draught.
POTOSI, a city of Peru in South America, fitua-
ted at the bottom of a mountain of that name, in
which is the richeft: filver mine ever difcovered. Si¬
tuated in W. Long. 67. S. Lat. 22. See the article
Peru, p. 5996.
POTTER (Chriftopher), a learned Englilh di¬
vine, was born in 1591, and bred at Oxford. In
1233, he publiflied his “ Anfwer to a late Popilh
plot,” intitled Charity 7mjiaken, which he wrote by
fpecial order of king Charles I. whofe chaplain he
was. In 1634, he was promoted to the deanry of
Worcefter ; and, 101640, was conftituted vice-chan¬
cellor of the univerfity of Oxford, in the execution of
which office he met with fome trouble from the mem¬
bers of the long parliament. Upon breaking out of
the civil wars, he fent all his plate to the king, de¬
claring, “ that he would rather, like Diogenes, drink
in the hollow of his hand, than that his majefty
fliould wantand he afterward fuffered much for the
royal caufe. In confideration of this he was nomina¬
ted to the deanry of Durham in 1646, but was pre¬
vented from being inftalled by his death, which hap¬
pened about two months after. He was a perfon
learned and religious, exemplary in his converfation,
courteous in his carriage, of a fweet and obliging na¬
ture, and of a comely prefence. He was remarkable in
his charity to the poor.
Potter (Dr John), archbiftiop of Canterbury, was
the fon of a linen-draper at Wakefield in Yorkfliire,
where he was born about the year 1674. He ftudied
at Univerfity college, Oxford ; and at 19 publifhed
Vart antes left tones & notes ad Plutarchi lib rum de au-
diendis poetis ; & ad Baftlii magni orationem ad juve-
nes, quomodo cum fruftu legere pojfint Greecorum libros,
8vo. 1693. In 1697, came out his edition of Lyco-
phron, in folio; which is reckoned the bed of that ob-
fcure writer: foon after, he publiflied his Antiquities
of Greece, 2 vols, 8vo. Thefe works eftabliflied his li¬
terary reputation, and engaged him in a correfpon-
dence with Graevius and other learned foreigners. In
1706, he was made chaplain to the queen ; in 1715,
bifliop of Oxford; and in 1737, he fucceeded archbifliop
Wake in the fee of Canterbury; which high ftationhe
fupported with much dignity until his death in 1747.
He was a learned and exemplary churchman; but not
of an amiable difpofition, being ftrongly tinftured
with that fort of pride which ufually accompanies ri¬
gid orthodoxy ; nor is it to his credit that he difinhe-
rited his eldeft fon for marrying below his rank in
2
life. His “ Theological works, containing fermons,
charges, difcourfes on church-government, and di¬
vinity lectures,” were printed at Oxford, in 3 vols,
8vo. 1753.
POTTERY, the manufacture of earthen ware, or
the art of making earthen vefitls. See Delst-IVare,
Stone-IPare, and Porcelain.
The wheel and lathe are the chief and almoft the
only inftruments in pottery: the firft for large works,
and the laft for fmall. The potters-wheel confifts prin¬
cipally in the nut, which is a beam or axis, whofe foot
or pivot plays perpendicularly on a free-ftone foie or
bottom. From the four corners of this beam, which
does not exceed two feet in height, arife four iron
bars, called the fpokes of the nuheel; which forming
diagonal lines with the beam, defcend, and are faften-
ed at bottom to the edges of a ftrong wooden circle,
four feet in diameter, perfeflly like the felloes of a
coach-wheel, except that it has neither axis nor radii,
and is only joined to the beam, which ferves it as an
axis by the iron bars. The top of the nut is flat, of
a circular figure, and a foot in diameter: and on this
is laid the clay which is to be turned and fafhioned.
The wheel thus difpofed, is encompaffed with four
Tides of four different pieces of wood fattened on a
wooden frame ; the hind-piece, which is that on which
the workman fits, is made a little inclining towards
the wheel; on the fore-piece are placed the prepared
earth; on the fide-pieces he refts his feet, and thefe
are made inclining to give him more or lefs room. Ha¬
ving prepared the earth, the potter lays a round piece
of it on the circular head of the nut, and fitting down
turns the wheel with his feet till it has got the proper
velocity; then, wetting his hands with water, he
preffes his fill or his fingers-ends into the middle of
the lump, and thus forms the cavity of the veffel, con¬
tinuing to widen it from the middle; and thus turn¬
ing the infide into form with one hand, while he pro¬
portions the outfide with the other, the wheel con-
ftantly turning all the while, and he wetting his
hands from time to time. When the veffel is too
thick, he ufes a flat piece of iron, fomewhat (harp on
the edge, to pare off what is redundant; and when it
is finifhed, it is taken off from the circular head, by a
wire paffed under the veffel.
The potters-latbe is alfo a kind of wheel, but more
fimple and flight than the former 5 its three chief mem¬
bers are an iron beam or axis three feet and a half
high, and two feet and a half diameter, placed hori¬
zontally at the top of the beam, and ferving to form
the veffel upon : and another larger wooden wheel, all
of a piece, three inches thick, and two or three feet
broad, fattened to the fame beam at the bottom, and
parallel to the horizon. The beam or axis turns by a
pivot at the bottom in an iron Hand. The workman
gives the motion to the lathe with his feet, by pufliing
the great wheel alternately with each foot, ftill giving
it a greater or leffer degree of motion as his work re¬
quires. They work with the lathe, with the fame in¬
ftruments, and after the fame manner, as with the
wheel. The mouldings are formed by holding a piece
of wood or iron cut in the form of the moulding to
the veffel, while the wheel is turning round ; but the
feet and handles are made by themfclves and fet on
with the hand; and if there be any fculpture in the
36 G 2 work,
Pottery.
P O U [ 6452 1 P o u
Pottle work, it is ufually done in wooden moulds, and ftuck
11 on piece by piece on the outfide of the veffel. For the
Poultfy- glazing of the work, fee Glazing.
POTTLE, an Engliih meafure containing two
quarts.
POULTICE, a fort of medicine, called alfo a
cataplafm. See Cataplasm.
POULTRY, all kinds of domeftic birds brought
up in yards, as cocks, hens, capons, ducks, turkeys,
See.
Almoft, if not all the domeftic birds of the poultry
kind that we maintain in our yards are of foreign ex-
traftion ; but there are others to be ranked in this clafs
that are as yet in a ftate of nature, and perhaps only
wait till they become fufficiently fcarce to be taken
under the care of man to multiply their propagation.
It will appear remarkable enough, if we confider how
much the tame poultry which we have imported from
diftant climates has increafed, and how much thofe
wild birds of the poultry kind that have never yet been
taken into keeping have been diminilhed and deftroy-
ed. They are ail thinned ; and many of the fpecies,
efpecially in the more cultivated and populous parts of
the kingdom, are utterly unfeen.
Under birds of the poultry kind may be ranked all
thofe that have white flefh, and, comparatively to
their head and linabs, have bulky bodies. They arefur-
nifhed with fhort ftrong bills for picking up grain,
which is their chief and often their only fuftenance.
Their wings are (hort and concave ; for which reafon
they are not able to fly far. They lay a great many
eggs ; and as they lead their young abroad, the very
day they are hatched, in queft of food, which they are
fhown by the mother, and which they pick up for
themfelves, they generally make their nefts on the
ground. The toes of all thefe are united by a mem¬
brane as far as the firft articulation, and then are di¬
vided as in thofe of the former clafs.
Under this clafs we may therefore render the com¬
mon cock, the peacock, the turkey, the pintada or
Guinea hen, the pheafant, the buftard, the grous, the
partridge, and the quail. They all bear a ftrong fi-
militude to each other, being equally granivorous,
flefhy, and delicate to the palate. They are among birds
what beafts of pafture are among quadrupeds, peace¬
able tenants of the field, and fhunning the thicker parts
of the foreft, that abounds with numerous animals
who carry on unceafing hoftilities againft them.
As nature has formed the rapacious clafs for war, fo
fhe feems equally to have fitted thefe for peace, reft,
and fociety. Their wings are but fhort, fo that they
are ill formed for wandering from one region to ano¬
ther : their bills are alfo fhort, and incapable of an¬
noying tlnir oppofers: their legs are ftrong indeed }
but their toes are made for feratching up their food,
and not for holding or tearing it. Thefe are fuf-
ficient indications of their harmlefs nature; while
their bodies, which are fat and fiefhy, render them
unwieldy travellers, and incapable of ftraying far from
each other.
Accordingly, we find them chiefly in fociety : they
live together: and though they may have their dif-
putes, like all other animals, upon feme occafions;
yet, when kept in the fame diftrift, or fed jn the
fame yard, they learn the arts of fubordination ; and,
in proportion as each knows his ftrength, he feldom Pounce
tries a fecond time the combat where he has once been B
worfted. Pouffin-
In this manner, all of this kind feem to lead an in¬
dolent voluptuous life. As they arefurnifhed internal¬
ly with a very ftrong ftomach, commonly called a giz¬
zard, fo their voracioufnefs fcarce knows any bounds.
If kept in clofe captivity, and feparated from all their
former companions, they have ftill thepleafure of eat¬
ing left; and they foon grow fat and unwieldy in their
prifon. To fay this more Amply, many of the wilder
fpecies of birds, when cooped or caged, pine away,
grow gloomy, and fome refufe all fuftenance what¬
ever; none except thofe of the poultry kind grow fat,
who feem to lofe all remembrance of their former li¬
berty, fatisfied with indolence and plenty.
POUNCE, gum fandarach pounded and fifted very
fine, to rub on paper, in order to preferve it from
finking, and to make it more fit to write upon.
Pounce, is alfo a little heap of charcoal duft, in-
clofed in a piece of muflin or fome other open fluff, to
be paffed over holes pricked in a work, in order to
mark the lines or defigns thereof on paper, filk, &c.
placed underneath ; which are to be afterwards fi-
nilhed with a pen and ink, a needle, or the like. This
kind of pounce is much ufed by embroiderers, to tranf-
fer their patterns upon fluffs ; by lace-makers, and
fometimes alfo by engravers.
Pounces, in falconry, the talons or claws of a bird
of prey.
POUND, a ftandard-weight ; for the proportion
and fubdivifions of which, fee the article Weight.
Pound alfo denotes a money of account; fo call¬
ed, becaufe the ancient pound of filver weighed a
pound troy.
Pound, among lawyers, denotes a place of ftrength,
in which t6 keep cattle that are diftrained, or put in
for trefpafs, until they are replevied or redeemed.
POUNDAGE, a fubfidy of izd. in the pound,
granted to the crown on all goods and merchan¬
dizes exported or imported; and if by aliens, one
penny more.
POURPRESTURE, in law, is a wrongful in-
elofure, or incroachment upon another perfon’s pro¬
perty.
POURSUIVANT, or Pursuivant, in heraldry,
the loweft order of officers at arms.—They are proper¬
ly attendants on the heralds when they marfhal pub¬
lic ceremonies. Of thefe in England there were for¬
merly many ; but at prefent there are only four, viz.
blue-mantle, rouge-crofs, rouge dragon, and port-
cullice. In Scotland, there is only one king at arms,
who is ftyled Lyon ; and has under him no lefs than fix
heralds, as many purfuivants, and a great many meffen-
gers at arms. See Lyon.
POURVEYANCE, or Purveyance, in law, the
providing corn, fuel, viftuals, Sec. for the king’s
houfehold ; and hence the officer who did fo was
termedpourveyor. As feveral offences were committed
by thefe officers, it was enabled by flat. 12. Car. II,
that no perfon, under colour of pourveyance, {hall take
any timber, cattle, corn, &c. from any fubjeft with¬
out his free confent, or without a juft apprailement and
paying for the fame.
POUSSIN (Nicholas), an eminent French painter,
born
P O W [ 6453 ] P R A
Pouffin, born in 1594 at Andel, a little city in Normandy,
| Powder. where his father was of noble extra&ion but born to a
"""finall eftate. He was inftrufted for a few months by
I one Ferdinand Elle a portrait-painter, and afterward
fpent a month with L’Allemant; but finding thefe ar-
tifts not likely to improve him fuitably to his defires,
he firft ftudied the paintings of the bell mailers, and
then haftened to finilh a few pieces he was engaged in,
and travelled to Italy. Here he devoted almoft his
whole attention to the ftudy of antique ftatues and bas
reliefs; which was probably the caufe of his want of
knowledge in, and tafte for, the art of colouring. Be¬
ing invited back to Paris by Lewis XIII. who afiign-
ed him a penfion with lodgings in the Tuilleries, he
painted for prince Juftiniani an hiftorical pi&ure re-
prefenting Herod’s cruelty; an admirable corapofition,
in which he gave fuch exprefiion to every character, as
could not fail to ftrike the beholder with terror and
pity: he then laboured for feveral years on the cele¬
brated piftures of the feven facraments of the Romilh
church. But none of Pouffin’s defigns have been more
generally admired than that of the death of Gei'ma-
ricus; which would havfe gained him immortal honour
if he had never painted another pifture. He began the
labours of Hercules in the gallery of the Louvre; but
the fadiion of Vouet’s fchool railing at him and his
performances, put him fo out of humour with his own
country, that he returned to Rome, where he died in
1665. He never went beyond eafel pieces, for which
he had a perpetual demand; and his method was to fix
the price heexpefted on the back of the canvas, which
was readily paid.
Poussin (Gafpar), this painter, whofe real name
was Dugbet, was born at Paris in 1600; and was in¬
duced to travel to Rome, not only from a love to the
art of painting, but alfo to vifit his filler who was mar¬
ried to Nicholas Pouffin. Sandrart fays that Gafpar
was employed at firft only to prepare the pallet, pen¬
cils, and colours, for Nicholas; but by the precepts and
example of that excellent mafter, gradually rofe to the
higheft reputation, and is undoubtedly one of the beft
landfcape painters that ever appeared. It is generally
thought that no painter ever ftudied nature to better
purpofe, or reprefented the effefts of land-ftorms more
happily, than Gafpar; all his trees (hew a natural de¬
gree of agitation, every leaf being in motion ; his
fcenes are all beautifully chofen, as are the fites of his
buildings. He defigned human figures but very indif¬
ferently ; for which reafon he frequently prevailed on
Nicholas to paint them for him; and they were always
introduced with the utmoft propriety. While he conti¬
nued at Rome, he dropped his own name, and affumed
that of his brother-in-law and benefa&or, by which
only he is at prefent known. He died in 1662.
POWDER, in pharmacy, a dry medicine well bro¬
ken, either in a mortar by grinding, or by fome che¬
mical operation.
Ga«-PowDER. See Gv^-Powder.
Powder-£&?/?/, certain fmall boxes charged with
, powder and a quantity of old nails or fplinters of iron,
' and faftened occafionally on the deck and fides of a
1 {hip, in order to be difcharged on an enemy who at¬
tempts to feize her by boarding. Thefe cafes are ufu-
ally from 12 to 18 inches in length, and about eight
or ten in breadlh, having their outer or upper part ter¬
minating in an edge. They are nailed to feveral places Powd«r
of the quarter-deck and bulk-head of the waift, ha- II,
ving a train of powder, which communicates with the fa lce'-
inner apartments of the (hip, fo as to be fired at plea-
fure to annoy the enemy. They are particularly ufed
in merchant-ftiips which are furnifhed with clofe-quar-
ters to oppofe the boarders.
Powder for the Hair. The beft fort is (larch well
pounded and fifted, and generally prepared with fome
perfume.
POWER, the faculty of doing or fuffering anything.
Power therefore is two-fold, viz. confidered as able to
make, or able to receive, any change; the former where¬
of ray be called a£ii\e power, and the latter pajfive
power. See Metaphysics, n° 73—80.
Power, in mechanics, denotes any force, whether
of a man, a horfe, a fpring, the wind, water, &c. which,
being applied to a machine, tends to produce motion.
Power, in law, fignifies in general, a particular au¬
thority granted by any perfon to another to reprefent
him, or to adt in his ftead.
POWERS, in arithmetic and algebra, are nothing
but the products arifing from the continual multiplica¬
tions of a number or quantity into itfelf. See Alge¬
bra and Arithmetic.
POX, French Pox, or Lues Venerea. See Medi¬
cine, n° 447.
Small-Vox. See Medicine, n° 326—328.
POYNING’s law, an adt of parliament made in
Ireland under Henry VII. whereby all the ftatutes of
force in England were made of force in Ireland; which
before that time they were not.—Nor are any now in
force there, made in England fince that time.
The law took its name from Sir Edward Poynfng,
lord lieutenant of that kingdom at the time of its ma¬
king.
PRACTICE, in arithmetic. See there, n° 16,
8cc.
<7k«-Pr actice, in military education. In the fpring,
as foon as the weather permits, the exercife of the great
guns begins, with an intention to {how the gentlemen
cadets at the royal military academy at Woolwich, and
private men, the manner of laying, loading, pointing,
and (king the guns. Sometimes inftruments are ufed
to find the centre line, or two points, one at the breech,
the other at the muzzle, which are marked with chalk,
and whereby the piece is direfted to the target: then
a quadrant is put into the mouth to give the gun the
required elevation, which at firft is gueffed at, accord¬
ing to the diftance the target is from the piece. When
the piece has been fired, it is fponged to clear it from
any duft or fparks of fire that might remain in the
bore, and loaded: then the centre line is found, as be¬
fore ; and if the fliot went too high or too low, to the
right or to the left, the elevation and trail are altered
accordingly. This praftice continues morning and
evening for about fix weeks, more or lefs, according as
there are a greater or lefs number of recruits. In the
mean time others are (hown the motions of quick firing
with field-pieces.
Afor/tfr-Practice, generally thus. Aline of 1500
or 2000 yards is meafured in an open fpot of ground
from the place where the mortars (land, and a flag fix¬
ed at about 300 or 500 yards: this being done, the
ground where the mortars are to be placed is prepared
and
P R M [ 6454 ] P R M
Pragmatic, and levelled with fand, fo that they may lie at an ele-
Pratmunire. vat;on degrees; then they are loaded with a
fmall quantity of powder at firft, which is increafed
afterwards by an ounce every time, till they are load¬
ed with a full charge: the times of the flights of the
(hell are obferved, to determine the length of the fuzes.
The intention of this pra&ice is, when a mortar bat¬
tery is raifed in a fiege, to know what quantity of
powder is required to throw the (hells into the works
at a given diftance, and to cut the fuzes of a juft,
length that the (hell may burft as foon as it touches
the ground.
PRAGMATIC sanction, in the civil law, is de¬
fined by Hottoman to be a refcript or anfwer of the
fovereign, delivered by advice of his council, to fome
college, order, or body of people, upon confulting him
on fome cafe of their community. The like anfwer
given to any particular perfon is called Amply refcript.
The term pragmatic fanftion, is chiefly applied to a
fettlement of Charles VI. emperor of Germany, who,
in the year 1722, having no fons, fettled his heredi-
tary.domirtions on his eldeft daughter the arch-duchefs
Maria Therefa, which was confirmed by the diet of
the empire, and guaranteed by Great Britain, France,
the States General, and moft of the powers in Europe.
The word pragviatic is derived from the Greek vpay/tx,
negotium, “ bufinefs.”—It is fometimes alfo called ab-
folutely pragmatic, to vpa.y^.x'hMv.
PRAEMUNIRE, in law, is taken either for a writ
fo called, or for the offence whereon the writ is grant¬
ed; the one may be underftood by the other.—The
church of Rome, under pretence of her fupremacy
and the dignity of St Peter’s chair, took on her to be-
ftow moft of the ecclefiaftical livings of any worth in
England by mandates, before they were void ; pre¬
tending therein great care to fee the church provided
of a fucceffor before it needed. Whence thefe man¬
dates or bulls were called gratia expeftativue, or provi-
Jiones; whereof fee a learned difcourfe in Duarenus de
beneficiis, lib. 3. cap. 1. Thefe provifions were fo
common, that at laft Edward III. not digefting fo in¬
tolerable an encroachment, in the 35th year of his reign
made a ftatute againft papal provifions, which, accord¬
ing to Sir Edward Coke, is the foundation of all the
Blackjt. fubfequent ftatutes of praemunire: which is ranked as
Comment. an 0ftencc immediately againft the king, becaufe every
encouragement of the papal power is a diminution of
the authority of the crown.
In the weak reign of Edward II. the pope again
endeavoured to encroach, but the parliament manfully
withftood him; and it was one of the articles charged
againft that unhappy prince, that he had given allow¬
ance to the bulls of the fee of Rome. But Edw. III.
was of a temper extremely different; and, to remedy
thefe inconveniences firft by gentle means, he and his
nobility wrote an expoftulation to the pope: but re¬
ceiving a menacing and contemptuous anfwer, withal
acquainting him, that the emperor (who a few years
before at the diet of Nuremberg, A. D. 1323, had
eftablilhed a law againft provifions) and alfo the king
of France had lately fubmitted to the holy fee; the
king replied, that if both the emperor and the French
king (hould take the pope’s part, he was ready to give
battle to them both, in defence of the liberties of the
crown. Hereupon more (harp and penal laws were Pr&munire.
devifed againft provifors, which enaft feveraily, that " ~
the court of Rome (hall prefent or collate to no biftiop-
ric or living in England ; and that whoever difturbs
any patron in the prefentation to a living by virtue of
a papal provifion, fuch provifor (hall pay fine and ran-
fom to the king at his will, and be imprifoned till he
renounces fuch provifion: and the fame punifhment is
inflicted on fuch as cite the king, or any of his fub-
jefls, to anfwer in the court of Rome. And when the
holy fee refented thefe proceedings, and pope Urban V.
attempted to revive the vaffalage and annualrent to
which king John had fubje&ed his kingdom, it was
unanimoufly agreed by all the eftates of the realm in
parliament affembled, 40 Edw. III. that king John’s
donation was null and void, being without the concur¬
rence of parliament, and contrary to his coronation-
oath; and all the temporal nobility and commons en¬
gaged, that if the pope (hould endeavour by procefs or
otherwife to maintain thefe ufnrpations, they would
refift and withftand him with all their power.
In the reign of Richard II. it was found neceffary
to (harpen and ftrengthen thfffe laws, and therefore it
was enafted by ftatutes 3 Ric. II. c. 3. and 7 Ric. II.
c. 12, firft, that no alien (hall be capable of letting his
benefice to farm; in order to compel fuch as had crept
in, at lead to refide on their preferments: and after¬
wards, that no alien (hould be capable to be prefented
to any ecclefiaftical preferment, under the penalty of
the ftatutes of provifors. By the (latute 12 Rich IT.
c. 15. all liegemen of the king accepting of a living by
any foreign provifion, are put out of the king’s pro-
tedion, and the benefice made void. To which the
ftatute 13 Rich. II. ft. 2. c, 2. adds baniftiment and
forfeiture of lands and goods: and bye. 3. of the fame
ftatute, any perfon bringing over any citation or ex-
communication from beyond fea, on account of the ex¬
ecution of the foregoing ftatutes of provifors, (hall be
imprifoned, forfeit his goods and lands, and moreover
fuffer pain of life and member.
In the writ for the execution of all thefe ftatutes,
the words preejnunire facias, being ufed to command a
citation of the party, have denominated in common
fpeech, not only the writ, but the offence itfelf of main¬
taining the papal power, by the name of prxmunire.
And accordingly the next ftatute we (hall mention,
which is generally referred to by all fufequent ftatutes,
is ufually called the Jiatute of praemunire. It is the fta¬
tute 16 Rich. II. c. 5. which enafts, that whoever
procures at Rome, or elfewhere, any tranflations, pro-
ceffes, excommunications, bulls, inftruments, or other
things which touch the king, againft him, his crown,
and realm, and all perfons aiding and aflifting therein,
(hall be put out of the king’s prote&ion, their lands
and goods forfeited to the king’s ufe, and they (hall be
attached by their bodies to anfwer to the king and his
council; or procefs of praemunire facias (hall be made
out againft them as in other cafes of provifors.
By the ftatute 2 Henry IV. c. 3. all perfons who
accept any provifion from the pope, to be exempt from
canonical obedience to their proper ordinary, are alfo
fubjeded to the penalties of prasmunire. And this is
the laft of our ancient ftatutes touching this offence ;
the ufurped civil power of the bifhop of Rome being
pretty
V R IE [ 6455 ] P R JE
jPrsemunire. pretty well broken down by thefe ftatutes* as his ufurp-
“ ed religious power was in about a century afterwards:
the fpirit of the nation being fo much raifed againft
foreigners, that about this time, in the reign ofHen.V.
the alien priories, or abbeys for foreign monks, were
fuppreffed, and their lands given to the crown. And
no farther attempts were afterwards made in fupport
of thefe foreign jurifdi&ions.
This then is the original meaning of the offence
which we call pramunire; viz. introducing a foreign
power into this land, and creating imperium in imperio,
by paying that obedience to papal procefs which con-
ftitutionally belonged to the king alone, long before
the Reformation in the reign of Henry VIII. at which
time the penalties of praemunire were indeed extended
to more papal abufes than before; as the kingdom
then entirely renounced the authority of the fee of
Rome, though not all the corrupted do&rines of the
Roman church. And therefore by the feveral (latutes
of 24 Hen. VIII. c. 12. and 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19. & 21.
to appeal to Rome from any of the king’s courts, which
(though illegal before) had at times been connived at;
to fue to Rome for any licence or difpenfation, or to
obey any procefs from thence, are made liable to the
pains of praemunire. And, in order to reftore to the
king in effedt the nomination of vacant bifhoprics, and
yet keep up the eftablifhed forms, it is enacted by fta-
tute 25 Hen. VIII. c. 20. that if the dean and chap¬
ter refufe to eledt the perfon named by the king,-or
any archbifhop or bifhop to confirm or confecrate him,
they fhall fall within the penalties of the ftatutes of
praemunire. Alfo by ftatute 5 £liz. c. 1. to refufe the
oath of fupremacy will incur the pains of praemunire;
and to defend the pope’s jurifdiftion in this realm, is
a praemunire for the firlt offence, and high treafon for
the fecond. So too, by flatute 13 Eliz. c. 2. to im¬
port any agnus Dei, crolfes, beads, or other fuperfti-
tious things pretended to be hallowed by the bifhopof
Rome, and tender the fame to be ufed; or to receive
the fame with fuch intent, and not difcover the offen¬
der; or if a juflice of the peace, knowing thereof, fhall
not within 14 days declare it to a privy counfellor,
they all incur a praemunire. But importing or felling
mafs-books, or other Popifh books, is by flat. 3 Jac, I.
c. 5. $ 25. only liable to a penalty of 40s. iLaftiy, to
contribute to the maintenance of a Jefuit’s college, or
any Popifh feminary whatever beyond fea, or any per¬
fon in the fame, or to contribute to the maintenance
of any Jefuit or Popifh priett in England, is by ftatute
27 Eliz. c. 2. made liable to the penalties of praemu¬
nire.
Thus far the penalties of praemunire feem to have
kept within the proper bounds of their original infti-
tution, the depreffing the power of fhe pope:, but, they
being pains of no inconfiderable cohfequence, it has
been thought fit to apply the fame to other heinous of¬
fences; fome of which bear more, and fome lefs rela¬
tion to this original offence; and fome no relation at
all.
Thus, 1. By the ftatute 1 & 2 Ph. and Mar. c. 8.
to moleft the poflefibrs of abbey-lands granted by par¬
liament to Henry VIII. and Edward VI. is a premu-
nire. 2. So likewife is the offence of afting as a bro¬
ker or agent in any ufurious contradl where above to
per cent, iatereft is taken, by ftatute 13 Eliz. c. 10.
3. To obtain any flay of proceedings, other than by Pr*munire<
arreft of judgment or writ of error, in any fuit for a mo-  
nopoly, is likewife a praemunire, by ftatute 21 Jac. I.
c. 3. 4. To obtain an exclufive patent for the foie ma¬
king, or importation of gunpowder or arms, or to hin¬
der others from importing them, is alfo a praemunire
by two ftatutes; the one 16 Car. I. c. 21. the other
1 Jac. II. c. 8. 5. On the abolition, by flat. 12 Car. II.
c. 24. of purveyance, and theprerogative of pre-emption,
or taking any vidlual, beads, or goods for the king’s
ufe, at a ftated price, without confent of the proprietor,
the exertion of any fuch power for the future was de¬
clared to incur the penalties of praemunire. 6, To af-
fert, malicioufly and advifedly, by fpeaking or writing,
that both or either houfe of parliament have a legifla-
tive authority without the king, is declared a praemunire
by ftatute 13 Car. II. c. 1. 7. By the Aa&ecrs corpur
act alfo, 31 Car. II. c. 2. it is a praemunire, and inca¬
pable of the king’s pardon, befides other heavy penal¬
ties, to fend any fubjedt of this realm a prifoner into
parts beyond the feas. 8. By the ftatute 1 W. & M,
ft. 1. c. 8. perfons of 18 years of age refufing to take
the new oaths of allegiance, as well as fupremacy, up¬
on tender by the proper magiftrate, are fubjedt to the
penalties of a praemunire; and by ftatute 7 & 8W.IIL
c. 24. ferjeants, counfellors, prodtors, attorneys, and
all officers of courts, pradlifing without having taken
the oaths of allegiance and fnpremacy, and fubfcribed
the declaration againft Popery, are guilty of a prae¬
munire, whether the oaths be tendered or no. 9. By
the ftatute 6 Ann. c. 7. to affert malicioufiy and di-
redlly, by preaching, teaching, or advifed fpeak-
ing, that the then pretended prince of Wales, or
any perfon pther than according to the adts of fettle-
ment and union, hath any right to the throne of thefe
kingdoms, or that the king and parliament cannot
make laws to limit the defeent of the crown; fuch
preaching, teaching, or advifed (peaking, is a praemu¬
nire:. as writing, printing, or publiftiing the fame doc¬
trines amounted, we may remember, to high treafon.
10. By ftatute 6 Ann-c. 23-. if the affembly of peers
of Scotland, convened to elect their 16 reprefentativts
in the Britiih parliament, fhall prefume to treat of any
other matter fave inly the eledtion, they incur the pe¬
nalties of a praemunire. 11. The flat. 6 Geo. L c. 18.
(enafled in the year after the infamous South Sea pro-
jedt had beggared half the nation), makes all unwar¬
rantable undertakings by unlawful fuferiptions, then
commonly known by the name of bubbles, fubjedt to the
penalties of a praemunire. 12. The flat. 12 Geo. III.
c. 11. fubjedts to the penalties'of the rtatute of prae¬
munire all fuch as knowingly and wilfully folcmnize,
affift, or are prefent at, any forbidden marriage of fuch
of the defeendants of the body of king George II. as
are by that adt prohibited to contradi matrimony with¬
out the confent of the crown.
Having thus inquired into the nature and feveral
fpecies of praemunire, its punifhment may be gathered
from the foregoing ftatutes, which are thus fhortly-
fummed up by Sir Edward Coke: “ That, from the
convidfion, the defendant fhall be opt of the king’s
protedlion, and his lands and tenements, goods and
chattels, forfeited to the king; and that his body fhall
remain in prifon at the king’s pl'eafure, or (as other
authorities have it) during life; both.which amount to.
the
P R j£ [ 6456 ] P R A
Praenefte the fame thing, as the king by his prerogative may
Pr toria ^me rem’t w^°^e» or any P3rt punifn_
—-a5. 01-iaI ment, except in the cafe of tranfgreffing the fiatute of
habeas corpus. Thefe forfeitures here inflicted do not
(by the way) bring this offence within our former defi¬
nition of Felony; being inflidted by particular ftatutes,
and not by the common law. But fo odious, Sir Ed¬
ward Coke adds, was this offence of praemunire, that
a man that was attainted of the fame, might have been
flain by any other man without danger of law ; be-
caufe it was provided by law, that any man might do
to him as to the king’s enemy; and any man may law¬
fully kill an enemy. However, the pofition itfelf, that
it is at any time lawful to kill an enemy, is by no means
tenable : it is only lawful, by the law of nature and
nations, to kill him in the heat of battle, or for necef-
fary felf-defence. And to obviate fuch favage and mi-
fiaken notions, the ftatute 5 Eli?, c. 1. provides, that
it fhall not be lawful to kill any perfon attainted in a
praemunire, any law, ftatute, opinion, or expofition of
law to the contrary notwithftanding. But ftill fuch
delinquent, though prote&ed as a part of the public
from public wrongs, can bring no a&ion for any pri¬
vate injury, how atrocious foever; being fo far out of
. the protedlion of the law, that it will not guard his
civil rights, nor remedy any grievance which he as an
individual may fuffer. And no man, knowing him to
to be guilty, can with fafety give him comfort, aid, or
relief.
PRiENESTE, (anc. geog.) a town of Latium, to
the fouth-eaft of Rome, towards the territory of the
iEqui; a place of great ftrength. Famous for thetemple
and oracle of Fortune, called Sortes Pranejlin#, (Stra¬
bo) ; which Tiberius wanted to deftroy,but wasdeterred
by the awful majefty of the place. From a colony it
was raifed to a municipium by Tiberius,’(Infcriptions,
Florus, A. Gellius), on the confideration of his re¬
covery from a dangerous illnefs near this place. Thi¬
ther the Roman emperors ufually retired, on account
of the agreeablenefs of the fituation, (Suetonius). It
was a very ancient city, with a territory of large ex¬
tent, (Livy.) The temple of Fortune was built in the
moft fumptuous manner by Sylla. and the pavement was
- Mofaic work, (Pliny). Concerning’the Sortes, there'
is a remarkakle paffage in Cicero ; who fays, that it
was all a mere contrivance, in order to deceive, either
for the purpofes of gain or fuperftition. The town
that lias fueceeded it, Hands low' in a valley, and is
called Paleftrina, in the Campania of Rome. E.
Long. 13. 30. Lat. 42. o.
PRESIDIUM, (Notitia) a town of the Cornavii
m Britain. Now thought to be Warwick, (Camden),
—Another of Corfica (Antonine), 30 miles to the
fouth of Aleria.—A third Prccfidium furnamed Julium,
in Baetica, (Pliny).
PRALTORIA augusta (Ptolemy), a town of
Dacia. Now called Braflb’w by the natives, and
Cronftat by the Germans, (Baudrand) : a town in
Tranfylvania. E. Long. 250. N. Lat. 470.—Ano¬
ther of the Salaffii, near the two gates or defiles of
the Alps, the Grajte and Penninse, (Pliny) ; a Roman
colony, fettled by Auguftus after the defeat of the
Salaffii by Terentius Varro, on the fpot where he en¬
camped, (Strabo, Dio Caffius, Ptolemy), fituated on
the river Duria Major, The town is now called Jojla
or AotiJ}, in Piedmount. E. Long. .7. 14. N. Lat. Pisetorium,
45. 19. Prague. ,
PRiETORIUM {Antonine, Notitia Imperii), a
town of the Brigantes. New Paterington (Camden),
near the mouth of the Humber in Yorklhire. Coventry.
(Talbot.)
PRAGUE, a city of Bohemia, and capital of the
whole kingdom, is fituated 140 40' of long, andyo®
5' of lat. It ftands on both fides the Mulda, over
w'hich there is a ftone bridge; but the river, though
of great breadth here, is neverthelefs fhallow, and not
navigable. On both fides the bridge are feveral ftatues,
and, among others, that of St John of Nepomuck,
whom king Wenzel caufed to be thrown from the
bridge into the river, for venturing to reprove him
upon fome occafion ; but in 1720 he was canonized
as a faint, and is at prefent held in fuch veneration in
Bohemia, that all other faints feem, on his account,
to be foregotten. The houfes of this city are wholly
built of ftone, and confift for the moft of three ftories.
Plere are near 100 churches and chapels, and about
40 cloifters. The number of its Chriftian inhabitants
is faid to be 70,000, and of Jews about 12,000. The
principal branch of its trade cenfifts in brewing of
beer. It is divided into the Old and the New Towns,
and that called the SmailJide; the former lying on the
the eaft fide of the Mulda, and the latter on the weft.
The whole is about 12 miles in circumference, and
but thinly inhabited. The fortifications are not of
great importance, as it may be flanked and raked on
all fides. However, the king of Pruffia was not able
to make himfeif mailer of it in the late war, though
he almoft deftroyed it with his bombs, &c. It ftands
in a pleafant and fruitful country, in the midit of
gardens, fine fields, palaces, and pleafure-houfes. It
hath fuffered greatly by fieges, and hath been often
taken and plundered. The univet fity was founded by
Charles IV. in the year 1347. In 1409, when John
Hufs was re&or of the univerfity, there were no lefs
than 44,000 Undents ; and when the emperor Charles
V. would have retrenched their privileges, 24,000 are
faid to have left it in one week, and 16,000 in a Ihort
time after. The Jews have the trade of this city
almoft entirely in their own hands. They deal in all
forts of commodities, efgecially the precious ftones
found in the Bohemian mines, and, by receiving all old-
fafhioned things in payment, quite ruin the Chriftian
handicraftfmen. In 1744 they narrowly efcaped being
expelled the kingdom, having been fufpe&ed of cor-
refponding with the Prufiians, when they made them-
felves mailers of the city. The grand prior of the
order of Malta, for Bohemia, Moravia, and Silefia,
refides here ; and the church and hofpital of the Holy
Gholt is the feat of the general and grand-mafters of
the holy order of knights of the crofs with the red
ftar, refiding in the above-mentioned countries, and
in Poland and Hungary. The cathedral is dedicated
to St Veit, and adorned with many magnificent tombs
of great perfonages. On Ratfchin-hill, in Upper-
Prague, moft of the nobility have houfes, and the
emperor a very magnificent palace, and a fummer-
houfe, commanding one of the fineft profpe&s in the
world. Here the tribunals of the regency meet; and
the halls, galleries, and other apartments, are adorned
with a multitude of noble pi&ures. The great hall,
where
P R A [ 6457 ] P R E
Prague where the coronation-feaft is kept, is faid to be the
il largeft of the kipd in Europe next to that of Weft-
:pr;U!{1"e^ minder. The caftle Hands on the above-mentioned
mountain, called Ratfchin or the White Mountain, and
is very ftrong. From a window of this caftle the em¬
peror’s counfellors were thrown in 1618 ; but though
they fell from a great height, yet they were not killed,
nor indeed much hurt. On the fame mountain (lands
alfo the archiepifcopal palace. In the New Town is
an arfenal, and a religious foundation for ladies, call¬
ed the Free Temporal Englijh foundation, over which
an abbefsprefides. In the Lefler Side or Town, the
counts Colloredo and Wallenftein have very magnifi¬
cent palaces and gardens. The (tables of the latter
are very grand; the racks being of Heel, and the
mangers of marble, and a marble pillar betwixt each
horfe ; over each horfe alfo is placed his pi£lure, as
big as life. Though the inhabitants of Prague in ge¬
neral are poor, and their (hops but meanly furnifhed ;
yet, it is faid, there are few cities where the nobility
and gentry are more wealthy, and live in greater (late.
Here is much gaming, mafquerading, leading, and
very fplendid public balls, with an Italian opera, and
aflemblies in the houfes of the quality every night.
On the White Mountain, near the town, was fought
the battle, in which the Proteftants, with the eleftor
Palatine Frederic their king, were defeated. The
luftres and drinking glaffes made here of Bohemian
cryflal are much efteemed, and vended all over Eu¬
rope. Thefe cryftals are alfo polifhed by the jews,
and fet in rings, ear-pendants, and (hirts-buttons.
The chief tribunal confifts of twelve ftadtholders, at
the head of whom is the great burgrave, governor of
the kingdom and city, immediately under the emperor,
and the chancery of Bohemia.
PRAM, or Frame, a kind of lighter ufed in Hol¬
land and the ports of the Baltic Sea, to carry the
cargo of a merchant-fhip along-Jide in order to lade,
or to bring it to (bore to be lodged in the ftorehoufes
after being difcbarged out of the veflel.
Frame, in military affairs, a kind of' floating
battery, being a flat-bottomed veffel, which draws
little water, mounts feveral guns, and is veryufefu! in
covering the difembarkation of troops. They are
generally made ufe of in tranfplanting the troops over
the lakes in America.
PRAMNION, in natural hiftory, thename of a femi-
pellucid gem.—This is a very Angular (lone, and of a
very great concealed beauty. Our lapidaries, when
they meet with it, call it by the name of the black
•fgate. It is of an extremely clofe, compadl, and firm
texture,, of a fmooth and equal furface, and in fhape
very irregular, being fometimes round, fometimes ob¬
long, and often flat; in fize it feldom exceeds two
inches. It appears, on a common infpe&ion, to be of
a fine deep black ; but held up againft the fun, or the
light of a candle, it is an elegant red clouded by a
quantity of fubtile black earth. We have it from the
Eaft Indies.
PRATIQUE, or Prattic, in commerce, a'nego-
tiation or communication of commerce which a mer¬
chant veffel obtains in the port it arrives in and the
countries it difcovers; hence to obtain a pratique, is
to obtain liberty to frequent a port, to go aftiere, to
buy and fell, &c.
Vol. IX., 2
PRAXAGORAS, a native of Athens, at 19 years Praxagons
of age compofed the Hiftory of the Kings of Athens, II
in two books: and at 22 the Life of Conllantine thePrecgdeJlc-e'
Great, in which, though a pagan, he fpeaks very ad-
vantageoufly of that prince. He alfo wrote the
Hiftory of Alexander the Great. He lived under Con-'
ftantius, about the year 345.
PRAXITELES, a very famous Greek fculptor,
who lived 330 years before Chrift, at the time of the
reign of Alexander the Great. All the ancient writers'
mention his ftatues with a high commendation, efpe-
cially a Venus executed by him for the city of Cnidos,
which was fo admirable a piece, that king Nicomedes
offered to releafe the inhabitants from their tribute as
the purchafe of it; but they refufed to part with it.
He was one of the gallants of the celebrated courtefan
Phryne.
PREACHING. See Declamation, Art. I. —The
word is derived from the Hebrewparafch, expofuit,t( he
expounded.”
PREADAMITE, a denomination given to the
inhabitants of the earth, conceived, by fome people,,
to have lived before Adam.
Ifaac de la Pereyra, in 1655, publilhed a book to
evince the reality of Preadamites, by which he gained
a confiderable number of profelytes to the opinion:
but the anfwer of Demarets, profeffor of theology at
Groningen, publifhed the year following, put a (lop
to its progrefs ; though Pereyra made a reply.
His fyftem was this: The Jews he calls jldamites,
and fuppofes them to have ifl’ued from Adam ; and
gives the title Preadamites, to the Gentiles, whom
he fuppofes to have been a long time before Adam.
But this being exprefsly contrary to the firft; words
of Genefis, Pereyra had recourfe to the fabulous anti¬
quities of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, and to fome
idle rabbins, who imagined there had been another
world before that defcribed by Mofes. He was ap¬
prehended by the inquifition in Flanders, and very
roughly ufed, though in the fervice of the dauphin.
But he appealed from their fentence to Rome; whither
he went in the time of Alexander VII. and where he
printed a retra&ation of his book of Preadamites.
PREAMBLE, in law, the beginning of an acl of
parliament, &c. which ferves to open the intent of the
ad, and the mifchiefs intended to be remedied by it. ^
PREBEND, the maintenance a prebendary re¬
ceives out of the eftate of a cathedral or collegiate
church. Prebends are diftinguiftied into Ample and
dignitary: a Ample prebend has no more than the re¬
venue for its fupport; but a prebend with dignity, has
always a jurifdi&ioh annexed to it.
PREBENDARY, an ecclefiaftic who enjoys a
prebend.
The difference between a prebendary and a canon
is, that the former receives his prebend in confide-
ration of his officiating,in the church, but the lat¬
ter merely by his being received into the cathedral or
college.
PRECARIUM, in Scots law. See Law, N° clxxiii.
9-
PRECEDENCE, a place of honour to which a
perfon is entitled. This is either of courtefy or of
right. The former is that which is due to age, eftate,
&c. which is regulated by cuftom and civility : the
36 H latter
P R E [ 6458 ] P R E
Precedent latter is fettled by authority ; and, when broken in
& upon, gives an aftion at law. For the rules of pre-
mtion cedence in Britain, fee Heraldry, p. 3612.
  1-1— PRECEDENT, in law, a cafe which has been de¬
termined, and which ferves as a rule for all of the fame
nature.
PRECENTOR, a dignity in cathedrals, popularly
called the chantor, or majler of the choir,
PRECEPT, in law, a command in writing fent
by a chief juftice or juftice of the peace, for bringing
a perfon, record, or other matter before him.
Precept of Clare Conjlat, in Scots law. See Law,
Part II. N° clxxx. 28.
Precept of Seifn, in Scots law. See Law,
Part III. N° clxiv. 16.
PRECISE, {precius, “early,”) the name of the
21 order in Linnaeus’s fragments of a natural method;
confiding of primrofe, an early flowering plant, and a
few genera which agree with it in habit and ftruc-
ture, tho’ not always in the chara&er or circumftance
exprefied in the title.
PRECEPTIVE, any thing which gives or con¬
tains precepts.
Preceptive Poetry. See Poetry, n° 69, &p.
PRECIPITANT, in chemiflry, is applied to any
liquor, which, when poured on a folution, feparates
what is diflblved, and makes it precipitate, or fall to
the bottom of the veflel.
PREC1PATE, in chemiftry, a fubftance which,
having been diflblved in a proper menftruum, is again
feparated from its folvent, and throw down to the bot¬
tom of the veflel, by pouring fome other liquor upon it.
PRECIPITATION. See Chemistry, n°7i.
PRECOGNITION, in Scots law. See Law,
Part III. N° clxxxvi. 43.
PRECORDIA, in anatomy, a geneul name for
the parts fituated about the heart, in the forepart of
the thorax : as the diaphragm, pericardium, and even
the heart itfelf, with the fpleen, lungs, See.
PREDECESSOR, properly fignifies a perfon who
has preceded or gone before another in the fame office
or employment, in whi'ch fenfe it is diftinguiihed from
ancedor.
PREDESTINATION, in general, fignifies a de¬
cree of God, whereby, from all eternity, he ordained
fuch a concatenation of caufes as mud produce every
event by a kind of fatal neceffity, and maugre all op-
pofition.
In this fenfe, the Turks are great prededinarians;
and on this account are much more daring in battle,
and willinglyencounter greater-dangers that they would
otherwife do.
Prrdedinatior, among Chridians, is ufed, in a more
limited fenfe, for a judgment or decree of God, where¬
by he has refolvcd, from all eternity, to fave a certain
number of perfons, from thence called e/e<? / fo that
the red of mankind, being left in a date of impenitence,
are faid to be reprobated.
Nothing has occafioned more difputes than this
thorny fuhjedt of prededination ; the Lutherans fpeak
of it with horror, while the Calvinids contend for it
with great zeal ; the Molinids and Jefuits preach it
down as a mod dangerous do&rine, whild the Janfe-
:b.U altert it as an article of faith; the Arminians,
Remondrants, and Pelagians, are all avowed enemies Predial
to prededination. II
PREDIAL tithes, are thofe that are paid of Pr*n^U‘
things ari-fing and growing from the ground only ; as   —
corn, hay, fruit, &c.
PREDICABLE, among logicians, denotes a ge¬
neral quality which may be predicated, or aflerted of
feveral things: thus animal is predicable of mankind,
beads, birds, fiihes, &c.
PREDICAMENT, among logicians, the fame with
category. See Category.
PREDICATE, in logic, that part of a propofi-
tion which affirms or denies fomething of the fubjeA :
in thefe propofitions, fnorJo is 'white, ink is not 'white,
whitenefs is the predicate which is affirmed of fnow,
and denied of ink.
PRE-EMPTION, a privilege anciently allowed
the king’s purveyor, of having the choice and firft
buying of corn and other provifions for the king’s
houfe ; but taken away by the datute 19, Car. II.
PREENING, in natural hidory, the adlion of
birds cleaning, compofing, and drefiing their feathers,
to enable them to glide more eafily through the air.
For this purpofe, they have two peculiar glands on
their rump, which fecrete an umSuous matter into a
bag that is perforated, out of which the bird occafion-
ally draws it with its bill.
PRE-EXISTENCE, a priority of being, or the
being of one thing before another. Thus a caufe, if
not in time, is yet in nature pre-exident to its efltA.
Thus God is pre-exident to the univerfe. Thus a hu- , * .
man father is pre-exiftent to his fon. The Peripate-tcti^s
tics, though they maintained the eternity of the world, tain the
were likewife dogmatical in their opinion, that the world eter-
univerfe was produced, actuated, and governed, by a fo- na1,
vereign intelligence *. Embarrafled, however, with *.See
the difficulty, that caufation feemed to imply previous^0>sl™
exidence, as no being could operate either production
or change upon another till its own exidence and
powers of operation had fird been realized, thefe pro¬
found and accurate philofophers exerted all their fub-
tilty and learning to obviate an obje&ion fo formi¬
dable. Thus, in order to extricate their fydem, they
had recourfe to a didimStion which equally rttowed the
extent of their genius and the depth of their erudition.
They didinguidied between priority in nature and pri¬
ority in time. It is impoffible, fay they, to conceive
the exidence of the fun, for one indivifible indant prior
to his emiffion of rays.
When a feal is damped upon wax, the impreffion
mud be driftly and abfolutely coexident with the im-.
pulfe; thus theemanentaft or exertion of Deity in pro¬
ducing, moving, and fuperintending the univerfe, mud
be one continued and unfucceffive energy. It is unne-
cefiary to enter into the depth or minutiae of this con-
troverfy, fince we are affured by the bed of all autho¬
rities, that the world was created in time; from whence
it follows, that even in the courfe of duration the exid¬
ence of God mud-have been anterior to that of his
works. The difficulty urged by them, and by other a
fceptical philofophers, that at whatever period of du-The world,
ration creative power began to be exerted, it mud itt
pafled an eternity prior to that point in fupine indo- c^_
lence and inactivity;, though not to be folved by hu- fiftent with
man divine afti-
vity.
P R E [ 6459 ] P R E
Pre exlft- man reafon, is yet lefs formidable, becaufe more eafily
cnce^ conceivable, than the eternal coexiftence of an effeft
with its caufe. Previous to that diftinguiflled aera in
endlefs duration, when nature at the Almighty fiat
emerged from nothing, we are entirely ignorant of the
motives (if it may be fo exprefled) which might pre-
difpofe infinite wifdom, power, and gpodnefs, then, and
not till then, to exert themfelvesin creating. But fince,
from all that we fee of the divine energy and admini-
ftration, nothing appears to be done without a fuffi-
cient reafon, we have the beft grounds to conclude,
that the fame conduit prevails in thofe divine exertions,
whofe nature, manner, and adjuncts, are abfolutely in-
comprehenfible by our limited powers.
It is evident, that the Divine Nature, rich in its eter-
ternal and independent all-fufficiency, could never feel
any necefiity which might be redreffed or gratified by
the exiftence or homage of external nature. The uni-
* verfe therefore mull be formed for itfelf alone ; and
could only be the glorious refult of unconftrained wif.
dom and voluntary goodnefs. Belides, there is no fe-
ries of deductions more natural and congenial to the
human mind, than to conclude, that what is eternal
Self-exift- mu^ linProcluced : That if it was produced, there
ence im- muft have been a period when it did not exift: if it
plied in e- was not produced, it muft be independent; if indepen-
temal be- dent, it muft be felf-exiftent; and if felf-exiftent, it
in£‘ muft from eternity to eternity be invefted with powers
fufficient'for the maintenance and regulation of its own
exiftence; fo that not only the neceffity, but perhaps
even the poffibility of a fupreme Agent and wife Su-
perintendant, a&ing upon nature, and animating or
controlling her operations, is upon this hypothefis en¬
tirely fuperfeded.
But from the beauty, fymmetry, and order, of na¬
ture, and from the number of final caufes purfued in
her progrefs and accompliihed in its refults, Ariftotle
and his followers were too wife not to perceive, and
too ingenuous not to acknowledge, the facred veftiges,
the confpicuous interpofitions,of infinite wifdom, power,
and goodnefs; hence his notion of an eternal world,
though generally admitted among the fages of anti¬
quity, was an incompatible or felf-deftru&ive opinion.
The obje&ions which have already been mentioned a-
gainft a temporary creation, might perhaps be obvia¬
ted, if not annihilated, were it our prefent bufinefs to
enter deeply into the nature of fpace and time.
But this difquiiition requires a boldnefs and abftrac-
tion of thought, in which we might probably be fol¬
lowed by few, and relifhed by fewer readers. Such,
however, as have courage, fagacity, and perfeverance,
to penetrate and purfue thefe intricacies to their ulti¬
mate conclufions, will find their inveftigation cheered
and enlightened by the philofophical effays of Dr Ifaac
Watts, and by the chevalier Ramfay’s principles of na¬
tural and revealed religion. Veracity likewife obliges
us to add, that the fpeculations of Mr Hume on this
abftrufe and arduous fubjeft, had a greater tendency to
difiipate its gloom than that philofopher himfelf could
4 imagine.
exiftence Pre'ex'ftence t^ie human foul to its corpo-
of the foul rea* vehicle had been from time immemorial a prevail-
taught by ing opinion among the Afiatic fages, and from them
Afiatic fa- was perhaps transferred by Pythagoras to the philofo-
2es< phy of the Greeks; but his metempfyehofis, or tranfmi-
2
gration of fouls, is too trivial either to be ferioufiy pro-* Pre-exlft-
pofed or refuted. Neverthelefs, from the lent intents cnce'
of Socrates concerning the immortality of the foul, de- "
livered in his laft interview with his friends, it is ob¬
vious that the tenet of pre-exiftence was a dodlrine of
the Platonic fchobl. If at any period of life, fay thefe
philofophers, you fhould examine a boy, of how many
ideas, of what a number of principles, of what an ex¬
tent of knowledge, will you find him pofftfied! thefe,
without doubt, could neither be felf-derived nor re¬
cently acquired. With what avidity and promptitude
does he attain the knowledge of arts and fciences, which
appear entirely new to him! thefe rapid and fuccefs-
ful advances in knowledge can only be the eftedfs of
reminifcence, or of a fainter and more indiftindt fpe* s
cies of recolledtion. But in all the other operations ofThe So-
memory, we find retrofpedlive imprefiions attendingc,atic ar'
every objedl or idea which emerges to her view; nor does2“^V^_or
fhe ever fuggeft any thought, word, or adtion, without ence refu.
informing us, in a manner equally clear and-evident, ted.
that thofe impreflions have been made upon our fenfes,
mind, or intelledl, on fome former occafion. Whoever
contemplates her progrefs, will eafily difeover, that af-
fociation is her moft faithful and efficacious auxiliary;
and that by joining iropreffion with impreffion, idea
with idea, circumftance with circumftance, in the or¬
der of time, of place, of fimilarity or diffimilarity, fhe
is capacited to accumulate her treafures and enlarge
her province even to an indefinite extent. But when
intuitive principles, or fimple conclulions, are elicited
from the puerile underftanding, by a train of eafy que-
ftions properly arranged; where is the retrofpedlive adt
of memory, by which the boy recognifes thofe truths as
having formerly been perceived in his mind ? Where are
the crowds of concomitant, antecedent, or fubfequent
ideas, with which thofe recolledtions ought naturally
to have been attended? In a word, where is the fenfe
of perfonal identity, which feems abfolutely infeparable
from every adl of memory ? This hypothefis, there¬
fore, will not fupport pre-exiftence. After the Chri-
ftian religion had been confiderably diffufed, and warm¬
ly combated by its philofophical antagonirts, the fame ^
dodlrine was refumed and taught at Alexandria, by pre exift-
Platonic profelytes, not only as a topic conftituent of ence revi-
their mailer’s philofophy, but as an anfwer to thofe ved by mo-
formidable objedtions which had been deduced from a”
the dodlrine of original fin, and from the vices which
flain, and from the calamities which difturb, human
life: hence they ftrenuoufly afierted, that all the hu¬
man race were either introduced to being prior to A-
dam, or pre-exiftent in his perfon; that they were not
therefore reprefented by our firft parents, but adlually
concurred in their crime, and participated their ruin. jr
The followers of Origen, and fuch as entertained the Pre-exift-
notion of pre-Adamites, might argue from the ^0(^r'neju[”nnoffb*
of pre-exillence with fome degree of plaufibility. Fci*orjgjnal fitlt
the homan beings introduced by them to the theatre of
probation had already attained the capacity or dignity
of moral agents ; as their crime therefore was volun¬
tary, their punifhment might be juft. But thofe who
believe the whole human race created in Adam to be
only pre-exiftent in their germs or (lamina, were even
deprived of this miferable fubterfuge; for in thefe ho¬
munculi we can neither fuppofe the moral nor rational
conftitution unfolded. Since, therefore, their degene-
36 H 2 racy
P R E [ 6460 ] P R E
Pre-exift- racy was not fpontaneous, neither could their fuffer-
ence. jngS be equitable. Should it be faid that the evil of
*’ "original fin was penal, as it extended to our firft pa¬
rents alone, and merely confequential as felt by their
pofterity, it will be admitted that the diftinftion be¬
tween penal and confequential evil may be intelligible
in human affairs, where other laws, aifortments, and
combinations than thofe which are Amply and purely
moral, take place. But that a moral government, at one
of the molt cardinal periods of its adminiftration, fhould
admit gratuitous or confequential evil, feems to us ir-
reconcileable with the attributes and conduct of a wife
and juft legiflator. Confequential evil taken as fuch,
is mifery fuftained without demerit; and cannot refult
from the procedure of wifdom, benignity, and juftice;
but muft flow from neceffity, from ignorance, from
cruelty, or from caprice, as its only poffible fources.
But even upon the fuppofition of thofe who pretend
that man was mature in all his faculties before the
commiflion of original fin, the objeftions againft it will
ftill remain in full force. For it is admitted by all ex¬
cept the Samian fage, that the confcioufnefs of per-
fonal identity which was felt in pre-exiftence, is obli¬
terated in a fubfequent ftate of being.
Now it may be demanded, whether agents thus re-
fufcited for punifhment, have not the fame right to
murmur and complain as if they had been perfectly in¬
nocent, and only created for that dreadful cataftrophe?
It is upon this principle alone that the effefts of punifh¬
ment can be either exemplary or difciplinary; for how is
it poffible, that the punifhment of beings unconfcious of
a crime, (hould ever be reconciled either to the juftice or
beneficence of that intention with which their fufferings
are inflidled ? or how can others be fuppofed to become
.wife and virtuous by the example of thofe who are nei¬
ther acquainted with the origin nor the tendency of
their miferies, but have every reafon to think them-
felves afflifted merely for the fake of afflifling. To us
it feems clear, that the nature and rationale of original
fin lie infcrutibiy retired in the bofom of Providence;
nor can we, without unpardonable prefumption and ar¬
rogance, form the moft Ample conclufion, or attempt
the minuteft difcovery, either different from or extra¬
neous to the clear and obvious fenfe of revelation. This
fenfe indeed may with propriety be extra&ed from the
whole, or from one paffage collated with another; but
independent of it, as reafon has no premiffes, fhe can
form no deductions. The boldnefs and temerity of
philofophy, not fatisfied with contemplating pre-exift¬
ence as merely relative to human nature, has dared to
try how far it was compatible with the glorious Per¬
sons of the facred Trinity. The Arians, who allowed
the ffibordinate divinity of our Saviour, believed him
pre-exiftent to all time, and before all worlds; but the
Socinians, who efteemed his nature as well as his per-
fon merely human, infifted that before his incarnation
he was only pre-exiftent in the divine idea, not in na¬
ture or perfon. But when it is confidered, that chil¬
dren do not begin to deduce inftruClions from nature
and experience, at a period fo late as we are apt to
imagine; when it is admitted, that their progrefs, tho’
infctifible, may be much more rapid than we appre¬
hend; when the opportunities of fenfe, the ardour of
cnriofity, the avidity of memory, and the aftivity of
underftanding, are remarked; we need not have re-
courfe to a pre-exiftent ftate for our account of the Preface
knowledge which young minds difcover. It may like- ' H,
wife be added, that moral agents can only be impro- Premium‘
ved and cultivated by moral difcipline. Such effedts
therefore of any ftate, whether happy or miferable, as
are merely mechanical, may be noxious or falutary to
the patient, but can never enter into any moral ceco-
nomy as parts of its own adminiftration. Pre-exift¬
ence, therefore, whether rewarded or puniftied, with¬
out the continued impreffion of perfonal identity, affords
no folution of original fin.
PREFACE, fomething introdu&ory to a book, to
inform the reader of the defign, method, &c. obferved
therein, and generally whatever is neceffary to the un¬
derftanding of a book.
PREFECT, in ancient Rome, one of the chief ma-
giftrates who governed in the abfence of the kings,
confds, and emperors.
This power was greateft under the emperors. His
chief care was the government of the city, taking cog¬
nizance of all crimes committed therein and within
too miles. He judged capitally and finally, and even
prefided in the fenate. He had the fuperintendance of
the provifions, building, and navigation.
The prefeft of modern Rome differs little from the
ancient prxfettus, his authority only extending to 40
miles round the city.
Prefect of the Prtetorium, the leader of the pre-
torian bands deftined for the emperor’s guards, con¬
fiding, according to Dion, of 10,000 men. This of¬
ficer, according to Suetonius, was inftituted by Augu-
ftus, and ufually taken from among the knights.
By the favour of the emperors his power grew very
confiderable; to reduce which, Conftantine divided the
prasfe&ure of the prsetorium into four prefe&ures, and
each of thefe again he fubdivided into civil and mili¬
tary departments, though the name was only referved
to him who was invefted with the civil authority, and
that of comes belli given him who commanded the co¬
horts.
PREGNANCY, the ftate of a woman who has con¬
ceived, or is with child. See Midwifery.
PREJUDICE, does not mean a judgment merely
as prior to another in refpedt of time, but as being
paffed before the things were duly confidered and fully
uhderftood. Hence prejudice is fometimes called an¬
ticipation, and a preconceived opinion.
PRELATE, an ecclefiaftic raifed to fome emi¬
nent and fuperior dignity in the church ; as bifhops,
archbifhops, patriarchs, &c.
PRELIMINARY, in general, denotes fomething
to be examined and determined before dn affair can be
treated of to the purpofe.
PRELUDE, in mufic, is ufually a flourifh or irre¬
gular air, which a mufician plays off-hand, to try if his
mftrument be in tune, and fo lead him into the piece
to be played.
PREMISSES, in logic, an appellation given to the
two firft propofitions of a fyllogifm. See Logic.
Premisses, in law, properly fignifies the land, &c.
mentioned in the beginning of a deed.
PREMIUM, or Premium, properly fignifies a re¬
ward or recompence ; but it is chiefly ufed in a mer¬
cantile fenfe for the fum of money given to an infurer
whether of (hips, houfes, lives, &c. See Insurance.
PRENOMEN,
P R E [ , 6461 ] P R E
Prenomen, PRENOMEN, Pr^nomen, among the ancient Ro-
1 ^reParation mans, a name prefixed to their family name, and an-
fwering to our Chriftian name: fuch are Caiirs, Lucius,
Marcus, &c.
PREPARATION, in a general fenfe, the aft of
difpofing things in fuch a manner as to render any fore-
, feen event more advantageous or lefs hurtful according
to its nature.
Preparation of Diffbnancesj in mufic, is their dif-
pofition in h&rmony in fuch a manner, that, by fome-
thing congenial in what precedes, they may be ren¬
dered lefs har(h to the ear than they would be without
that precaution : according to this definition, every
difcord ought to be prepared. But when, in order to
prepare a diflbnance, it is exafted that the found which
forms it fhould before have formed a confonance, then
there is fundamentally but one fingle diffonance which
is prepared, viz. the feventh. Nor is even this prepa¬
ration neceffary in the chord which contains the fen-
fible note, becaufe then the diffonance being charafte-
riftical, both in its chord and in its mode, the ear has
fufficient reafon to expeft it: it accordingly does ex-
peft it, and recognife it; nor is either deceived with re-
fpeft to its chord, nor its natural progrefs. But when
the feventh is heard upon a fundamental found which
is not effential to the mode, it ought then to be prepa¬
red, in order to prevent all ambiguity; to prevent the
ear, whilft liftening to this note, from lofing its train:
and as this chord of the feventh may be inverted and
combined in feveral different manners, from this arife
likewife a number of different ways by which it may
feem to be prepared, which, in the main, always iffue
however in the fame thing.
In making ufe of diffonances three things are to be
confidered; viz. the chord which precedes the diffo¬
nance, that in which it is found, and that which is im¬
mediately fubfequent to it. Preparation only refpefts
the two firft; for the third, fee Resolution.
When we would regularly prepare a difcord in or¬
der to arrive at its chord, we mult choofe fuch a career
of the fundamental bafs, that the found which forms
the diffonance may be a protraftion into the perfeft
time of the fame note which formed a confonance for¬
merly {truck in the imperfeft in the preceding chord;
this is what we callfincopation. See Sincopation.
From this preparation two advantages refult; viz.
t. That there is neceffarily an harmonical connection
between the two chords, fince that conneftion is form¬
ed by the diffonance itfeff; and, 2. That this diffo¬
nance, as it is nothing elfe but the continuation of the
fame found which had formed a confonance, becomes
much lefs harfh to the ear than it would have been
with any found recently {truck. Now this is-all that
we exp^ft to gain by preparation. See Cadence,
Discord, and Harmony.
By what has been juft faid, it will appear that there
is no other part peculiarly deftined for preparing the
diffonance, except that in which it is heard: fo that if
the treble {hall exhibit a diffonance, that muff be fin-
1 copated; but if the diffonance is in the bafs, the bafs
muff be fincopated. Though there is nothing here
but what is quite fimple, yet have mafters of mufic mi-
ferably embroiled the whole matter.
Some diffonances may be found which are never pre¬
pared ; fuch is the fixth fuperadded: fome which are
very unfrequently prepared j fuch is the diminilhed fe- Preparation
venth. '
Preparations, in pharmacy, the medicines when
mixed togeiher in fuch a manner as to be fit for the
ufe of the patient. See Pharmacy, Part II. chap. i.
Preparations, in anatomy, the parts of animal-
bodies prepared and preferved for anatomical ufes.
The manner of preferving anatomical preparations,
is either by drying them thoroughly in the air, ox-
putting them into a proper liquor.
In drying parts which are thick, when the weather FJin. Mri.
is warm, care muff be taken to prevent putrefaftion,
fly-blows, infefts, &c. This is eafily done by the ufevo ‘1I- I,‘8'
of a folution of corrofive fublimate in fpirit of wine,
in the proportion of two drams of fublimate to a pound
of fpirit: the part flrould be moiftened with this liquor
as it dries, and by this method the body of a child
maybe kept fafe even in fummer. Dried preparations
are apt to crack and moulder away in keeping ; to
prevent this their furface fhould be covered with a
thick varnifh, repeated as often as occafion reqiltres.
Though feveral parts prepared dry are ufeful, yet
others muff be fo managed as to be always flexible,
and nearer a natural ftate. The difficulty has been to
find a proper liquor for this purpofe. Dr Monro fays,
the beft he knows is a well reftified colourlefs fpirit of
wine, to which is added a fmall quantity of the fpirit
of vitriol or nitre. When thefe are properly mixed,
they neither change their colour nor the confidence of
the parts, except where there are ferous or mucous
liquors contained in them. The brain, even of a
young child, in this mixture grows fo firm as to admit
of gentle handling, as do alfo the vitreous and cry-
ftalline humours of the eye. The liquor of the feba-
ceous glands and the femen are coagulated by this
fpirituous mixture ; and it heightens the red colour of
the injeftion of the blood-veffels, fo that after the part
has been in it a little time, feveral veffels appear which
were before invifible. If you will compare thefe
effefts with what Ruyfch has faid of his balfam, you
will find the liquor above-mentioned to come very near
to it.
The proportion of the two fpirits muff be changed
according to the part prepared. For the brain and
humours of the eye, you muff put two drams of fpirit
of nitre to one pound of fpirit of wine. In preferving
other parts which are harder, 30 or 40 drops of the
acid will be fufficient; a larger quantity will make
bones flexible, and even diffolve them. The part thus
preferved fhould be always kept covered with the
liquor: therefore great care fhould be taken to flop
the mouth of the glafs with a waxed cork and a blad¬
der tied over it, to prevent the evaporation of the
fpirit; fome of which, notwithftanding all this care,
will fly off; therefore frefh muff be added as there is
occafion. When the fpirits change to a dark tinfture,
which will fometimes happen, they fliould be poured
off, and frefh put in their room ; but with fomewhat
lefs acid than at firft.
The glaffes which contain the preparations fliould
be of the fineft fort, and pretty thick ; for through
fuch the parts may be feen very diftinftly, and of a
true colour, and the objeft will be fo magnified as to
fhow veffds in the glafs which out of it were not to be
feen.
As
P R E
[ -6462 ]
P R E
Preparation As the glafs when filled with the liquor has a cer-
H . tain focus, it is neceflary to keep the preparation at a
„.rer°g!“!f proper diftance from the fides of it, which is eafily
done by little fticks fuitably placed, or by fufpending
it by a thread in a proper fituation. The operator
(hould be cautious of putting his fingers in this liqour
oftener than is abfolutely neceffary ; becaufe it brings
on a numbnefs on the fltin, which makes the fingers unfit
for any nice operation. The bed remedy for this is to
ferred before a debt to any of his fubje£ls. Prerogative
Thefe fubftantive or direct prerogatives may again'
be divided into three kinds : being fuch as regard,
firft, the king’s royal \chantfler, ox dignity; fecondly,
his royal authority or power ; and, laftly, his royal in¬
come-. Thefe are neceffary, to fecure reverence to his
perfon, obedience to his commands, and an affluent
fupply for the ordinary expences of government }
without all of which it is impofiible to maintain the
wafli them in water mixed with a few drops of oil of executive power in due independence and vigour. Yet,
tartar per deliquium.
Dr Chrift. Jac. Trew prefers the reftified fpirit of
grain for preferring antomical preparations to fpirit of
wine, or to compofitions of alcohol, amber, camphor,
&c. becaufe thefe foon change into a brown colour,
whereas the fpirit from malt preferves its limpid ap¬
pearance. When any part is to be preferred wet,
wafh it with water till it is no more tin&ured. The
water is next to be walhed away with fpirits, and then
the preparation is to be put among fpirits in a glafs,
the mouth of which is to be clofeiy covered with a
glafs head, over which a wet bladder and leaf-tin are
to be tied. Com. Lit. Norimb. 1731, feme]}. 1.
Jpecim. 9.
every branch of this large and extenfive dominion,
our free conflitution has interpofed fuch feafonable
checks and reftriftions, as may curb it from trampling
on thofe liberties, which it was meant to fecure and
eftablifh. The enormous weight of prerogative, if left
to itfelf (as in arbitrary governments it is), fpreads
havoc and deftruftion among all the inferior move¬
ments : but, when balanced and bridled (as with us)
by its proper counterpoife timely and judicioufly ap¬
plied, its operations are then equable and regular; it
invigorates the whole machine, and enables every part
to anfvver the end of its conftruftion.
I. Of the royal dignity. Under every monarchical
eftablilhment, it is neceffary to diftinguifh the prince
PREPOSITION, in grammar, one of the parts of from his fubjefls, not only by the outward pomp and
fpeech, being an indeclinable particle which yet ferves
to govern the nouns that follow it; fuch as per^ pro,
propter; and through, for, with, &c.
F. Buffier allows it to be only a modificative of a
part of fpeech, ferving to circumftantiate a noun.
PREPUCE, in anatomy, the forelkin ; being a
prolongation of the cutis of the penis, covering the
glans. See Anatomy, n° 371, q.
PREROGATIVE, an exclufive or peculiar privi¬
lege.
Royal Prerogative, that fpecial pre-eminence
which the king hath over and above all other perfons,
and out of the ordinary courfe of the common law, in
right of his regal dignity. It fignifies in its etymolo¬
gy (from pr<e and rogo) fomething that is required or
demanded before, or in preference to, all others. And
hence it follows, that it mud be in its nature fingular
and eccentrical; that it can only be applied to thofe
rights and capacities which the king enjoys alone in
contradiftin&ion to others, and not to thofe which he
enjoys in common with any of his fubje&s: for if once
any one prerogative of the crown could be held in com¬
mon with the fubjeft, it would ceafe to be prerogative
any longer. And therefore Finch lays it down as a
maxim, that the prerogative is that law in cafe of the
king, which is law in no cafe of the fuhjeft.
Prerogatives are either dirett or incidental. The di-
rett are fuch pofitive fubftantial parts of the royal cha¬
racter and authority, as are rooted in, and fpring
from, the king’s political perfon, confidered merely
by itfelf, without reference to any other extrinfic cir-
cumftance ; as, the right of fending ambaffadors, of
creating peers, and of making war or peace. But
fuch prerogatives as are incidental bear always a rela¬
tion to fomething elfe, diftinft from the king’s per¬
fon ; and are indeed only exceptions, in favour of the
crown, to thofe general rules that are eftablifhed for
the reft of the community : fuch as, that no cofts (hall
be recovered againft the king ; that the king can ne¬
ver be a joint-tenant; and that his debt (hall be pre¬
decorations of majefty,but alfo by aferibing to-him cer¬
tain qualities as inherent in his royal capacity, diftinft
from and fuperior to thofe of any other individual
in the nation. For though a philofophical mind
will (fays Sir William Blackftone) confider the roy¬
al perfon merely as one man appointed by mutual
confent to prefide over many others, and will pay
him that reverence and duty which the principles
of fociety demand; yet the mafs of mankind will be
apt to grow infolent and refraCtory, if taught to con¬
fider their prince as a man of no greater perfe&ion than
themfelves. The law therefore aferibes to the king, in
his high political charafter, not only large powers and
emoluments, which form his prerogative and revenue,
but likewife certain attributes of agreafc-and tranfeen-
dant nature; by which the people are led to confider him
in the light of a fuperior being, and to pay him that
awful refpeft which may enable him with greater eafe
to carry on the bufinefs of government. This is
what we underftand by the royal dignity, the feveral
branches of which we will now proceed to enumerate.
1. And, firft, the law aferibes to the king the at¬
tribute of fovereignty, or pre-eminency. See Sove¬
reignty.
2. “ The law alfo, (according to Sir William
Blackftone) aferibes to the king, in his political ca¬
pacity, abfolute perfeliion. ‘ The king can do no
wrong.’ Which ancient and fundamental maxim
(fays he) is not to be underftood as if every thing
tranfa&ed by the government was of courfe juft and
lawful; but means only two things. Firft, that what¬
ever is exceptionable in the conduft of public affairs is
not to be imputed to the king, nor is he anfwerable
for it perfonally to his people : for this do&rine would
totally deftroy that conftitutional independence of the
crown, which is neceffary for the balance of power, in
our free and aflive, and therefore compounded, con-
ftitution. And, fecondly, it means that the preroga¬
tive of the crown extends not to do any injury ; it is
created for the benefit of_ the people, and therefore
can-
P R E [ 6463 ] P R E
Prerogative cannot be exerted to their prejudice—“ The king,
moreover, (he obferves), Is not only incapable of do¬
ing wrong, but even of thinking wrong : he can ne¬
ver mean to do an Improper thing : in him is no folly
or weaknefs. And, therefore, if the crown (hould be
induced to grant any franchife or privilege to a fubjeft
contrary to reafon, or in any wife prejudicial to the
commonwealth or a private perfon, the law will not
fuppofe the king to have meant either an unwife or an
injurious adiion, but declares that the king was de¬
ceived in his grant; and thereupon fuch grant is ren¬
dered void, merely upon the foundation of fraud and
deception, either by or upon thofe agents whom the
crown has thought proper to employ. For the law will
not caft an imputation on that magiftrate whom iten-
trufts with the executive power, as if he was capable
of intentionally difregarding his truft : but attributes
to mere impofition (to which the moft perfect of fub-
lunary beings muft Itill continue liable) thofe little in¬
advertencies, which, if charged on the will of the
prince, might leffen him in the eyes of his fubjedts.”
But this dodtrine has been expofed as ridiculous and
abfurd, by Lord Abingdon, in his late Dedication to
the collective body of the people of England. “ Let us
fee (fays he) how thefe maxims and their comments
agree with the conftitution, with nature, with reafon,
with common fenfe, with experience, with fadi, with
precedent, and with Sir William Blackftone himfclf;
and whether, by the application of thefe rules of evi¬
dence thereto, it will not be found, that (from the
want of attention to that important line of diftindfion-
which the conftitution has drawn between the king of
England and the crown of England) what was attri¬
buted to the monarchy has not been given to the mo-
4 narch, what meant for the kingflrip conveyed to the
king, what defigned for the thing transferred to the
perfon, what intended for theory applied to practice;
and foin confequence, that vvhilft the premifl'es (of the
perfection of the monarchy) be true, the conclufion
(that the king can do no wrong) be not falfe.
“ And firft, in reference to the conftitution; to which
if this matter be applied(meaning what it exprefles,and
if it do not it is unworthy of notice), it is fubverlive of
a principle in the conftitution, upon which the prefer-
vation of the conftitution depends ; I mean the prin¬
ciple of reffance: a principle which, whilft no man will
now venture to gainfay, Sir William Blackftone him-
felf admits, “ is juftifable to the perfon of the prince,
when the being of the ftate is endangered, and the
public voice proclaims fuch refiftance necefiary and
thus, by fuch admiffion, both difproves the maxim,
and overfets his own comment thereupon : for to fay
that “ the king can do no wrong,” and that “ be is
incapable even of thinking wrong,” and then to admit
that “ refiftance to his perfon is juftifiable,” are fuch
jarring contradiftions in themfelves, that, until reconci¬
led, the neceflity of argument is fufpended.
“ With refpeft then, in the next place, to the agree¬
ment of this maxim, and its comment, with nature, with
it' reafon, and with common fenfe, I fhould have thought
myfelf fufficiently juftified in appealing to every man’s
own refledtion for decifion, if I had not been made to
underftand that nature, reafon, and common fenfe, had
had nothing to do with either. Sir William Black¬
ftone fays, ‘ That though a philofophical mind will
confider the royal perfon merely as one man appoint- Prerogative
ed by mutual confent to prefide over others, and will ' “■
pay him that reverence and duty which the principles
of fociety demand, yet the mafs of mankind will be
apt to grow infolent and refra&ory if taught to confi¬
der their prince as a man of no greater perfedion than
themfelves; and therefore the law afcrlbes to the
king, in his high political charader, certain attributes
of a great and tranfeendent nature, by which the
people are led to confider him in the light of a Supe¬
rior being, and to pay him that awful refped-which
may enable him with greater eafe to carry on the bu-
finefs of government.’ So that, in order to govern
with greater eafe, (which by the bye is mere affertion
without any proof), it is neceflary to deceive the mafa
of mankind, by making them btdieve, not only what
a philofophical mind cannot believe, but what it is im-
pofiible for any mind to believe ; and therefore, in
the inveftigation of this fubjed,;according to Sir Wil¬
liam, neither nature, reafon, nor common fenfe, can'
have any concern. 
“ It remains to examine in how much this maxim and
its comment agree with experience, with fad, with pre¬
cedent, and vvith Sir William Blackftone himfelf. And
here it is matter of moft curious fpeculation, to obferve
a maxim laid down, and which is intended for a rule
of government, not only without a fingle cafe in fup-
portof it, but with-a ftring of cafes, that may be car¬
ried back to Egbert the firft monarch of England, in
dired oppofition to the dodrine. Who is the man,
that, reading the pad hiftory of this country, will ftiovv
us any king that has done no wrong ? Who is the rea¬
der that will not find, that all the wrongs and injuries
which the free .conftitution ol this country has hitherto
fuffered, have been folely derived from the arbitrary
meafures of our kings ? And yet the mafs of mankind
are to look upon the king as a fuperior being ; and
the maxim, that “ the king can do no wrong,” is to
remain a? an article of belief. But, without pufhing
this inquiry any further, let us fee what encourage¬
ment Sir William Blackftone himfelf has given us for
our credulity. After dating the maxim, and prefent-
ing us witli a moft lively pidure, ‘ of our fovereign
lord thus all perfefl and immortal,’ what does he
make this all-perfedion and immortality in the end to
come to ? His words are thefe : “ For when king
Charles’s deluded brother attempted to enfave the na¬
tion,’ (no wrong this, to be fire), ‘ he found it was
beyond his power : the people both could, and didre-
fift him ; and in confequence of fuch refiftance obli¬
ged him to quit his enterprize and his throne toge¬
ther
The fum of all is this : That the Crown of Eng-p 433,
land and the King of England are diftingnifhable, and
not fynonymous terms: that allegiance is due to the
crown, and through the crown/c the king: that the
attributes of the crown are fovereigmy, perfe&ion, and
perpetuity ; but that it docs not therefore follow, that
the king can do no wrong. It is indeed to be ad¬
mitted, that in high refpedt for the crown, high re-
fpedt is alfo due to the wearer of that crown ; that is,
to the king but the crown is to be preferred to the
king, for the firft veneration is due to the conftitution.
It is likewife to befuppofed, that the king will do no
wrong: and as, to prevent this, a privy council is ap¬
pointed-
P R E
Prerogative pointed by the conditution to aflift the king in the ex-
“"edition of the government ; fo if any wrong be done,
‘ thefe men,’ as Montefquieu expreffes it, 4 may be
examined and punifhed (a).’
44 But if any future king {hall think to fcreen thefe
evil counfellors, from the juft vengeance of the people,
by becoming his own minifter; and, in fo doing,
fhall take for his fan&ion the attribute of perfection,
fhall truft to the deception of his being a fuperior
being, and cloak himfelf under the maxim that the
king can do no wrong; I fay, in fuch a cafe, let the
appeal already made to the conftitution, to nature, to
reafon, to common fenfe, to experience, to faft, to
precedent, and to Sir William Blackftone himfelf,
fuffice ; and preclude the neceffity of any further re¬
marks from me (b).”
To proceed now to other particulars : The law de¬
termines, that in the king can be no negligence, or
laches ; and therefore no delay will bar his right.
Nullum tempus occurrit regi, is the {landing maxim
upon all occafions : for the law intends that the king
is always bufied for the public good, and therefore has
not leifure to affert his right within the times limited
to fubjefls. In the king alfo can be no ftain or cor-
'Comme t ruPt'on ^00(^: f°r ‘f tbe heir to the crown were
’teK' attainted of treafon or felony, and afterwards the
crown fhould defcend to him, this would purge the at¬
tainderAnd therefore, when Henry VII.
who as earl of Richmond flood attainted, came to the
crown, it was not thought neceffary to pafs an aft of
parliament to reverfe this attainder ; becaufe, as lord
Bacon in his hiftory of that prince informs us, it was
agreed that the affumption of the crown had at once
purged all attainders. Neither can the king in judg¬
ment of law, as king, ever be a minor or under age ;
and therefore his royal grants and aflents to afts of
parliament are good, though he has not in his natural
capacity attained the legal age of 21. By a ftatute in¬
deed, 28 Hen. VIII. c. 17. power was given to future
kings to refcind and revoke all afts of parliament that
fhould be made while they were under the age of 24 :
but this was repealed by the ftatute 1 Edw. VI. c. 11.
fo far as related to that prince, and both ftatutes are
declared to be determined by 24 Geo. II. c. 24. It
hath alfo been ufually thought prudent, when the heir
apparent has been very young, to appoint a proteftor,
guardian, or regent, for a limited time : but the very
iKceffity of fuch extraordinary provifion is fufficient to
demonftrate the truth of that maxim of common law,
that in the king is no minority ; and therefore he hath
no legal guardian. See Regent.
P R E
3. A third attribute of the king’s majefty is his per- Prerogative
petuity. The law aferibes to him, in his political ca-
pacity, an abfolute immortality. The king never dies.
Henry, Edward, or George, may die ; but the king
furvives them all. For, immediately upon the deceafe
of the reigning prince in his natural capacity, his
kingfhip or imperial dignity, by aft of law, without
any interregnum or interval, is veiled at once in his
heir; who is, eo infant's, king to all intents and pur-
pofes. And fo tender is the law of fuppofing even a
poffibility of his death, that his natural diflblution is
generally called his demife; dimijfio regis vel corona:
an expreffion which fignities merely a transfer of pro¬
perty ; for, as is obferved in Plowden, when we
fay the demife of the crown, we mean only, that, in
confequence of the difunion of the king’s body-natural
from his body-politic, the kingdom is transferred or
demifed to his fucceffor, andfo the royal dignity remains
perpetual. Thus too, when Edward the fourth, in
the tenth year of his reign, was driven from his throne
for a few months by the houfe of Lancafter, this tem¬
porary transfer of his dignity was denominated his
demife; and all procefs was held to be difcontinued, as
upon a natural death of the king.
II. We are next to confider thofe branches of the
royal prerogative, which inveft this our fovereign
lord with a number of authorities and powers', in the
exertion whereof conlifts the executive part of govern¬
ment. This is wifely placed in a fingle hand by the
Britilh conftitQtion, for the fake of unanimity, ftrength,
and difpatch. Were it placed in many hands, it would
be fubjeft to many wills: many wills, if difunited and
drawing different ways, create weaknefs in a govern¬
ment; and to unite thofe feveral wills, and reduce
them to one, is a work of more time and delay than
the exigencies of ftate will afford. The king of Eng¬
land is therefore not only the chief, but properly the
foie, magiftrate of the nation ; all others afting by
coramiffion from, and in due fubordination to, him : in
like manner as, upon the great revolution in the Ro¬
man ftate, all the powers of the ancient magiftracy of
the commonwealth were concentred in the new em¬
peror; fo that, as Gravina expreffes it, in ejus unius
perfona veteris rei publica vis atque majefas per cumu-
latas snagifiratuum potefates exprisnebatur.
In the exertion of lawful prerogative the king is
held to be abfolute; that is, fo far abfolute, that
there is no legal authority that can either delay or
refill him. He may rejeft what bills, may make what
treaties, may coin what money, may create what
peers, may pardon what offences, he pleafes: unlefs
where
[ 6464 ]
-(a) Except the parliament, which is the great council of the nation, the judges, and the peers, who, being the
hereditary counfellors of the crown, have not only a right, but are bound in foro confcientis, to advife the king for
the public good, the conftitution knows of no other counfel than the privy council. Any other council, like Clif¬
ford, Arlington, Buckingham, Afhley, Lauderdale, and, as the initial letters of thefe names exprefs, is a CABAL,
and as fuch ftiould be fuppreffed. Nat. Bacon, fpeaking of the lofs of power in the grand council of lords, fays,
The fenfe of ftate once contrafted into a privy-council, is foon recontrafted into a cabinet-council, and laft of all
into z favourite or two ; which many times brings damage to the public, and both tkessfelves and kings into extreme
precipices; partly for want of maturity, but principally through the providence of God over-ruling irregular courfes
to the hurt of fuch as walk in them." Pol. Difc. part a- pag- 201.
(b \ For experience, faft, and precedent, fee the reigns of king John, Henry III. Edward II. Richard II. Char. I.
and James II. See alfo Mirror of Juf ices; where it is faid, “ that this grand afiembly (meaning the now parlia¬
ment, or then Wittena-gemotte) is to confer the government of God’s people, how they may be kept from fin, live in
quiet, and have right done them, according tothecuftoms and laws; and more efpecially by the king,
queen, or their children to u-hich Nat. Bacon adds this note; 44 At this time the king might do wrong, &c. and
v io fay Brafton and Fletaof the kings in their time.” Dift;, part i> pag. 37. Lond, 1739.
F R E [ 6465 ] P R 'E
Prerogative where the conftitution hath exprefsly, or by evident
confequence* laid down fome exception or boundary;
declaring, that thus far the prerogative fhall go and
no farther. For otherwife the power of the crown
would indeed be but a name and a (hadow, infufficient
for the ends of government, if, where its jurifdiftion
is clearly eftablifhed and allowed, any man or body of
Comment. 111611 were permitted to difobey it, in the ordinary courfe
of law: we do not now fpeakof thofe extraordinary re-
courfes to thefirft principles, which are neceflary when
the contrafts of fociety are in danger of diflblution, and
the law proves too weak a defence againft the violence
of fraud or oppreffion. And yet the want of attending
to this obvious diftinftion has occafioned thefe doc¬
trines, of abfolute power in the prince and of national
refiftance by the people, to be much mifundcrftood
and perverted, by the advocates for flavery on the one
hand, the demagogues of fa&ion on the other. The
former, obferving the abfolute fovereignty and tran-
fcendent dominion of the crown laid down (as it cer¬
tainly is) mod ftrongly and emphatically in our law¬
books as well as our homilies, have denied that any
cafe can be excepted from fo general and pofitive a
rule; forgetting how impoffible it is, in any pra&ical
fyftem of laws, to point out beforehand thofe eccen¬
trical remedies, which the fudden emergence of nation¬
al diftrefs may didtate, and which that alone can jufti-
fy. On the other hand, over-zealous republicans,
feeling the abfurdity of unlimited pafiive obedience,
have fancifully (or fometimes fadtioufly) gone over to
the other extreme : and, becaufe refiftance is juftifi-
able to the perfon of the prince when the being of the
ftate is endangered, and the public voice proclaims
fuch refiftance neceflary, they have therefore allowed
to every individual the right of determining this expe¬
dience, and of employing private force to refift even
private oppreffion. A do&rine produdtive of anarchy,
and (in confequence) equally fatal to civil liberty as
tyranny itfelf. For civil liberty, rightly underftood,
confifts in protedling the rights of individuals by the
united force of fociety : fociety cannot be maintained,
and of courfe can exert no protedtion, without obedi¬
ence to fome fovereign power; and obedience is an
empty name, if every individual has a right to decide
how far he himfelf ftiall obey.
In the exertion, therefore, of thofe prerogatives
which the law has given him, the king is irrefiftible
and abfolute, according to the forms of the conftitu¬
tion. And yet, if the confequence of that exertion
be manifeftly to the grievance or dilhonour of the
kingdom, the parliament will call his advifers to a
juft and fevere account. For prerogative confifting
(as Mr Locke has well defined it) in the difcretionary
power of adding for the public good where the po¬
fitive laws are filent, if that difcretionary power be
abufed to the public detriment, fuch prerogative is ex¬
erted in an unconftitutional manner. Thus the king
may make a. treaty with a foreign ftate, which (hall
irrevocably bind the nation; and yet, when fuch trea¬
ties have been judged pernicious, impeachments have
purfued thofe minifters by whofe agency or advice
they were concluded.
The prerogatives of the crown (in the fenfe under
which we are now confidering them) refpedt either
this nation’s intercourfe with foreign nations, or its
Vol. IX. 2
own domeftic government and civil polity. Prerogative
With regard to foriegn concerns, the king is the-
delegate or reprefentative of his people. It is impof¬
fible that the individuals of a ftate, in their colledtive
capacity, can tranfadl the affairs of that ftate with
another community equally numerous as themfelves.’
Unanimity muft be wanting to their tneafures, and
ftrength to the execution of their counfels. In the
king therefore, as in a centre, all the rays of his peo¬
ple are united, and form by that union a confiftency,
fplendour, and power, that make him feared and re-
fpedted by foreign potentates; who would fcruple to
enter into any engagement, that muft afterwards be
revifed and ratified by a popular afiembly. What is
done by the royal authority, with regard to foreign
powers, is the aft of the whole nation : what is done
without the king’s concurrence, is the aft only of
private men. And fo far is this point carried by our
law, that it hath been held, that fhould all the fub-
jefts of England make war with a king in league with
the king of England, without the royal aflent, fuch
war is no breach of the league. And, by the ftatute
2 Hen. V. c. 6. any fubjeft committing afts of hofti-
lity upon any nation in league with the king was de¬
clared to be guilty of high treafon: and, though that
aft was repealed by the ftatute 20 Hen. VI. c. 11. fo
far as relates to the making this offence high treafon,
yet ftill it remains a very great offence againft the law
of nations, and punifhable by our laws, either capitally
or otherwife, according to the circumftances of the
cafe.
1. The king therefore, confidered as the reprefen¬
tative of his people, has the foie power of fending am-
bafladors to foreign ftates, and receiving ambaffadors
at home.
2. It is alfo the king’s prerogative to make treaties,
leagues, and alliances, with foreign ftates and princes.
For it is, by the law of nations, effential to the goodnefs
of a league, that it be made by the fovereign power ;
and then it is binding upon the whole community :
and in Britain the fovereign power quoad hoc, is veil¬
ed in the perfon of the king. Whatever contrafts
therefore he engages in, no other power in the king¬
dom can legally delay, refift, or annul. And yet,
left this plenitude of authority fhould be abufed to the
detriment of the public, the conftitution (as was hint¬
ed before) hath here interpofed a check, by the means
of parliamentary impeachment, for the punifhment of
fuch minifters as from criminal motives advife or
conclude any treaty, which fhall afterwards be jud¬
ged to derogate from the honour and intereft of the
nation.
3. Upon the fame principle the king has alfo the
foie prerogative of making war and peace. For it is
held by all the writers on the law of nature and na¬
tions, that the right of making war, which by nature
fubfifted in every individual, is given up by all private
perfons that enter into fociety, and is veiled in the fo¬
vereign power: and this right is given up, not only
by individuals, but even by the entire body of people
that are under the dominion of a fovereign. It would
indeed be extremely improper, that any number of fub-
jefts fhould have the power of binding the fupreme ma-
giftrate, and putting him againft his will in a ftate of
war. Whatever hoftilities, therefore, may be com-
36 I mitted
P R E [ 6466 ] P R E
Prerogative rnitted by private citizens, the ftate ought not to be
~ afFefted thereby ; unlefs that fhould juftify their pro¬
ceedings, and thereby become partner in the guilt.
And the reafon which is given by Grotius, why, ac¬
cording to the law of nations, a denunciation of war
ought always to precede the a&ual commencement of
hoftilities, is not fo much that the enemy may be put
upon his guard (which is matter rather of magnani¬
mity than right), but that it may be certainly clear
that the war is not undertaken by private perfons, but
by the will of the whole community ; whofe right of
willing is in this cafe transferred to the fupreme magi-
flrate by the fundamental laws of fociety. So that, in
order to make a war completely effe&ual, it is necef-
fary with us in England that it be publicly declared
and duly proclaimed by the king’s authority; and
then, all parts of both the contending nations, from
the higheft to the lowed, are bound by it. And
wherever the right refides of beginning a national war,
there alfo mud refide the right of ending it, or the
power of making peace. And the fame check of par¬
liamentary impeachment, for improper or inglorious
conduct, in beginning, conduAing, or concluding a
national war, is in general fufficient to redrain the mi-
niders of the crown from a wanton or injurious exer¬
tion of this great prerogative.
4. But, as the delay of making war may fometimes
be detrimental to individuals who have fuffered by de¬
predations from foreign potentates, our laws have in
fome refpe&s armed the fubjeft with powers to impel
the prerogative ; by dire&ing the miniders of the
crown to iifue letters of marque and reprifal upon due
demand : the prerogative of granting which is nearly
related to, and plainly derived from, that other of
making war; this being indeed only an incomplete
date of hodilities, and generally ending in a formal
denunciation of war. Thefe letters are grantable, by
the law of nations, whenever the fubje&s of one date
are opprefled and injured by thofe of another, andju-
dice is denied by that date to which the oppredbr be¬
longs. In this cafe, letters of marque and reprifal
(words in themfelves fynonymous, and fignifying a ta¬
king in return) may be obtained, in order to feize the
bodies or goods of the fubjeAs of the offending date,
until fatisfaAion be made, wherever they happen to be
found. And indeed this cudom of reprifals feems
diAated by nature herfelf; for which reafon we find
In the mod ancient times very notable indances of it.
But here the neceflity is obvious of calling in the fo-
vereign power, to determine when reprifals may be
made ; elfe every private fufferer would be a judge in
his own caufe. In purfuance of which principle, it
is with us declared by the datute 4 Hen. V. c. 7.
that, if any fubjeAs of the realm are oppreffed in
time of truce by any foreigners, the king will grant
marque in due form to all that feel themfelves grie¬
ved. See Marque.
_ 5- Upon exa&ly the fame reafon dands the preroga¬
tive of granting fafe-conduAs ; without which, by the
law of nations, no member of one fociety has a right to
intrude into another. And therefore Puffendorf very
judly refolves, that it is left in the power of all dates,
to take fuch meafures about the admiffon of drangers
as they think convenient; thofe being ever excepted
who are driven on the coads by neceffity, or by any
caufe that deferves pity or compaffion. Great tender- Prerogative |
nefs is fiiown by our laws, not only to foreigners in
didrefs, (fee Wreck), but with regard alfo to the ad-
miflion of drangers who come fpontaneoufly : for fo
long as their nation continues at peace with ours, and
they themfelves behave peaceably, they are under th@
king’s proteAion; though liable to be fent home when¬
ever the king fees occafion. But no fubjeA of a na¬
tion at war with us can, by the law of nations, come
into the realm, nor can travel himfelf upon the high
feas, or feud his goods and merchandize from one place
to another, without danger of being feized by our fub¬
jeAs, unlefs he has letters of fafe-conduA ; which, by
divers ancient datutes, mud be granted under the king’s
great feal and inrolled in chancery, or elfe are of no
effeA; the king being fuppofed the bed judge of fuch
emergencies, as may deferve exception from the gene¬
ral law of arms. But paffports under the king’s fign-
manual, or licences from his ambaffadors abroad, are
now more ufually obtained, and are allowed to be of
equal validity.
Thefe are the principal prerogatives of the king re-
fpeAing this nation’s intercourfe with foreign nations ;
in all of which he is confidered as the delegate or re-
prefentative of his people. But in domedic affairs, he
is confidered in a great variety of charaAers, and from
thence there arifes an abundant number of other pre¬
rogatives.
i®. He is a condituent part of the fupreme legifla-
tive power; and, as fuch, has the prerogative of re-
jeAing fuch provifions in parliament, as he judges im¬
proper to be paffed. The expediency of which con-
ditution has before been evinced at large under the
article Parliament. We fhall only farther remark,
that the king is not bound by any aA of parliament,
unlefs he be named therein by fpecial and particular
words. The mod general words that can be devifed
(“ any perfon or perfons, bodies politic, or corpo¬
rate, &c.”) affeA not him in the lead, if they may
tend to redrain or diminilh any of his rights or inte-
reds. For it would be of mod mifchievous confe-
quence to the public, if the drength of the executive
power were liable to be curtailed, without its own ex-
prefs confent, by condruAions and implications of the
fubjeA. Yet, where an aA of parliament is exprtfsly
made for the prefervation of public rights and the fup-
preffionofpublic wrongs, and does not interfere with the
edablilhed rights of the crown, it is faid to be binding
as well upon the king as upon the fubjeA : and, like-
wife, the king may take the benefit of any particular
aA, though he be not efpecially named.
2. The king is confidered, in the next place, as the
generaliffimo, or the fird in military command, with¬
in the kingdom. The great end of fociety is to pro-
teA the weaknefs of individuals by the united drength
of the community ; and the principal ufe of govern¬
ment is to direA that united drength in the bed and
mod effeAual manner, to anfwer the end propofed.
Monarchical government is allowed to be the fitted of
any for this purpofe: it follows therefore, from the
very end of its inditution, that in a monarchy the
military power mud be traded in the hands of the
prince.
In this capacity, therefore, of general of the king¬
dom, the king has the foie power of raifing and re-i
P R E [ 6467 ] P R E
Prerogative galating fleets and armies. The manner in which they
‘ ! | are raifed and regulated, is explained under the ar¬
ticle Military State. We are now only to confider
the prerogative of enlifting and of governing them:
which indeed was difputed and claimed, contrary to
all reafon and precedent, by the long parliament of
king Charles I. ; but, upon the reftoration of his fon,
was folemnly declared by the ftatute 13 Car. II. c. 6.
to be in the king alone : for that the foie fupreme go¬
vernment and command of the militia within all his
majefty’s realms and dominions, and of all forces by
fea and land, and of all forts and places of ftrength,
ever was and is the undoubted right of his majefty, and
his royal predeceflbrs, kings and queens of England;
and that both or either houfe of parliament cannot,
nor ought to, pretend to the fame.
This ftatute, it is obvious to obferve, extends not
only to fleets and armies, but alfo to forts and other
places of ftrength within the realm j the foie prero¬
gative, as well of ere&ing, as manning and governing
of which, belongs to the king in his capacity of gene¬
ral of the kingdom : and all lands were formerly fubjedt
to a tax, for building of caftles wherever the king
thought proper. This was one of the three things,
from contributing to the performance of which no
lands were exempted, and therefore called called by
the Anglo-Saxons the trinoda necejjitas ; fc. pontis re¬
paration arcis conjlrticiio, et expeditio contra hojlem.
And this they were called upon to do fo often, that,
as Sir Edward Coke from M. Paris affures us, there
were in the time of Henry II. it 15 caftles fubfifting
in England. The inconveniencies of which, when
granted out to private fubje&s, the lordly barons of
thofe times, were feverely felt by the whole kingdom;
for, as William of Newburgh remarks in the reign of
king Stephen, erant in Anglia quodammodo tot reges, vel
fntius tyrami, quot domini cajiellorum : but it was felt
by none more fenfibly than by two fucceeding princes,
king John and king Henry III. And therefore, the
greateft part of them being demolifhed in the barons’
wars, the kings of after times have been very cautious
of fuffering them to be rebuilt in a fortified manner :
, and Sir Edward Coke lays it down, that no fubjeft
can build a caftle, or houfe of ftrength imbattled, or
other fortrefs defenfible, without the licence of the
king ; for the danger which might enfue, if every man
at his pleafure might do it.
It is partly upon the fame, and partly upon a fifeal
foundation, to fecure his marine revenue, that the
king has the prerogative of appointing ports and ha¬
vens, or fuch places only, for perfons and merchan¬
dize to pafs into and out of the realm, as he in his
wifdom fees proper. By the feodal law, all navigable
rivers and havens were computed among the regalia, and
were fubjeft to the fovereign of the ftate. And in Eng¬
land it hath always been held, that the king is lord of
the whole ftiore, and particularly is the guardian of the
ports and havens, which are the inlets and gates of
the realm : and therefore, fo early as the reign of king
John, we find fhips feized by the king’s officers for
putting in at a place that was not a legal port. Thefe
legal ports were undoubtedly at firft affigned by the
crown ; fince to each of them a court of portmote is
incident, the jurifdi&ion of which muft flow from the
royal authority : the great ports of the fea are alfo re¬
ferred to,- as well known and eftabliftied, by ftatute Preroga
4 Hen. IV. c. 20. which prohibits the landing elfe- " ~
where under pain of confifcation : and the ftatute
I Eliz. c. It. recites, that the franchife of lading
and difeharging had been frequently granted by the
crown.
But though the king had a power of granting the
franchife of havens and ports, yet he had not the
power of refumption, or of narrowing and confining
their limns when once eftablilhed ; but any perfon had
a right to load or difeharge his merchandize in any
part of the haven : whereby the revenue of the cuftom,
was much impaired and diminiftied, by fraudulent
landings in obfeure and private corners. This occa-
fioned the ftatutes of 1 Eliz. c. 11. and 13 and 14
Car. II. c. 11. $ 14. which enable the crown by
commiffion, to afeertain the limits of all ports, and
to affign proper wharfs and quays in each port, for the
exclufive landing and loading of merchandife.
The ereftion of beacons, light-houfes, and fea-
marks, is alfo a branch of the royal preaogative :
whereof the firft was anciently ufed in order to a-
larm the country, in cafe of the approach of an ene¬
my ; and all of them are fignally ufeful in guiding and
preferring veflels at fea by night as well as by day.
See Beacon.
30. Another capacity in which the king is confi-
dered in domeftic affairs, is as the fountain of juftice
and general confervator of the peace of the kingdom.
See the article Justice.
40. The king is likewife the fountain of honour,
of office, and of privilege: and this in a different
fenfe from that wherein he is ftiled the fountain ofju¬
ftice ; for here he is really the parent of them. See
the articles Justice and Honour.
50. Another light, in which the laws of England
confider the king with regard to domeftic concerns, is
as the arbiter of commerce. By commerce, we at
prefent mean domeftic commerce only ; the king’s
prerogative with regard to which, will fall principal¬
ly under the articles Marts, Weights and Mea-
fures, and Money.
6°. The king is, laftly, confidered by the laws of
England as the head and fupreme governor of the na¬
tional church.
To enter into the reafons upon which this preroga¬
tive is founded is matter rather of divinity than of law.
We (hall therefore only obferve, that by ftatute
26 Hen. VIII. c. 1. (reciting that the king’s majefty
juftly and rightfully is and ought to be the fupreme
head of the church of England; and fo had been re-
cognifed by the clergy of that kingdom in thejr con¬
vocation) it is ena&ed, that the king (hall be reputed
the only fupreme head in earth of the church of Eng¬
land; and (hall have, annexed to the imperial crown of
this realm, as well the title and ftile thereof, as all ju-
rifdiftions, authorities, and commodities, to the laid
dignity of fupreme head of the church appertaining.
And another ftatute to the fame purport was made,
1 Eliz. c. 1.
In virtue of this authority the king convenes, pro¬
rogues, reftrains, regulates, and diffolves, all ecclefialti-
cal fynods or convocations. This was an inherent pre¬
rogative of the crown long before the time of H. VIII.
as appears by the ftatute 8 Hen. VI. c. i. and the
3^ I 2 many
P R E [ 6468 1 P R E
Prerogative many authors, both lawyers and hiftorians, vouched
Prefbi by Sir Edward Coke. So that the flat. 25 Hen. VIII.
re ‘Irg‘ c. 19. which reftrains the convocation from making or
putting in execution any canons repugnant to the
king’s prerogative, or the laws, cuftoms, and ftatutes
of the realm, was merely declaratory of the old com¬
mon law: that part of it only being new, which makes
the king’s royal aflent a&ually neceffary to the validity
of every canon. The convocation or ecclefiaftical fy-
nod, in England, differs confiderably in its conftitution
from the fynods of other Chriftian kingdoms : thofe
confiding wholly of bifhops; whereas in England the
convocation is the miniature of a parliament, wherein the
archbifhop prefides with regal date ; the upper houfe
of bifhops reprefents the houfe of lords; and the lower
houfe, compofed of reprefentatives of the feveral dio-
cefes at large, and of each particular chapter therein,
refembles the houfe of commons with its knights of
the fhire and burgeffes. This conditution is faid to be
owing to the policy of Edward I. who thereby at one
and the fame time let in the inferior clergy to the pri¬
vileges of forming ecclefiadical canons (which before
they had not), and alfo introduced a method of taxing
ecclefiadical benefices, by confent of convocation.
From this prerogative alfo, of being the head of the
church, arifes the king’s right of nomination to vacant
bifhoprics, and certain other ecclefiadical preferments.
As head of the church, the king is likewifethe der¬
nier refon in all ecclefiadical caufes; an appeal lying
ultimately to him in chancery from the fentence of
every ecclefiadical judge: which right was redored to
the crown by datute 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19.
III. The king’s fifcal prerogatives, or fuch as re¬
gard his revenue. See the article Revenue.
Prerogative-6W^, an Englifh court edablifhed
for the trial of all tedamenlary caufes, where the de-
oeafed hath left bona notabilia within two different
diocefes. In which cafe the probate of wills belongs
to the archbilhop of the province, by way of fpecial
prerogative. And all caufes relating to the wills, ad-
minidrations, or legacies of fuch perfons, are origi¬
nally cognizable herein, before a judge appointed by
the archbilhop, called the judge of the prerogative court;
from whom an appeal lies by datute 25 Hen. VIII.
c. 19. to the king in chancery, indead of the pope as
formerly.
PRESAGE, in antiquity, denotes an augury, or
fign of fome future event; which was chiefly taken from
the flight of birds, the entrails of vidlims, &c. See
Augury and Aruspices.
PRESBURG, the capital of the kingdom of Lower
Hungary, called by the inhabitants Pofony and Pre-
fporen, fituated on the Danube, about 46 miles ead
from Vienna, and 75 from Buda. The cadle, in which
the regalia are kept, dands on a hill above the town.
Here the dates affemble ; and in the cathedral, dedi¬
cated to St Martin, the king is crowned. The town
is not very large, nor well built; but is very ancient,
pleafantly fituated, and enjoys a good air. Its for¬
tifications are only a double wall and ditch. In the
lower fuburbs is a hill, where the king, after his co¬
ronation, goes on horfeback, and brandifhes St Ste¬
phen’s fword towards the four cardinal points, intima¬
ting, that he will defend his country againd all its ene¬
mies. Befuks the cathedral, there are feveral other
Popifh and one Lutheran church, with a Jefuits col- Prefbyt*
lege, three convents, and two hofpitals. It gives name 1 .
to a county; and is the refidence of the archbilhop of 1 reanst£n'
Gran, who is primate, chief fccretary, and chancellor -1—
of the kingdom, legatus natus of the Papal fee, and
prince of the holy Roman empire. E. Long. 17. 30.
N. Lat. 48 20.
PRESBYTjE, perfons whofe eyes are too flat to
refraft the rays fufficiently, fo that unlefs the ob-
jeft is at fome didance, the rays coming from it will
pafs through the retina before their union, confe-
quently vifion is confufed ; old people are ufually the
fubjefts of this difeafe. In order to remedy, or at
lead to palliate this defefl, the perfon Ihould fird ufe
glaffes which do not magnify, and from them pafs gra¬
dually to more convex fpe&acles, which Ihorten the fo¬
cus.
PRESBYTER, in the primitive Chridian church,
an elder, one of the fecond order of ecclefiadics; the
other two being bilhops and deacons. See the articles
Bishop and Deacon.
Prelbyter, or elder, is a word borrowed from the
Greek tranflation of the Old Tedament, where it com¬
monly fignifies ruler or governor; it being a note of of¬
fice and dignity, not of age, and in this fenfe bilhops
are fometimes called prejbyters in the New Tedament.
The prelbyters might baptize, preach, confecrate, and
adminider the eucharid in the bilhop’s abfence, or in
his prefence if he authorifed and deputed them; and
the bilhops did fcarce any thing in the government of
the church without their advice, confent, and amicable
concurrence.
The grand difpute between the followers of the Ge¬
neva and Roman difeipline, is about the famenefs and
difference of prelbyters and bilhops at the time of the
apoftles.
PRESBYTERIANS, a feft of Proteflants, fo call¬
ed from their maintaining that the government of the
church appointed in the New Tedament was by pref-
byteries; that is, by minifters and ruling-elders, affo-
ciated for its government and difeipline.
The prelbyterians affirm, that there is no order in
the church as eflablilhed by Chrid and his apodles,
fuperior to that of prelbyters ; that all miniders being
ambaffadors of Chrid, are equal by their commiffion;
and that elder or prelbyter, and bilhop, are the fame
in name and office: for which they allege, Ads xx. 28,
&c.
The only dift'erence between them and the church
of England, relates to difcfpline and church-govern¬
ment. Their highed affembly is a fynod, which may
be provincial, national, or cecumenical; and they allow
of appeals from inferior to fuperior affemblies, accord¬
ing to Ads xv. 2, 6, 22, 23. The next affembly is
compofed of a number of miniders and elders, affocia-
ted for governing the churches within certain bounds.
This authority they found upon Ads xi. 30. Adsxv.
4, 6, &c. The lowed of their affemblies or prelbyte-
ries, confills of the minider and elders of a congrega¬
tion, who have power to cite before them any member,
and to admonilh, indrud, rebuke, and fufpend him from
the eucharid. They have alfo a deacon, whofe office
is to take care of the poor.
The ordination of their minifters is by prayer, fad¬
ing, and impofition of the hands of the prelbytery. This
P R E [ 6469 ] P R E
\ Prekience Js now the difcipline of the church of Scotland.
(1 PRESCIENCE, in theology, previfion, or fore-
1 Fr‘[^ta' knowledge; that knowledge which God has of things
j  L_ to come.—The do&rine of predoftination is founded
on the prefcience of God, and on the fuppofition of all
futurity’s being prefent to him.
PRESCRIPTION, in medicine, is the affigning a
proper and adequate remedy to the difeafe, from an
examination of its fymptoms, and an acquaintance with
the virtues and effe&s of the materia medica.
Prescription, in law, is a title acquired by
ufe and time, and allowed by law; as when a man
claims any thing, becaufe he, his anceftors, or they
whofe eftate he hath, have had or ufed it all the time,
whereof no memory is to the contrary: or it is where
for continuance of time, u/tra memoriam hominis, a par¬
ticular perfon hath a particular right againft another.
There is a difference between prefcription, cuftom,
and ufage.
Prefcription hath refpeft to a certain perfon, who
by intendment may have continuance for ever; as for
in (lance, he and all they <whofe efate he hath in fuch a
thing, this is a prefcription : but,
Cuftorn is local, and always applied to a certain
place; as, time out of mind there has been fuch a cuftom
in fuch a place, &c. And prefcription belongeth to one
or a few only; but cuftom is common to all.
Ufage differs from both, for it may be either to per-
fons or places; as to inhabitants of a town to have a way,
&c.
A cuftom and prefcription are in the right; ufage
is in the pojfeftion; and a prefcription that is good for
the matter and fubftance, may be bad by the manner
of fetting it forth; but where that which is claimed^
a cuftom, in or for many, will be good, that regularly
will be fo when claimed by prefcription for one.
Prefcription is to be time out of mind; though it is
not the length of time that begets the right of pre¬
fcription, nothing being done by time, although every
thing is done in time ; but it is a prefumption in law,
that a thing cannot co?itinue fo long quiet, if it was againf
right, or injurious to another.
PRESENCE, a term of relation, ufed in oppofnion
to abfence, and fignifying the exiftence of a perfon in
a certain place.
Present Tenfe, in grammar, the firft tenfe of a verb,
expreffing the prefent time, or that fomething is now
performing; zsfcribo, I write, or am writing.
PRESENTATION, in ecclefiaflical law. See Pa¬
tronage.
PRESENTMENT, in law. See Prosecution.
A prefentment, generally taken, is a very compre-
henfive term; including not only preferments properly
fo called, but alfo inquifitions of office, and indiflments
fcy a grand jury. A prefentment, properly fpeafeing,
is the notice taken by a grand jury of any offence from
their own knowledge or obfervation, without any bill
of indictment laid before them at the fuit of the king:
As the prefentment of a nufance, a libd, and the like;
upon which the officer of the court muft aftewards
frame an indi&ment, before the party prefented can be
put to anfwer it. An inquifition of office is the a£i of
a jury, fummoned by the proper officer to inquire of
matters relating to the crown, upon evidence laid be¬
fore them. Some of thefe are in themfejves convictions.
and cannot afterwards be traverfed or denied ; and Prefs,
therefore the inquefl, or jury, ought to hear all that P1^111^
can be alleged on both fides. Of this nature are all
inquifitions offelo de ft; of flight in perfons accufed of
felony; of deodands, and the like; and prefentments
of petty offences in the fheriff’s tourn or court-leet,
whereupon the prefiding officer may fet a fine. Other
inquifitions may be afterwards traverfed and examined;
as particularly the coroner’s inquifition of the death of
a man, when it finds any one guilty of homicide; for
in fuch cafes the offender fo prefented muft be arraign¬
ed upon this inquifition, and may difpute the truth of
it; which brings it to a kind of indiftment, the moftc
ufual and effedlual means of profecution. See Indict¬
ment.
PRESS, in the mechanic arts, a machine of wood
or iron, ferving to fqueeze any body very clofe, gene¬
rally by means of a fcrew.
Preffes ufually confift of fix pieces; two flat fmooth
planks, between which the things to be preffed are laid;
two fcrews or worms fattened to the lower plank, and
paffing through two holes in the upper; and two nuts
in form of an S, that ferve to drive the upper plank,
which is moveable, againft the lower which is fixed.
Preffes ufed for expreffing liquors are in moft re-
fpefts the fame with the common preffes, only the un¬
der plank is perforated with a great number of holes
for the juice to run through. Others have only one
fcrew or arbor, paffing through the middle of the move-
able plank, which defcends into a kind of fquare box,
full of holes, through which the juices flow as the ar¬
bor is turned.
Printwg^t.-) Se£ pRmT,S(..
/ro///«^-PRESS. 3
Liberty of the Press. See Liberty of the Prefs.
PRESSING, in the manufadures, is the violently
fqueezing a cloth, fluff, &c. to render it fmooth and
gloffy.
There are two methods of preffing, viz. cold or
hot.
As to the former, or cold preffing: After the fluff
has been fcoured, fulled, and ffiorn, it is folded fquare
in equal plaits, and a fkin of vellum or pafteboard put
between each plait. Over the whole is laid a fquare
wooden plank,and fo put into the prefs; which is fcrew-
ed down tight by means of a lever. After it has Iain
a fufficient time in the prefs, they take it out, remo¬
ving the pafteboards, and lay it up to keep. Some
only lay the fluff on a firm table after plaiting and
pafteboarding, cover the whole with a wooden plank,
and load it with a proper weight.
The method of preffing hot is this: When the fluff
has received the above preparations, it is fprinkled a
little with water, fometimes gum-water; then plaited
equally, and between each two plaits are put leaves of
pafteboard; and between every fixth and feventh plait,
as well as over the whole, an iron or brafs plate well
heated in a kind of furnace. This done, it is laid upon
the prefs, and forcibly fcrewed down. Under this prefs
are laid five, fix, &c. pieces at the fame time, all fur-
nifhed with their pafteboards ard iron-plates. When
the plates are well cooled, the fluffs are taken out and
ditched a little together to keep them in the plaits.-
This manner of preffing was only invented to cover the
defers of the fluff); and, accordingly, it has been fre¬
quently
P R E [ 6470 ] P R I
quently prohibited.
Pressing, or Imprejfmg. See Impressing.
PREST,' is ufed for a duty in money, to be paid
by the (heriff on his account, in the exchequer, or for
money left or remaining in his hands: 2 & jEdw.VL
c. 4.
It?&V.ST-Money, is fo called from the French word
prejl, that is, prompt us, expeditus ; for that it binds thofe
who receive it, to be ready at all times appointed, be¬
ing commonly meant of foldiers.
PRESTER john, or Jean, an appellation former¬
ly given to an emperor of the Tartars who was over¬
come and killed by Jenghiz Khan. Since that time it
has been given to the emperor of Abyfiinia or Ethio¬
pia ; however, in Ethiopia itfelf this name is utterly
unknown, the emperor being there called the grand
negus.
PRESTO, in the Italian mufic, intimates to per¬
form quick ; as preJHJfimo does extremely quick.
PRESTON, a town of Lancafhire in England,
feated on the river Ribble, over which there is a hand-
fome (lone bridge. Here is held a court of chancery,
and other offices of juftice for the county palatine of
Lancafter. It is noted for the defeat of the rebels here
in 1715, when they were all made prifoners, and fent
up to London. W. Long. 2. 26. N. Lat. 53. 45.
PRETERITE, in grammar, a tenfe which exprefies
the time paft, or an a&ion completely finifhed; as,
fcripft, “ 1 have written.”
PRETEXT, a colour or motive, whether real or
feigned, for doing fomething.
Toga PRETEXTA, among the ancient Romans,
a long white gown, with a border of purple round the
edges, and worn by children of quality till the age of
puberty, viz. by the boys till 17, when they changed
it for the toga 'virilis; and by the girls till marriage.
PRETOR, a magiftrate among the ancient Ro¬
mans, not unlike our lord chief juftices, or lord chan¬
cellor, or both in one; as being veiled with the power
of dittributing juftice among the citizens. At firft.
there was only one pretor; but afterwards, another be¬
ing created, the firft or chief one had the title of pre-
tor urbanus,ox the “ city pretor:” the other was call¬
ed peregrinus, as being judge in all matters relating to
foreigners. But, befides thefe, there were afterwards
created many provincial pretors; who were not only
judges, but alfo affifted the confuls in the government
of the provinces, and even were invefted with the go¬
vernment of provinces themfelves.
PRETORIAN guards, in Roman antiquity, were
the emperor’s guards, who at length were increafed to
10,000: they had this denomination, according to
fome, from their being ftationed at a place called Pre¬
toria??.’: their commander was ftyled preefettus pratorii.
PRETORIUM, among the Romans, denoted the
hall or court wherein the pretor lived, and wherein he
•adminiftered juftice.
It likewife denoted the tent of the Roman general,
wherein councils of war, &c. were held: alfo a place
in Rome, where the Pretorian guards were lodged.
PREVARICATION, in the civil law, is where the
informer colludes with the defendants, and fo makes
only a (ham profecution.
Prevarication, in our laws, is when a man falfely
feems to undertake a thing, with intention that he may
deflroy it; where a lawyer pleads booty, or a£ls by Prevarica-
collufion, &c. tor
It alfo denotes a fecret abufe committed in the ex- p,i(]caux
ercife of a public office, or of a commiffion given by a L.
private perfon.
PREVARICATOR, at Cambridge, is a mafterof
arts, chofen at a commencement, to make an ingenious
fatirical fpeech refle&ing on the mifdemeanours of the
principal members.
PRIAM, king of Troy, was the fon of Laomedon.
He was carried into Greece after the taking of that
city by Hercules; but was afterwards randfomed, on
which he obtained the name of Priam, a Greek word
fignifying “ ranfomed.” At his return he rebuilt Ili¬
um, and extended the bounds of the kingdom of Troy,
which became very floiiriftring under his reign. He
married Hecuba, the daughter of Cifleus king of
Thrace, by whom he had 19 children; and among the
reft Paris, who carried off Helen, and occafioned the
ruin of Troy, which is fuppofed to have been facked
by the Greeks about 1184 B.C. when Priam was kill¬
ed by Pyrrhus the fon of Achilles at the foot of an
altar where he had taken refuge, after a reign of 52
years.
PRIAPISMUS, a Priapism, is an ereftion of the
penis without any concomitant pain, or the confent
of other parts. It is thus called, becaufe the perfon in
this ftate refembles the lewd god Priapus. Ccelius Au-
relianus fays it is a palfy of the feminal veffels, and
other nerves diftributed to the parts about the penis,
by the diftenfion of which this diforder is produced. It
is of the fame nature as the Satyriasis, which fee.
PRIAPUS, in pagan worfhip, the fon of Bacchus
and Venus, who prefided over gardens and the mod
indecent aftions. He was particularly adored at Lamp-
facus, a city at mouth of the Hellefpont, faid to be the
place of his birth; and his image was placed in gar¬
dens to defend them from thieves and birds deftrudive
to fruit. He was ufually reprefented naked, with a
ftern countenance, matted hair, and holding either a
wooden fword or fickle in his hand, and with a mon-
ftrous privity; from whence downward his body ended
in a fhapelefs trunk. The facrifice offered to this ob-
fcene deity was the afs ; either on account of the na¬
tural uncomelinefs of this animal, and its propenfity to
venery, or from the difappointment which Priapus met
with on his attempting the chaftity of Vefta, while
that goddefs was afleep, when (he efcapcd the injury
defigned her by her being awaked by the braying of
old Silenus’s afs.
PRIDEAUX (Humphrey), was born at Padftow in
Cornwall in 1648, and was honourably defcended by
both parents. Three years he ftudied at Weftmjnfter
under Dr Bufby; and then was removed to Chrift-
church, Oxford. Here he publiftied, in 1676, his
Mar?nora Oxonienjia ex Arundeliariis, Seldenianis, aliif-
que conflata, cum perpetuo Commentario. This introdu¬
ced him to the Lord chancellor Finch, afterward Earl
of Nottingham, who in 1679 prefented him to the rec¬
tory of St Clements near Oxford, and in 1681 beftowed
on him a prebend of Norwich. Some years after he was
engaged in a controverfy with the Papifts at Norwich,
concerning the validity of the orders of the church of
England, which produced his book upon that fubjeft.
In 1688 he was inftalled in the archdeaconry of Suf-
P R I [ 6471 ] P R I
Prleft folk; to which he was collated by Dr Lloyd, then bi¬
ll fhop of Norwich. In 1691, upon the death of Dr
nrec. Pocock, the Hebrew profefforfhip at Oxford,
being vacant, was offered to Dr Prideaux, but he re¬
fused it. In 1697, he publifhed his Life of Mahomet;
and in 1702, was inftalled dean of Norwich. In 1710
he was cut for the ftone, which interrupted his ftudies
for more than a year. Some time after his return to
London, he proceeded with his Connexion of the Hi-
ftory of the OM and New Teflament; which he had
begun when he laid afide the defign of writing the
Hiftory of Appropriations. He died in 1724.
PRIEST, a perfon fet apart for the performing of
facrifice and other offices of religion.
Priest, in the Chriftian church, is a perfon invefted
with holy orders; in virtue whereof he has a power to
preach, pray, adminifter the facraments, &c.
PRIMiE vi.s, among phyficians, denote the whole
alimentary duft; including the cefophagus, ftomach,
and inteftines with their appendages.
PRIMAGE, in commerce, a fmall duty at the
water-fide, ufually about 12d. per ton, or 6 d. per bale,
due to the mafter and mariners of a fhip,
PRIMARY, firlt in dignity, chief, or principal.
Primary Qualities of Bodies. See Metaphysics,
n° 31. 33* 34-
PRIMATE, in church-polity, an archbifhop, who
is invefted with a jurifdi&ion over other bifhops.
PRIMATICCIO (Francefco), an excellent Ita¬
lian painter, defcended from a noble family in Bologna.
His friends perceiving his fondnefs for drawing, allow¬
ed him to go to Mantua, where he was fix years the
difciple of Julio Romano; in which time he acquired
fuch {kill, that he formed battles in ftucco and baflb
relievo better than any other of his matter’s pupils in
that city. When Francis I. king of France, fending
to Rome for a perfon that underftood painting and
ftucco, Primaticcio was chofen for this fervice: and the
king had fuch confidence in him, that in 1540 he fent
him to Rome to buy antiques; on which he brought
back 180 ftatues, with a great number of bufts. Upon
the death of Roflb, he fucceeded him in the poft of fu-
perintendant of the public buildings; and in a ftiort
time finifhed the gallery begun by his predecefibr. He
brought fo many ftatues of marble and brafs to Fon-
tainbleau, that it feemed another Rome, as well from
the number of the antiques as from his own works in
painting and ftucco; and he was fo efteemed in France,
that nothing of any confequence was done without him,
that had any relation to painting or building. He
likewife directed the preparations for all feftivals, tour¬
naments, and mafquerades; and lived in fuch fplendor,
that he was refpefted as a courtier, as well as a painter.
Roffo and he firft taught the French a good gufto.
Primaticcio died in an advanced age, after being fa¬
voured and careffed in four reigns.
PRIME, primus, an appellation given to whatever
is firft in order, degree, or dignity, among feveral
things of the fame or like kind; thus we fay, the prime
minifter, prime coft, &c.
Prime is fometimes ufed to denote the fame with de¬
cimal, or the tenth part of an unit.
PRiME-jF/^an?, in geometry, one which cannot be
divided into any other figuree more fimple than itfelf,
as a triangle among planes, and the pyramid among Prime
folids. . P.
For prime numbers, in arithmetic, fee the article 1>nming-
Number.
Prime of the Moon, is the new moon when fire firft
appears, which is about three days after the change.
Prime Vertical, is that vertical circle which pafies
through the poles of the meridian, or the call and weft
points of the horizon; whence dials projected on the
plane of this circle, are called prime vertical, or north-
and-fouth dials.
Prime, in the Romifh church, is the firft of the ca¬
nonical hours, fucceeding to lauds.
Prime, in fencing, is the firft of the chief guards.
See Guard.
PRIMER seasin, in feodal law, was a feodal
burden, only incident to the king’s tenants in capite,
and not to thofe who held of inferior or mefne lords.
It was a right which the king had, when any of his
tenants in capite died feized of a knight’s fee, to re¬
ceive of the heir (provided he were of full age) one
whole year’s profits of the lands if they were in im¬
mediate poffeffion, and half a year’s profits if the
lands were in reverfion expedant on an eftate for life.
This feems to be little more than an additional relief,
(fee Relief;) but grounded upon this feodal reafon,
That, by the ancient law of feuds, immediately upon
the death of a vaffalthefuperior was entitled to enterand
take feifin or poffeffion of the land, by way of pro¬
tection againft intruders, till the heir appeared to
claim it, and receive invcftiture: and for the time the
lord fo held it, he was entitled to take the profits ;
and unlefs the heir claimed within a year and day, it
was by the ftrid law a forfeiture. This praftice how¬
ever feems not to have long obtained in England, if
ever, with regard to tenures under inferior lords; but,
as to the king’s tenures in capite, this prima feifma was
exprefsly declared, under Hen. III. and Ed. II. to
belong to the king by prerogative, in contradiftinction
to other lords. And the king was entitled to enter
and receive the whole profits of the land, till livery
was fued ; which fuit being commonly within a year
and day next after the death of the tenant, therefore
the king ufed to take at an average the firf fruits, that
is to fay, one year’s profits of the land. And this
afterwards gave a handle to the popes, who claimed to
be feodal lords of the church, to claim in like manner
from every clergyman in England the firft year’s
profits of his benefice, by way of primitive, or firft-
fruits.—All the charges arifing by primer feifin were
taken away by 12 Car. II. c. 24.
PRIMING, in gunnery, the train of powder that
is laid, from the opening of the vent, along the gutter
or channel on the upper part of the breech of the
gun ; which, when fired, conveys the flame to the
vent, by which it is further communicated to the
charge, in order to fire the piece. This operation is
only ufed on fhipboard at the proof, and fometimes in
garrifon ; for, on all other oecafions, tubes are ufed for
that purpofe.
Priming-/T/V<?, in gunnery, a fort of iron needle
employed to penetrate the vent or- touch-hole of a
piece of ordnance, when it is loaded; in order to
difcover whether the powder contained therein is
thoroughly
P R I [ 6472 ] P R I
Priming thoroughly dry and fit for immediate fervice ; as like-
,11 wife to fearch the vent and penetrate the cartridge,
f nmi|k1~ when the guns are not loaded with the loofe powder. -
Priming, among painters, fignifies the laying on of
the firft colour.
PRIMOGENITURE, the right of the firft-born.
This right feems to be an unjuft prerogative, and
contrary to the natural right : for finee it is birth
alone that gives children a title to the.paternal fuc-
ceffion, the chance of primogeniture fhould not throw
any inequality among them. It was not till the race
of Hugh Capet, that the prerogative to the fucceffion
of the crown was appropriated to the firft born. By
the ancient cuftom of gavel-kind, dill preferved in
fome parts of our ifland, primogeniture is of no ac¬
count, the paternal eftate being equally fliared among
the fons.
PRIMIPILUS, in antiquity, the centurion of
the firft cohort of a legion, who had the charge of the
Roman eagle.
PRIMITIVE, the firft-fruits gathered of the earth,
whereof the ancients made prefents to the gods.
PRIMITIVE, in grammar, is a root or original
word in a language, in contradiftin&ion to derivative :
thus, God is a primitive ; godly> a derivative ; and
god-like, a compound.
PRIMULA, the Primrose ; a genus of the mo-
nogynia order, belonging to the pentandria clafs of
plants. This genus, including alfo the polyanthus
and auricula, furnifties an excellent colleftion of low,
fibrous-rooted, herbaceous flowery perennials.
1. The primula veris, or fpring primrofe, has thick,
and very fibrous roots, crowned by a clufter of large
oblong indented rough leaves, and numerous flower-
ftalks, from about three or four, to five or fix inches
high; each terminated commonly by one flower.—The
varieties are, common yellow-flowered primrofe of the
woods—white primrofe—paper-white—red—double
red—double yellow, and double white.— All thefe
flower abundantly in March and April, and continue
for a month or fix weeks.
The cowflip primrofe, or cowflip, has very thick
fibrous roots, crowned by a clufter of oblong, in¬
dented round leaves, and upright, firm, flower-ftalks
five or fix inches high ; terminated each by a clufter
of fmall flowers. The varieties are, Common Angle
yellow cowflip of the meadows—double yellow cowflip
—fcarlet cowflip—hofe-and-hofe cowflip ; one flower
growing out of the bofom of another, the lowermofl:
ferving as a calix ; all of which varieties have the
flower-ftalks crowned by many flowers in branches.—
They flower in April and May, continuing in fuc-
ceflion a month or fix weeks.
2. The polyanthus has thick fibrous roots, increafing
into large bunches, crowned with a clufter of large
oblong indented rough leaves ; amidft them upright
flower-ftalks fix or eight inches high, terminated
moftly by a clufter of feveral fpreading flowers of many
different colours in the varieties. The principal are,
purple, red, gold, orange-coloured, &c. They all
flower beautifully in April and May, and frequently
again in autumn ; and fometimes even in winter, if the
feafon is mild. The polyanthus is one of the noted
prize-flowers among the florifts; many of whom are
remarkably induftrious in raifing a confiderable variety
of different forts, as well as in ufing every art toblovtr
them with all requifite perfeftion ; for, among the
virtuofi, a polyanthus muft poffefs feveral peculiar pro¬
perties in order to be admitted in their colleftions.
The chief properties required in a florift's polyanthus
are, 1. The Item or flower-ftalk (hall be upright,
moderately tall, with ftrength in proportion, and
crowned by a good regular bunch of flowers on ftiort
pedicles, ftrong enough to fupport them nearly in an
upright pofition. 2. The florets of each branch
fhould be equally large, fpreading open flat, with the
colours exquifite, and the ftripes and variegations
lively and regular. 3. The eye in the centre of each
floret fhould be large, regular, and bright ; and the
antherae, by the florifts called the thrum, fhould rife
high enough to cover the mouth of the tube or hollow
part in the middle of the florets, and render them
what they call thrum eyed: but when the ftyle elevates
the ftigma above the antherae, the eye of the tube
generally appears hollow, fhowing the ftigma in the
middle, like the head of a pin, and is reje&ed as an
incomplete flower, though its other properties fhould
be ever fo perfeft. This pin-eyed polyanthus, how¬
ever, though rejefted by the florifts, is the flower in its
mod perfeft flate, and great numbers of them are of
as beautiful forms and colours as the thrum-eyed
varieties.
3. The auricula has a thick fibrous root, crowned
by a clufter of oblong, flefhy, broad, ferrated, fmooth
leaves, refembling the -fhape of a bear’s ear ; and
amidft them upright flower-ftalks from about three or
four to fix or eight inches high, terminated by an um¬
bellate clufter of beautiful flowers, of many different
colours in the varieties. All of thefe have a circular
eye in the middle of each flower, and of which there
are different colours, whence the auriculas are diftin-
guifhed into yellow-eyed, white-eyed, &c. The petals
of moft of the kinds are powdered with an exceeding
fine farina or mealy powder, which contributes greatly
to the beauty of the flower. They all flower in April
or May, continuing a month or fix weeks in beauty,
and ripening plenty of feeds in June.
Culture. All the varieties of the common fpring
primrofe multiply fo fall by the roots, that it is fcarce
worth while to raife them from feeds. However, tho’
many fingle kinds may be raifed from feed, yet parting
the roots is the only method by which the double kind
can be preferved ; and the fame thing is tobeobferved
of all the reft,
PRIMUM mobile, in the Ptolemaic aftronomy,
the ninth or higheft fphere of the heavens, whofe centre
is that of the world, and in comparifon of which the
earth is but a point. This they will have to contain
all other fpheres within it, and to give motion to them,
turning itfelf, and all them, quite round in 24 hours.
PRINCE, Princeps,, in polity, a perfon inverted
with the fupreme command of a ftate, independent of
any fuperior.
Prince alfo denotes a perfon who is a fovereign in
his own territories, yet holds of fome other as his fu¬
perior ; fuch are the princes of Germany, who, tho’
abfolute in their refpedlive principalities, are bound to
the emperor in certain fervices.
Prince alfo denotes the iffue of princes, or thofe of
the royal family. In France, they are called princes
P rittiula
ii
Prince.
P R I [ 6473 ] P R I
Prince of the IJood. In England the king’s children are called
. II. fans and daughters of England; the eldeft fon is created
Printing. pr;nce Qf Wales; the cadets are created dukes or
earls as the king pleafes; and the title of all the
children is royal highnefs: all fubjedts are to kneel,
when admitted to kifs their hand, and at table out of
the king’s prefence they are ferved on the knee. See
Royal Family.
Prince of the Senate, in old Rome, the perfon
who was called over firft in the roll of fenators, when¬
ever it was renewed by the cenfors: he was always
of confular and cenforian dignity. See the article
Senate.
Prince’/ Metal, a mixture of copper and zinc, in
imitation of gold. See Chemistry, n° 378.
PRINCIPAL, the chief and moll neceffary part of
a thing.
In commerce, principal is the capital of a fum due
orient; fo called in oppofition to intereft. See In¬
terest.
It alfo denotes the firft fund put by partners into a
common flock, by which it is diftinguiftied from the
calls or acceffions afterwards required.
Principal, in mufic. See Fundamental and Ge¬
nerator.
PRINC1PATO, the name of a province of Italy,
in the kingdom of Naples, which is divided into two
parts, called by the Italians the Principato Ultra and
the Principato Citra, that is, the the Hither and Far¬
ther Prlncipato. The Hither Principato is bounded
on the north by the Farther Principato and part of
the Terra-di-Lavoro, on the weft and fouth by the
Tufcan Sea, and on the eaft by the Bafilicata. It is
about 60 miles in length, and 30 in breadth; the
foil is fertile in wine, corn, oil, and faffron ; and they
have a great deal of filk, befides feveral mineral fprings.
The capital town is Salerno. The Farther Principato
is bounded on the north by the county of Molefe and
the Terra-di-Lavoro, on the weft by the Tufcan Sea,
on the fouth by the Hither Principato, and on the
eaft by the Capitanata. It is about 37 miles in length,
and 30 in breadth. The Appennine mountains render
the air cold; and the foil is not very fertile either in corn
or wine, but it produces chefnuts, and paftures in great
plenty. Benevento is the capital town.
PRINCIPLE, principium, in general, is ufed
for the caufe, fource, or origin of any thing.
Principle, in human nature. See Disposition.
Principles, in phyfics, are often confounded with
elements, or the firft and fimpleft parts whereof na¬
tural bodies are compounded, and into which they
are again refolvable by the force of fire.
PRINT, the impreffion taken from a copperplate.
See Rolling-prefs Printing.
PRINTER, a perfon who compofes and takes im-
preflions from moveable charafters ranged in order, by
means of ink, and a prefs.
PRINTING, the art of taking imprefiions from
charafters or figures, moveable and immoveable, on
paper, linen, filk, &c. There are three kinds of
Vol. IX. 2
printing: the one from moveable letter?, for books; Printing,
another from copper-plates, for pi&ures ; and the laft ~J
from blocks, in which the reprefentation of birds,
flowers, See. are cut, for printing calicoes, linen, &c.
The firft is called common or ktter-prefs printing; the
{ccow\, rolling-prefs printing; and the iaft, calico, Sec.
printing. The principal difference between the three
confifts in this, that the firft is caft in relievo, in
diftindl pieces ; the fecond engraven in creux ; and
the third cut in relievo, arid generally ftamped, by
placing the block upon the materials to be printed,
and ftriking upon the back of it.
Letter-press PRINTING. Oftheabovebranches,
this is the moft curious, and deferves the moft parti¬
cular notice : for to it are owing chiefly our delive¬
rance from' ignorance and error, the progrefs of learn¬
ing, the revival of the fciences, and numberlefs im¬
provements in arts, which, without this noble inven¬
tion, would have been either loft to mankind, or con¬
fined to the knowledge of a few.
Hijlory of Printing. Some writers have aferibed
the origin of this art to the Eaft, and affixed a very
early period to its invention ; particularly P. Jovius,
(Hijl. lib. xiv./>. 226. ed. Florent. 1550,) from whom
Oforius and many others have embraced the fame opi¬
nion. But thefe have evidently confounded the Eu¬
ropean mode of printing, with the engraved tablets
which to this day are ufed in China. The invention
of thefe tablets has been aferibed by many writers
even to an earlier period than the commencement of
the Chriftian aera ; but is with more probability af-
figned, by the very accurate Phil. Couplet, to the
year 930. The Hiftoria Sinenfs of Abdalla, written
in PerfiC in 1317, fpeaks of it as an art in very com¬
mon ufe. Meerman, vol. i. p. 16. 218, 219. vol. ii.
p. 186. N.
The honour of having given rife to the European
method has been claimed by the cities of Haerleim,
Mentz, and Strafburg. And to each of thefe it may be
aferibed in a qualified fenfe, as they made improve¬
ments upon one another.
I.The firft teftimony of the inventor is that recorded
by Hadrian Junius, in his Batavia, p. 253, ed. Lugd.
Bat. 1588 ; which, though it hath been reje&ed by
many, is of undoubted authority. Junius had the re¬
lation from two reputable men ; Nicolaus Galius (a),
who was his fchoolmafter ; and Quirinius Talefius, his
intimate and correfpondent. He aferibes it to Lau-
rentius, the fon of John (iEdituus, or Cuftos, of the
cathedral at HARLEIM, at that time a refpeftable
office), upon the teftimony of Cornelius, fome time a
fervant to Laurentius, and afterwards bookbinder to
the cathedral, an office which had before been per¬
formed by Francifcan friars. His narrative was thus:
“ That, walking in a wood near the city (as the ci¬
tizens of opulence ufe to do), he began at firft to cut
fome letters upon the rind of a beach-tree; which, for
fancy’s fake, being impreffed on paper, he printed
one or two lines, as a fpecimen for his grand-children
(the fons of his daughter) to follow. This having
36 K hap-
(a) Galius feems to be the fame who is called Claes Lottynfz. Gael, Scabinus Harlemi, as it is in the Fafti of
that city, in the years 1531, 1533, and 1535. Quirinius in the fame Fafttis called Mr Qiiiryn Dirkfzoon. He was
many years amanuenfis to the great Erafmus, as appears from his epiftle, 23d July 1529. tom. iii. Oper. p. 1222.
He was afterwards Scabinus in 1537 & feq. and Conful in 1552 & feq. But in the troubles of Holland he was
cruelly killed by the Spanifh foldiers, May *3, 1573. There are fome letters of Hadrian Junius to this Talefius, in
the Epiftoh Juniane, p. 198.
P R I [ 6474 ] P R I
Printing, happily fucceeded, he meditated greater things (as he
" was a man of ingenuity and judgment) 5 and firft of
all, with his fon-in law Thomas Peter (who, by the
way, left three fons, who all attained the confular
dignity), invented a more glutinous writing-ink, be-
caufe he found the common ink funk and fpread; and
then formed whole pages of wood, with letters cut up ¬
on them ; of which fort I have feen fome effays, in an
anonymous work, printed only on one fide, intituled,
Speculum nojlrce falutis ; in which it is remarkable, that
in the infancy of printing (as nothing is complete at
its firft invention) the back fides of the pages were
palled together, that they might not by their naked-
nefs betray their deformity. Thefe beachen letters he
afterwards changed for leaden ones, and thefe again
for a mixture of tin and lead \_ftanneas~\ as a lefs
flexible and more folid and durable fubftance. Of the
remains of which types, when they were turned to
•wafte metal, thofe old wine-pots were caft, that are
ilill preferved in the family-houfe, which looks into
the market-place, inhabited afterwards by his great
grandfon Gerard Thomas, a gentleman of reputation;
whom I mention for the honour of the family, and
who died old a few years fince. A new invention ne¬
ver fails to engage curiofity. And when a commo¬
dity never before feen excited purchafers, to the ad-
vantage of the inventor ; the admiration of the artin-
creafed, dependents were enlarged, and workmen mul¬
tiplied, the firft calamitous incident! Among thefe
was one John, whether, as we fufpeft, he had omi-
noufly the name of Fauftus (b), unfaithful and un¬
lucky to his mafter, or whether it was really a perfon
of that name, I lhall not much inquire; being unwil¬
ling to moled the filent (hades, who fuffer from a con-
fcioufnefs of their paft aftions in this life. This man,
bound by oath to keep the fecret of printing, when he
thought he had learned the art of joining the letters,
the method of cafting the types, and other things of
that nature, taking the moft convenient time that was
poffible, on Chriftmas-eve, when every one was cu-
ilomarily employed in luftral facrifices, feizes the col¬
lection of types, and all the implements his mafter had
got together, and, with one accomplice, marches off
to Amfterdam, thence to Cologn, and at laft fettled
at Mentz, as at an afylum of fecurity, where he
might go to work with the tools he had ftolen. It is
certain, that in a year’s time, viz. in J442, the Doftri-
7iale of Alexander Gallus, which was a grammar much
ufed at that time, together with the Trails of Peter
of Spain, came forth there, from the fame types as
Laurentius had made ufe of at Harleim.”
Thus far the narrative of Junius, which he had fre¬
quently heard from Nicolaus Galius ; to whom it was
related by Cornelius himfelf, who lived to a great age,
and ufed toburft into tears upon reflecting on the lefs
his mailer had fuftained, not only in his fubftance,
but in his honour, by the roguery of his fervant, his
former aflbciate and bedfellow. Cornelius, as appears
by the regifters of Harleim cathedral, died either in
J515, or the beginning of the following year; fo
that he might very well give this information to Ni¬
colaus Galius, who was fchool-mafter to Hadrian Ju- Printing. 1
nius. "
Though this circumftance is probable as to the
main faft, yet we muft fet afide the evidence of it in
fome particulars. 1. The firft obvious difficulty is no¬
ticed by Scriverius; “ that the types are faid to be
made of the rind of beach, which could not be ftrong
enough to bear the imprelfion of the prefs.” Though
this is removed, if, inftead of the bark, we fubftitutea
bough of the beach. The idea of the&rr^, when Junius j!ow«er an^
wrote this, was perhaps ftrong in his mind, from what Nichols's i
Virgil tells us (Eel. v. 13.) of its being ufual to cut Origin of a
words on the bark of a beach ; and thence he waseafi-
ly led to make a wrong application of it here.
2. The letters were at firft wooden, and are faid to
be afterwards exchanged for metal types ; from which
the wine-pots were formed, remaining in the time of
Junius. According to tradition, printing was carried
on in the fame houfe long after the time of Laurentius;
thofe pots might therefore be formed from the wafte
metal of the printing-houfe, after the ufe of fuftle
types became univerfal.—But Laurentius feems to have
carried the art no farther than feparate wooden types.
What is a remarkable confirmation of this, Henry
Spiechel, who wrote, in the 16th century, a Dutch
poem intituled Hertfpiegel, exprefles himfelf thus:
“ Thou firft, Laurentius, to fupply the defedt of
wooden tablets, adaptedft wooden types, and afterwards
didft conned! them with a thread, to imitate writing.
A treacherous fervant furreptitioufly obtained the ho¬
nour of the difeovery. But truth itfelf, though defti-
tute of common and wide-fpread fame ; Truth, I fay,
Hill remains.” No mention in the poem of metal types i
a circumftance which, had he been robbed of fuch, as
well as of wooden ones, would fcarcely have been pafs-
ed over in filence.
When Laurentius firft devifed his rough fpecimen of |
the art, can only be guefled at. He died in 1440, af¬
ter having publifhed the Speculutsi Belgicusn, and two
editions of Donatus, all with different wooden types ;
which it is probable (confidering the difficulties he
had to encounter, and the many artifts whom he muft:
neceffarily have had occafion toconfult) coft him fome
years to execute; fo that the firft effay might be
about 1430, which nearly agrees with Petrus Scrive¬
rius, who fays the invention was about to or 12 years
before 1440. See Laurentius.
3. What was the fpecimen he firft diverted him¬
felf with in cutting, at the diftance of three centuries,
one would think impolfible to be difeovered. And yet
Joh. Enfchedius, a printer, thinks he was fo happy as
to find it, being an old parchment Horarium, printed
on both fides, in eight pages, containing the Letters
of the Alphabet, the Lord’s Prayer, the Apoftles
Creed, and three ftiort prayers. And Mr Meerman
having (hown this to proper artifts who were judges
of thefe matters, they gave it as their opinion that it
agreed exa&ly with the defeription of Junius. It is
conformable to the firft edition of the Dutch Speculum
Salvationis, and the fragments of both Donat us's of
Holland, both which are the works of the fame Lau¬
rentius
(b) John Fauft,or Fuji, is by many fuppofed to have derived his name from faujlus, “ happyand Dr Fauftus
frems to carry an air of grandeur in the appellation : but very erroneoufly. John Faujl, or Fuji, is no more than
John Hand, whence our name Fiji,
P R I [ 6475 ] P R I
Printing, rentius, and were preceded by thia. In thefe types,
' which are certainly moveable, cut, and uneven, there
is a rudenefs which Mr Meerman has not obferved in
any other inftances. There are no numbers to the
pages, no fignatures, no direflion-ruords, no diviiions
at the end of the lines ; on the contrary, a fyllable di¬
vided in the middle is feen, thus, Sp iritu, in p. 8.
1. 2, 3. There are neither diftinftions nor points,
which are feen in the other works of Laurentius; and
the letter 1 is not marked with an accent, but with a
dot at the top. The lines throughout are uneven. The
ftiape of the pages not always the fame ; not (as they
(hould be) re&angular, but fometimes rhomb-like,
fometimes an ifofcde trapezium; and the perform¬
ance feems to be left as a fpecimen both of his piety,
and of his ingenuity in this effay of a new invented
art. Mr Meerman has given an exaft engraving of this
lingular curiofity.
But, whatever elfe may appear doubtful in the nar¬
rative of Junius, it is very clear, that the firft eflays
of the art are to be attributed to Laurentius, who ufed
only feparate wooden types. See the article Lauren¬
tius.
II. Some of Laurentius’s types were ftolen from him
by one of his fervants (c), Geinsfleich fenior
who fled therewith to MENTZ. Having introduced
the art from Harleim into this his native city, he fet
with all diligence to carry it on; and publiihed in 1442,
Alexandri Galli Dottrinate, and Petri Hispani
Trattatus; two works, which, being fmall, bed fail¬
ed his circumflances; and for which, being much ufed
in the fchools, he might reafonably expedt a profit¬
able fale. They were executed v/xth'wooden types, cut
after the model of thofe he had ftolen.
In 1443 he hired the houfe^am ftmgen; and was
aflifted with money by Fust, a wealthy perfon, who in
return had a ihare of the bufinefs: and about the fame
time John Meidenhachius was admitted a partner, as
were fome others whofe names are not tranfmitted to
our times; and in 1444 they were joined by Guten¬
berg, who for that purpofe quitted Strafburg. Wood¬
en types being found not fufficiently durable, and not
anfwering expeftation in other refpefts, the two bro¬
thers firft invented cut metal types. But while thefe
were preparing, which muft have been a work of
time, feveral works were printed, both on wooden fepa-
36 K 2 rate
(c) Authors differ as to the perfon who committed this robbery. It is clear from all accounts that his name was
John ; but what his furname was is the difputed point. Junius, after fome hefitation, afcrihes it to John Full; but
with injuftice •. for he was a wealthy man, who affifted the firft printers at Mentz with money; and though he af¬
terwards was proprietor of a printing-office, yet he never, as far as appears, performed any part of the bufinefs with
his own hands, and confequently he could never have been a fervant to Laurentius. Nor is the conjecture of Scri-
verius better founded, which fixes it upon John Gutenberg, who (as appears by anthentic teftimonies) refided at
Strafburg from 1436 to 1444, and during all that period employed much fruitlefs labour and expence in endeavour¬
ing to attain this art. Mr Meerman once thought, “ it might be either John Meidenbachius, (who, we are told by
Seb. Munfter and the author of Chronographia Moguntinenfis, was an affiftant to the firft Mentz printers); or John
Peterlheimius (who was fome time a fervant to Full and Schoeffer, and fet up a printing-houfe at Francfort in 1459) ;
or, laftly, fome other perfon, who, being unable through poverty to carry on the bufinefs, difcovered it to Getns-
fleich at Mentz.” But more authentic intelligence afterwards convinced him there
were two perfpns of this name; and that John Geinsfleich fenior * was the diflioneft •* He was called GeimjUich r-ccr'
fervant, who was born at Mentz, and who, in the papers publiihed by Kohlerus, we ; the other was diitinguifiied
find there in the year 1441, and not before: for though he was of a good family, were'both poor ■ Hiosgtiof a finally
yet was he poor, and feems to have been obliged, as well as his brother, to feek his live- diitinguiihed by knighthood. They
lihood in a foreign country; and perhaps was content to be under Laurentius, that, SmoaV^biy^roth^aliiTw^
But, to leave conjecture, not uncommon in that age lor two
brothers to have the fame Chriftian
tme. Thefe both appear ina difr-epu-
blelight. Theeldeit robbed hisma-
;r, with many aggravating circum-
incesv The youngeft w   
>ly contentioi” - -
xmtrad of marriage with
" girl of Tbs Iron Gate.
.... >.«- .111 -.'inpelled
but left her behind at Strafburg when
he removed to Menta. He had not
only frequent quarrels w
when he had learned the art, he might follow it in his own
we may produce fome certain teftimonies.
1. It is what Junius himfelf fays, that the perfon who ftole the types did it with a
view to fet up elfewhere; nor is it likely that he would either make no ufe of an art he
had feen fo profitable to Laurentius, or that he would teach it to another and fubmit
to be again a fervaut. Anna anoo r
2. The Lambeth Record (which is printed below, from Mr Atkyns) tells us, that refufed to marry
ei Mentz gained the art by the brother of one of the workmen of Harleim, who learn- 1 -
ed it at home of his brother, who after fet up for himfelf at Mentz.”—By the ftric-
teft examination of the beft authorities, it is plain that by thefe two brothers the
two Geinsfleiches muft be meant. But as the younger (C«/«2£fT£) was never a     .
fervant to Laurentius, it muft be the fenior who carried off the types, and inftruc- ^r” aKat^wIth’him at'strS
ted his brother in the art; who firft applied himfelf to the bufinefs at Strafburg, burg in his different employments of
.and afterwards joined his elder brother, , who had in the mean time fettled at Mentz.
What is ftillftronger,two chronologers of Strafburg, the one named Dan Speklinus,
the other anonymous (in Meerman’s Documenta, n° lxxxv, lxxxvI), tells us ex-
prefsly, that John Geinsfieich (viz. the fenior, whom they diftinguifh from Guten¬
berg), having learned the art by being fervant to its JirJl inventor, carried it by theft
into Mentz his native country. They are right in the faCt, though miftaken in the application of it; for they
make Strafburg the place of the invention, and Mentelius the inventor, from whom the types were ftolen. But this
is plainly an error: for Geinsfleich lived at Mentz in i44i> as appears from undoubted teftimonies; and could not be
a fervant to Mentelius, to whom the beforementioned writers aferibe the invention in 1440, tho’ more ancient ones
do not attempt to prove that he began to print before 1444 or 1447' Nor will the narrative agree better with Guten¬
berg, who was an earlier printer than Mentelius; fince, among the evidences produced by him in his law-fuit, r439,
no Geinsfleich fenior appears, nor any other fervant but Laurentius Beildek. The narration therefore of the theft
of Geinsfieich, being fpread by various reports through the world, and fubfifting in the time of thefe chronologers,
was applied by them (to ferve the caufe they wrote for) to Strafburg-; but ferves to confirm the truth, fince no wri¬
ter derives the printing fpoils from any other country than Holland or Alfatia. The chronologers have like wife,
inftead of Fuft, called Gutenberg the wealthy man; who, from all circumftances, appears to have been poor.
They alfocall Schoeffer the fon-ir.-law of Mentelius; when it is clear that he married the daughter of Fuft,
prizehen, A,
three lawTuits. See Meerman, vc
p. U)3, &c. N.
Printing.
Printing.
P R I [ 6476 ] P R I
rate types and on wooden blocks; which were well adap¬
ted to fmall books of frequent ufe,'fuch as the Tabula
Alphabetical the Catholicon, Donati Grammatical and
the Confejfionalia.
From the abovementioned printers in conjun&ion,
after many fmaller effays, the Bible was publilhed in
1450, with large cut metal types (0). And it is no
wonder, confidering the immenfe labour this work coft,
that it (hould be feven or eight years in completing.
In this fame year the partnerlhip was diffolved, and a
new one entered into, in Auguft, between Fuji and
Gutenberg; the former fupplying the money, the lat¬
ter {kill, for their common beneht. Various difficuh
ties arifing, occafioned a law-fuit for the money which
Full had advanced; which was. determined again ft Gu¬
tenberg. A diftblution of this partnerfhip enfued in
1455; and in 1457 a magnificent edition of the Pfal-
ter was publifhed by Fuji and Schaeffer, with a re¬
markable commendation, in which they affumed to
themfelyes the merit of a new invention, (viz. of metal
types'), ad inventionem artijiciofam itnprimendi ac cha-
raflerizandi. This book was uncommonly elegant,
and in fome meafure the work of Gutenberg; as it was
four years in the prefs, and came out but 18 months
after the partnerlhip was diffolved between him and
Fuft.
The latter continued in poffeffion of the printing-
office: and Gutenberg, by the pecuniary affiftance of
Conrad Humery fyndic of Mentz (e), and others,
opened another office in the fame city; whence ap¬
peared, in 1460, without the printer’s name, the Ca¬
tholicon Jo. de Janua, with a pompous colophon in
praife of its beauty, and aferibing the honour of the
invention to the city of Mentz. It was a very hand-
fome book, though inferior to the Pfalter which had
been publifhed in 1457 by Fuft and Schoeffriv Both
the Pfalter and Catholicon were printed on cut metal
types (r). It may not be improper to obferve here,
that as the Pfalter is the earlieft book which is known
to have a genuine date, it became a common pradtice
after that publication, for printers to claim their own
performances, by adding their names to them.
III. The progrefs of the art has been thus traced
thro’ its fecond period, the invention of cut metal types.
But the honour of completing the difeovery is due to
Peter Schoefeer (g) de Gernfheim.
A very clear account of this final completion of the
types is preferved by Trithemius (h). Pojl heec in-
ventis fuccefferunt fubtiliora, inveneruntque modum fun-
dendi formas omnium Latins alphabets liter arum, quas
ipji matrices nominabant: ex quibus rurfum ceneos Jive>
Jlanneos charadieres fundebant, ad omnetn preffuram fuf-
ficientes., quos prius manihus fculpebant. Et revera Jicuti
ante xxx ferme annos ex ore. Petri Opilionis de Gern-
Jheim, civis Moguntini, qui gener erat primi artis inven-
toris, audivi, magnam a primes inventionis Jure hac ars
impreffbria habuit difficult at em.—Petrus autem ineimra-.
tus Qpilio, tunc famulus pojlea gener, ficut diximus, in¬
vent or is primi, Johannis Fuji, homo ingeniofus et pru-
dens, faciliorem tnodum fundendi charaderes excogita-
vit, et artem, ut nunc ejl,. complevit.
Another ample teftimony in favour of Schoeffer is
given by Jo. Frid. Fauftus af Afchaffenburg, from pa¬
pers preferved in his family: “ Peter Schoeffer of
Gernfheim, perceiving his mafter Fuft’s defign, and be¬
ing himfelf ardently defirous to improve the art, found
out (by the good providence of God) the method of
cutting (incidendi) the charaders in a matrix, that the
letters might eafily be fingly cafi, inftead of being cut.
He privately cut matrices for the whole alphabet; and
when he fhowed his mafter the letters caft from thefe
matrices, Fuft was fo pleafed with the contrivance,
that he promifed Peter to give him his only daughter,
Chriftina, in marriage; a promife which he foon after
performed. But there were as many difficulties at firft
with thefe letters, as there had been before with wooden
ones; the metal being too foft to fupport the force of
the impreffion: but this defed was foon remedied, by
mixing the metal with a fubftance which fufficiently
hardened it (1).”
Fuft and Schoeffer concealed this new improvement,
by adtniniftering an oath of fecrecy to all whom they
intrufted, till the year 1462; when, by the difperfion
of their fervants into, different countries, at the facking
of Mentz by the archbifhop Adolphus, the invention
was publicly diviilgcd.
The firft book printed with thefe improved types was
Durandi Rationale, in 1459 ; at which time, however,
they
(d) Many writers have fuppofed that this was the edition of which fome copies were fold in France, by Fuff, as
manuferipts, for the great price- of 500 or 600 crowns, which he afterwards lowered to 60, and at laft to lefs than 40.
But it was the fecond and more expenfive edition of 146a, that was thus difpofed of, when Fuft went to Paris in 1460,
and which had coft 4000 florins before the third quaternion (or quire of four fheets) was printed. Me erm a n, vol.l.
p. <*• 151, 15a.
(e) At death of Gutenberg,, Conrad Humery took pofleffion of all his printing materials; and engaged tothearch-
bi(hop Adolphus, that he never would fell them to any one but a citizen of Mentz. They were, however, foon dif¬
pofed of to Nicholas Bechtermuntze of Altavilla, who, in 1469, publiflied Vocabularium Latino-Teutonicum, which
was printed with the fame types which had been ufed in the Catholicon. This very curious and fcarce Vocabulary
was ffiown to Mr Meerman, by Mr Bryant, in the duke of Marlborough’s valuable library at Blenheim. It is in
quarto, 35 lines long, contains many extrafts from the Catholicon, and is called Ex quo, from the preface beginning
with thole words. Meerman, vol. II. p. 9<s.
(f) Gutenberg never ufed any other than either wooden or cut metal types till the year 1462. In 14SS he was ad¬
mitted inter Aulicos by the eleftor Adolphus, with an annual penfion ; and died in February 1468. His elder bro¬
ther Geinsflech died in S46z. Their epitaphs are printed by Mr Mcerman, vol. II. p. 1S4, 29s.
(g) In German, ©rijaeffej:; in Latin, Opilio\ in Englilh, Shepherd.- He is fuppofed by Mr Meerman to have
been the firft engraver on copper-plates.
(h) Annates Hirfaugienfes, tom. ii. ad ann. 1450.—As this book was finifhed in iii4, and Trithemius tells us he
had the narrative from Schoeffer himfelf about 30 years before ; this will bring us back to 1484, when Sehoeffer rnuft
have been advanced in years, and Trithemius about 22 years old, who died in 1516. See VoJ]TVd\^v. Lat. 1. 1. c. 10.
Fabr. Med. & Infim. MX. 1. 9.
(1) See Meerman, vo!. I. p. 183. whocopied this teftimony from Wolfius, Monument. Typograph. vol. I. p. 4C2»
feq.
Printing.
P R I
Printing, they feetti to have had only one ftze of cajl letters, all
the larger characters which occur being cut types, as
appears plainly by an infpe&ion of the book. From
this time to 1466, Fuft and Scboeffer continued to print
a confiderable number of books; particularly two fa¬
mous editions of Tully?s, Offices. In their earlieft books,
they printed more copies on vellum than on paper, which
was the cafe both of their Bibles and Tully’s Offices.
This, however, was foon inverted; and paper introdu¬
ced for the greateft part of their impreffions: a few
only being printed on vellum, for curiofities, and for
the purpofe of being illuminated. How Iqcg Fuft li¬
ved, is uncertain; but in 1471 we find Schoeffer was
was in partnerftiip with Conrad Henlif and a kinfman
of his mafter Fuft. He publiftied many books after the
death of his father-in-law; the laft of which that can
be difcovered is a third edition of the Pfalter in 1490,
in which the old cut types of the firft edition were
ufed.
IV. With regard to the claim of STRASBURG:
It has been already mentioned, that Gutenberg was
engaged in that city in different employments ; and,
among others, in endeavouring to attain the art of print¬
ing. That thefe endeavours were unfuccefsfuj, is plain
from an authentic judicial decree of the fenate of Straf-
burgin 1439, after the death of Andrew Drizehen (k).
B.ut there are many other proofs that Gutenberg
and his partners were never able to bring the art to
perfedtion.
! Epitome X. Wimphelingius the oldeft writer in favour of
rerum Ger- Strafburg, tells, us, that Gutenberg was the inventor
\minicarum, 0f « a uew art Gf writing,” ars imprejforia, which
»5oj.Mecr- m'gbt alfo be called a divine benefit, and which he hap-
jnan, vol.i. pily completed at Mentz ; but does not mention one
• loi. book of his printing: though he, adds, that Mentelius
o!. u. printed many volumes corredlly and beautifully, and
P'l39' acquired great wealth; whence we may conclude that
he perfedied what Gutenberg had in vain effayed.
[f- Catal. E- 2. Wimphelingius, in another book f, tells us, the
pife. Argen- art of printing was found out by Gutenberg incomplete;
'Mecnnan which implies, not that he praftifed the art in an im-
fupra. ’ perfedl'manner (as Laurentius had done at Harleim),
but rather that he had not been able, to accomplifh
what he aimed at,
3. Gutenberg, when he left Strafburg in 1444 or
the following year, and entered into partnerfhip with
- Geinsfieicli fenior and others, had occafion for his bro¬
ther’s afliftance to enable him to complete the art ;
which (hows that his former attempts at Strafburg had
I fttarmaw, keen unfuccefsful
at iupra. ^ Thefe particulars are remarkably confirmed by
! Anna!. Trithemius, who tells us, in two differqgt places ||,, that
Gutef,berg fpe.nt all his fubftance in qi^lt of this art;
vlron. Span anft met w‘lb fueb infuperable difficulties, that, in de-
hdm See fpair, he had nearly given up all hopes of attaining it,
U r marly
V R I
till he was affifted by the liberality of Fuft, and by his Printing,
brother’s (kill, in the city of Mentz. ‘  
5. Ulric Zell fays * the art was completed at Mentz; * Chronkon
but that fome books had been publiftied in Holland j7^^’
earlier than in that city. Is it likely that Zell, who
was a German, would have omitted to mention Slraf-
burg, if it had preceded Mentz in printing?
There is little doubt therefore that all Gutenberg’s
labours at Strafburg amounted to no more than a fruit-
lefs attempt, which he was at laft under the neceffity
of relinquifhing : and there is no certain proof of a
Angle book having been printed in that city till after
the difperfion of the printers in 1462,, when Mentelius
and Eggeftenius fuccefsfully purfued the bufinefs.
In fine, the pretenlions of Strajburg fall evidently to
be.fet afide. And as to the other two cities, Harleim
and Mentz, the difputes between them feem eafily
cleared up, from the twofold invention of printing
abovementioned: the firft with feparate wooden types
at Harleim, by Laurentius, about 1430, and after
continued by his family; the other with metal types,
firft cut, and afterwards caft, which were invented at
Mentz, but not ufed in Holland till brought thither
Theodoric Martens at Aloft about 1^72.
From this period printing made a rapid progrefs in
mod of the principal towns of Europe. In 1490, it
reached Contlantinople ; and, according to Mr Pal¬
mer, p. 281, &c. it was extended, by the middle of
the next century, to Afiica and America. It was in¬
troduced into Ruffia about 1560: but, from motives
either of policy or fuperftition, it was fpeedily fuppref-
fed by the ruling powers; and, even under the prefent
enlightened emprefs, has fcarcely emerged from itsob-
feurity.—That it was early pradtifed in the inhofpi-’
table regions of Iceland, we have the refpedlable au¬
thority of Mr Bryant: “ Arngrim Jonas was born
amidft the fnows of Iceland; yet as much prejudiced
in favour of his country as thofe who are natives of an
happier climate. This is vifible in his Ctymogeea; but
more particularly in his Anatome Btlefkimana. I have
in my poffeflion this curious little treatife, written in
Latin by him in his own country, and printed Typis
Holenjibus in Ijlandiii Boreali, anno 1612. Hda is pla¬
ced in fome maps within the Ardfic circle, and is cer¬
tainly not far removed from it. I believe, it is the far-
theft north of any place, where arts and fciences have
ever redded.” Ohfervations and Inquiries relating to va~
rious parts of Ancient Hiftory, 1767, p.277.
Introduction of Printing into Britain. It was a
conftant opinion, delivered down by our hiftorians, as
hath been obferved by Dr Middleton, that the Art of
Printing was introduced and firft praftifed in England
by William Caxton, a mercer and citizen of London;
who, by his travels abroad, and a refidence of many
years in Holland, Flanders, and Germany, in the af¬
fairs
jj>. 103.1x7, attempts were made about 143®, with wooden types. Mr Meerman is of opinion that Geinsfiech
|P junior (who was of an enterprillng genius, and had already engaged in a variety of projefts) gained fome little infight
into the bufinefs by viffting his ibrother who was employed by Laurentius at Harleim, but not fufficient to enable
him to praftife it. It is certain, that, at the time of the law-fuit in 1439, much money had been expended, without
any profit having arifen ; and the unfortunate Drizehen, in 1438, on his death-bed, lamented to bis confeffbr, that
he had been at great expence^ without having been reimburfed a Angle obelus. Nor did Gutenberg (who perfifted
in his fruitlefs endeavours) reap any advantage from them; for, when he quitted Strafburg, he was overwhelmed in
debt, and under a neceffity of felling every thing he was in poffefiion of. [Meerman, vol. I. p. 198—202.] All
the depofitions in the law-fuit aboveixienlioaed (with the judicial decree) are printed by Mr Meerman, vol. II. p. 38'
» —88. N.
[ 6477 ]
P R I [64
Printing, fairs of trade, had an opportunity of informing liimfelf
 'of the whole method and procefs of the art; and by
the encouragement of the great, and particularly of
the abbot of Weftminfter, firft fet up a prefs in that
abbey, and began to print books foon after the year
H7<-
This was the tradition of our writers; till a book,
which had fcarce been obferved before the Reftoration,
was then taken notice of by the curious, with a date
of its impreffion from Oxford, anno 1468 and was
confidered immediately as a clear proof and monument
of the exercife of printing in that univerfity feveral
years before Caxton began to deal in it.
This book, which is in the public library at Cam¬
bridge, is a fmali volume of 41 leaves in 410, with this
title: Expojicio Sanfti Jeronimi in Simbolum Apojlolo-
ruin ad Papdm Laurentium: and at the end, Explicit
expojicio, &c. Imprejfa Oxonie, & finita Anno Dotnini
m.cccc.lxvii 1. xvii die DcCembris.
The appearance of this book has robbed Caxton of
a glory that he had long pOiTdTed, of being the author
of printing to this kingdom ; and Oxford ever fince
carried the honour of the firft prefs. The only difficul¬
ty was, to account for the filence of hiftory in an event
fo memorable, and the want of any memorial in the
univerfity itfelf concerning the eftabliffiment of a new
art amongft them of Xuch ufe and benefit to learning.
But this likewife has been cleared up, by the difcovery
of a record, which had lain obfcure ai d unknown at
Lambeth-honfe, in the Regifter of the See of Canter¬
bury ; and gives a narrative of the whole tranfa&ion,
brawn up at the very time.
An account of this record was firft publilhed in a
thin quarto volume, in Engliffi; with this title: “ The
Original and Growth of Printing, colle&ed out of Hi-
itory and the Records of this Kingdome : wherein is
alfo demonftrated, that Printing appertaineth to the
Prerogative Royal, and is a Flower of the Crown of
England. By Richard Atkyns, efq.—Whitehall,
April the 25, 1664. By order and appointment of the
right honourable Mr Secretary Morrice, let this be
printed. Tho. Rycaut. London : Printed by John
Streater, for the Author. J664.,, 410.
It fets forth in ftiort, “ That as foon as the art of
printing made fome noife in Europe, Thomas Bour-
^ chier, archbifhop of Canterbury, moved the then king
(Henry VI.) to uie all poffible means for procuring a
printing-mold (for fo it was there called) to be brought
into this kingdom. The king (a good man, and much
given to works of this nature) readily hearkened to
the motion; and, taking private advice how to effeft
his defign, concluded it could not be brought about
without great fecrecy, and a confiderable fum of money
given to fuch perfon or perfons as would draw off
fome of the workmen of Harleim in Holland, where
John Guthenberg had newly invented it, and was him-
fclf perfonally at work. It was refolved, that lefs than
1000 raerks would not produce the defired effedf; to¬
wards which fum the faid archbilhop prefented the king
300 merks. The money being now prepared, the ma¬
nagement of the delign was committed to Mr Robert
Tumour; who then was of the robes to the king, and
a perfon moft in favour with him of any of his condi¬
tion. Mr Tumour took to his affiftance Mr Caxton,
a citizen of good abilities, who traded much into Hoi-
78 ] P R I
land; which was a creditable pretence, as well for his Printing,
going, as flay in the Low Countries. Mr Tumour was — ’
in difguife (his beard and hair fhaven quite off) ; but
Mr Caxton appeared known and public. They, having
received the laid fum of iooo merks, went firft to Am-
fterdam, then to Leyden, not daring to enter Harleim
itfelf; for the town was very jealous, having imprifon-
ed and apprehended divers perfons who came from
other parts for the fame purpofe. They ftaid till they
had fpent the whole thoufand merks in gifts and ex-
pences: fo as the king was fain to fend 500 merks
more, Mr Tumour having written to the king that he
had almoft done his work; a bargain (as he faid) be¬
ing (truck betwixt him and two Hollanders, forbring-
ing-off one of the under-workmen, whofe name was
Frederick Corfells (or rather Corfellii), who late one
night ftole from his fellows in difguife into a veffel
prepared before for that purpofe; and fo, the wind fa¬
vouring the defign, brought him fafe to London. It
was not thought fo prudent to fet him on work at Lon¬
don: but, by the archbifhop’s means (who had been
vice-chancellor and afterwards chancellor of the uni¬
verfity of Oxon) Corfellis was carried with a guard
to Oxon; which guard conftantly watched, to prevent
Corfellis from any poffible efcape, till he had made good
his promife in teaching them how to print. So that at
Oxford printing was firft fet up in England, which was
before there was any printing-prefs or printer in
France, Spain, Italy, or Germany (except the city of
Mentz), which claims feniority, as to printing, even
of Harleim itfelf, calling her city, Urbem Mogunti-
nam artis typographic# inventricem primam, though it
is known to be otherwife; that city gaining the art by
the brother of one of the workmen of Harleim, who
had learnt it at home of his brother, and after fet up
for himfelf at Mentz. This prefs at Oxon was at leaft
ten years before there was any printing in Europe, ex¬
cept at Harlcim and Mentz, where it was but new¬
born. This prefs at Oxford was afterwards found in¬
convenient to be the foie printing-place of England ;
as being too far from London and the fea. Wherefore
the king fet up a prefs at St Alban’s, and another in
the city of Weftminfter, where they printed feveral
books of divinity and pbyjic: for the king (for reafons
beft known to himfelf and council) permitted then no
law-books to be printed; nor did any printer exefcife
that art, but only fuch as were the king’s fworn fer-
vants; the king himfelf having the price and emolument
for printing books.'—By this means the art grew fo fa¬
mous, that anno primo Rich. III. c. 9. when an adt
of parliament was made for reftraint of aliens for ufing
any handicrafts here (except as fervants to natives), a
fpecial provifo was inferttd, that ftrangers might bring
in printed or written books to fell at their pleafure,
and exercife the art of printing here, notwithftanding
that adl: fo that in that fpace of 40 or 50 years, by
the indulgence of Edward IV. Edward V. Richard III,
Henry VII. and Henry VIII. the Englilh proved fo
good proficients in printing, and grew fo numerous, as
to furnifh the kingdom with books; and fo fkilful, as
to print them as wed as any beyond the feas; as
appears by the aft 25 Hen. VIII. c. 15. which abro¬
gates the faid provifo for that reafon. And as it was
further enacled in the faid ftatute, that if any perfon
bought foreign books bound, he fhould pay 6 s. 8d.
P R I [ 6479 ] P R I
Printing, per book. And it was further provided and enafted,
' that in cafe the faid printers or fellers of books were
unreafonable in their prices, they fhould be moderated
by the lord chancellor, lord treafurer, the two lords
chief juftices, or any two of them; who alfo had power
to fine them 3 s. 4d. for every book whofe price fhould
be enhanced.—But when they were by charter corpo-
rated with bookbinders, bookfellers, and founders of let¬
ters, 3&4 Philip and Mary, and called The Company
of Stationers—they kickt againft the power that gave
them life, &c.—Queen Elifabeth, the firft year of her
reign, grants by patent the privilege of (ole printing all
looks that touch or concern the common laws of England,
to Tottel a fervant to her majefty, who kept it entire
to his death ; after him, to one Yell Weirt, another
fervant to her majefty; after him, to Weight and Nor¬
ton; and after them, king James grants the fame pri¬
vilege to More, one of the fignet; which grant conti¬
nues to this day, &c.”
From the authority of this record, all our later wri¬
ters declare Corfellis to be the firft printer in England;
Mr Anthony Wood, the learned Mr Maittaire, Pal¬
mer, and one John Bagford, an induftrious man, who
had puklifhed propofals for an Hiftory of Printing,
(Phil. Tranf. for April 1707). But Dr Middleton
has called in queftion the authenticity of this account,
and has urged feveral objeftions to it, with the view of
fupporting Caxton’s title to the precedency with re-
fpeft to the introduction of the art into this country;
of which we fhall quote one or two, with the anfvvers
that have been made to them.
Objection 1. “ The filence of Caxton, concerning a
faCt in which he is faid to be a principal aCtor, is a
fufficient confutation of it: for it was a conftant
cuftom with him, in the prefaces or conclufions of his
works, to give an hiftorical account of all his labours
and tranfaCtions, as far as they concerned the pub-
lifhing and printing of books. And, what is ftill
Itronger, in the continuation of the Polychronicon,
compiled by himfelf, and carried down to the end of
Henry the fixth’s reign, he makes no mention of the
expedition in queft of a printer: which he could not
have omitted, had it been true; whilft in the fame
book he takes notice of the invention and beginning
of printing in the city of Mentz.”
Anfwer. As Caxton makes no mention in his Poly¬
chronicon of his expedition in quefi of a printer ; fo
neither does he of his bringing the art into England,
which it is as much a wonder he fhould omit as the
other. And as to his faying that the invention of
printing was at Mentz, he means, of printing on
fuftle feparate types. In this he copies, as many
others have, from the Fafciculus Temporum; a work
written in 1470, by Werneros Rolevinch de Laer, a
Carthufian monk, a MS. copy of which was in the
library of Gerard Jo. Voffius (fee lib. iii. de Hiftor.
Latin, c. 6.) ; and afterwards continued to the year
1474, when it was firft printed at Cologn typis Arnoldi
ter Huernen. It was republifhed in 1481 by Hcinri-
cus Wirczburg de Vach, a Cluniac monk, without
mentioningthe name either of the printer or of the place
of publication. It is plain that Caxton had one at leaft,
or more probably both, of thefe editions before him,
when he wrote his continuation of Polychrbnicon, as
he mentions this work in his preface, and adopts the
fentiments of its editor. (See Meerman, vol. ii. p. 37. Printing,
and his Documenta, N° VII. XXIV. and XXV.)
Obj. 2. “ There is a farther circumftance in Caxton’s
hiftory, that it feems inconfiftent with the record ;
for we find him ftill beyond fea, about twelve years
after the fuppofed tranfa&ions, “ learning with great
charge and trouble the art of printing” (Recule of
the Hifories of Troye, in the end of the 2d and 3d
books); which he might have done with eafe at home,
if he had got Corfellis into his hands, as the record
imports, fo many years before: but he probably
learnt it at Cologn, where he refided in 1471, [Re¬
cule, 8cc. ibid.), and whence books had been firft
printed with date, the year before.”
Anf. Caxton tells us, in the preface to The Hifory
of Troye, that he began that tranflation March j. 1468,
at Bruges ; that he proceeded on with it at Ghent;
that he finifhed it at Cologn in 1471 ; and printed it,
probably, in that city with is own types. He was
30 years abroad, chiefly in Holand ; and lived in the
court of Margaret dutchefs of Burgundy, filler of our
Edward IV. It was therefore much eafier to print his
book at Cologn, than to crofs the fea to learn the
art at Oxford. But further, there was a fpecial oc-
cafion for his printing it abroad. Corfellis had brought
over fo far the art of printing as he had learnt it at
Harleim, which was the method of printing on wooden
feparate types, having the face of the letter cut upon
them. But the art of cafting metal types being di¬
vulged in 1462 by the workmen of Mentz, Caxton
thought proper to learn that advantageous branch be¬
fore he returned to England. This method of cafting
the types was fuch an improvement, that they looked
on it as the original of printing ; and Caxton, as mod
others do, aferibes that to Afctf/z.—Caxton was an
afliftant with Turner in getting off Corfellis ; but it is
nowhere fuppofed that he came with him m\.o England.
(See Meerman, vol. ii. p. 34. B.)
Obj. 3. “ As the Lambeth record was never heard
of before the publication of Atkins's book, fo it has never
fince been feen or produced by any man ; though the
regifters of Canterbury have on many occafions been
diligently and particularly fearched for it. They were
examined, without doubt, very carefully by archbifhop
Parker, for the compiling his Antiquities of the
Britifo Church ; where, in the life of Thomas Bour-
chier, though he congratulates that age on the noble
and ufeful invention of printing, yet he is filent as to
the introdu&ion of it into England by the endeavours
of that archbilhop : nay, his giving the honour of the
invention to Strafburg clearly fhows that he knew no¬
thing of the ftory of Corfellis conveyed from Harleim,
and that the record was not in being in his time. Pal¬
mer himfelf owns, “ That it is not to be found there
now; for that the late earl of Pembroke alfured him, that
he had employed a perfon for fome time to fearch for
it, but in vain:” [Hift. of Printing, p. 314.) On
thefe grounds we may pronounce the record to be a
forgery; though all the writers above-mentioned take
pains to fupport its credit, zn&cdX w. an authentic piece.
Atkins, who by his manner of writing feems to
have been a bold and vain tnan, might poffibly be the
inventor: for he had an intereft in impoffing it upon
the world, in order to confirm the argument of his
book, that printing was of the prerogative royal; in
oppofition
P R I [ 6480 ] P R I
Printing, oppofitlon to the company of fiationers, with whom lie
Was engaged in an expenfive fuit of law, in defence of
of the king's patents, under which he claimed fome ex~
clufve powers of printing. For he tells us, p. 3. ‘ That,
upon confiderating the thing, he could not but think
that a public perfon, more eminent than a mercer,
and a public purfe, muft needs be concerned in fo
public a good : and the more he confidered, the more
inquifitive he was to find out the truth. So that he
had formed his hypothefis before he had found his re¬
cord ; which he publilhed, he fays, as a friend to
truth ; not to fuffer one man to be entitled to the
worthy atchievements of another ; and as a friend to
himfelf, not to lofe one of his beft arguments of en¬
titling the king to this art.’ But, if Atkins was
not himfelf the contriver, he was impofed upon at
leaft by fome more crafty ; who imagined that his in-
tereft in the caufe, and the warmth that he (bowed in
profecuting it, would induce him to fwallow for ge¬
nuine whatever was offered of the kind.”
Anf. On the other hand, is it likely that Mr At¬
kins would dare to forge z. record, to be laid before the
king and council, and which his adverfaries, with whom
he was at law, could difprove?-—(2.) He fays he re¬
ceived this hiftory from a perfon of honour, who was
fome time keeper of the Lambeth Library. It was
eafy to have confuted this evidence, if it was falfe,
when he publifiied it, April 25. 1664.—(3.) John
Bagford (who was born in England 1651, and might
know Mr Atkins, who died in 1677), in his Hiftory
of Printing at Oxford, blames thofe who doubted of
the authenticity of the Lambeth MS.; and tells us that
he knew Sir John Birkenhead had an authentic copy
of it, when in 1665 [which Bagford by fome miftake
calls 1664, and is followed in it by MeermanJ he was
appointed by the houfe of commons to draw up a bill
relating to the exercife of that art. This is confirmed
by the Journals of that houfe, Friday Oft. 27, 1665,
Vol. VIII. p. 622. where it is ordered that this Sir
John Birkenhead (hould carry the bill on that head to
the houfe of lords, for their confent.—The aft was
agreed to in the upper houfe on Tuefday Oft. 31. and
received the royal afient on the fame day; immediate¬
ly after which, the parliament was prorogued. See
fournals of the Houfe of Lords, Vol. XI. p. 700.—It
is probable then, that, after Mr Atkins had publifhed
his book in April 1664, the parliament thought pro¬
per,the next year, to inquire into the right of the king’s
prerogative; and that Sir John Birkenhead took care
to infpeft the original, then in the cuftody of archbi-
fiiop Sheldon : and, finding it not fufficient to prove
what Mr Atkins had cited it for, made no report of
the MS. to the houfe; but only moved, that the former
' law (honld be renewed. The MS. was probably never
returned to the proper keeper of it; but was after¬
wards burnt in the fire of London, Sept. 13, 1666.—
(4.) That Printing was praftifed at Oxford, was a
prevailing opinion long before Atkins. Bryan Twyne,
in his Apologia pro Antiquitate Academice Oxonienfs,
publifhed 1608, tells us, it is fo delivered down in an~
cient writings; havingheard,probably, of this Lambeth
MS. And king Charles I. in his letters-patent to the
Univerfity of Oxford, March 5, in the eleventh of his
reign, 1635, mentions Printing as brought to Oxford
from abroad. As to what is objefted, “ that it is not
likely that the prefs (hould undergo a ten or eleven Printing,
years fleep, viz. from 1468 to 1479,” it is probably “ ~
urged without foundation. Corfellis might print feveral
books without date or name of the place, as UlricZell
did at Cologn, from 1467 to 1473, and from that time
to 1494. Corfellis’s name, it may be faid, appears not
in any of his publications ; but neither does that of
Joannes Peterfhemius. [See Meerman, Vol. I. p. 34;
Vol. II. p. 21—27, &c.
Further, the famous Shakefpeare, who was born In
1564, and died 1616, in the Second Part of Hen¬
ry VI. adt iv. fc. 7. introduces the rebel John Cade,
thus upbraiding Lord Treafurer Say: “ Thou haft
moft traiteroufly corrupted the youth of the realm, in
creating a grammar-fchool: and whereas, before, our
forefathers had no other book but the fcore and the
tally, thou haft caufed Printing to beufed; and, con¬
trary to the king, his crown, and dignity, thou haft
built a paper-mill.”—Whence now had Shakefpeare
this accufation againft lord Say ? We are told in the
Poetical Regifter, vol. ii. p.231. ed. Lond. 1724,
that it was from Fabian, Pol. Vergel, Hall, Holling-
fhed, Grafton, Stow, Speed, &c. But not one of
thefe afcribes printing to the reign of Henry VI. On
the contrary, Stow, in his Annals, printed at Lon¬
don 1560, p.686, gives it exprefsly to William Cax-
ton, 1471. “ The noble fcience of Printing was
about this time found in Germany at Magunce, by
one John Guthumburgus a knight. One Conradus
an Almaine brought it into Rome: William Cax-
ton of London mercer, brought it into England
about the yeare 1471, and firft praftifed the fame in
the Abbie of St Peter at Weftraihfter; after which
time it was likewife praftifed in the Abbies of St Au-
guftine at Canterburie, Saint Albons, and other mo-
nafteries of England.” What then (hall we fay, that
the above is an anachronifm arbitrarily put into the
mouth of an ignorant fellow out of Shakefpeare’s
head ? We might believe fo, but that we have the record
of Mr Atkins confirming the fame in king Char. II.’s
time. Shall we fay, that Mr Atkins borrowed the
ftory from Shakefpeare, and publiflied it with fome
improvements of money laid out by Henry VI. from
whence it might be received by Charles II. as a pre¬
rogative of the crown ? But this is improbable, fince
Shakefpeare makes Lord Treafurer Say the inftrument
of importing it, of whom Mr Atkins mentions not a
word. Another difference there will ftill be between
Shakefpeare and the Lambeth MS ; the poet placing
it before 1449, in which year Lord Say was beheaded;
the MS. between 1454 and 1459, when Bourchier was
archbiftiop. We muft fay then, that lord Say firft
laid the fcheme, and fent fome one to Harleim, tho'
without fuccefs ; but jifter fome years it was attemp¬
ted happily by Bourchier. And we muft conclude,
that as the generality of writers have overlooked the
invention of printing at Harleim with wooden types,
and have afcribed it to Mentz where metal types were
firft made ufe of 5 fo in England they have paffed by
Corfellis, (or the firft Oxford Printer, whoever he was,
who printed with wooden types at Oxford, and only
mentioned Caxton as the original artift who printed
with metal types at Weftminfter. [See Meerman,
vol. ii. 7, 8.J It is ftrange, that the learned com¬
mentators on our great dramatic poet, who are fo mi-
P R I
Printing, nutely particular upon Itfs important occafions, (hould
everyone of them, Dr Johnfon excepted, pafs by this
curious paffage, leaving it entirely unnoticed. And
how has Dr Johnfon trifled, by flightly remarking,
“ that Shakefpeare is a little too early with this ac-
cufation !’*—The great critic had undertaken to de¬
cipher obfoletc words, and inveftigate unintelligible
phrafes ; but never, perhaps, beftowed a thought on
Caxton or Corfellis, on Mr Atkins or the authen¬
ticity of the Lambeth Record.
But, independent of the record altogether, the book
(lands firm as a monument of the exercife of printing
in Oxford fix years older than any book of Caxton’s
with a date. In order to get clear of this ftrong fail,
Dr Middleton,
1. Suppofes the date inqueftion to have been falfified
originally by the printer either bydefign or miftake; and
an X to have been dropped or omitted in the age of its
impreffion. Examples of this kind, he fays, are common
in the hiftory of printing. And, “ whilft I am now
writing, an unexpefted inftance is fallen into my hands,
to the fupport of my opinion ; an Inauguration Speech
cf the Woodnuardian Profejfor, Mr Mafon, juft frefh
from the prefs, with its date given 10 years earlier
than it (hould have been, by the omiflion of an x, viz.
mdccxxiv ; and the very blunder exemplified in the
laft piece printed at Cambridge, which I fuppofe to
have happened in the firft from Oxford.” To this it
has been very properly anfwered, That we Ihould not
pretend to fet afide the authority of a plain date, with¬
out very ftrong and cogent reafons; and what the Doc¬
tor has in this cafe advanced will not appear, on exa¬
mination, to carry that weight with it that he feems
to imagine. There may be, and have been, miftakes
and forgeries in the date both of books and of records
too ; but this is never allowed as a reafon for fufpec-
ting fuch as bear no mark of either. We cannot, from
a blunder in the laft book printed at Cambridge, infer a
like blunder in the firft book printed at Oxford. Befides,
the type ufed in this our Oxford edition feems to be no
fmall proof of its antiquity. It is the German letter, and
very nearly the fame with that ufed by Fuft [whe has
been fuppofed to be] the firft printer; whereas Caxton
and Rood ufe a quite different letter, fomething be¬
tween this German and our old Englifti letter, which
was foon after introduced by De Worde and Bynfon.
2. “ For the probability of his opinion, (he fays)
the book itfelf affords fufficient proof: for, not to in¬
fill on what is lefs material, the neatnefs of the let¬
ter, and regularity of the page, &c. above thofe of
Caxton, it has one mark, that feems to have carried
the matter beyond probable, and to make it even cer¬
tain, viz. the ufe of fgnatures, or letters of the alpha¬
bet placed at the bottom of the page to (hew the fe-
quel of the pages and leaves of each book; an improve¬
ment contrived for the direftion of the bookbinders ;
Vol. IX.
P R - I
which yet was not pra&ifed or invented at the time Prii
when this book is fuppofed to be printed ; for we find ‘
no fignatures in the books of Fauft or Schoeffer at
Mentz, nor in the improved or beautiful impreflions of
JohndeSpira and Jenfon at Venice, till feveral years
later. We have a book in our library, that feems to
fix the very time of their invention, at lead in Venice ;
the place where the art itfelf received the greateft im¬
provements : Baldi Jeftura fuper Codic. &c. printed
by fohn de Colonia and Jo. Manthem de Gherretzem,
anno mcccclxxiiii. It is a large and fair volume in
folio, ’withoutfgnatures, till about the middle of the
book, in which they are firft introduced, and fo con¬
tinued forward: which makes it probable, that the,
firft thought of them was fuggefted during the impref¬
fion ; for we have likewife Lettura Bartholi fuper Co¬
dic. &c. in two noble and beautiful volumes in folio,
printed the year before at the fame place, by Vinde-
lin de Spira, without them : yet from this time for¬
ward they are generally found in all the works of the
Venetian printers, and from them propagated to the
other printers of Europe. They were ufed at (l)
Cologn, in 1475; at Paris, 1476; by Caxton, not
before 1480 : but if the difeovery had been brought
into England, andpra6lifed at Oxford 12 before, it is
not probable that he would have printed fo long at
Weftminfter without them. Mr Palmer indeed tells
us, p. 54, 180, that Anthony Zarot was efteemed the
inventor of fignatures; and that they are found in a
Terence printed by him at Milan in the year 1470, in
which he firft printed. I have not feen that Terence
and can only fay, that I haveobferved the wantof them in
fome later works of this, as well as of other excellent
printers of the fame place. But, allowing them to be
in the Terence, and Zarot the inventor, it confutes
the date of our Oxford book as effedlually as if they
were of later origin at Venice ; as I had reafon to
imagine, from the teftimony of all the books that I
have hitherto met with.” As to thefe proofs, firft,
the neatnefs of the letter, and the regularity of the
page, prove, if any thing, the very reverfe of what
the Dodlor afferts. The art of printing was almolt
in its infancy brought to perfection ; but afterwards
debafed by later printers, who confulted rather the
cheapnefs than the neatnefs of their work. Our
learned differtator cannot be unacquainted with the la¬
bours of Fuft and Jenfon. He muft know, that though
other printers may have printed more corre&Iy, yet
fcarce any excel them, either in the neatnefs of the
letter, or the regularity of the page. The fame may
be obferved in our Englifh printers. Caxton and Rood
were indifferently good printers: De Worde and
Pynfon were worfe ; and thofe that follow them mod
abominable. This our anonymous Oxford printer excels
them all; and for this very reafon we (hould judge him
to be the moft ancient of all. Our differtator lays
36 L great
t 6481 ]
(n) Dr Middleton is miftaken in the time and place of the invention of fignatures- They are to be found even in
very ancient MSS- which the earlieft printers very lludioufly imitated; and they were even ufed in fome editions from
the office of Laurence Coder (whence Corfellis came), which confided of wooden cuts, as in Figurx typicee et anti-
typica Novi Teftamenti ; and in fome editions with metal types, as in Gafp. Pergamenfts epiftoU, publiffied at Pa¬
ris, without a date, but printed A-D- 1470, (Maittaire, Annal- vol.i. p.as.); and in MamneetreHus, printed by
Helias de Llouffen, at Born in Switzerland, 1470; and in De Tondeli vifione, at Antwerp, 1472- Venice, there¬
fore, was not the place where they were fird introduced—They began to be ufed in Baldus, it feems, when the
book was half finiffied- The printer of that book might not know, or did not think, of the ufe of them before. See
Meerman, vol-ii. p-i8; and Phil, Tranf vol. xxiii. n° jo8. p-ijop.
Printing.
P R I [ 6482 ] P R I
great ftrefs on the ufe of fignatures. But no certain
conclufion can be drawn either from the ufe or non-ufe
of thefe lefier improvements of printing. They have
in different places come in ufe at different times, and
have not been continued regularly even at the fame
places. If Anthony Zarot ufed them at Milan in
1470, it is certain later printers there did not follow
his example ; and the like might happen alfo in Eng¬
land. But, what is more full to our purpofe, we have
in the Bodleian library an iEfop’s Fables printed by
Caxton. This is, it is believed, the firft book which
has the leaves numbered. But yet this improvement,
though more ufeful than that of the fignatures, was
difufed both by Caxton himfelf and other later prin¬
ters in England. It is therefore not at all furprifing
(if true) that the fignatures, though invented by our
Oxford printer, might not immediately come into ge¬
neral ufe* And confequently, this particular carries
with it no fuch certain or effeftual confutation as our
differtator boafts of.
3. What the doftor thinks farther confirms his opi¬
nion is, “ That, from the time of the pretended date of
this book, 30001468, we have no other fruit or produc¬
tion from the prefs at Oxford for 11 years next follow¬
ing ; and it cannot be imagined that a prefs, eftablifhed
with fo much pains and expence, could be fuffered to
be fo long idle and ufelefs.”—To this it may be an-
fwered, in the words of Oxonides, ift, That his
books may have been loft. Our firft printers, in thofe
days of ignorance, met with but fmall encouragement;
they printed but few books, and but few copies of
thofe books. In after-times, when the fame books
were re-printed more corre&ly, thofe firft editions,
which were not as yet become curiofities, were put to
common ufes. This is the reafon that we have fo few
remains of our firft printers. We have only four books
of Theodoric Rood, who feems by his own verfes to
have been a very celebrated printer. Of John Lettou-
William de Machlinia, and the fchoolmafter of St Al¬
ban’s, we have fcarce any remains. If this be confi-
dered, it will not appear impojfible that our printer
fhould have followed his bufinefs from 1468 to 1479,
and yet Time have deftroyed his intermediate works.
But, adly, We may account ftill another way for this
diftance of time, without altering the date. The Ci¬
vil Wars broke out in 1469 : this might probably
oblige our Oxford printer to Ihut up his prefs ; and
both himfelf and his readers be otherwife engaged. If
this were the cafe, he might not return to his work
again till 1479; and the next year, not meeting with
that encouragement he deferved, he might remove to
fome other country with his types.
Dr Middleton concludes with apologifing for his
“ fpending fo much pains on an argument fo inconfide-
rable, to which he was led by his zeal to do a piece of
juftice to the memory of our worthy countryman Wil¬
liam Caxton ; nor fuffer him to be robbed of the glo¬
ry, fo clearly due to him, of having imported in¬
to this kingdom an art of great ufe and benefit to man¬
kind : a kind of merit, that, in the fenfe of all na-
tiqjpsi gives the beft title to true praife, and the bed
claim to be commemorated with honour to pofterity.”
The fa£t, however, againft which he contends, but
which it feems impolfible to overturn, does by no
means derogate from the honour of Caxton, who, as
has been fhown, was the firft perfon in England that
pra&ifed the art of printing fufile types, and confe-'
quently the firft who brought it to perfection; where¬
as Corfellis printed with feparate cut types in wood, be¬
ing the only method which he had learned at Har-
leim. Into this detail, therefore, we have been led,
not fo much by the importance of the queftion, as on
account of feveral anecdotes conne&ed with it, which
feemed equally calculated to fatisfy curiofity and afford
entertainment.
Caxton had been bred very reputably in the way of
trade, and ferved an apprenticeftiip to one Robert
Large, a mercer; who, after having been ftieriff and
lord mayor of London, died in the year 1441, and
left by will, as may be feen in the prerogative-office,
xxim merks to his apprentice William Caxton: a con-
fiderable legacy in thofe days, and an early teftimo-
nial of his good charafter and integrity.
From the time of his mafter’s death, he fpent the
following thirty years beyond fea, in the bufinefs of
merchandife: where, in the year 1464, we find him
employed by Edward IV. in a public and honourable
negotiation, jointly with one Richard Whitehill, efq;
to tranfaft and conclude a treaty of commerce between
the king and his brother-in-law the duke of Burgundy,
to whom Flanders belonged. The commiflion ftyles
them, ambajjiatores, procuratores, nuncios, & deputa-
tos fpeciales ; and gives to both or either of them full
powers to treat, &c.
Whoever turns over his printed works, muft con¬
tract a refpeCt for him, and be convinced that he pre-
ferved the fame character through life, of an honeft,
modeft, man; greatly induftrious to do good to his
country, to the beft of his abilities, by fpreading a-
mong the people fuch books as he thought ufeful to re¬
ligion and good manners, which were chiefly tranfla-
ted from the French. The novelty and ufefulnefs of
his art recommended him to the fpecial notice and fa¬
vour of the great; under whofe protection, and at
whofe expence, the greateft part of his works were
publiflied. Some of them are addreffed to king Ed¬
ward IV. his brother the duke of Clarence, and their
After the duchefs of Burgundy ; in whofe fervice and
pay he lived many years before he began to print, as
he often acknowledges with great gratitude. He
printed likewife for the ufe, and by the exprefs order,
of Henry VII. his fon prince Arthur, and many of
the principal nobility and gentry of that age.
It has been generally afferted and believed, that all
his books were printed in the abbey of Weftminfter ;
yet we have no affurance of it from himfelf, nor any
mention of the place before the year 1477 : fo that
he had been printing feveral years, without telling us
where.
There is no clear account left of Caxton’s age: but
he was certainly very old, and probably above four-
fcore, at the time of his death. In the year 1471
he complained of the infirmities of age creeping
upon him, and feebling his body : yet he lived
23 years after, and purfued his bufinefs, with ex¬
traordinary diligence, in the abbey of Weftminfter,
till the year 1494, in which he died ; not in the year
following, as all who write of him affirm. This ap¬
pears from fome verfes at the end of a book, call¬
ed, “ Hilton’s Scale of Perfection,” printed in the
fame
Printing.
P R X
L 6483 ] P R I
Priming, fame year:
 * “ Infynite laud with thankynges many folde
I yield to God me focouryng with hia grace
This boke to finyrtte which that ye beholde
Scale of Perfeftion calde in every place
Whereof th’auftor Walter Hilton was
And Wynkynde Worde this hath fett in print
In William Caxftons hows fo fyll the cafe,
God reft his foule. In joy thcr mot it ftynt.
Impreffus anno falutis MCcccLxxxxiiii.”
Though he had printed for the ufe of Edward IV.
and Henry VII. yet there appears no ground for the
notion which Palmer takes up, that the firtl printers,
and particularly Caxton, were fworn fervants and
printers to the crown ; for Caxton, as far as can be
obferved, gives not the leaft hint of any fuch charac¬
ter or title : though it feems to have been inftituted
not long after his death : for of his two principal work¬
men, Richard Pynfon and Wynkin de Worde, the one
was made printer to the king, the other to the king’s
mother the Lady Margaret. Pynfon gives himfelf
the firft title, in The imitation of the Life of Chrift ;
rinted by him at the commandment of the Lady
largaret, who had tranflated the fourth book of it
from the French, in the year 1504: and Wynkin de
Worde a flumes the fecond, in The feven Penitential
Pfalmst expounded by bilhop Fifher, and printed in
the year 1509. But there is the title of a book given
by Palmer, that feems to contradict what is here faid
of Pynfon: viz. Pfalterium ex mandate vittoriofifimi
Anglice Regis Henrici Septimi, per Gulielmum Fanque,
imprejforem regium, anno mdiiii; which, being the
only work that has ever been found of this printer,
makes it probable that he died in the very year of its
impreffion, and was fucceeded immediately by Richard
Pynfon.
Different Characters ouhen firft ufed in Printing.
Before 1465, the uniform character was the old Go-
thic, or German ; whence our Black was afterwards
formed. But in that year an edition of Laftantius was
printed in a kind of Semi-Gothic, of great elegance,
and approaching nearly to the prefent Roman type ;
which laft was firft ufed at Rome in 1467, and foon
after brought to great perfe&ion in Italy, particularly
by Jenfon.
Towards the end of the 5th century,' Aldus invent¬
ed the Italic charafter which is now in ufe, called, from
his name, Aldine, or curjivus* This fort of letter he
contrived, to prevent the great number of abbreviations
that were then in ufe.
Of the firft Greek Printing. The firft eflays in
Greek that can bedifeovered area few fentences which
occur in the edition of Tully's Offices, 1465, at Mentz;
but thefe were miferably incorreft and barbarous, if
we may judge from the fpecimens-Mr Maittaire has
given us, of which the following is one :
OriCaraai'afr^axara x«i Tarwroixa.
In the fame year, 1465, was publilhed an edition of
Laftantius’s Inftitutes, printed in monafterio Subla-
cenft, in the kingdom of Naples, in which the quo¬
tations from the Greek authors are printed in a very
neat Greek letter. They feem to have had but a
very fmall quantity of Greek types in the monaftery;
for, in the firft part of the work, whenever a long fen-
tence occurred, a blank was left, that it might be writ¬
ten in with a pen; after the middle of the work, how- Printing
ever, all the Greek that occurs is printed.
The firft printers who fettled at Rome were Conrad
Sweynheim and Arnold Pannartz, who introduced the
prefent type, in 1466, in Cicero’s Epiftola Fa-
miliares: in 1469 they printed a beautiful edition of
Aulus Gellius, with the Greek quotations in a faircha-
rafter, without accents or fpirits, and with very few
abbreviations.
The firft whole book that is yet known is the Greek
Grammar of Conftantine Lafcaris, in quarto, revifed
by Demetrius Cretenfis, and printed by Dionyfios Pa-
lavifinus, at Milan, 1476. In 1481, the Greek Pfaft
ter was printed here, with a Latin tranflation, in folio;
as was iEfop’s Fables in quarto.
Venice foon followed the example of Milan; and in
i486 were publifhed in that city the Greek Pfalter and
the Batrachomyomachia, the former by Alexander, and
latter by Laonicus, both natives of Crete. They were
printed in a very uncommon charafter; the latter of
them with accents and fpirits, and alfo with fcholia.
In 1488, however, all former publications in this
language were eclipfed by a fine edition of Homer’s
Works at Florence, in folio, printed by Demetrius, a
native of Crete. Thus Printing (fays Mr Maittaire,
p. 185.) feems to have attained its of perfection^
after having exhibited moft beautiful fpecimens of La¬
tin, Greek, and Hebrew.
In 1493, a fine edition of Ifocrates was printed at
Milan, in folio, by Henry German and Sebaftian ex
Pantremulo.
All the above works are prior in time to thofe of
Aldus, who has been erroneoufiy fuppofed to be the
firft Greek Printer: the beauty, however, corre&nefs,
and number of his editions, place him in a much higher
rank than his predeceflbrs; and his chara&ers in gene¬
ral were more elegant than any before ufed. He was
born in 1445, an^ died in 1515.
Though the noble Greek books of Aldus had railed
an universal defire of reviving that tongue, the French
were backward in introducing it. The only pieces
printed by them were fome quotations, fo wretchedly
performed, that they were rathei' to be guefiedat than
read; in a character very rude and uncouth, and with¬
out accents. But Francis Tiffard introduced the ftudy
of this language at Paris, by his Bi£ms v yroftxyvpixv, in
1507; and that branch of printing was afterwards fuc-
cefsfully pra&ifed by Henry, Robert, and Henry Ste¬
phens. See the article Stephens.
The earlieft edition of the whole Bible was, ftriftly
fpeaking, the Complutenfian Polygiott of cardinal
Ximenes ; but as that edition, though finifhed in 1517,
was not publiftied till 1522, the Venetian Septuagint
of 1518 may properly be called the -firft edition of the
nsshole Greek Bible; Erafmus having publilhed the New
Teftament only, at Bafil, in 1516.
Of the firft Hebrew Printing. A very fatif-
fadlory account of this branch of printing is thus
given by Dr Kennecott, in his Annual Accounts
of the Collation of Hebrew MSS. p. 112. “ The
method which feems to have been originally ob¬
ferved, in printing the Hebrew Bible, was jult
what might have been expefted : 1. The Pentateuch,
in* 1482. 2. The Prior Prophets, in 1484. 3. The
Pofterior Prophets, in i486. 4. The Hagiographa,
36 L 2 in
P R I
Printing, j'n 1487. And, after the four great parts had been
■ thus printed feparately (each with a comment), the
whole text (without a comment) was printed in one
volume in 1488: and the text continued to be printed,
as in thefe firft editions, fo in feveral others for 20 or
30 years, without marginal Keri or Mafora, and with
greater arguments to the more ancient Mff. till, about
[ 6484 ]
P R I
the two fliding-pieces he are opened to a proper diftance
from each other in fuch a manner as that while the di- -
ftance between dc forms the length of the line in the
text, the diftance between the two fliding-pieces forms
the length of the lines for the notes on the fide of the
page. Before the compofitor proceeds to compofe, he
puts a rule, or thin flip of brafs-plate, cut to the
the year 1520, feme of the Jews adopted later Mff. length of the line, and of the fame height as the let-
and the Mafora 5 which abfurd preference has obtained ter, in the compofing-ftick, againft the ledge, for the
 r.— » letter to bear againft. Things thus prepared, the
compofitor having the copy lying before him, and his
ftick in his left-hand, his thumb being over the Aider
c; with the right, he take up the letters, fpaces, &c.
one by one, and places them againft the rule, while
he fupports them with his left thumb by prefling them
to the end of the Aider £•, the other hand being con-
ftantly employed infettingin other letters : the whole
being performed with a degree of expedition and ad-
drefs not eafy to be imagined.
A little being thus compofed, if it end with a word
or fyllable, and exadlly fill the meafure, there needs
no further care ; otherwife, more fpaces are to be put
in, or elfc the diftances leflened, between the feverai
ever fince.”
Thus much for the ancient editions given by Jews.
In 1642, a Hebrew Bible was printed at Mantua,
under the care of the moft learned Jews in Italy.
This Bible had not been heard of among the Chrifti-
ans in this country, nor perhaps in any other; tho*
the nature of it is very extraordinary. The text in¬
deed is nearly the fame with that in other modern
editions; but at the battom of each page are various
readings, amounting in the whole to above 2000, and
many of them of great confequence, colle&ed from
manuferipts, printed editions, copies of the Talmud,
and the works of the moft renowned Rabbles. And in
one of the notes is this remark :—“ That in feveral
paflages of the Hebrew Bible the differences are fo words, in order to make the meafure quite full, fo that
many and fo great, that they know not which to fix
.upon as the true readings.”
We cannot quit this fubjeft without obferving, on
Dr Kennicott’s authority, that as the firft printed
Bibles are more correft that the later ones ; fo the va¬
riations between the firft edition, printed in 1488, and
the edition of Vander Hooght, in 170c, at Amfter-
dam, in 2 vols 8vo. amount, upon the whole, to above
1200! See further Bomoyer and Nichols, p.112—117.
Method of Printing. The workmen employed in
the art of printing are of two kinds: compofitors, who
range and difpofe the letters into words, lines, pages,
&c. according to the copy delivered them by the au¬
thor ; and preffmen, who apply ink upon the fame,
and take off the impreflion. The types being caft,
the compofitor diftributes each kind by itfelf among
the divifions of two wooden frames, an upper and
and an under one, called cafes; each of which is
divided into little pell's or boxes. Thofe of the upper
cafe are in number 98: thefe are all of the fame fize,;
and in them are difpofed the capitals, fmall capitals,
accented letters, figures, &c. the capitals being placed
in alphabetical order. In the cells of the lower cafe,
which are 54, are placed the fmall letters, with the
every line may end even. The fpaces here ufed are
pieces of metal exactly ftraped like the (hanks of the
letters: they are of various thickneffes, and ferve to
fupport the letters, and to preferve a proper diftance
between the words ; but not reaching fo high as the
letters, they make no impreflion when the work is
printed. The firft line being thus finifhed, the com¬
pofitor proceeds to the next; in order to which he
moves the brafs-rule from behind the former, and
places it before it, and thus compofes another line a-
gainft it after the fame manner as before ; going on
thus till his ftick is full, when he empties all the lines
contained in it into the gaily.
The compofitor then fills and empties his compofing-
ftick as before, till a complete page be formed; when
he ties it up with a cord or pack-thread; and fetting
it by, proceeds to the next, till the number of pages
to be contained in a fheet is completed ; which done,
he carries them to the impofing-ftone, there to be
ranged in order, and faftened together in a frame
called a chafe ; and this is termed irnpofing. The chafe
is a redagular iron-frame, of different dimenfions ac¬
cording to the fize of the paper to be printed, having
two crofs-pieces of the fame metal, called a long and
points, fpaces, &c. The boxes are here of different Jhort crofs, mortifed at each end fo as to be taken out
lizes, the largeft being for the letters moft ufed ; and
thefe boxes are not in alphabetical order, but the cells
which contain the letter ofteneft wanted are neareft
the/ compofitor’s hand. Each cafe is placed a little
aftope, that the corapofitor may the more eafily reach
the upper boxes. The inftrument in which the letters
are fet is called a compojingjlick (fig. 3.) which
confifts of a long and narrow plate of brafs, or iron,
&.c. on the right fide of which arifes a ledge, which
inns the whole length of the plate, and ferves to and fix the pages therein, the compofitor makes ufe
fuftain the letters, the fides of which are to reft againft of a fet of furniture, confiding of flips of wood of diffe-
n: along tins ledge is a row of holes, which ferve rent dimenfions, and about half an inch high, that
ior introducing the ferew a, in order to lengthen they may be lower than the letters i fome of thefe are
or fhorten the extent of the line, by moving the Aiders placed at the top of the pages, and called headflicks;
he farther from or nearer to the fhorter ledge at the others between them, to form the inner margin;.
•:tHi d. Where margmal notes are required in a work, others on the fides of the croffes, to form the outer
mar-
occafionally. By the different fituations of thefe croffcs
the chafe is fitted for different volumes: for quartos
and octavos, one traverfes the middle lengthwife^
the other broadwife, fo as to interfedi each other in
the centre: for twelves and twenty-fours, the (hort
crofs is fhifted nearer to one end of the chafe ; for
folios, the long crofs is left entirely out, and the fhort
one left in the middle; and for broad-fides, both
croffes are fet afide. To drefs the chafe, or range
Printing
*
P R I [ 648c 1 P R I
Printing, margin, where the paper is to be doubled ; and others
in the form of wedges to the fides and bottom of the
pages. Thus ail the pages being placed at their pro¬
per diftances, and fecured from being injured by the
chafe and furniture placed about them, they are all
untied, and faftened together by driving fmall pieces
of wood called quoins, cut in the wedge-form, up be¬
tween the flanting fide of the foot and the fide fticks
and the chafe, by means of a piece of hard wood and
a mallet; and all being thus bound fall together, fo
that none of the letters will fall out, it is ready to be
committed to the preffmen. In this condition the
work is called a form; and as there are two of thefe
forms required for every fheet, when both fides are to be
printed, it is neceflary the diftances between the pages
in each form (hould be placed with fuch exadnefs,
that the imprefiion of the pages in one form {hall fall
exaftly on the back of the pages of the other, which
is called regifier.
As it is impoflible but that there muft be fome mif-
takes in the work, either through the overfight of the
compofitor, or by the cafual tranfpofition of let¬
ters in the cafes ; a fheet is printed off, which is called
a proof, and given to the corredtor; who reading it
over, and reftifying it by the copy, making the al¬
terations in the margin, it is delivered back to the
compofitor to be corredled.
The compofitor then unlocking the form upon the
corre&ing-ftone, by loofening the quoins or wedges
which bound the letters together, redtifies the miftakes
by picking ont the faulty or wrong letters with a
{lender ftiarp-pointed fteel-bodkin, and puts others into
their places. After this another proof is made, fent
to the author, and corredted as before ; and laftly,
there is another proof, called a revife, which is made
in order to fee whether all the miftakes marked in the
laft proqf are corredfed.
The preffman’s bufinefs is to work off the forms
thus prepared and corredted by the compofitor ; in
doing which there are four things required, paper,
ink, balls, and a prefs. To prepare the paper for ufe,
it is to be firft wetted by dipping feveral {beets toge¬
ther in water : thefe are afterwards laid in a heap over
each other; and to make them take the water equally,
they are all preffed clofe down with a weight at the
top. The ink is made of oil and lamp-black ; for
the manner of preparing which, fee Printing-ltus..
The balls, by which the ink is applied on the forms
are a kind of wooden funnels with handles, thecavities
of which are filled with wool or hair, as is alfo a piece
of alum-leather or pelt nailed over the cavity, and made
extremely foft by focking in urine and by being well
rubbed. One of thefe the preffman takes in each hand ;
and applying one of them to the ink-block daubs and
works them together to diftribute the ink equally ;
and then blackens the form which is placed on the prefs,
by beating with the balls upon the face of the latter.
Pla!e The printing-prefs, reprefented fig. 2. is a very
CCXLV. curious, though complex machine. The body con-
fifts of two ftrong cheeks, a a, placed perpendicularly,
and joined together by four crofs-pieces ; the cap b',
the head c, which is moveable, being partly fuftain-
ed by two iron pins, or long bolts, that pafs the cap ;
the till, or fiielf, dd, by which the fpindle and its ap¬
paratus are kept in their proper pofition and the
winter e, which bears the carriage, and fuftains the Printing,
effort of the prefs beneath. The fpindle f is an
upright piece df iron pointed with fteel, having a
male-fcrew which goes into the female one in the
head about four inches. Through the eye g of this
fpindle is faftened the bar k, by which the preffman
makes the impreffion. The fpindle paffes through a
hole in the middle of the till ; and its point works in¬
to a brafs pan or nut, fuppliedwith oil, which is fixed
to an iron plate let into the top of the platten. The
body of the fpindle isfuftained in the centre of an open
frame of poliftied iron, 1, 1, 2, 2, 3, 3, fixed to it in
fuch a manner as, without obftrufting its free play, to
keep it in a fteady direftion; and at the fame time to
ferve for fufpending the platten. This frame confifts
of two parts ; the upper called xht garter, 1, 1 ; the
under, called the crane, 2, 2. Thele are conne&ed
together by two ihort legs or bolts, 3, 3 ; which be¬
ing fixed below in the two ends of the crane, pafs up¬
ward, through two holes in the till, and are received
at top into two eyes at the ends of the garter, where
they are fecured by ferews. The carriage //is placed
a foot below the platten, having its fore-part fupport-
ed by a prop called the fore-fay, while the other refts-
on the winter. On this carriage, which fuftains the
plank, are nailed two long iron bars or ribs; and on
the plank are nailed fhort pieces of iron or fteel called
cramp-irons, equally tempered with the ribs, and
which Hide upon them when the plank is turned in or '
out. Under the carriage is fixed a long piece of iron
called the fpit, with a double wheel in the middle,
round which leather-girts are faftened, nailed to each
end of the plank ; and to the outfide of the fpit is fix¬
ed a rounce m, or handle to turn round the wheel.
Upon the plank is a fquare frame or coffin, in which
is inclofed a poliftied ftone on which the form »is laid;
at the end of the coffin are three frames, vi?. the two
tympans and frifleet: the tympans 0 are fquare, and
made of three flips of very thin wood, and at the top
a piece of iron (fill thinner; that called the outer tym-
pan is faftened with hinges to the coffin : they are
both covered with parchment; and between the two
are placed blankets, which are neceffary to take off
the impreffion of the letters upon the paper. The
frilket /> is a fquare frame of thin iron, faftened with,
hinges to the tympan : it is covered with paper cut in
the neceffary places, that the {heetr which is- put be¬
tween the frifket and the great or outward tympan,.
may receive the ink, and that nothing may hurt the
margins. To regulate the margins,, a ftieet of paper
is faftened upon this tympan, which is called the
tympan-fkeet; and on each fide is. fixed an iron point,,
which makes two holes in the flieet, which is to be
placed on the fame points when the impreffion is to
be made on the other fide. In preparing the prefs
for working, the parchment which covers the outer
tympan is wetted till it is very foft, in order to render
the impreffion more equable; the blankets are then
put in,, and fecured from flipping by the inner tym¬
pan : then while one prefsmau is beating the letter
with the ballsy, covered with ink. taken from the ink-
block, the other perfon places a ftieet of white paper
on the tympan-flieet; turns down the frifleet upon it,
to keep the paper clean and prevent its flipping ; then
bringing the tympans upon the form, and, turning the
rounGe,
Plate
CCXLV.
fig- 4‘
P R I [ 6486 1 P R I
rounce, he brings the form with the ftone, &c. weigh¬
ing about 300 pounds weights, under the platten ;
pulls with the bar, by which means the platten preffes
the blankets and paper clofe upon the letter, whereby
half the form is printed; then eaftng the bar, he draws
the form {till forward, gives a fecond pull; and let-
ting go the bar, turns back the form, takes up the
tyropans and frifket, takes out the printed fheet,
and lays on a frefh one; and this is repeated till
he has taken off the irapreffion upon the full num¬
ber of fheets the edition is to confift of. One fide
of the fiieet being thus printed, the form for the other
is laid upon the prefs, and worked off in the fame
manner.
Chinefe Printing, is performed from wooden planks
or blocks, cut like thofe ufed in printing of callico,
paper, cards, &c.
Rolling-prefs Printing, is employed in taking off
prints or impreffions from copper-plates engraven,
etched, or fcraped as in naezzotintos. See Engra¬
ving.
This art is faid to have been as ancient as the year
1540, and to owe its origin to Finiguerra, a Floren¬
tine goldfmith, who pouring fome melted brimftone
on an engraven plate, found the exa& impreffion of
the engraving left in the cold brimftone, marked with
black taken out of the ftrokes by the liquid fulphur:
upon this he attempted to do the fame on filver plates
with wet paper, by rolling it fmoothly with a rol¬
ler ; and this fucceeded : but this art was not ufed in
England till the reign of king James I. when it was
brought from Antwerp by Speed. The form of the
rolling-prefs, the compofition of the ink ufed therein,
•and the manner of applying both in taking off prints,
are as follow.
The rolling prefs AL, may be divided into two
parts, the body and carriage: the body confifts of
two wooden cheeks PP placed perpendicularly on a
ftand or foot LM, which fuftains the whole prefs.
From the foot likewife are four other perpendicular
pieces c, c, c, c, joined by other crofs or horizontal
ones d, d, d, which ferve to fuftain a fmooth even plank
or table HIK, about four feet and a half long, two feet
and a half broad, and an inch and a half thick. Into the
cheeks go two wooden cylinders or rollers, DE, FG,
about fix inches in diameter, borne up at each end by
the cheeks, whofe ends, which are leffened to about
two inches diameter, and called trunnions, turn in the
cheeks about two pieces of wood in form of half¬
moons, lined with polifhed iron to facilitate the mo¬
tion. Laftly, to one of the trunnions of the upper rol¬
ler is faftened a crofs, confifting of two levers AB, or
pieces of wood, traverfing each other, the arms of
which crofs ferve inftead of the bar or handle of the
letter-prefs, by turning the upper roller, and when the
plank is between the two rollers, giving the fame mo¬
tion to the under one, by drawing the plank forward
and backward.
The ink ufed for copper-plates, is a compofition
made of the ftones of peaches and apricots, the bones
of ftieep and ivory, all well burnt, and called Frank¬
furt black, mixed with nut-oil that has been well boil¬
ed, and ground together on a marble, after the fame
manner as painters do their colours.
The method of printing from copper-plates is as
follows: They take a fmall quantity of this ink on a Prior,
rubber made of iinnen-rags, ftrongly bound about each
other, and therewith fmear the whole face of the plate
as it lies on a grate over a charcoal fire. The plate be¬
ing fufficiently inked, they firft wipe it over with a
foul rag, then with the palm of their left hand, and
then with that of the right; and to dry the hand and
forward the wiping, they rub it from time to time in
whiting. In wiping the plate perfeftly clean, yet
without taking the ink out of the engraving, the ad-
drefs of the workman confifts. The plate thus prepa¬
red, is laid on the plank of the prefs; over the plate
is laid the paper, firft: well moiftened, to receive the
impreffion ; and over the paper two or three folds of
flannel. Things thus difpofed, the arms of the crofs
are pulled, and by that means the plate with its furni¬
ture paffed thro’ between the rollers, which pinching
very ftrongly, yet equally, preffes the moiftened pa¬
per into the ftrokes of the engraving, whence it licks
out the ink.
PRIOR, in general, fomething before or nearer
the beginning than another, to which it is compared.
Prior, more particularly denotes the fuperior of a
convent of monks, or the next under the abbot. See
Abbot.
Priors are either claujlral or conventual. Conven¬
tual are the fame as abbots. Claujlral prior, is he
who governs the religious of an abbey or priory in
commendamt having his jurifdiftion wholly from the
abbot.
Grand Prior, is the fuperior of a large abbey,
where feveral fuperiors are required.
Prior (Matthew), an eminent Englifh poet, was
born at London in 1664. His father dying while he
was very young, an uncle a vintner, having given him
fome education at Weftminfter fchool, took him home
in order to breed him up to his trade. However, at
his leiftire hours he profecuted his ftudy of the daf¬
fies, and efpecially of his favourite Horace. This in¬
troduced him to fome polite company, who frequent¬
ed his uncle’s houfe; among whom the earl of Dor-
fet took particular notice of him, and procured him to
be fent to St John’s^ college in Cambridge, where, in
1686, he took the degree of A. B. and afterward be¬
came fellow of that college. Upon the revolution, Mr
Prior was brought to court by the earl of Dorfet; and
in 1690 he was made fecretary to the earl of Berkeley,
plenipotentiary at the Hague ; as he was afterward
to the amhaffador and plenipotentiaries at the treaty
of Ryfwick in 1697; and the year following to the
earl of Portland, ambaffador to the court of France.
He was in 1697 made fecretary of ftate for Ireland ;
and in 1700 was appointed one of the lords commif-
fioners of trade and plantations. In 1710, he was
fuppofed to have had a fhare in writing The Examiner.
In 1711, he was made one of the commiffioners of the
cuftoms ; and was fent minifter plenipotentiary to
France, for the negotiating a peace with that king¬
dom. Soon after the acceffion of George I. to the
throne in 1714, he prefented a memorial to the court
of France, requiring the demolifliing of the canal and
new works at Mardyke. The year following he was
recalled ; and upon his arrival was taken up by a
warrant from the houfe of commons, and ftriftly exa¬
mined by a committee of the privy-council. Robert
Wal-
Priority
Privateer.
P R I [ 6487 ] P R I
Walpole, Efq; moved the houfe of commons for an Privateers may not attempt any thing againft the Privateer
impeachment againft him; and Mr Prior was ordered laws of nations; as to affault an enemy in a port or [1
intoclofe cuftody. In 1717, he-was excepted out of haven, under the proteclion of any prince or republic, Privernvirn‘
the aft of grace ; however, at the clofe of that year whether he be friend, ally, or neuter ; for the peace
he was fet at liberty. The remainder of his days he of fuch places mull be inviolably kept : therefore, by
fpent in tranquillity and retirement; and died in 1721. a treaty made by king William and the States of
His poems are well known and juftly admired. Holland, before a commiflion {hall be granted to any
PRIORITY, the relation of fomething confidered privateer, the commander is to give fecurity, if the
as prior to another. fliip be not above 150 tons, in L. 1500, and if the
Prioritvt, in law, denotes an antiquity of tenure, fhip exceeds that burden, in L. 3000, that they will
in comparifon of another lefs ancient. make fatisfaftion for all damages which they fhall ^
PRISCIANUS, an eminent grammarian, born at commit in their courfes at fea, contrary to the l re a-
Casfarea, taught at Conftantinople with great reputa- ties with thal date, on pain of forfeiting their com- ‘ ‘ *
tion about the year 525. Laurentius Valla calls Pri- miflions; and the fhip is made liable,
fcian, Donatus, and Servius, triumviri in re gram- Befides thefe private commifiions, there are fpecial
matica ; and thinks none of the ancients who wrote commiffions for privateers, granted to commanders of
after them, fit to be mentioned with them. He com- fhips, &c. who take pay ; who are under a marine
pofed a work De arte grammatica, which was firft difcipline ; and if they do not obey their orders, may
printed by Aldus at Venice in 1476; and another De be puniflied with death: and the wars in later ages
naturalibus qtteeJUonibus, which he dedicated to Chof- have given occafion to princes to ilfue thefe commif-
roes king of Perfia : befide which he tranflated Diony- fions, to annoy the enemies in their commerce, and
fius’sdefcription of the world into Latin verfe. A per- hinder fuch fupplies as might ftrengthen them or
fon who writes falfe Latin is proverbially faid to lengthen out the war ; and likewife to prevent the fe-
“ break Prifcian’s head.” paration of {hips of greater force from their fleets or
PRISCILLIANISTS, in church-hiftory, Chri- fquadrons.
Ilian heretics, fo called from their leader Prifcillian, a Ships taken by privateers, were to be divided into
Spaniard by birth, and bifhop of Avila. He is faid five parts; four parts whereof to go to the perfons in¬
to have praftifed magic, and to have maintained the terefted in the privateer, and the fifth to his Majefty:
principal errors of the Manichees ; but his peculiar te- and as a farther encouragement, privateers, &c. de-
net was, That it is lawful to make falfe oaths in order ftroying any French man of war or privateer, fhall
to fupport one’s caufe and interefts. receive.for every piece of ordnance in the fhip fo taken,
PRISM, an oblong folid, contained under more L. 10 reward, &c.
than four planes, whofe bafes are equal, parallel, and By a particular ffatute lately made, the lord admi-
alike fituated. See Optics. ral, or commiffioners of the admiralty, may grant
PRISON, a goal, or place of confinement. commiffions to commanders of privateers, for taking
Lord Coke obferves, that a prifon is only a place ffiips, &c. which being adjudged prize, and the tenth
of fafe cuilody, falva cujiodia, not a place of punifh- part paid to the admiral, &c. wholly belong to the
ment. Any place where a perfon is confined may be owners of the privateers and the captors, in propor-
faid to be a prifon ; and when a procefs is iffued tions agreed on between themfeives.
againft one, he muft, when arrefted thereon, either be PRIVATION, in a general fenfe, denotes the ab-
committed to prifon, or be bound in a recognizance fence or want of fomething ; in which fenfe darknefs is
with fureties, or elfe give bail, according to the na- only the privation of light.
ture of the cafe, to appear at a certain day in court, PRIVATIVE, in grammar, a particle, which,
there to make anfwer to what is alleged againft him. prefixed to a word, changes it into a contrary fenfe.
Where a perfon is taken and fent to prifon, in a civil Thus, among the Greeks, the a is ufed as a privative;
cafe, he may be releafed by the plaintiff in the fuit; as in atheiji, acephalus. See. The Latins
but if it be for treafon or felony, he may not regu- have their privative in; as, incorrigibilis, indeclinabilisy
larly be difeharged, until he is indifted of the faft &c. The Englifh, French, &c. on occafion, bor-
and acquitted. See Indictment, and the next ar- row both the Latin and Greek privatives.
tide. PRIVERNUM, (Livy, Virgil) ; a town of the
PRISONER, a perfon reftrained or kept in prifon Volfci, in Latium, to theeaft of Setia. Privernates,
upon an aftion civil or criminal, or upon commend- the people. Whofe ambaffadors being alked, What
ment: and one may be a prifoner on matter of record punifhrnent they deferred for their revolt ? anfwered,
or matter of faft. A prifoner upon matter of record, What thofe deferve who deem themfeives worthy of
is he who, being prefent in court, is by the court com- liberty. And again, being alked by the Roman con-
mitted to prifon ; and the other is one carried to pri- ful, fhould the punifhment be remitted, What peace
fon upon an arreft, whether it be by the fheriff, con- was to be expefted with them ? If you grant a good
liable, or other officer. peace, you may hope to have it fincere and lading ;
PRIVATEERS, are a kind of private men of war, but if a bad one, you may well expeft it of (liort con-
the perfons concerned wherein adminifter at their own tinuance. At which anfwer, the Romans were fo far
cods a part of a war, by fitting out thefe fiiips of from being difpleafed, that by a vote of the people
force, and providing them with all military {lores ; they had the freedom of the city granted them. /Vi¬
and they have inftead of pay, leave to keep what vernas, atis*, the epithet. The town is now called
they take from the enemy, allowing the admiral his Piperno Vecchio,^\\.^\e in the Campania of Rome. E.
ffiare, &c. Long, to, 0. N. Lat. 41. 30.
PRIVET,
Privet
Problem.
PRO
[ 6488 ] PRO
PRIVET, in botany. See Ligustrum.
PRIVILEGE, in law, fome peculiar benefit grant¬
ed to certain perfona or places, contrary to the ufual
courfe of the law.
Privileges are faid to be perfonal or real.
Perfonal privileges are fuch as are extended to peers,
ambaffadors, members of parliament, and of the con¬
vocation, &c. See Lords, Ambassador, Parlia¬
ment, Arrest.
A real privilege is that granted to fome particular
place ; as the king’s palace, the courts at Weftmin-
fter, the univerfities, &c.
PRIVY council. See Council.
Privy Seal. See Seal.
PRIZE, or Prise, in maritime affairs, a veffel
taken at fea from the enemies of a ftate, or from pi¬
rates ; and that either by a man of war, a privateer,
&c. having a commifiion for that purpofe.
Veffels are looked on as prize, if they fight under
any other ftandard than that of the ftate from which
they have their commiflion ; if they have no charter-
party, invoice, or bill of lading aboard ; if loaded
with effects belonging to the king’s enemies, or with
contraband goods.
In (hips of war, the prizes are to be divided among
the officers, feamen, &c. as his Majefty (hall appoint
by proclamation ; but among privateers, the divifion
is according to the agreement between the owners.
By flat. 13 Geo. II. c. 4. ; judges and officers,
failing of their duty in refpecl to the condemnation
of prizes, forfeit L. 500, with full cofts of fuit; one
moiety to the king, and the other to the informer.
PROBABILITY, is nothing but the appearance
of the agreement or difagreement of two ideas by the
intervention of proofs, whofe conneftion is not con-
ftant and immutable; or is not perceived to be fo ;
but is, or appears for the moft part to be fo ; and is
enough to induce the mind to judge the propofition to
be true or falfe, rather than the contrary. See Me¬
taphysics, n°246—265.
PROBATE of a will or teftament, in law, is the
exhibiting and proving of laft wills and teftaments be¬
fore the ecclefiaftical judge delegated by the bifhop
who is ordinary of the place where the party died.
PROBATION, in the univerfities, is the exami¬
nation and trial of a ftudent who is about to take his
degrees.
Probation, in a monaftic fenfe, fignifies the year
of a novitiate, which a religious muft pafs in a convent,
to prove his virtue and vocation, and whether he can
bear the feverities of the rule.
PROBATIONER, in the church of Scotland, a
ftudent in divinity, who bringing a certificate from a
profeffor in an univerfity of his good morals, and his
having performed his exercifes to approbation, is ad¬
mitted to undergo feveral trials ; and, upon his ac¬
quitting himfelf properly in thefe, receives a licence to
preach.
PROBATUM est, (It is proved,) a term fre¬
quently fubjoined to a receipt for the cure of fome
difeafe.
PROBE, a furgeon’s inftrument for examining the
circumftances of wounds, ulcers, and other cavities,
fearching for (tones in the bladder, &c.
PROBLEM, in logic, a propofition that neither
appears abfolutely true or falfe; and, confequently,
may be afferted either in the affirmative or negative.
Problem, in geometry, is a propofition, wherein
fome operation or eonftruftion ia required ; as to di¬
vide a line or angle, ereft or let fall perpendiculars,
&c. See Geometry.
PROBOSCIS, in natural hiftory, is the trunk or
fnout of an elephant, and fome other animals and in-
fefts.
Flies, gnats, &c. are furnifhed with a probofcis or
trunk ; by means of which they fuck the blood of ani¬
mals, the juice of vegetables, &c. for their food.
PROBUS (Marcus Aurelius), from the fon of a
gardener, became, by his great valour as a foldier, and
his eminent virtues, emperor of Rome, to which dignity
he was raifed by the army. After having fubdued the
barbarous nations that had made incurfious into diffe¬
rent parts of the empire where they committed horrid
cruelties, and governed with great wifdom and cle¬
mency, he was maffacred in the 7th year of his reign,
by fome foldiers who were weary of the public works
at which he made them labour, in 282.
PROCATARCTIC cause, in medicine, the pre-
exifting, or predifpofing caufe or occafion of a dif¬
eafe.
PROCELEUSMATICUS, in the ancient poetry,
a foot confiding of four (hort fyllables, or two pyrrhy-
chiufes ; as hominibus.
PROCELLARIA, in ornithology ; a genus of
birds, belonging to the order of anferes. The beak is
fomewhat compreffed, and w'ithout teeth; the mandi¬
bles are equal, the fuperior one being crooked at the
point; the feet are palmated, the hind claw being fef-
file, without any toe. There are fix fpecies, princi¬
pally diftinguiflied by their colour. The moft remark¬
able are.
1. The cinerea, or fulmar. The fize of this bird is
rather fuperior to that of the common gull: the bill
very ftrong, much hooked at the end, and of a yellow
colour. The noftrils are compofed of two large tubes,
lodged in one (heath: the head, neck, whole under fide
of the body, and tail, are white ; the back and co¬
verts of the wings a(h - coloured: the quill-feathers
dulky: the legs yellowifti. In lieu of a back toe, it
has only a fort of fpur, or (harp ftraight nail. Thefe
birds feed on the blubber or fat of whales, &c. which,
being foon convertible into oil, fupplies them con-
ftantly with means of defence, as well as provifion for
their young, which they call up into their mouths.
They are likewife faid to feed on forrel, which they
ufe to qualify the un&uous diet they live on. This
fpecies inhabits the ifle of St Kilda; makes its appear¬
ance there in November, and continues the whole year,
except September and O&ober; it lays a large, white,
and very brittle egg; and the young are hatched the
middle of June. No bird is of fuch ufe to the iflanders
as this: the fulmar fupplies them with oil for their
lamps, down for their beds, a delicacy for their tables,
a balm for their wounds, and a medicine for their dif-
tempers. The fulmar is alfo a certain prognofticator
of the change of the wind; if it comes to land, no weft
wind is expefted for fome time; and the contrary when
it returns and keeps the fea. The whole genus of pe¬
trels have a peculiar faculty of fpouting from their
bills, to a confiderable diftance, a large quantity of
pure
Problem
II
Procellaria.
PRO [ 6489 ] PRO
wiiaria. pure oil; winch they do, by way of defence, into the ways at fea; and is feeo all over the vaft Atlantic Procefr.
  —face of any that attempts to take them : fo that they ocean, at the greateft diltance from land; often follow.'*- ~
are, for the fake of this panacaea, feized by furprife; lowing the veffels in great flocks, to pick up any thing
as this oil is fubfervient to the abovementioned medi- that falls from on board: for trial fake, chopped draw
cal ufes. Martin tells us, it has been ufed in London has been flung over, which they would Hand on with
and Edinburgh with fuccefs in rheumatic cafes. Fre- expanded wings; but were never obferved to fettle on
deride Martens, who had opportunity of feeing vaft or fwim in the water: it prefages bad weather, and
numbers of thefe birds at Spitzbergen, obferves, that cautions the feamen of the approach of a tempeft, by
they are very bold, and refort after'the whale-fifhers in collefting under the ftern of the {hips: it braves the
great flocks; and that, when a whale is taken, they will, utmoft fury of the ftorm, fometimes fleimming with in-
in fpite of all endeavours, light on it and pick out large credible velocity along the hollows of the waves, fome-
lumps of fat, even when the animal is alive: That the times on the fummits: Clufius makes it the Camilla of
whales are often difeovered at fea by the multitudes of the fea.
mallemuckes flying; and that when one of the former Vel mare per medium fluftufufpenfa tumenti
are woynded, prodigious multitudes immediately fol- Ferret iler, celeres nec tingcret xquore plantas. Virg.
low its bloody track. He adds, that it is a moft glut- She fwept the Teas; and as the tkim’d along,
tonous bird, eating till it is forced to difgorge itfelf. Her flying feet unbath’d.on billows hung. Dr yden.
2. The puffinus, or fhear-water, is 15 inches in Thefe birds are the ry^/e///of Pliny, which he places
length ; the breadth 31 ; the weight 17 ounces : the among the apodes ot Ariltotle; not becaufe they want-
bill is an inch and three-quarters long; noftrils tubu- ed feet, but were Kaxos-oJa, or had bad or ufelefs ones;
lar, but not very prominent: the head, and whole up- an attribute he gives to thefe fpecies, on a fuppofition
per fide of the body, wings, tail, and thighs, are of a that they were almoft always on the wing. In Auguft
footy blacknefs; the under fide from chin to tail, and 1772, Mr Pennant found them on the rocks called
inner coverts of the wings, white : the legs weak, and Macdonald's Table, off the north end of the ifle of Skie;
comprefled fidewife ; dufky behind, whitifh before, fo conjedlures they breed there. They lurked under the
Thefe birds are found in the Calf of Man; and, as Mr loofe ttones, but betrayed themfelves by their twitler-
Ray fuppofes, in the Scilly-ifles. They refort to the ing noife.
former in February; take a fhort poffefiion of the rab- PROCESS, in law, denotes the proceedings in any
bet burrows, and then difappear till April. They lay caufe, real or perfonal, civil or criminal, from the ori-
one egg, white and blunt at each end; and the young ginal writ to the end thereof.
are fit to be taken the beginning of Auguft; when In a more limited fenfe, procefs denotes that by
great numbers are killed by the perfon who farms the which a man is called firft into any temporal court,
ifle: they are falted and barrelled; and when they are It is the next ftep for carrying on the fuit, after
boiled, are eaten with potatoes. During the day they fuing out the original writ. See Suit and Writ.
keep at fea, fifhing ; and towards evening return to It is the method taken by the law to compel acom-
their young; whom they feed, by difeharging the con- pliance with the original writ, of which the primary
tents of their ftomachs into their mouths; which by ftep is by giving the party notice to obey it. This
that time is turned into oil: by reafon of the back- notice is given upon all real pracipes; and alfo upon all
ward fituation of their legs, they fit quite ereft. They perfonal writs for injuries not againft the peace, by
quit the ifle the latter end of Auguft, or beginning of fummons; which is a warning to appear in court at the ,,, ,,
September; and, from accounts lately received from return of the original writ, given to the defendant by Comment
navigators, we have reafon to imagine, that, like the two of the fheriff’s meffengers called fummoners, either
ftorm-fineb, they are difperfed over the whole Atlantic in perfon, or left at his houfe or land: in like manner
ocean. This fpecies inhabits alfo the Orkney ifles, as in the civil law the firft procefs is by perfonal cita-
where it makes its neft in holes on the earth near the tion, in jus vocando. This warning on the land is gi-
fhelves of the rocks and headlands: it is called there ven, in real adlions, by ere&ing a white flick or wand
the lyre; and is much valued, both on account of its on the defendant’s grounds, (which flick or wand
being a food, and for its feathers. The inhabitants among the northern nations is called the baculus nun-
take and fait them in Auguft for winter provifions, ciatorius), and by ftatute 31 Eliz. c. 3. the notice muft
when they boil them with cabbage. They alfo take alfo be proclaimed on fome Sunday before the door of
the old ones in March ; but they are then poor, and the parifh-church.
not fo well tailed as the young : they appear firft in If the defendant difobeys this verbal monition, the
thofe iflands in February. next procefs is by writ of attachment, or pone; fo called
3. The pelagf'oa, or ftormy petrel, is about the bulk from the words, of the writ, pone per vadium et falvos
of the houfe-fwallow: the length fix inches ; the ex- plegios, “ put by gage and iafe pledges A. B. the de¬
tent of wings, 13. The whole bird is black, ex- fendant, &c.” This is a writ not iffuing out of chan-
cept the coverts of the tail and vent-feathers, which eery, but out of the court of common-pleas, being
are white: the bill is hooked at the end: the noftrils grounded on the non-appearance of the defendant at
tubular: the legs {lender, and long. It has the fame the return of the original writ; and thereby the fheriff
faculty of fpouting oil from its bill as the other fpe- is commanded to attach him, by taking that is,
cies: and Mr Brunnich tells us, that the inhabitants certain of his goods, which he (hall forfeit if he doth
of the Ferroe ifles make this bird ferve the purpofes bf not appear; or by making him find fafe pledges or fure-
a-Candle, by drawing a wick through the mouth and ties, which {hall be amerced in cafe of his non-appear-
rump, which being lighted, the flame is fed by the fat ance. This is alfo the firft and immediate procefs,
and oil of the body. Except in breeding-time, it is al- without any previous fummons, upon a&ions of tref-
Vol. IX. 2 36 M pafs
Procefs.
.PRO [ 6490 ] PRO
pafs Vi et armis, or for other injuries, which, though
’not forcible, are yet trefpaffes againft the peace, as de¬
ceit and conspiracy; where the violence of the wrong
requires a mpre fpeedy remedy, and therefore the
ginal writ commands the defendant to be at once at*
tached, without any precedent warning.
If, after attachment, the defendant neglefls to ap¬
pear, he not only forfeits this fecurity, but is moreover
to be farther compelled by writ of dijlringast ordiftrefs
infinite; which is a fubfequent procefs iffuing from the
court of common-pleas, commanding the (heriff to di-
ftrain the defendant from time to time, and continually
afterwards, by taking his goods and the profits of his
lands, which are called ijfues, and which he forfeits to
the king if he doth not appear. But the iffues may be
fold, if the court lhall fo diredt, in order to defray the
reafonable cofts of the plaintiff. In like manner by
the civil law, if the defendant abfconds, fo that the ci¬
tation is of no effect, mittitur adverfarius in pojfeflionem
bonorum ejus.
And here, by the common as well as the civil law,
the procefs ended in cafe of injuries without force: the
defendant, if he had any fubftanCe, being gradually
ftripped of it all by repeated diftreffes, till he render¬
ed obedience to the king’s writ; and, if he had no fub-
ftance, the law held him incapable of making fatisfac-
tion, and therefore looked upon all farther procefs as
nugatory. And befides, upon feodal principles, the
perfon of a feudatory was not liable to be attached for
injuries merely civil, left thereby his lord Ihould be de¬
prived of his perfonal fervices. But, in cafes of injury
accompanied with force, the law, to punilh the breach
of the peace and prevent its difturbance for the future,
provided alfo a procefs againft the defendant’s perfon,
in cafe he neglefted to appear upon the former procefs
pf attachment, or had no fubftance whereby to be at¬
tached; fubjedfing his body to imprifonment by the
writ otcapias ad refpondendum. But this immunity of
the defendant’s perfon, in cafe of peaceable though
fraudulent injuries', producing great contempt of the
law in indigent wrongdoers, a capias was alfo allowed,
to arreft the perfon in aftions of account, though no
breach of the peace be fuggefted, by the ftatutes of
Marlbridge, 52 Hen. III. c. 23. and Weftm. 2,
13 Edw. I. c. 11. in aftions of debt and detinue, by
ftatute 25 Edw. III. c. 17. and in all a&ions on the
cafe, by ftatute 19 Hen. VII. c. 9. Before which laft
ftatute a practice had been introduced of commencing
the fuit by bringing an original writ of trefpafs quare
ciaufum fregit, by breaking the plaintiff’s clofe, vi et
armis; winch by the old common law fubje&ed the
defendant’s perfon to bearrefted by writ of capias: and
tiien afterwards, by connivance of the court, the plain¬
tiff might proceed to profecute for any other lefs for¬
cible injury. This praftice (through cuftom rather
than necc.fiUy, and for faving fame trouble and expence,
in fuing out a fpecial original adapted to the particu¬
lar1 injury) ilill continues in almoft all cafes, except in
actions of debt; though now, by virtue of the ftatutes
above cited and others, a capias might be had upon
'almoft every fprci.es’ of complaint.
If thereio>e the defendant, being fummoned or at¬
tached, makes default, and negledts to appear; or if
the ftieriff returns a nihil, or that the defendant hath
nothing, whereby he may be fummoned, attached, or
diftrained, the capiat now ufually iffues: being a writ
commanding the ftieriff to take the body of the defen-*
dant, if he may be found in his bailiwick or county,
and him fafely to keep, fo that he may have him
in court on the day of the return, to anfwer to the
plaintiff of a plea of debt, or trefpafs, &c. as the cafe
may be. This writ, and all others fubfequent to the
original writ, not iffuing out of chancery, but from the
court into which the original was returnable, and be-
ing grounded on what has paffed in that court in con-
fequence of the ftieriff’s return, are called judicial, not
original, writs; they iffue under the private feal of that
court, and not under the great feal of England ; and
are /e/?’d, not in the king’s name, but in that of the
chief juftice only. And thefe feveral writs being
grounded on the ftieriff’s return, muft refpedtively bear
date the fame day on which the writ immediately pre¬
ceding was returnable.
This is the regular and orderly method of procefs.
But it is now ufual in praftice, to fue out the capias
in the firft inftance, upon a fuppoftd return of the
ffieriff; efpecially if it be fufpe&ed that the defendant,
upon notice of the aftion, will abfcond; and afterwards
a fi&itious original is drawn up, with a proper return
thereupon, in order to give the proceedings a colour
of regularity. When this capias is delivered to the
ftieriff, he by his under-lheriff grants a warrant to his
inferior officers or bailiffs to execute it on the defen¬
dant. And, if the ftieriff of Oxfordftiire (in which
county the injury is fuppofed to be committed and the
atflion is laid) cannot find the defendant in his jurif-
didtion, he returns that he is not found, non eji inven¬
tus, in his bailiwick: whereupon another writ iftues,
called a teftatum capias, dire&ed to the ftieriff of the
county where the defendant is fuppofed to refide; as
of Berkftiire, reciting the former writ, and that it is
teftified, tejlatum ejl, that the defendant lurks or wan¬
ders in his bailiwick, where he is commanded to take
him, as in the former capias,. But here alfo, when
the a&ion is brought in one county and the defendant
lives in another, it is ufual, for faving trouble, time, and
expence, to make out a tejlatum capias at the firft;; fup-
pofing not only an original, but alfo a former capias,
to have been granted; which in faft never was. And
this fidtion, being beneficial to all parties, is readily
acquiefced in, and is now become the fettled pradlice ;
being one among many inftances to illuftrate that max¬
im of law, that in fittione juris conjijlit aquitas.
But where a defendant abfconds, and the plaintiff
would proceed to an outlawry againft him, an ori¬
ginal writ muft then be fued out regularly, and after*
that a capias. And if the ftieriff cannot find the de¬
fendant upon the firft writ of capias, and returns a
non ejl inventus, there iffues out an alias writ, and
after that a pluries, to the fame efftdl as the former:
only after thefe words “ we command you,” this
claufe is inferted, “ as we have formerly,” or, “ as.
we have often, commanded you —u Jicut alius,” or,
“ Jicut pluries, preecephnus." And if a non ejl inven¬
tus is returned upon all of them, then a writ of exigent
or exigi facias may be fued out, which requires the
ftieriff to caufe the defendant to be proclaimed, re¬
quired, or exa&ed, in five county-courts fucctffively,
to render himfelf; and if he does, then to take him,
as in a capias; but if he does not appear, and is re¬
turned
Procefs.
PRO t 6491 ] PRO
Erocefs. turned quhito exach/j, he (hall then be outlawed by the
coroners of the county. Alfo by ftatute 6 Hen. VIII.
c. 4. and 31 Eliz. c. 3. whether the defendant dwells
within the fame or another county than that wherein
the exigent is fued out, a writ of proclamation (hall
ifiue out at the fame time with the exigent, command¬
ing the (heriff of the county, wherein the defendant
dwells, to make three proclamations thereof in places
the mod notorious, and mod likely to come to his
knowledge, a month before the outlawry (hall take
place. Such outlawry is putting a man out of the
prote&ion of the law, fo that he is incapable to bring
an adtion for redrefs of injuries ; and it is alfo attended
with a forfeiture of all one's goods and chattels to the
king. And therefore, till fome time after the con-
qued, no man could be outlawed but for felony :
but in Bra&on’s time, and fomewhat earlier, procefs
of outlawry was ordained to lie in all adtions for
trefpafies vi et armis. And fince, by a variety of
llatutes (the fame which allow the writ of capias before-
mentioned) procefs of outlawry doth lie in divers adtions
that are merely civil; providing they be commenced
by original and not by bill. If after outlawry the
defendant appears publicly, he may be arretted by a
writ of capias utlagatum, and committed till the out¬
lawry be reverfed. Which reverfal may be had by
the defendant’s appearing perfonally in court (and in
the king’s bench without any perfonal appearance, fo
that he appears by attorhey, according to datute 4 & 5
W. & M. c. 18.) and any plaufible caufe, however
flight, will in general be fufhcient to reverfe it, it be¬
ing confidered only as a procefs to compel an appear¬
ance. But then the defendant mud pay full cods,
and put the plaintiff in the fame condition as if he had
appeared before the writ otexigifacias awarded.
Such is the fird procefs in the court of common
pleas. In the king’s bench they may alfo (and fre¬
quently do) proceed in certain caufes, particularly in
a&ions ofejedfment andtrefpafs, hy original writ, with
attachment and capias thereon; returnable, not at
Wedminder, where the common pleas are now fixed
in confequence of magna carta, but ubicunque fuerimus
in Anglia, wherefoever the king (hall then be in Eng¬
land ; the king’s bench being removeable into any
part of England at the pleafure and difcretion of the
crown. But the more ufual method of proceeding
therein is without any original, but by a peculiar fpe-
cies of procefs intitled a bill of Middlefex; and there¬
fore fo intitled, becaufe the court now fits in that
county; for if it fat in Kent, it would then be a
bill of Kent. For though, as the judices of this
court have, by its fundamental conditution, power to
determine all offences and trefpaffes, by the common
law and cudom of the realm, it needed no original
writ from the crown to give it cognizance of any mif-
demefnor in the county wherein it refides; yet as, by
thiscourt’scomingfatoanycounty,itimmediately fuper-
feded the ordinary adminidration of judice by the
general commiffions of eyre and of oyer and terminer,
a procefs of its own became neceffary, within the
county where it fat, to bring in fuch perfons as were
accufed of committing any forcible injury. The bill
of Middlefex (which was formerly always founded
on a plaint of trefpafs quare claufum fregit, entered
on the records of the court) is a kind of capiat) di¬
rected to the (heriff of that county, and commanding Procefs.
him to take the defendant, and have him before our “ “i~
lord the king at Wedminder on a day prefixed, to
anfwer to the plaintiff of a plea of trefpafs. For this
accufation of trefpafs it is that gives the court of
king’s bench jurifdidion in other civil caufes, as was
elfewhere obferved; fince, when once the defendant is
taken into cudody of the marfhal, or prifon keeper of
this court, for the fuppofed trefpafs, he, being then a
prifoner of this court, may here be profecuted for any
other fpecies of injury. Yet, in order to found this
jurifdiflion, it is not neceffary that the defendant-be
adtually the marfhal’s prifoner; for, as foon as he ap¬
pears, or puts in bail, to the procefs, he is deemed
by fo doing to be in fuch cudody of the mar(hal, as
will give the court a jurifdidlion to proceed. And,
upon thefe accounts, in the bill or procefs, a complaint
of trefpafs is always fuggeded, whatever elfe may be
the real caufe of aftion. This bill of Middicfex
mud be ferved on the defendant by the (heriff, if he
finds him in that county : but if he returns, non tfl
inventus, then there iffues out a writ of latitat, to the
(heriff of another county, as Berks; which is fimilar
to the teflatum capias in the common pleas, and re¬
cites the bill of Middlefex and the proceedings thereon,
and that it is tedified that the defendant latitat et
difcurrit, lurks and wanders about in Berks; and
therefore commands the (heriff to take him, and have
his body in court on the day of the return. But as
in the common pleas the tejlatum capias may be fued
out upon only a fuppofed, and not an aftual, pre¬
ceding capias; fo in the king’s bench a latitat is
ufually fued out upon only a fuppofed, and not an
a&ual, bill of Middlefex. So that, in fadf, a latitat
may be called the fird procefs in the court of king’s
bench, as the tefatum capias is in the common pleas.
Yet, as in the common pleas, if the defendant lives in
the county wherein the aftion is laid, a common
capias fuffices; fo in the king’s bench likewife, if he
lives in Middlefex, the procefs mud dill be by bill, of
Middlefex only.
In the exchequer the fird procefs is by write of quo
minus, in order to give the court a jurifdi&ion over
pleas between party and party. In which writ the
plaintiff is alleged to be the king’s farmer or debtor,
and that the defendant hath done him the injury com¬
plained of, quo minus fufficiens exifit, by which he is
the lefs able to pay the king’s his rent or debt.
And upon this the defendent may be arreded as upon
a capias from the common pleas.
Thus differently do the three courts fet out at fird,
in the commencement of a fuit, in order to entitle the
two courts of king’s bench and exchequer to hold plea
in fnbjeds caufes, which by the original conditution of
Wedminder-hall they were not empowered to do.
Afterwards, when the caufe is once drawn into the
refpeftive courts, the method of purfuing it is pretty
much the fame in all of them.
If the (heriff had found the defendant upon any of
the former writs, the capias latitat, &c. he was an¬
ciently obliged to take him into cudody, in order to
produce him in court upon the return, however fmall
and minute the caufe of adtion might be. For, not
having obeyed the original fummons, he had drown a
contempt of the court, and was no longer to be truded
36 M z at
PRO [ 6492 ] PRO
Procefs. at large. Bat when the furatnons fell into difufe, and
the capias became in faft the firll procefs, it was
thought hard to imprifon a man for a contempt which
was only fuppofed: and therefore, in common cafes by
the gradual indulgence of the courts (at length autho-
rifed byftatute 12 Geo. I. c. 29. which was amend¬
ed by ftatute 5 Geo. II. c. 27. and made perpetual
by ftatute 2t Geo. II. c. 3.) the flieriff or his officer
can now only perfonally ferve the defendant with the
copy of the writ or procefs, and with notice in wri¬
ting to appear by his attorney in court to defend this
aftion ; which in effedt reduces it to a mere fummons.
And if the defendant thinks proper to appear upon
this notice, his appearance is recorded, and he puts in
fureties for his future attendance and obedience; which
fureties are called common bail, being the fame two
imaginary perfons that were pledges for the plaintiff’s
profecution, John Doe and Richard Roe. Or, if the
defendant does not appear upon the return of the writ,
or within four (or in fome cafes eight) days after, the
plaintiff may enter an appearance for him, as if he had
really appeared ; and may file common bail in the de¬
fendant’s name, and proceed thereupon as if the de¬
fendant had done it himfelf.
But if the plaintiff will make affidavit, oraffert up¬
on oath, that the caufe of aftion amounts to ten
pounds or upwards, then in order to arreft the defen¬
dant, and make him put in fubftantial fureties for his
appearance, called fpecialbail, it is required by ftatute
13 Car. II. flat. 2. c. 2. that the true caufe of ac¬
tion fhould be expreffcd in the body of the writ or
procefs: elfe no fecurity can be taken in a greater
fum than L 40. This ftatute (without any fuch in¬
tention in the makers) had like to have oufted the
king’s bench of all its jurifdi&ion over civil injuries
without force : for, as the bill of Middlefex was framed
only for aftions of trefpafs, a defendant could not be
arrefted and held to bail thereupon for breaches of ci¬
vil contrafts. But to remedy this inconvenience, the
officers of the king’s bench devifed a method of add¬
ing what is called a claufe of ac etiam to the ufual
complaint of trefpafs; the bill of Middlefex command¬
ing the defendant to be brought in to anfwer the plain¬
tiff of a plea of trefpaf*, andalfo to a bill of debt: the
complaint of trefpafs giving cognizance to the court,
and that of debt authorifing the arreft. In imitation of
swhich, lord chief juftice North, a few years afterwards,
in order to fave the fuitors of his court the trouble and
expence of fuing out fpecial originals, direfted, that
in the common pleas, befides the ufual complaint of
breaking the plaintiff’s clofe, a claufe of ac eiiam might
be alfo added to the writ of capias, containing the true
caufe of a&ion ; as, “ that the faid Charles the de-
• * fendant may anfwer to the plaintiff of a plea of tref¬
pafs in breaking his clofe: and alfo, ac etiam, may
anfwer him, according to the cuftom of the court, in
a certain plea of trefpafs upon the cafe, upon promifes,
to the value of twenty pounds, &c.” The fum fworn
to by the plaintiff is marked upon the back of the
writ; and the flieflff, or his officer the bailiff, is
then obliged a&ually to arreft or take into cuftody
the body of the defendant, and, having fodone, to re¬
turn the writ with a cepi corpus endorfed thereon. See
■Arrest.
When the defendant is regularly arrefted, he muft
either go to prifon, for fafe cuftody; or put \n'fpecial
bail to the Iheriff. For, the intent of the arreft being -
only to compel an appearance in court at the return of
the writ, that purpofe is equally anfwered, whether
the fheriff detains his perfon, or takes Efficient fecu¬
rity for his appearance, called bail, (from the French
word bailler, to deliver), becaufe the defendant is
bailed, or delivered, to his fureties, upon their giving
fecurity for his appearance ; and is fuppofed to conti¬
nue in their friendly cuftody inftead of going to gaol.
See Bail. The method of putting in bail to the fhe¬
riff is by entering into a bond or obligation, with one
or more fureties, (not fi&itious perfons, as in the for¬
mer cafe of common bail, but real, fubftantial, refpon-
fible bondfmen), to infure the defendant’s appearance
at the return of the writ ; which obligation is called
the bail-bond. The ffieriff, if he pleafes, may let the
defendant go without any fureties ; but that is at his
own peril: for, after once taking him, the (heriff is
bound to keep him fafely, fo as to be forthcoming in
court ; otherwife an adlion lies againft him for an
efcape. But, on the other hand, he is obliged, by fta¬
tute 23 Hen. VI. c. 10. to take (if it be tendered) a
fufficient bail-bond: and, by ttatute 12 Geo.I. c.29*
the flieriff fhall take bail for no other fum than fuch as
is fworn to by the plaintiff, and endorfed on the back
of the writ.
Upon the return of the writ, or within four days af¬
ter, the defendant muft appear according to the exi¬
gency of the writ. This appearance is effe&ed by put¬
ting in and juftifying bail to the action; which is com¬
monly called putting in bail above. If this be not done,
and the bail that were taken by the ftieriff below- are
are refponfible perfons, the plaintiff may take an af-
fignment from the fheriff of the bail-bond (under the
ftatnte 4 & 5 Ann, c. 16.) and bring an adtion there¬
upon againft the fheriff’s bail. But if the bail fo ac¬
cepted by the flieriff, be infolvent perfons, the plain¬
tiff may proceed againft the flieriff himfelf, by calling
upon him, firft to return the writ (if not already done),
and afterwards to bring in the body of the defendant.
And if the flieriff does not then caufe fufficient bail
to be put in above, he will himfelf be refponfible to the
plaintiff.
The bail above, or bail to the aftion, muft be put in
either in open court, or before one of the judges there¬
of; or elfe, in the country, before a commiffioner
appointed for that purpofe by virtue of the ftatute
4 W. & M. c. 4. which muft be tranfmitted to the
court. Thefe bail, who muft at leaft be two in num¬
ber, muft enter into a recognifance in court, or before
the judge or commiffioner, whereby they do jointly
and feverally undertake, that if the defendant be con¬
demned in the adlion, he fhall pay the colls and con¬
demnation, or render himfelf a prifoner, or that they
will pay it for him : which recognifance is tranfmittecf
to the court in a flip of parchment, intitled a bail-
piece. And, if required, the bail muft jujlify them-
felves in court, or before the commiffioner in the coun¬
try, by fwearing themfelves houfekeepers, and each
of them to be worth double the fum for which they
are bail, after payment of all their debts. This an-
fwers in fome meafure to the Jiipulatio or fatifdatio of
the Roman laws, which is mutually given by each li¬
tigant party to the other : by the plaintiff, that he will
pro-
Procefs,
PRO
Procefs. profecute his fuit, and pay the coRs if he lofes his
cau-fe ; iri like manner as our law ftill requires nomi¬
nal pledges of profecution from the plaintiff: by the
defendant, that he fhall continue in court, and abide
the fentence of the judge, much like our fpecial bail ;
but with this difference, that the fidejujfores were there
abfolutely bound judicatum folvere, to fee the coils and
condemnation paid at all events : whereas our fpecial
bail may be difcharged, by furrendering the defendant
into cultody within the time allowed by law ; for
which purpofe they are at all times entitled to a war¬
rant to apprehend him.
Special bail is required (as of courfe) only upon ac¬
tions of debt, or aftions on the cafe in trover, or for
money due, where the plaintiff can fwear that the
caufe of aftion amounts to ten pounds : but in aflions
where the damages are precarious, being to be affeffed
ad libitum by a jury, as in a&ions for words, ejeft-
ment, or trefpafs, it is very feldom poffible for a plain¬
tiff to fwear to the amount of his caufe of adlion ; and
therefore no fpecial bail is taken thereon, unlefs by a
judge’s order, or the particular dire&ions of the
court, in fome peculiar fpecies of injuries, as in cafes
of mayhem or atrocious battery ; or upon fuch fpecial
circumftances as make it abfolutely neceffary that the
defendant fhould be kept within the reach of juftice.
Alfo in aftions againft heirs, executors, and admini*
ftrators, for debts of the deceafed, fpecial bail is not
demandable ; for the aftion is not fo properly againft
them in perfon, as againft the effefts of the deceafed
in their poffeffion. But fpecial bail is required even
of them, in adfions for a devajlavit, or wafting the
goods of the deceafed ; that wrong being of their own
committing.
Thus much for procefs; which isvonly meant to
bring the defendant into court, in order to conteft the
fuit, and abide the determination of the law. When
he appears either in perfon as a prifoner, or out upon
bail, then follow the pleadings between the parties.
See Pleadings.
Process upon an IndiRment. See Prosecution.
The proper procefs on an indi&ment for any petty
mifdemefnor, or on a penal ftatute, is a writ of venire
facias, which is in the nature of a fummons to caufe
the party to appear. And if by the return to fuch
venire it appears, that the party hath lands in the
county whereby he may be diftreined, then a dijlrefs
infinite fhall be iffued from time to time till he appears.
But if the fheriff tgturns, that he hath no lands in his
bailiwick, then (upon his non-appearance) a writ of
capias fhall iffue, which commands the fheriff to take
his body, and have him at the next affifes ; and if he
cannot be taken upon the firft capias, a fecond and a
third fhall iffue, called an alias, and a pluries capias.
But, on indidments for treafon or felony, z capias is
the firft procefs: and, for treafon or-homicide, only
one fhall be allowed to iffue, or two in the cafe of other
felonies, by ftatute 25 Edw. III. c. 14. though the
ufage is to iffue only one in any felony ; the provifions
of this ftatute being in moft cafes found impra&icable.
And fo, in the cafe of mifdemefnors, it is now the
ufual pra&ice for any judge of the court of king's
bench, upon certificate of an indiftment found, to
award a writ of capias immediately, in order to bring
in the defendant. But if he abfconds, and it is thought
PRO
proper to purfue him to an outlawry, then a greater Procefs,
exaflnefs is neceflary. For, in fuch cafe, after the
feveral writs have iffued in a regular number, accord¬
ing to the nature of the refpeftive crimes, without any
effeft, the offender fhall be put in the exigent in or¬
der to his outlawry: that is, he fhall be exa&ed, pro¬
claimed, or required, to furrender, a't five county-
courts; and if he be returned quinto exattus, and does
not appear at the fifth exadUon or requifition, then he
is adjudged to be outlawed, or put out of the protec¬
tion of the law; fo that he is incapable of taking the
benefit of it in any refpedf, either by bringing adtions
or otherwife.
The punifhment, for outlawries upon indidlments
for mifdemefnors, is the fame as for outlawries upon
civil adfions; viz. forfeiture of goods and chattel?,.
But an outlawry in treafon or felony, amounts to a
convidfion and attainder of the offence charged in the
indidtment, as much as if the offender had been found
guilty by his country. His life is, however, ftill un¬
der the protedfion of the law, as hath elfewhere been
obferved ; (fee Homicide :) that though anciently an
outlawed felon was laid to have caput lupinusn, and
might be knocked on the head like a wolf, by any one
that fhould meet him ; becaufe, having renounced all
law, he was to be dealt with as in a itate of nature,
when every one that fhould find him might flay him :
yet now, to avoid fuch inhumanity, it is balden that
no man is entitled to kill him wantonly or wilfully;
but in fo doing is guilty of murder, unlefs it happens
in the endeavour to apprehend him. For any perfon
may arreft an outlaw on a criminal profecution, tiiher
of his own head, or by writ or warrant of capias ut-
lagatum, in order to bring him to execution. But
fiich outlawry may be frequently reverfed by writ of
error; the proceedings therein being (as it is fit they
fhould be) exceedingly nice and circumftantial; and if
any fingle minute point be omitted or mifcondufted,
the whole outlawry is illegal, and may be rever¬
fed : upon which reverfal the party accufed is admit¬
ted to plead to,.and defend himfelf againft, the indid-
ment.
Thus much for procefs to bring in the offender af¬
ter indi&ment found ; during which ftage of the pro-
fecution it is that writs of certiorari facias are ufually
had, though they may be had at any lime before trial,,
to certify and remove the indi&ment, with all the pro¬
ceedings theron, from any inferior court of criminal
jurifdidion into the court of king’s bench ; which is
the fovereign ordinary court of juftice in caufes crimi¬
nal. And this is frequently done for one of thefe four
purpofes; either, 1. To confider and determine the
validity of appeals or indidments and the proceedings
thereon ; and to quafh or confirm them as there is
caufe : or, 2. Where it is furmifed that a partial or
infufficient trial will probably be had in the court be¬
low, the indidment is removed, in order to have the
prifoner or defendant tried at the bar of the court of
king’s bench, or before thejuftices of nifi prius; or,
3. It is fo removed, in order to plead the king’s par¬
don there : or, 4. To iffue procefs of outlawry againft
the offender, in thofe counties or places where the
procefs of the inferior judges will not reach him. Such
writ of certiorari, when iffued and delivered to the
inferior court for removing any record or other pro¬
ceed-
t 6493 ]
Procefs
I!
Proclama¬
tion.'.
* See Pre¬
rogative.
PRO [ 6494 ] PRO
ceeth’ng, as well upon indi&ment as otherwife, fuper-
fedes the jurifdi£tion of fuch inferior court, and makes
all fubfequent proceedings therein entirely erroneous
• and illegal j unlefs the court of king’s bench remands
the record to the court below, to be there tried and
determined. A certiorari may be granted at the in-
ftance of either the profecutor or the defendant : the
former as a matter of right, the latter as a matter of
diferetion ; and therefore it is feldom granted to re¬
move indiftments from the juftices of goal-delivery, or
after iffue joined, or confeffion of the fa& in any^of the
courts below. t
At this ftage of profecution alfo it is, that indift-
ments found by the grand jury againft a peer, muft, in
confequence of a writ of certiorari, be certified and
tranfmitted into the court of parliament, or into that
of the lord high fteward of Great Britain ; and that,
in places of exclufive jurifdidion, as the two univerfi-
ties, indi&ments mull be delivered (upon challenge
and claim of cognizance) to the courts therein elta-
blifhed by charter, and confirmed by adt of parlia¬
ment, to be there refpeftively tried and determined.
See Plea.
Process, in chemiftry, the whole courfe of an ex¬
periment or feries of operations, tending to produce
fomething new.
Process, in anatomy, denotes any protuberance or
eminence in a bone.
PROCESSION, a ceremony in the Romilh church,
confifting of a formal march of the clergy and people,
putting up prayers, &c. and in this manner vifiting
fome church, &c. They have alfo procellions of the
holt or facrament, &c. See Host.
PROCHEIN amy, in law, the perfon next akin
to a child in non-age, and who, in that refpedt, is al¬
lowed to aft for him, and be his guardian, &c. if he
hold land in foccage.
To fue, an infant is not allowed to make an attor¬
ney ; but the court will admit his next friend as plain¬
tiff, or his guardian as defendant.
PROCLAMATION, a public notice given of any
thing of which the king thinks proper to advertife his
fubjefts.
Proclamations are a branch of the king’s preroga¬
tive*; and have then a binding force, when (as Sir
Edward Coke obferves) thew are grounded upon and
enforce the laws of the real* For, though the ma¬
king of laws is entirely the work of a diftinft part, the
legiflative branch of the fovereign power, yet the man¬
ner, time, and circumftances-of putting thofe laws in
execution, muft frequently be left to the diferetion of
the executive magiftrate. And therefore his conftitu-
tions or edifts, concerning thofe points which we call
proclamations, are binding upon the fubjeft, where they
do not either contradift the old laws, or tend to efta-
blifh new ones; but only enforce the execution of fuch
laws as are already in being, in fuch manner as the
king fhall judge neceffary. Thus the eftabliftied law
is, that the king may prohibit any of his fubjefts from
leaving the realm: a proclamation therefore forbid¬
ding this in general for three weeks, by laying an em¬
bargo upon all Ihipping in time of war, will be equal¬
ly binding as an aft of parliament, becaufe founded
upon a prior law. But a proclamation to lay an em¬
bargo in time of peace upon all veffels laden with wheat,
(though in the time of a public fcarcity), being con¬
trary to law, and particularly to ftatute 22 Car. II.
c. 13. the advifers of fuch a proclamation, and all per-
fons afting under it, found it neceffary to be indemni¬
fied by a fpecial aft of parliament, 7 Geo. III. c. 7.
A proclamation for difarming Papifts is alfo binding,
being only in execution of what the legiflature has firft
ordained: but a proclamation for allowing arms to Pa¬
pifts, or for difarming any Proteftant fubjefts, will not
bind; becaufe the firft would be to affumea difpenfing
power, the latter a legiflative one; to the vefting of
either of which in any Angle perfon the laws of Eng¬
land are abfolutely ftrangers. Indeed, by the ftatute
31 Hen. VIII. c. 8. it was enafted, that the king’s
proclamations (hould have the force of afts of parlia¬
ment: a ftatute, which was calculated to introduce the
moft defpotic tyranny; and which muft have proved
fatal to the liberties of this kingdom, had it not been
luckily repealed in the minority of his fucccffor, about
five years after.
PROCLUS, firnamed Diadocus, a Greek philo-
fopher and mathematician, was born in Lycia, and li¬
ved about the year 500. He was the difciple of Sy-
rianus, and had a great fhare in the friendlhip of the
emperor Anaftafius. It is faid, that when Vitalian laid
fiege to Conftantinople, Proclus burnt his fhips with
large brazen fpeculums. This philofopher was a pa¬
gan, and wrote againft the Chriftian religion. There
are ftill extant his Commentaries on fome of Plato's
books, and other of his works written in Greek.
PROCONSUL, a Roman magiftrate, fent to govern
a province with confular authority.
The proconfuls were appointed out of the body of
the fenate; and ufually as the year of any one’s confu-
late expired, he was fent proconful into fome province.
The proconfuls decided cafes of equity and juftice,
either privately in their pretorium or palace, where
they received petitions, heard complaints, granted
writs under their feal, and the like ; or elfe publicly,
in the common hall, with the ufual formalities obfer-
ved in the court of judicature at Rome. They had be-
fides, by virtue of their edifts, the power of ordering
all things relating to the tribunes, taxes, contributibns,
and provifions of corn and money, &c. Their office
lafted only a year. See Consul.
PROCOPIUS, a famous Greek hiftorian, born in
Caefaria, acquired great reputation by his works in the
reign of Juftinian, and was fecretary to Belifarius du¬
ring all the wars carried on by that general in Perfia,
Africa.and Italy. He at length became fenator, ob¬
tained the title of illujlrious, and was made pretor of
Conftantinople.
PROCREATION, the begetting and bringing
forth children. See Generation.
PROCTOR, a perfon commiflioned to manage an¬
other perfon’s caufe in any court of the civil or eccle-
fiaftical law.
PROCURATION, an aft or inftrument by which
a perfon is empowered to treat, tranfaft, receive, &c.
in another perfon’s name.
PROCURATOR, a perfon who has a charge com¬
mitted to him to aft for another.
PRODUCT, in arithmetic and geometry, the fac¬
tum of two or more numbers, or lines, &c. into one
another; thus jX^zo the produft required.
Proclus
I
Produft.
FRO-
PRO
Profanation PROFANATION, the a&i'ng difrefpe&fully to
_ . II .. facred things.
roje 1 es‘- PROFANE, a term ufed in oppofition to holy i
and in general is applied to all perfons who have not
the facred chara&er, and to things which do not be¬
long to the fervice of religion.
PROFESSION, among the Romanifls, denotes the
entering into a religious order, whereby a perfon of¬
fers himfelf to God by a vow of inviolably obferving
obedience, chaftity, and poverty.
PROFESSOR, in the univerfities, a perfon who
teaches or reads public lectures in fome art or fcience
from a chair for the purpofe.
PROFILE, in architedure, the draught of a build¬
ing, fortification, Sic. wherein are expreffed the feve-
ral heights, widths, and thicknefies, fuch as they would
appear were the building cut down perpedicularly
from the roof to the foundation. Whence the profile
is alfo called the feflion, fometimes orthographical fee-
tion, and by Vitruvius alfo feiagraphy.
Profile, in this fenfe, amounts to the fame with ele¬
vation; and ftands oppofed to a plan qx ichnograpby.
Profile is alfo ufed for the contour or out-line of
a figure, building, member of archite&ure, or the like;
as a bafe, a cornice, &c. Hence profiling is fometimes
ufed for defigning, or deferibing the member with rule,
compafs, &c.
[ 6495 ]
PRO
Profile, in fculpture and painting—A head, a Profile
portrait, &c. are faid to be in profile, when they are II
reprefented fidewife, or in a fide-view; as» when in a ro°rc u>11'
portrait there is but one fide of the face, one eye,
one cheek, &c. (hown, and nothing of the other.—
On almoft all medals, the faces are reprefented in pro¬
file.
PROFLUVIUM, in medicine, denotes a flux, or
liquid evacuation of any thing.
PROGNOSTIC, among phyficians, fignifies a judg¬
ment concerning the event of a difeafe, as whether it
fhall end in life or death, be fhort or long, mild or ma¬
lignant, Sac.
PROGRAMMA, anciently fignified a letter fealed
with the king’s feal.
Programma is alfo an univerfity term for a billet or
advertifement, ported up or given into the hand, by
way of invitation to an oration, &c. containing the ar¬
gument, or fo much as is neceflary for underftanding
thereof.
PROGRESSION, in general, denotes a regular
advancing, or going forward, in the fame courfe and
manner.
Progression, in mathematics, i&either arithmeti¬
cal or geometrical. Continued arithmetic proportion
is, where the terms do increafe and decreafe by equal
differences and is called arith?netic progreffwn:
Geometric Progr,
ratios: thus,
•i'“*
t % £ ■?;
effort, or Continued Geometric Proportion, is when the terms do increafe or decreafe by equal
a, ar, arr, arrr, &c, increafing '
a, —, —, —, &c. decreafing <
from a continual
j multiplication
/Aivifion
6:: si: ,1:1: 6i: &£ca,ion
See the articles Fluxions, Geometry, and Series.
PROJECTILES, are fuch bodies as, being put in
violent motion by any great force, are then cart off
or let go from the place where they received their
quantity of motion: as a ftone thrown from a fling,
an arrow from a bow, a bullet from a gun, See.
It is ufually taken for granted, by thofe who treat
of the motion of projeftiles, that the force of gravity
near the earth’s furface is every where the fame, and
ads in parallel diredions ; and that the effed of the
air’s refiftance upon very heavy bodies, fuch as bombs
and cannon-balls, is too fmall to be taken into eonfi-
deration.
The famous Sir Ifaac Newton lias fhown, that the
gravity of bodies which are above the fuperficies of the
earth, is reciprocally as the fquares of their diftances
from its centre; but the theorems concerning the de-
feent of heavy bodies, demonftrated by Galilasus,
Huygens, and others, are built upon this foundation,
that the adion of gravity is the fame at all diftances;
and the confequences of this hypothefis are found to
be very nearly agreeable to experience. For it is ob¬
vious, that the error arifing from the fuppofition of
gravity’s ading uniformly, and in parallel lines, muff
be exceeding fmall; becaufe even the greateft diftance
of a projedile above the furface of the earth, is incon-
fiderahle in eomparifon of the diftance from the centre
to which the gravitation tends. But then, on the other
hand, it is very certain, that the refiftance of the air
to very fwift motions, is much greater than it has been
commonly reprefented. Neverthelefs, ( in the application
of thisdodrine to gunnery }, if theamplitude of the pro-
j.edion, anfwering to one given elevation, be firft found
by experiment, (which we fuppofe), the amplitudes in
all other cafes, where the elevations and velocities do
not very much differ from the firft, may be determi¬
ned, to a fufficient degree of exadnefs, from the fore¬
going h-ypothefis: becaufe, in all fuch cafes, theeffeda
of the refiftance will he nearly as the amplitudes them-
felves; and were they accurately fo,. the proportions of
the amplitudes, at different elevations, would then be
the very fame as in vacuo.
Now, in order to form a clear idea of the fubjed
here propofed, the path of every projedile is to be
confidered as depending on two different forces': that:
is to fay, on the impellant force, whereby the motion
is firft begun, (and would be continued in a right line) ;.
and.
'ProjecViles.
PRO
[ ^496 1
PRO
and on the force of gravity, by which the projeftile,
during the whole time of its flight, is continually ur¬
ged downwards, and made to deviate more and more
from its firft dire&ion. As whatever relates to the
track and flight of a proje&ile or ball (negle&ing the
refinance of the air) is to be determined from the ac¬
tion of thefe two forces, it will be proper, before we
proceed to confider their joint effeS, to premife fome-
thing concerning the nature of the motion produced
by each, when fuppofed to adt alone, independent of
the other; to which end we have premifed the two fol¬
lowing lemmata.
Lem. I. Every body, after the imprefled force
whereby it is put in motion ceafes to adl, continues to
move uniformly in a right line; unlefs it be interrup¬
ted by fome other force or impediment.
This is a law of nature, and has its demonftratiots
from experience and matter of fadf.
Corollary. It follows from hence, that a ball, after
leaving the mouth of the piece, would continue to.
move along the line of its firft direflion, and defcribe
fpaces therein proportional to the times of their de-
fcription, were it not for the adtion of gravity, there¬
by the direftion is changed, and the motion interrup¬
ted.
Lem. II. The motion or velocity acquired by a
ball, in freely defcending from reft, by the force of an
uniform gravity, is as the time of the defcent; and the
fpace fallen through, as the fquare of that
P_
Q:
■/,
-B
The firft part of this lemma is ex¬
tremely obvious: for fince every mo¬
tion is proportional to the force where¬
by it is generated, that generated by
the force of an uniform gravity mull
be as the time of the defcent; becaufe
the whole effort of fuch a force is pro¬
portional to the time of its aftion; that
is, as the time of the defcent.
' To demonftrate that the dillances de-
fcended are proportional to the fquares
of the times, let the time of falling
through any propofed diftance AB, be
^ reprefented by the right line PQj
which conceive to be divided into an
indefinite number of very fmail, equal
particles, reprefented each by the fym-
bol m; and let the diftance defcended
n the firft of them be Ary in the fecond
cd; in the third de\ and fo on.
Then the velocity acquired being always as the time
from the beginning of the defcent, it will at the middle
of the firft of the faid particles be reprefented by 4- m;
at the middle of the fecond, by li m; at the middle
of the third, by See. which values conftitute the
feries ”, It', £?, 22, 22, *c.
2 2 2 2 2
But fince the velocity, at the middle of any one of
the faid particles of time, is an exaft mean between
the velocities of the two extremes thereof, the corre-
fponding particle of the diftance AB may be there¬
fore confidered as deferibed with that mean velocity:
and fo the fpaces Ac, cd, de, ef, &c. being refpec-
tively equal to the abovementioned quantities ,
&c. it follows, by the continual addition of pr°jc^llw-
thefe, that the fpaces Ac, hd, Ac, Kf, &c. fallen thro*
from the beginning, will be expreffed by —, —, 2^?*
Jicm „ ... •, ,
—j-> —&c. which are evidently to one another in
proportion, as i, 4, 9, 16,25, &c. that is, as the fquares
of the times. E. D.
Carol. Seeing the velocity acquired in any number
(«) of the afqrefaid equal particles of time (meafured
in the fpace that would be deferibed in one lingle par¬
ticle) is reprefented by (») times m, ox nin; it will
therefore be as one particle of time is to n fuch parti¬
cles, fo is nm, the faid diftance anfwering to the former
time, to the diftance, n'm, correfponding to the latter,
with the fame celerity acquired at the end of the faid
n particles. Whence it appears, that the fpace —-
(found above) through which the ball falls in any gi¬
ven time n, is juft the half of that time («’w) which
might be uniformly deferibed with the laft, or greateft
celerity in the fame time-'
Schol. It is found by experiment, that any heavy
body near the earth’s furface (where the force of gra¬
vity may be confidered as uniform) defeends about 16
feet from reft, in the firft fecond of time. Therefore,
as the diftances fallen through are proved above to be
in proportion as the fquares of the time, it follows,
that as the fquare of one fecond is to the fquare of any
given number of feconds, fo is 16 feet to the number
of feet a heavy body will freely defeend in the faid
number of feconds. Whence the number of feet de¬
fcended in any given time will be found, by multiply¬
ing the fquare of the mimber of feconds by 16. Thus
the diftance defcended in 2, 3, 4, 5, &c. feconds, will
appear to be 64, 144, 256, 400 feet, &c. refpeftively.
Moreover, from hence, the time of the defcent through
any given dtftance will be obtained, by dividing the
faid diftance in feet by 16, and extra&ing the fquare
root of the quotient; or, which comes to the fame
thing, by extrading the fquare root of the whole di¬
ftance, and then taking 4- of that root for the number
of feconds required. Thus, if the diftance be hippo-
fed 2640 feet; then, by either of the two ways, the
time of the defcent will come out 12.84, or 12.50 fe¬
conds.
It appears alfo (from the corol.) that the velocity
per fecond (in feet) at the end of the fall, will be de¬
termined by multiplying the number of feconds in the
fall by 32. Thus it is found, that a ball, at the end of
10 feconds, has acquired a velocity of 320 feet/>er fe¬
cond. After the fame manner, by having any two of
the four following quantities, viz. the force, the times,
the velocity, and diftance, the other two may be de¬
termined ; for let the fpace freely defcended by a ball,
in the firft fecond of time (which is as the accelerating
force) be denoted by F; alfo let T denote the number
of feconds wherein any diftance, D, is defcended; and
let V be the velocity per fecond, at the end of the de¬
fcent: then will V=2FT=2y'FD=2DT=4/l5=V=:
~T~ F IF
2DD=FTT=VV=rTVF=D=V=VV.
V 4F 2 TT ^T 4D
AH
Siereo^ra-pliic PHOJECTIQN oftke Spliere
f
K°10.
Projcfliles.
Plate
(CCXLVI.
PRO [ 6497 ] PRO
Ali which equations are very eafily deduced from
the two original ones, D=FTT, and V=2FT, already
demonftrated ; the former in the propofition itfelf, and
the latter in the corollary to it; by which it appears,
that the meafure of the velocity at the end of the firft
fecond is zF; whence the velocity (V) at the end of
(T) feconds muft confequently be exprefled by zFxT
or zTT.
Theorem 1. A projefted body, whofe line of direc¬
tion is parallel to the plane of the horizon, deferibes by
its fall a parabola. If the heavy body is thrown by any
extrinfical force, as that of a gun or the like, from the
point A, (fig. 2. n° 1.) fo that thedireftion of its projec¬
tion is the horizontal line AD; the path of this heavy
body will be a femi-parabola. For if the air did not
refill it, nor was it afled on by its gravity^ the proje&ile
would proceed with an equable motion, always in the
fame direction; and the times wherein the parts of
fpace AB, AC, AD, AE, were palled over, would be
as the fpaces AB, AC, AD, &c. refpeftively. Now
if the force of gravity is fuppofed to take place, and
to a£l in the fame tenour as if the heavy body were
not impelled by any extrinfical force, that body would
conllantly decline from the right-line AE; and the
fpaces of defeent, or the deviations from the horizon¬
tal line AE, will be the fame as if it had fallen per¬
pendicularly. Wherefore if the body falling perpen¬
dicularly by the force of its gravity, palled over the
fpace AK in the time AB, defeended through AL in
the time AC, and through AM in the time AD; the
fpaces AK, AL, AM, will be as the fquares of the
times, that is, as the fquares of the right-lines AB,
AC, AD, &c. or KF, LG, MH. But fince the im¬
petus in the direfiion parallel to the horizon always re¬
mains the fame, (for the force of gravity, that only
folicits the body downwards, is not in the leaft con¬
trary to it), the body will be equally promoted for¬
wards in the direftion parallel to the plane of the ho¬
rizon, as if there was no gravity at all. Wherefore,
fince in the time AB, the body pafies over a fpace
equal to AB; but being compelled by the force of
gravity, it declines from the right-line AB through a
fpace equal to AK ; and BF being equal and parallel
to AK, at the end of the time AB, the body will be
in F ; fo in the fame manner, at the end of the time
AE, the body will be in I, and the path of the projec¬
tile will be in the curve AFGHI; but becaufe the
fquares of the right lines KF, LG, MH, NI, are pro¬
portionable to the abfeifles AK, AL, AM, AN. The
curve AFGHI will be a femi-parabola. The path,
therefore, of a heavy body projefted according to the
dire&ion AE, will be a femi parabolical curve.
Theorem 2. The curve line that is deferibed by a
heavy body projefted obliquely and upwards, accord¬
ing to any diredion, is a parabola.
Let AF (ibid. n° 2.) be the dire&ion of projec¬
tion, any ways inclined to the horizon, gravity be¬
ing fuppofed not to ad, the moving body would always
continue its motion in the fame right-line, and would
deferibe the fpaces AB, AC, AD, &c. proportional
to the times. But by the adion of gravity it is com¬
pelled continually to decline from the path A F, and to
move in a curve, which will be a parabola. Let us fup-
pofe the heavy body falling perpendicularly in the time
AB, through the fpace AO, and in the time AC,
Vol. IX, r ^ 1
through the fpace AR, See. The fpaces AQ^ AR, ProjeAile-'*
AS, will be as the fquarcs of the times, or as the Proje<aioit*
fquares of AB, AC, AD. It is manifed from what
was demonftrated in the laft theorem, that if in the
perpendicular BG, there is taken BM=AQ^ and the
parallelogram be completed, the place of the heavy
body at the end of the time AB, will be M, and fo of
the reft; and all the deviations BM, See. from the
right-line AF, arifing from the times, will be equal to
the fpaces AQ^AR, AS, which are as the fquares of
the right-lines AB, AC, AD. Through A draw the
horizontal right-line AP, meeting the path of the pro-
jedile P. From P raife the perpendicular PE, meeting
the line of diredion in E ; and by reafon the triangles
ABG, ACH, Sec. are equiangular, the fquares of the
right-lines AB, AC, &c. will be proportionable to the
fquares of AG, AH, &c. fo that the deviations BM,
CN, Sec. will be proportionable to the fquares of the
right lines AG, AH, &c. Let the line L be a third
proportional to EP and AP; and it will be (by 17 El.
6.) LXEP=AP?. but APy. : AGg.:: EP : BM :: L
XEP : LxBM; whence fince it is LxEP=APy. it
will be LxBM=AG7. In like manner it will be Lx
CN=AH{\ &c. But becaufe it is BG : AG:: (EP
: AP :: by hypothefis) AP : L; it will be LxBG=
AGXAP=AGXAG+AGXGP=AG?. +AGXGP.
But it has been Ihown that it isLxBM=AGy. where¬
fore it will be LxBG—LxBM=AGxGP, that
LxMG=AGxGP. iBy the fame way of reafoning it
will be LxNH=AHxHP, &c. Wherefore the rec¬
tangle under MG and L, will be equal to the fquare
of AG, which is the property of the parabola; and fo
the curve AMNOPK wherein the projedile is moved
will be a parabola.
Cer. 1. Hence the right line L is the latus redum or
parameter of the parabola, that belongs to its axis.
Cor. 2. Let AH=HP, and it will be LxCN=AH7.
=LxNH, whence it will be NH=CN; and confe¬
quently the right-line AF being the line of diredion
of the projedile, will be a tangent to the parabola.
Cor. 3. If a heavy body is projeded downwards, in
a diredion oblique to the horizon, the path of the pro¬
jedile will be a parabola.
Theorem 3. The impetus of a projeded body in dif¬
ferent parts of the parabola, are as the portions of the
tangents intercepted betwixt two right-lines parallel to
the axis; that is, the impetus of the body projeded in
the points A and B, (ibid. n° 3.) to which AD and
BE are tangents, will be as CD and EB, the portions
of the tangents intercepted betwixt two right-lines,
CB and DE, parallel to the axis.
Thefe calculations and demonftrations, however, are
all founded on a fuppofition that the projediles move
in an unrefifting medium, or in one whofe refiftance is
but fmall. Hence they anfwer with tolerable exad-
nefs where the motions are not very quick; but in
thofe cafes where the projediles are moved with im*-
menfe velocity, the refiftance of the air occafions errors
of fuch enormous magnitude, that a mufket-ball, which,
by calculation, ought to fly 17 miles, feldom exceeds
three quarters of a mile. See the article Gunnery,
paffim. ‘ *
PROJECTION, in mechanics, the ad of commu¬
nicating motion to a body, from thence called projeftilc.
See the preceding article.
36 N
Pro-
PRO [ 6498 ] PRO
projection. Projection, in perfpe&ive, the appearance or re-
prefentation of an object on the perfpeftive plane. See
Perspective.
Projection of the Sphere, in geography and aftrono-
my, fignifies the laying down upon paper thofe imagina¬
ry circles of the fphere by which the degrees of longitude
and latitude are counted on celeftial and terreftrial maps.
Proje£Uon of the fphere is either orthographic or
ftereographic. The orthographic proje&ion fuppofes
the eye placed at an infinite diftance; whereas, in the
Jiereographic projection, it is fuppofed to be only 90°
diftant from the primitive circle, or placed in its pole,
and thence viewing the circles on the fphere. The pri¬
mitive circle is that great circle which limits or bounds
the reprefentation or projection; and the place of the
eye is called the projetting point. See Geography,
n° 13, &c.
The laws of the orthographic projection are thefe:
1. The rays by which the eye, placed at an infinite
diftance, perceives any objeCt are parallel. 2. A right¬
line, perpendicular to the plane of the projection, is re-
Plate prefented by a point, where it cuts the plane of the pro-
CCXLVI. jeCtion. 3'. A right-line, as AB, or CD, (fig. 3. n° 1.)
not perpendicular, is projected into a right-line, as FE
and GH, and is always comprehended between the
extreme perpendiculars AF and BE, and CG and GH.
4. The projection of the right-line, AB, is the great-
eft when it is parallel to the plane of projection; be¬
ing projected in a right-line equal to itfelf. 5. But
an oblique line is always projefted into one lefs than
itfelf; and the more fo, the nearer it approaches to a
perpendicular, which, as already obferved, is projected
into a point. 6. A plane furface, as A BCD, (ibid.
n° 2.) at right angles to the plane of the projection,
is projected into the right line AB, in which it cuts
the plane of the projection; and any arch, as Be, cc,
or cA, is projected into the correfponding lines Bo, oo,
and oA. 7. A circle parallel to the plane of projec¬
tion, is reprefented by a circle equal to itfelf; and a
circle oblique to the plane of projection, is reprefented
by an ellipfis.
As to the Jiereographic projection, its laws are thefe:
I. The reprefentations of all circles, not palling thro’
the projecting point, will be circles. Thus, let ACEDB
(fig. 4. n° 1,2,3.) reprefent a fphere, cut by a plane RS*
palling thro’ the centre I, at right angles to the diame¬
ter EH, drawn from E the place of the eye; and let the
feCtion of the fphere by the plane RS, be the circle
CFDL, whofe poles are H and E. Suppofe now AGB
is a circle on the fphere to be projected, whofe pole
mod remote from the eye is P; and the vifual rays
from the circle AGB meeting in E, form the cone
AGBE, whereof the triangle AEB is a feCtion thro’
the vertex E, and diameter of the bafe AB: then will
the figure agbf, which is the projection of the circle
AGB, be itfelf a circle: for if the plane RS is fuppo¬
fed to revolve on the line CD, till it coincides with
the plane of the circle ACEB; then will the circle
CFDL coincide with the circle CEDH, and the
projected circle with the circle aNbk. Hence,
the middle of the projected diameter is the centre of
the projected circle, whether it be a great circle or a
fmall one; the poles and centres of all circles, parallel
to the plane of projection, fall in the centre of the pro¬
jection; and all oblique great circles cut the primitive
circle in two points diametrically oppofite. 2. The Projection
projected diameter of any circle fubtends an angle at
the eye equal to the diftance of that circle from its
neareft pole, taken on the fphere ; and that angle is
bifeCted by a right line, joining the eye and that pole.
Thus let the plane RS (ibid. n° 4.) cut the fphere
HFEG through its centre I; and let ABC be any
oblique great circle, whofe diameter AC is projected
in ac; and KOL, any fmall circle parallel to ABC,
whofe diameter KL is projected in kl. The diftances
of thofe circles from their pole P, being the arches
AHP, KHP; and the angles ^Ec, kBl, are the angles
at the eye, fubtended by their projected diameters, act
kl. Then is the angle «Ec meafured by the arch AHP,
and the angle klLl meafured by the arch KHP, and
thofe angles are bifeCted by EP. 3. Any point of 3
fphere is projected at the diftance of the tangent of
half the arch intercepted bet ween that point and the
pole oppofite to the eye, from the centre of projection;
the femi-diameter of the fphere being radius.. Thus,
let C£EB (ibid. n° 5.) be a great circle of the fphere,
whofe centre is c, GH the plane of projection cutting
the diameter of the fphere in £, B; E,. C, the poles of
the feCtion by that plane; and a, the projection of A.
Then is ca = the tangent of half the arch AC, as is
evident by drawing CF = the tangent of half that arch,
and joining cF. 4. The angle made by two projected
circles, is equal to the angle which thefe circles make
on the fphere. For let IACE and ABL (ibid. n° 6.)
be two circles on a fphere interfeCting in A; E, the
projecting point; and RSj the plane of projection,
wherein the point A.is projected in a. in the line IC
the diameter of the circle ACE. Aifb led DH, FA,,
be tangents to the circles ACE, ABL. Then will the
projected angle dafbe equal to the fpheric angle
BAC. 5. The diftance between the poles of the pri¬
mitive circle and an oblique circle, is equal to the tan¬
gent of half the inclination of thofe circles ; and the
diftance of their centres is equal to the tangent of their
inclination, the femi-diameter of the primitive being
radius. For let AC (ibid. n° 7.) be the diameter of
a circle, whofe poles are P and Qj and inclined to the
plane of projection in the angle AIF; and let a, c, p,
be the projections of the points A, C, P; alfo let HnE
be the projected oblique circle, whofe centre isy. Now
when the plane of projection becomes the primitive
circle, whofe pole is I; then is I /> = tangent of half
the angle AIF, or of half the arch AF; and I y = tan¬
gent of AF, or of the angle FHa = AIF. 6. If
through any given point in the primitive circle, an ob¬
lique circle be deferibed; then the centres of all other
oblique circles palling through that point, will be in a-
right line drawn through the centre of the firft oblique
circle at right angles to a line pafling through that
centre, the given point, and^the centre of the primitive-
Thus let GACE (ibid. n° 8.) be the primitive circle,.
ADEI a great circle deferibed through D, its centre
being B. HK is a right line drawn through B per¬
pendicular to a right line, Cl, paffing through D, B,
and the centre of the primitive circle. Then the cen¬
tres of all other great circles, as FDG, paffing through
D, will fall into the line HK. 7. Equal arches of any
two great circles of the fphere, will be intercepted be¬
tween two other circles drawn on the fphere through
the remoteft poles of thofe great circles. For let
PBEA
PRO [ 6499 ] PRO
projefture PBEA (ibid. n° 9.) be a fpbere, whereon AGB,
II CFD, are two great circles, whofe remoteft poles are
Prometheus p. ancj tlir0Ugh thefe poles let the great circle
r_ PBEC, and the fmall circle PGE, be drawn, interfec-
ting the great circles AGB, CFD, in the points B, G,
and D, F. Then are the intercepted arches BG, and
DF equal to one another. 8. If lines be drawn from
the proje&ed pole of any great circle, cutting the pe¬
ripheries of the proje&ed circle and plane of projec¬
tion, the intercepted arches of thofe circumferences are
equal; that is, the archGB=/y, (ibid.) 9. The ra¬
dius of any fmall circle, whofe plane is perpendicular
to that of the primitive circle, is equal to the tangent
of that leffer circle’s diftance from its pole; and the
fecant of that diftance, is equal to the diftance of the
centres of the primitive and leffer circle. For let P
(ibid. na 10.) be the pole, and AB the diameter of
a lefler circle, its plane being perpendicular to that of
the primitive circle, whofe centre is C: then d being
the centre of the projeded lefler circle, da is equal
to the tangent of the arch PA, and </C = fecant of
PA.
PROJECTURE, in archite&ure, the outjetting
and prominency, or emboffing, which the mouldings
and other members have beyond the naked wall, co¬
lumn, &c.
PROLAPSUS, in furgery, a prolapfion or fall¬
ing out of any part of the body from its natural fitua-
tion: thus we fay, prolapfut inteftini, a prolapfion of
the inteftine, &c. See Surgery.
PROLATE, in geometry, an epithet applied to a
fpheroid produced by the revolution of a femi ellipfia
about its larger diameter.
PROLEGOMENA, in philology, certain prepa¬
ratory obfervations or difeourfes prefixed to a book,
&c. containing fomething neceflary for the reader to
be apprifed of, to enable him the better to underftand
the book, or to enter deeper into the fcience, &c.
PROLEPSIS, a figure in rhetoric, by which we
anticipate or prevent what might be obje&ed by the
adverfary. See Oratory, n° 80.
PROLEPTIC, an epithet applied to a periodical
difeafe which anticipates, or whofe paroxyfm returns
fooner and fooner every time; as is frequently the cafe
in agues.
PROLIFER fLOs; [proles, an “offspring;” and
fero, to “ bear;”) a prolific flower, or flower which
from its own fubftance produces another; a Angular
degree of luxuriance, to which full flowers are chiefly
incident.
PROLIFIC, fomething that has the qualities ne¬
ceflary for generating.
PROLIXITY, in difeourfe, the fault of entering
into too minute a detail, or being too long, precife,
and circumftantial, even to a degree of tedioufnefs.
PROLOGUE, in dramatic poetry, a difeourfe ad-
dreffed to the audience before the drama or play be¬
gins. The original intention was to advertife the au¬
dience of the fubjedd of the piece, and to prepare them
1! to enter more eafily into the aflion, and fometimes to
make an apology for the poet.
PROMETHEUS, the fon of Japhet, fuppofed to
have been the firft difeoverer of the art of ftriking fire
by flint and fteel; which gave rife to the fable of his
ftealing fire from heaven; A renowned warrior j but
whofe hiftory is involved in fable. He flourifhed about Promife
1687 B.C. The poetical account is, that he formed a ^ .
man of clay of fuch exquifite workmanftiip, that Pal-1 tQt™““a'
las, charmed with his ingenuity, offered him whatever  
in heaven could contribute to finifti his defign ; and for
this purpofe took him up with her to the celeftial
manfions, where he ftole fome fire from the chariot of
the fun, which he ufed to animate his image. At this
theft Jupiter was fo enraged, that he ordered Vulcan
to chain him down on mount Caucafus, and fent an
eagle or vulture to prey on his liver; which every night
was renewed, in proportion to the quantity eaten up
in the day-time, until at laft he was delivered by Her¬
cules, who killed the vulture.
PROMISE, in law, is, when upon any valuable
confideration one binds himfelf by word of mouth to
another, to perform a thing agreed on. See Assump¬
sit.
PROMONTORY, in geography, a high point of
land or rock projefting out into the fea; the extre¬
mity of which towards the fea is called a cape or head-
land. See 2a Plate CXVL
PROMPTER, in the drama, an officer polled be¬
hind the Jcenes, whofe bufinefs it is to watch attentive¬
ly the aftors fpeaking on the ftage, in order to fugged
and put them forward, when at a Hand, to correft them
when amifs, &c. in their parts.
PROMULGATED, or Promulged, fomething
publilhed or proclaimed, and generally applied to a
law, to denote the publilhing or proclaiming it to the
people.
PRONAOS, in the ancient archite&ufe, a porch
to a church, palace, or other fpacious building. See
the article Porch.
PRONATION, among anatomifts. The radius of
the arm has two kinds of motions, the one called pro¬
nation, the other fupination. Pronation is that where¬
by the palm of the hand is turned downwards; and fu¬
pination, the oppofite motion thereto, is that whereby
the back of the hand is turned downwards. The pe¬
culiar mufcles whereby pronation is performed are call¬
ed pronatores, as thofe by which fupination is perform
ed arc termed fupinatores. See Anatomy, Table of
the Mufcles, and Plates.
PRONOUN, Pronomen, in grammar, a declinable
part of fpeech, which being put inftead of a noun, points
out fome perfon or thing.
Pronouns are divided into the fix following claffes,
viz. Demonftrative pronouns; relative pronouns; pof-
feffive pronouns ; gentile pronouns, or fuch as denote
a perfon’s country, as noflras, vefras, and cujas.; in¬
terrogative pronouns; and reciprocal pronouns.
PRONUNCIATION, in grammar, the manner of
articulating or founding the words of a language.
Pronunciation makes the moft difficult part of
written grammar; in regard that a book expreffing it^
felf to the-eyes, in a matter that wholly concerns the
ears, feems next akin to that of teaching the blind
to diftinguifli colours: hence it is that there is no part
fo defective in grammar as that of pronunciation, as
the writer has frequently no term whereby to give the
reader an idea of the found he wonld exprefs; for want
of a proper term, therefore, he fubftitutes a vicious and
precarious one. To give a juft idea of the pronuncia¬
tion of a language, it feems neceffary to fix as nearly
36 N 2 as
PRO [ 6500 1 PRO
Promtnda- as poflible all the feveral founds employed in the pro-
tI0n- nunciation of that language. Cicero tells us, that the
pronunciation underwent feveral changes among the
Romans; and indeed it is more precarious in the li¬
ving languages, being, as Du Bos tells us, fubfervient
to falhion in thefe. The French language is clogged
with a difficulty in pronunciation from which moll
others are free ; and it confills in this, that moft of
their words have two different pronunciations, the one
in common profe, the other in verfe.
As to the pronunciation of the Englifh language,
the ingenious Mr Martin, in his Spelling-Book of Arts
and Sciences, lays down the following rules: 1. The
final (e) lengthens the found of the foregoing vowel;
as in can, cans; rob, robe; tun, tune, &c. 2. The
final (e) in words ending in re, is founded before the
r like u; as majfacre, maffa-cur; lucre, lu-cur, &c.
3. The Latin diphthongs tc, ce, are founded like e; as
JEtna, Etna; ceconomy, economy, &c.: but at the end
of the words oe founds like 0; as in toe, foe, &c.
4. Alfo the Englifh improper diphthongs, ea, eo, eu,
ue, found only the e and u; as tea and te-, feoffee or
feffee; due or du; true or tru. See. though fometimes
eo and ea are pronounced like ee, as in people, fear,
near, &c. 5. Sometimes the diphthong («) is pro¬
nounced like e in deling, like ee in field, and, at the
end of words, always like as in lie, &c.; and ei is
pronounced either like e or ai, as in deceit, reign, &c.
6. The triphthong eau is pronounced like 0, in beau
and jet d'eau; and ieu founds like u in lieu, adieu, See.
7. The found of c his hard before the vowels a, 0, u,
as in call, cold, cup, &c.; alfo fometimes before h, as
in chart, cold, &c.; and before / and r, as in clear,
creep, 8cc. It is otherwife generally foft, as in city,
cell, cyder, child, &c. 8. In French words ch, is found¬
ed like fh, as in chagreen, machine; and fometimes
like 57#, as in choir. 9. The found of^ is hard before
a, 0, u, l, r, as in gall, go, gum, glean, grope; alfo
before ui, as in guilt, guild. See.; and before h, as in
ghofi; fometimes before /, as in gibbous, gibberijb. It
is alfo generally hard before e, as in get, geld, &c.; but
foft in many words derived from the Greek and Latin,
as in geometry, genealogy, genus, &c. Two gg are al¬
ways hard, as in dagger, &c. The found of g, when
foft, is like that of j. 10. In any part of a word, ph
founds likef, as in philofophy, &c. it. The found of
qu, at the end of French words, is like k, as in rifque,
&c. 12. The fyllables ti and ci, if followed by a
vowel, found like fi or Jhi; as in fifiion, logician, See.
13. When cc occurs before i, the firft is hard and the
latter is foft; as in flaccid, &c. 14. The letter p is
not pronounced at the beginning of fyllables, before f
and t; as in pfalm, ptarwics, &c. As to other pecu¬
liarities, regarding the pronunciation of fingle letters,
many of them have been taken notice of at the begin¬
ning of each, in the courfe of this work.
But it is not enough to know the juft pronunciation
of fingle letters, but alfo of words: in order to which,
the accenting of words ought to be well underftood ;
fince nothing is more harfh and difagreeable to the ear,
than to hear a perfon fpeak or read with wrong ac¬
cents. And, indeed, in Englifh, the fame word is often
both a noun and a verb, diftinguifhed only by the ac¬
cent, which is on the firft fyliable of th« noun, and on
the laft of the verb ; as ferment and ferment, recordPronuncii-
and record. See. We are to obferve alfo, that in order
to a juft expreffion of words, fome require only a fingle pyJof,
accent on the fyllable, as in torment, &c.; but in others  
it fhould be marked double, as in ani'mal, becaufe it is
pronounced as if the letter was wrote double, viz. an-
nimal. The bell dire&ory in this matter is the excel¬
lent Diftionary of Mr Sheridan, lately publilhed.
Pronunciation is alfo ufed for the fifth and lad
part of rhetoric, which confifts in varying and regula¬
ting the voice agreeably to the matter and words, fo
as moft effeftually to perfuade and touch the hearers.
See Oratory, Part II.
PROOF, in law, &c. denotes the mediums or ar¬
guments ufed to evince the truth of any thing.
Proof of Artillery and Smalt Arms, is a trial whether
they (land the quantity of powder allotted for that
purpofe. The rule of the board of ordnance is, that
all guns, under 24-pounders, be loaded with powder
as much as their (hot weighs; that is, a brafs 24-
pounder with 2life, a brafs 32-pounder with 26 1b.
12 oz. and a 42-pounder with 31 lb. 8oz.; the iron
24-pounder with 18 lb. the 32-pounder with 21 lb.
8 oz. and the 42-pounder with 25 lb.
The brafs light field-pieces are proved with powder
that weighs half as much as their (hot, except the 24-
pounder, which is loaded with xo lb. only.
Government allows 11 bullets of lead in the pound
for the proof of mufkets, and 14.5, or 29 in two-
pounds, for fervice ; 17 in the pound for the proof of
carabines, and 20 for fervice ; 28 in the pound for
the proof of piftols, and 34 for fervice.
When guns of a new metal, or of lighter conftruc-
tion, are proved ; then, befides the common proof,
they are fired 200 or 300 times, as quick as they can
be, loaded with the common charge given in adlual
fervice. Our light 6 pounders, were fired 300 times
in 3 hours 27 minutes, loaded with tlb. 40Z. with¬
out receiving any damage.
Proof of Powder, is in order to try its goodnefa
and ftrength. See Ova-Powder.
Proof of Cannon, is made to afeertain their being
well call, their having no cavities in their metal, and,
in a word, their being fit to refill the effort of their
charge of powder. In making this proof, the piece is
laid upon the ground, fupported only by a piece of
wood in the middle, of about 5 or 6 inches thick, to
raife the muzzle a little; and then the piece is fired
againft a folid butt of earth.
Tools ufed in the proof of Cannon are as follow:.
Searcher, an iron focket with branches, from 4.
to 8 in number, bending outwards a little, with fmall
points at their ends: to this focket is fixed a wooden
handle, from 8 to 12 feet long, and x^- inch in dia¬
meter. This fearcher is introduced into the gun after
each firing, and turned gently round to difeover the
cavities within: if any are found, they are marked on .
the out fide with chalk ; and then the
Searcher with one point is introduced: about which
point a mixture of wax and tallow is put, to take the
impreffion of the holes; and if any are found of £ of
an inch deep, or of any confiderable length, the gun
is rejeffed as unferviceable to the government.
Reliever, is an iron ring fixed to.a handle, by
meant
PRO [ 6501 1 PRO
proof means of a focket, fo as to be at right angles: it
' P . ferves to difengage the firft fearcher, when any of its
“ropertius. p0;n!s are retained in a hole, and cannot otherwife be
got out. When guns are rejefted by the proof-mafters,
they order them to be marked X thus, which the con¬
tractors generally alter WP thus; and after fuch al¬
teration, difpofe of them to foreign powers for Wool¬
wich proof.
The moft curious inftrument for finding the princi¬
pal defeCts in pieces of artillery, was lately invented
by lieutenant-general Defaguliers, of the royal regi¬
ment of artillery. This inftrument, grounded on the
trueft mechanical principles, is no fooner introduced
into the hollow cylinder of the gun, than it difcovers
its defeCts, and more particularly that of the piece
rot being truly bored ; which is a very important one,
and to which moft of the difafters happening to pieces
of artillery are in a great meafure to be imputed ;
for, when a gun is not truly bored, the moft expert
artillerift will not be able to make a good fhot.
Proof of Mortars and Howitzers) is made to afcer-
tain their being well caft, and of ftrength to refill the
effort of their charge. For this purpole the mortar or
howitzer is placed upon the ground, with fome part
of their trunnions or breech Funk below the furface,
and retting on wooden billets, at an elevation of about
70 degrees.
The mirror is generally the only inftrument to dif-
cover the defeds in mortars and howitzers. In order
to ufe it, the fun muft fhine ; the breech mull be
placed towards the fun, and the glafs over-againft the
mouth of the piece : it illuminates the bore and cham¬
ber fufficiently to difcover the flaws in it.
Proof's/'Foreign Brafs-Artillery. 1 ft. The Prufiuns.
Their bantering-train and garrifon-artillery are proved
with a quantity of powder equal to 4: the weight of
the Ihot, and fired 75 rounds as fall as in real fervice;
that is, 2 0^3 rounds in a minute. Their light field-
train, from a 12-pounder upwards, are proved with a
quantity of powder = i-3d of the weight of the ftiot,
and fired 150 rounds, at 3 or 4 rounds in a minute.
From a 12-pounder downwards, are proved with a
quantity of powder =2 i-5th of the {hot’s weight, and
fired 300 rounds, at 5 or 6 rounds each minute, pro¬
perly fpunged and loaded. Their mortars are proved
with the chambers full of powder, and the fltells loaded.
Three rounds are fired as quick as pollible.
2d. The Dutch prove all their artillery by firing
e-ach piece 5 times; the two firft rounds with a quan¬
tity of powder = 2-3ds of the weight of the fhot; and
the three laft rounds with a quantity of powder = ^ the
weight of the fhot.
3d. the French the fame as the Dutch.
Proof, in brandy and other fpirituous liquors, is a
little white lather which appears on the top of the
liquor when poured into a glafs. This lather, as it
diminiflies, forms itfelf into a circle called by the
French the chapelety and by the Englifh the bead ox
bubble.
PROPAGATION, the aft of multiplying the kind.
See Generation.
PROPER, fomethingnatural andeffentially belong¬
ing to any thing.
PROPERTIUS (Sextus Aurelius), a celebrated
Latin poet, born at Mevania, a city of Umbria, now
called Bevagna, in the duchy of Spoletto. He went to Property.
Rome after the death of his father, a Roman knight,
who had been put to death by order of Auguftus, for
having followed Antony’s party during the triumvi¬
rate. Propertius in a fliort time acquired great repu¬
tation by his wit and abilities, and had a confiderable
fhare in the efteem of Maecenas and Cornelius Callus.
He had alfo Ovid, Tibullus, Baffus, and the other
ingenious men of his time, for his friends. He died
at Rome 19 B. C. He is printed with almoft all
the editions of Tibullus and Catullus: but the beft
edition of him is that which was given feparately of
him by Janus Brouckhufius at Amfterdam 1702, in
4to. and again in 1714, 4to. cum curisfecundis ejufdem.
We have four books of his Elegies or Amours with a
lady called Hcflia, or Hojlilia, to whom he gave the
name of Cynthia.
PROPERTY, in a general fenfe, that which confli-
tutes or denominates a thing proper ; or is a particular
virtue or quality which nature has bellowed on fome
things exclufive of all others: thus, colour is a pro¬
perty of light ; extenfion, figure, divifibility, and im¬
penetrability, are properties of body.
Property, in law, is deferibed to be the higheft
right which a perfon has or can have to any thing.
There is nothing which fo generally ftrikes the
imagination, and engages the affeftions ofmankind, as
the right of property; or that foie and defpotic do¬
minion which one man claims and exercifes over the
external things of the world, in total exclufion of the
right of any other individual in the univerfe. And
yet there are very few that will give themfelves the
trouble to confider the original and foundation of this
right. Pleafed as we are with the poffeffion, we
feem afraid to look back to the means by which it
was acquired, as if fearful of fome defeft in our title ;
or at beft we reft fatisfied with the decifion of the laws
in our favour, without examining the reafon or au¬
thority upon which thofe laws have been built. We
think it enough that our title is derived by the grant
of the former proprietor, by defeent from our ancef-
tors, or by the laft will and teftament of the dying
owner : not caring to refleft, that (accurately and
ftriftly fpeaking) there is no foundation in nature or
in natural law, why a fet of words upon parchment
fliould convey the dominion of land ; why the ftm
ftiould have a right to exclude his fellow-creatures from
a determinate fpot of ground, becaufc his father had
done fo before him ; or why the occupier of a parti¬
cular field or of a jewel, when lying on his death-bed:
and no longer able to maintain pofleflion, fhould be
entitled to tell the reft of the world which of them
lliould enjoy it after him. Thefe inquiries, it muft be-
owned, would be ufelefs and even troublefome in com¬
mon life. It is well if the mafsof mankind will obey
the laws when made, without ferutinizing too nicely-
into the reafons of making them. But when law is
to be confidered not only as a matter of praftice, but
alfo as a rational fcience, it cannot be improper or
ufelefs to examine more deeply the rudiments and
grounds of thefe pofitive conftitutions of fociety.
In the beginning of the world, we are informed by-
holy writ, the all-bountiful Creator gave to man
“ dominion over all the earth ; and over the fifh of'.
“ the fea, and ove» the fowl of the air, and over every
s‘ living;
PRO [ 6502 ] PRO
Property. living thing that moveth upon the earth.” This is
" the only true and folid foundation of man’s dominion
over external thing*, whatever airy metaphyfical no¬
tions may have been ftarted by fanciful writers upon
this fubjeQ. The earth therfore, and all things there¬
in, are the general property of all mankind, exclufive
of other beings, from the immediate gift of the
Creator. And, while the earth continued bare of in¬
habitants, it is reafonable to fuppofe, that ail was in
common among them, and that every one took from
the public itock to his own ufe fuch things as his im¬
mediate neceffities required.
Thefe general notions of property were then fuffi-
cient to anfwer all the purpofes of human life ; and
might perhaps dill have anfwered them, had it been
poffible for mankind to have remained in a date of pri¬
maeval fimplicity : as may be collefted from the man¬
ners of many American nations, when firft difcover-
ed by the Europeans; and from the ancient method of
living among the firft Europeans themfelves, if we
may credit either the memorials of them preferved in
the golden age of the poets, or the uniform accounts
given by hiftorlans of thofe times wherein erant omnia
communia et indivifa omniius, veluti utium cunttis patri-
•monium ejfet. Not that this communion of goods feems
ever to have been applicable, even in the earlieft ages,
to aught but the fubjiance of the thing; nor could it
tUlatlft. be extended to the ufe of it. For, by the law of na-
■ Comment, jure and reafon, he who firft began to ufe it, acquired
therein a kind of tranfient property, that lafted fo long
^as he was ufing it, and no longer: or, to fpeak with
greater precifion, the right of pofleffion continued for
the fame time only that the ail of pofleffion lafted. Thus
the ground was in common, and no part of it was the
permanent property of any man in particular ; yet
whoever was in the occupation of any determinate
fpot of it, for reft, for fhade, or the like, acquired
for the time a fort of ownerfhip, from which it would
have been unjuft, and contrary to the law of nature,
to have driven him by force ; but the inftant that he
quitted the ufe or occupation of it, another might
feize it without injuftice. Thus alfo a vine or other
tree might be faid to be in common, as all were equal¬
ly entitled to its produce ; and yet any private indi¬
vidual might gain the foie property of the fruit,
which he had gathered for his own repaft. A dodtrine
well illuftrated by Cicero, who compares the world to
a great theatre, which is common to the public, and
yet the place which any man has taken is for the time
his own.
But when mankind increafed in number, craft, and
ambition, it became neceffary to entertain conceptions
of more permanent dominion ; and to appropriate to
individuals, not the immediate ufe only, but the very
fubjiance of the thing to be ufed. Otberwife innume¬
rable tumults muft have arifen and the good order of
the world been continually broken and difturbed,
while a variety of perfons were driving who fhould get
the firft occupation of the fame thing, or difputing
which,of them had adfually gained it. As human life
alfo grew more and more refined, abundance of conve-
niencies were devifed to render it more eafy, commo¬
dious, and agreeable ; as habitations for flicker and
fafety, and raiment for w’armth and decency. But no
iivan would be at the trouble to provide either, fo long
as he had only an unfrudfuary property in them, which Property.
was to ceafe the inftant that he quitted pofleffion ;— 
if, as foon as he walked out of his tent, or pulled off
his garment, the next ftranger who came by would
have a right to inhabit the one and to wear the
other. In the cafe of habitations in particular, it was
natural to obferve, that even the brute creation, to
whom every thing elfe was in common, maintained a
permanent property in their dwellings, efpecially for
the protection of their young ; that the birds of the air
had nefts, and the beafts of the field had caverns, the
invafion of which they efteemed a very flagrant inju¬
ftice, and would facrifice their lives to preferve them.
Hence a property was foon eftabliftied m every man’s
houfe and home-ftall; which feem to have been origi- j!
nally mere temporary huts or moveable cabins, fuited
to the defign of Providence for more fpeedily peopling
the earth, and fuited to the wandering life of their
owners, before any extenfive property in the foil or
round was eftablifficd. And there can be no doubt,
ut that moveables of every kind became fooner ap¬
propriated than the permanent fubftantial foil: partly
becaufe they were more fufceptible of a long occupan¬
cy, which might be continued for months together
without any fenfible interruption, and at length by
ufage ripen into an eftablifhed right ; but principally
becaufe few of them could be fit for ufe, till improved
and meliorated by the bodily labour of the occupant;
which bodily labour, beftowed upon any fubjedt which
before lay in common to all men, is univerfally allow¬
ed to give the faireft and moft reafonable title to an
exclufive property therein.
The article of food was a more immediate call, and
therefore a more early confideration. Such as were
not contented with the fpontaneous prbdu& of the
earth, fought for a more folid refrefhment in the fleih
of beafts, which they obtained by hunting. But the
frequent difappointments incident to that method of
provifion, induced them to gather together fuch ani¬
mals as were of a more tame and fequacious nature ;
and to eftablifh a permanent property in their flocks
and herds, in order to fuftain themfelves in a lefs pre¬
carious manner, partly by the milk of their dams, and
partly by the flefti of the young. The fupport of
thefe their cattle made the article of ’mater alfo a very
important point. And therefore the book of Genefis
(the moft venerable monument of antiquity, confider-
ed merely with a view to hiftory) will furniih us with
frequent inftances of violent contentions concerning
wells; the exclufive property of which appears to have
been eftabliftied in the firft digger or occupant, even in
fuch places where the ground and herbage remained
yet in common. Thus we find Abraham, who was
but a fojourner, afferting his right to a well in the
country of Abimelech, and exacting an oath for his
fecurity, “ becaufe he had digged that well.” And
Ifaac, about 90 years afterwards, reclaimed this his
father’s property ; and, after much contention with
the Philiftines, was fuffered to enjoy it in peace.
All this while the foil and pafture of the earth re¬
mained ftill in common as before, and open to every
occupant : except perhaps in the neighbourhood of
towns, where the neceffity of a foie and exclufive pro¬
perty inlands (for the fake of agriculture) was earlier
ielt, and therefore more readily complied with. O.
therwife
PRO
Property, therwife, when the multitude of men and cattle had
confumed every convenience on one fpot of ground, it
was deemed a natural right to feize upon and occupy
fuch other lands as would more eafily fupply their ne-
ceffities. This praftice is (till retained among the wild
and uncultivated nations that have never been formed
into civil dates, like the Tartars and others in the eaft;
where the climate itfelf, and the boundk-fs extent of
their territory, confpire to retain them ftill in the fame
favageftateof vagrant liberty, which was univerfal in
the earlieft ages, and which Tacitus informs us con¬
tinued among the Germans till the decline of the Ro¬
man empire. We have alfo a linking example of the
fame kind in the hiftory of Abraham and his nephew
Lot. When their joint fubftance became fo great,
that pafture and other conveniencies grew fcarce, the
natural confequence was, that a ftrife arofe between
their fervants ; fo that it was no longer pra&icable to
dwell together. This contention Abraham endea¬
voured to compofe : “ Let there be no ftrife, I pray
thee, between thee and me. Is not the whole land be¬
fore thee ? Separate thyfelf, I pray thee, from me ;
If thou wilt take the left hand, then I will go to the
right; or if thou depart to the right hand, then I
will go to the left.” This plainly implies an acknow¬
ledged right, in either, to occupy whatever ground
he pleafed, that was not pre-occupied by other tribes.
“ And Lot lifted up his eyes, and beheld all the plain
of Jordan, that it was well watered every where, even
as the garden of the Lord. Then Lot chofe him all
the plain of Jordan, and journeyed eaft; and Abraham
dwelt in the land of Canaan.”
Upon the fame principle was founded the right of
migration, or fending colonies to find out new habita¬
tions, when the mother-country was overcharged with
inhabitants; which was pradtifed as well by the Phoe¬
nicians and Greeks, as the Germans, Scythians, and
other northern people. And, fo long as it was con¬
fined to the (locking and cultivation of defart uninha¬
bited countries, it kept ftridtly within the limits of the
| law of nature. But how far the feizing on countries
already peopled, and driving out or maffacring the
innocent and defencelefs natives, merely becaufe they
differed from their invaders in language, in religion, in
cuftoms, in government, or in colour ; how far fuch a
condudl was confonant to nature, to reafon, or to Chri-
ftianity, deferved well to be confidered by thofe who
have rendered their names immortal by thus civilizing
mankind.
As the world by degrees grew more populous, it
daily became more difficult to find out new fpots to
inhabit, without encroaching upon former occupants ;
and, by conftantly occupying the fame individual fpotj
the fruits of the earth were confumed, and its fponta-
neous produce deftroyed, without any provifion for a
future fupply or fucceffion. It therefore became ne-
ceflary to purfue fome regular method of providing a
conflant fubfiflence ; and this neceffity produced, or at
leaft promoted and encouraged, the art of agriculture.
: And the art of agriculture, by a regular conneffiorr
and confequence, introduced and eftablilhed the idea
of a more permanent property in the foil than had hi¬
therto been received and adopted. It was clear that
the earth would not produce her fruits in fulficient
quantities,^ without the alfiftance of tillage : but who
PRO
would be at the pains of tilling it, if another might ProPeit>'»
watch an opportunity to feize upon and enjoy the pro- '
dudt of his induftry, art, and labour ? Had not there¬
fore a feparate property in lands, as well as move¬
ables, been veiled in fome individuals, the world muft
have continued a forefl, and men have been mere ani¬
mals of prey ; which, according to fome philofophers,
is the genuine ftate of nature. Whereas now (fo gra-
cioufly has Providence interwoven our duty and our
happinefs together) the refult of this very necdfity has
been the ennobling of the human fpecies, by giving it
opportunities of improving its rational faculties, as well
as of exerting its natural. Neceflity begat property :
and in order to infure that property, recourfe was had
to civil fociety, which brought along with it a long
train of infeparable concomitants; ftates, govern-*
ment, laws, punifhments, and the public exercife of
religious duties. Thus connected together, it was found
that a part only of fociety was fuffieient to provide, by
their manual labour, for the neceflary fubfiftence of
all; and leifure was given to others to cultivate the
human mind, to invent ufeful arts, and to lay the foun¬
dations of fcience.
The only queftion remaining is, How this property
became adlually veiled; or what it is that gave a man
an exclufive right to retain in a permanent manner
that fpecific land, which before belonged generally to
every body, but particularly to nobody ? And as we
before obferved, that occupancy gave the right to the
temporary a/? of the foil; fo it is agreed upon all
hands, that occupancy gave alfo the original right to
the permanent property in the fubflance of the earth
itfelf; which excludes every one elfe but the owner from
the ufeof it. There is indeed fome difference among
the writers on natural law, concerning the reafon why
occupancy fiiould convey this right, and invert one
with this abfolute property : Grotius and Puffendorf
infilling, that this right of Occupancy is founded upon
a tacit and implied affent of all mankind, that the
full occupant Ihould become the owner; and Barbey-
rac, Titius, Mr Locke, and others, holding, that
there is no fuch implied affent, neither is it neceffary’
that there Ihould be ; for that the very ad of occu¬
pancy,, alone, being a degree of bodily labour, is from
a principle of natural jultice, without any confent or
eompad, fulficient of itfelf to gain a title. A difpute
that favours too much of nice and fcholaftic refinement.
However, both Tides agree in this, that occupancy is
the thing by which the title was in fad originally
gained ; every man feizing to his own continued ufe
fuch fpots of ground as he found moll agreeable to his
own convenience, provided he found them unoccupied
by any one elfe.
Property, both in lands and moveables, being thus
originally acquired by the firft taker, which taking
amounts to a declaration that he intends to appropriate
the thing to his own ufe, it remains in him; by the
principle of univerfal law, till fuch time as he does
feme other ad which Ihows an intention to abandon
it; for then it becomes, naturally fpeaking, publici
juris once more, and is liable to be again appropria¬
ted by the next occupant. So if one is pofllffed of a
jewel, and calls it into the fea or a public highway,
this is fuch an exprefs derelidion, that a property will
be veiled in the firlt fortunajte finder that will feize it
to-
1 6503 1
PRO [ 6504 ] PRO
Property, to his own ufe. But if he hides it privately in the
  '■ earth, or other fecret place, and it is difcovered, the
finder acquires no property therein ; for the owner
hath not by this aft declared any intention to abandon
it, but rather the contrary : and if he lofes or drops it
by accident, it cannot be colle&ed from thence, that
he defigned to quit the poffeffion ; and therefore in
fuch cafe the property ftill remains in the lofer, who
may claim it again of the finder. And this, we may re¬
member, is the doctrine of our law with relation to
Treasure-TVaw.
But this method, of one man’s abandoning his pro¬
perty, and another feizing the vacant pofleffion, how¬
ever well founded in theory, could not long fubfift in
fa<ft. It was calculated merely for the rudiments of
civil fociety, and neceflarily ceafed among the compli¬
cated interefts and artificial refinements of polite and
eftablilhed governments. In thefe it was found, that
what became inconvenient or ufelefs to one man, was
"highly convenient and ufeful to another; who was
ready to give in exchange for it fome equivalent that
was equally defirable to the former proprietor. This
mutual convenience introduced commercial traffic, and
the reciprocal transfer of property by fale, grant, or
conveyance : which may be confidered either as a con¬
tinuance of the original pofleffion which the firft occu¬
pant had; or as an abandoning of the thing by the
prefent owner, and an immediate fucceffive occupancy
of the fame by the new proprietor. The voluntary de-
reliftion of the owner, and delivering the poffefiion to
another individual, amount to a transfer of the proper¬
ty ; the proprietor declaring his intention no longer to
occupy the thing himfelf, but that his own right of
occupancy (hall be veiled in the new acquirer. Or,
taken in the other light, if I agree to part with an acre
of my land to Titius, the deed of conveyance is an evi¬
dence of my intending to abandon the property ; and
Titius, being the only or firfl: man acquainted with
fuch my intention, immediately fteps in and feizes the
vacant pofTeffion : thus the confent expreffed by the
conveyance, gives Titius a good right againft me; and
poffeffion, or occupancy, confirms that right againft
all the world befides.
The moll univerfal and effe&ual way of abandoning
property, is by the death of the occupant: when,
both the adual poffeffion and intention of keeping pof¬
feffion ceafing, the property, which is founded upon
fuch poffelfion and intention, ought alfo to ceafe of
courfe. For, naturally fpeaking, the inflant a man
ceafes to be, he ceafes to have any dominion : elfe, if he
had a right to difpofe of his acquifitions one moment
beyond his life, he would alfo have a right to direft
their difpofal for a million of ages after him ; which
would be highly abfurd and inconvenient. All pro¬
perty mull therefore ceafe upon death, confidering
men as abfolute individuals, and unconne&ed with ci¬
vil fociety : for then, by the principles before efta-
blifhed, the next immediate occupant would acquire a
right in all that the deceafed poffeffed. But as, un¬
der civilized governments, which are calculated for the
peace of mankind, fuch a conftitution would be pro-
du&ive of endlefs difturbances, the univerfal law of
almoft every nation (which is a kind of fecondary law
of nature) has either given the dying perfon a power
©f continuing his property, by difpofing of his poffef-
fions by will; or, in cafe he negle&s to difpofe of it, Property.
or is not permitted to make any difpofition at all, the—  
municipal law of the country then fteps in, and de¬
clares who (hall be the fucceffor, reprefentative, or heir
of the deceafed ; that is, who alone lhall have a right
to enter upon this vacant poffelfion, in order to avoid
that confufion which its becoming again common
would occafion. And farther, in cafe no teftament be
permitted by the law, or none be made, and no heir
can be found fo qualified as the law requires, ftill, to
prevent the robuft title occupancy hom again taking
place, the do&rine of efcheats is adopted in almoft
every country ; whereby the fovereign of the ftate, and
thofe who claim under his authority, are the ultimate
heirs, and fucceed to thofe inheritances to which no
other title can be formed.
The right of inheritance, ordefcent to the children
and relations of the deceafed, feems to have been al¬
lowed much earlier than the right of devifing by tefta¬
ment. We are apt to conceive at the firft view that it
has nature on its fide ; yet we often miftake for na¬
ture what we find eftablilhed by long and inveterate
cuftom. It is certainly a wife and effeftual, but clear¬
ly a political, eftablilhment; fince the permanent right
of property, veiled in the anceftor himfelf, was no
natural, but merely a civil, right. It is true, that the
tranfmilfion of one’s poffelfions to pofterity has an evi¬
dent tendency to make a man a good citizen and a ufe¬
ful member of fociety : it fets the palfions on the fide
of duty, and prompts a man to deferve well of the
public, when he is fure that the reward of his fervices
will not die with himfelf, but be tranfmitted to thofe
with whom he is connefted by the deareft and moft
tender affedtions. Yet, reafonable as this foundation
of the right of inheritance may feem, it is probable
that its immediate original arofe not from fpeculations
altogether fo delicate and refined, and, if not from
fortuitous circumftances, at leaft from a plainer and
more Ample principle. A man’s children or neareft
relations are ufually about him on his death-bed, and
are the earlieft witneffes of his deceafc. They became
therefore generally the next immediate occupants, till
at length in procefs of time this frequent ufage ripened
into general law. And therefore alfo in the earlieft
ages, on failure of children, a man’s fervants born un¬
der his roof were allowed to be his heirs ; being im¬
mediately on the fpot when he died. For we find the
old patriarch Abraham, exprefsly declaring, that
“ fince God had given him no feed, his fteward Elie-
zer, one born in his houfe, was his heir.”
While property continued only for life, teftaments
were ufelefs and unknown ; and when it became inhe¬
ritable, the inheritance was long indefealible, and the
children or heirs at law were incapable of exclufion by
will. Till at length it was found, that fo ftrift a rule
of inheritance made heirs difobedient and headftrong,
defrauded creditors of their juft debts, and prevented
many provident fathers from dividing or charging their
eftates as the exigence of their families required. This
introduced pretty generally the right of difpofing of
one’s property, or a part of it, by tejlametit; that is,
by written or oral inftrudlions properly witnejjed mdi
authenticated, according to the pleafure of the decea¬
fed ; which we therefore emphatically ftyle his •mil.
This was eftablilhed in fame countries ixiucb.lattr than
PRO [ 6505 ] PRO
Property. In others. With us in England, till modern times, a
" man could only difpofe of one-third of his moveables
from his wife and children ; and, in general, no will
was permitted of lands till the reign of Henry VIII.
and then only of a certain portion : for it was not till
after the reftoration that the power of devifing real
property became fo univerfal as at prefent.
Wills, therefore, and teftaments, rights of inheri¬
tance, and fuccefixons, are all of them creatures of the
civil or municipal laws, and accordingly are in all re-
fpefts regulated by them ; every diftindt country ha-
Bh'kfl V’n2 l^‘^i;rent ceremonies and requifites to make a te-
iComment. lament completely valid; neither does anything vary
more than the right of inheritance under different na¬
tional eftabliihments. In England particularly, this
diverfity is carried to fuch a length, as if it had been
meant to point out the power of the laws in regula¬
ting the fucceflion to property, and how futile every
claim mud be that has not its foundation in the pofi-
tive rules of the (late. In perfonal ellates, the father
may'fucceed to his children ; in landed property, he
never can be their immediate heir, by any the rernoteft
pofiibility : in general, only the eldeft fon, in fome
places only the youngeft, in others all the fons toge¬
ther, have a right to fucceed to the inheritance: In
real eftates, males are preferred to females, and the
eldeft male will ufually exclude the reft-; in the diri-
fion of petfonal eftates, the females of equal degree are
admitted together with the males, and no right of pri¬
mogeniture is allowed.
This one confideration may help to remove the
fcruples of many well-meaning perfons, who fet up a
miftaken confcience in oppofttion to the rules of law.
If a man difinherits his fon, by a will duly executed,
and leaves his eftate to a ft ranger, there are many who
f confider this proceeding as contrary to natural juftice;
I while others fo fcrupuloufly adhere to the fuppofed in¬
tention of the dead, that if a will of lands be attefted
by only two witneffes inftead of three, which the law
requires, they are apt. to imagine that the heir is
bound in confcience to relinquifh his title to the devi-
fee. But both of them certainly proceed upon very er¬
roneous principles: as if, on the one hand, the fon had
by nature a right to fucceed to his father’s lands; or
as if, on the other hand, the owner was by nature
entitled to dire& the fucceffion of his property after
!! his own deceafe. Whereas the law of nature fuggefts,
that on the death of the poflefibr the eftate ftiould
I again become common, and be open to the next occu¬
pant, unlefs otherwife ordered, for the fake of civil
peace, by the pofitive law of fociety. The pofitive
Jaw of fociety, which is with us the municipal law of
England, dire&s it to veft in fuch perfon as the laft
proprietor fhall by will, attended with certain requi¬
fites, appoint ; and, in defeft of fuch appointment, to
go to fome particular perfon, who, from the refult of
certain local conftitutions, appears to be the heir at
law. Hence it follows, that, where the appointment is
regularly made, there cannot be a ftiadow of right in
any one but the perfon appointed : and, where the ne-
ceffary requifttes are omitted, the right of the heir is
equally ftrong and built upon as folid a foundation, as
the right of the devifee would have been, fuppofing
fuch requifites were obferved.
But, after all, there are fome few things, which, not*
Vox.. IX. 2
withftanding the general introduftion and continuance Property
of property, muft ftill unavoidably remain in common; fl. .
being fuch wherein nothing but an ufufru&uary pro- ^tia'
perty is capable of being had: and therefore they ftill  
belong to the firft occupant, during the time he holds
pofieflion of them, and no longer. Such (among others)-
are the elements of light, air, and water; which a man
may occupy by means of his windows, his gardens,
his mills, and other conveniencies: fuch alfo are the
generality of thofe animals which are faid to be ferd
nature?, ox of a wild and untameable difpofition; whic h
any man may feize upon and keep for his own ufe or
pleafure. All thefe things, fo long as they remain in
pofieffion, every man has a right to enjoy without di-
fturbance; but if once they efcape from his cuftody,
or he voluntarily abandons the ufe of them, they re¬
turn to the common ftock, and any man dfe has an
equal right to feize and enjoy them afterwards.
Again, there are other things in which a permanent
property may fubfift, not only as to the temporary ufe,
but alfo the folid fubftance; and which yet would be
frequently found without a proprietor, had not the wif-
dom of the law provided a remedy to obviate this in¬
convenience. Such are forefts and other wafte grounds,
which were omitted to be appropriated in the general
diftribution of lands: fuch alfo are wrecks, eftrays, and
that fpecies of wild animals, which the arbitrary con¬
ftitutions of pofitive law have diftidguifhed from the
reft by the well-known appellation oigame. With re¬
gard to thefe and fome others, as difturbances and quar¬
rels would frequently arife among individuals contend¬
ing about the acquifition of this fpecies of property by
firft occupancy, the law has therefore wifely cut up
the root of diffenfion, by vefting the things themfelves
in the fovereign of the ftate; or elfe in his reprefenta-
tives appointed and authorifed by him, being ufually
the lords of manors. And thus our legiflature has uni-
verfally promoted the grand ends of civil fociety, the
peace and fecurity of individuals, by fteadily purfuing
that wife and orderly maxim, of afiigning to every
thing capable of ownerlhip a legal and determinate,
owner.
PROPHECY, a prediction made by divine infp:*
ration.
PROPHET, in general, a perfon who foretels fu¬
ture events; but is particularly applied to fuch infpired
perfons among the Jews as were commiffioned by God
to declare his will and purpofes to that people. Among
the canonical books of the Old Teftament, we have
the writings of 16 prophets, four of whom are deno¬
minated the greater prophets, viz. Ifatab, Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, and Daniel; fo called from the length or ex¬
tent of their writings, which exceed thofe of the others,
viz. Hofea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Na¬
hum, Habakkuk, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi,
who are called the lefferprophets, from the fhortnefs of
their writings. The Jews do not place Daniel among
the prophets, becaufe, they fay, he lived the life of a
courtier rather than that of a prophet. An account of
the feveral writings of the prophets may be feen each
under its particular head. See the article Isaiah, &c.
PROPITIATION, in theology, a facrifice offered
to God to affwage his wrath, and render him propi¬
tious. Among the Jews there were both ordinary and
public facrifices, as holocaufts, &c. offered by way of
36 O thankf-
PRO
[
Propolis thankfgivin?; and extraordinary ones, offered by par-
N . ticuiar perions guilty of any crime, by way of pro-
^r-pitiation. The Romifh church believe the mafa to be
 a facrifice of propitiation for the living and the dead.
The reformed churches allow of no propitiation but
that one offered by Jefus Chrift on the crofs.
PROPOLIS, the name of a certain fubftance more
tenacious than wax, with which the bees ftop up all the
holes or cracks in the fidcs of their hives. Sec Apis,
n° 13.
PROPONTIS, or Sea of Marmora, divides Europe
from Alias having to Bofphorus on the north-eaft, by
which it has a communication with the Euxine Sea;
and the Hellefpont on the fouth-weft, by which it com¬
municates with the Archipelago. It is 120 miles long,
and in fome places upwards of 40 miles broad.
PROPORTION. When two quantities are com¬
pared with one another in refpeft of their greatnefs or
fmallnefs, the comparifon is called ratio or proportion.
See Arithmetic, Geometry, &c.
Proportion, or Rule of Three. See Arithmetic,
n* 13, 14.
Proportion is alfo ufed for the relation between
unequal things of the fame kind, whereby their feveral
parts correfpond to each other with an equal augmen¬
tation or diminution.
Thus, in reducing a figure into little, or in enlarging
it, care is taken to obferve an equal diminution, or
enlargement, through all its parts; fo that if one line,
e. gr. be contrafted by one third of its length, all the
relt (hall be conlra&ed in the fame proportion.
Proportion, in architefture, denotes the juft mag¬
nitude of the members of each part of a building, and
6506 ] PRO
PROPOSITION, in logic, part of an arguftientPropofitio
wherein fome quality, either negative or pofitive, is at- 0
tributed to a fubjea. _ Profecmion
Proposition, in mathematics, is either fome truth
advanced and fliown to be fuch by demonftration, or
fome operation propofed and its folution Ihown. If
the propofition be deduced from feveral theoretical de¬
finitions compared together, it is called a theorem; if
from a praxis, or feries of operations, it is called a pro-
blem. See the articles Theorem and Problem.
Proposition, in oratory. See Oratory, n° 28.
124.
Proposition, in poetry, the firft part of a poem,
wherein the author propofes briefly, and in general,
what he is to fay in the body of his work. It fhould
comprehend only the matter of the poem, that is, the
aftion and perfons that aft. Horace prefcribes mo-
defty and fimplicity in the propolition, and would not
have the poet promife too much, nor raife in the reader
too great ideas of what he is going to relate.
PROPREFECT, among the Romans, the prefeft’s
lieutenant, or an officer whom the prefeft of the pre-
torium commiffioned to do part of his duty in his
place.
PROPRETOR, a Roman magittrate, who, having
difcharged the office of pretor at home, was fent into
a province to command there with his former pretorial
authority. It was alfo an appellation given to thofe
who, without having been pretors at Rome, were fent
extraordinarily into the provinces to adminifter juftice
with the authority of pretors.
PRO RATA, in commerce, a term fometimes ufed
by merchants for in proportion; as each perfon muft
the relation of the feveral parts to the whole; e.gr. of reap the profit or fuftain the lofs, pro rata to his inte-
the dimenfions of a column, &c. with regard to the
ordonnance of a whole building.
One of the greateft differences among architefts, M.
Perrault obferves, is in the proportions of the heights
of entablatures with refpeft to the thicknefs of the co¬
lumns, to which they are always to be accommoda¬
ted.
In effeft, there is fcarce any work, either of the an¬
cients or moderns, wherein this proportion is not dif¬
ferent; fome entablatures are even near twice as high
as others:—yet it is certain, this proportion ought of
all others to be moft regulated ; none being of greater
importance, as there is none wherein a defeft is fooner
fpicd, nor any wherein it is more fhocking.
Harmonic Proportion, is when three terms are fo
ciifpofc-d, that as the difference of the firft and fecond:
the difference of the fecond and third :: firft : third;
and they are faid to be harmonically proportional.
Thus, 10, 15, 30, are harmonically proportional. For
reft, that is, in proportion to his ftock.
PROROGATION, the aft of prolonging, adjourn¬
ing, or putting off to another time. The difference
between a prorogation and an adjournment of parlia¬
ment is, that by prorogation the feffion is ended, and
fuch bills as paffed in either houfe, or both houfes, and
had not the royal affent, muft at the next affembly be¬
gin again.
PROSCRIPTION, a publication made in the name
of the chief or leader of a party, whereby he promifes
a reward to any one who ftiall bring him the head of
one of his enemies.
Sylla and Marius by turns profcribed each other’s
adherents.—Under the triumvirate, a great part of the
belt and braveft of the Romans fell by profcription.
The term took its rife from the praftice of writing
down a lift of the perfons names, and polling it in pub¬
lic: from pro, and fcriho “ I write.”
PROSE, the natural language of mankind, loofe.
as the difference of 10 and 15, is to the difference of and unconfined by poetical meafures, rhymes, &c.—>
jy and 30, fo is 10 to 30.
Compafs of Proportion, a name by which the
French, and after them fome Englifh authors, call the
Sector.
PROPORTIONAL, relating to proportion. Thus
we fay, proportional compaffes,. parts, fcales, fpirals,
See.
Proportionals, in geometry, are quantities, either
linear or numeral, which bear the fame ratio, or rela¬
tion to each other.
In which fenfe it Hands oppofed to verfe.
The word comes from the Latin pro/a, which fome
will have derived from the Hebrew poras, which figni-
fies expendit: others deduce it from the Latin prorfa,
of prorfus, “ going forwards;” by way of oppolition
to verfa, or “ turning backwards,” as is neceffary in
writing.
PROSECUTION, in the criminal law. The next
ftep towards the punilhment of offenders after Com¬
mitment, is their profecution, or the manner of their
formal
PRO [ 6507 ] PRO
Profecutor formal accufation. And this. In the Englifh law, is As the two tetrachords of the Greeks were conjunc- Profody
II either upon a previous finding of the faft by an inqueft tive, or, in other words, as the higheft note of the firft •
nomene" or Rran^ jury» or without fuch previous finding. ferved likewife for the lowed note of the fecond, it is rolei-
  The former way is either by Presentment or In- plain that a complete odlave could not be formed. To
dictment. See thefe articles. remedy this deficiency, therefore, one note beneath the
The remaining methods of profecution are without lowed tetrachord was added, as an odave to the high-
any previous finding by a jury, to fix the authoritative ed of the lad tetrachord. Thus, if we fuppofe the
damp of verifimilitude upon the accufation. One of fird to have begun on B, the lad mud have ended upon
thefe, by the common law, was when a thief was ta- A, to which one note fubjoined immediately beneath
ken with the mainour, that is, with the thing dolen the lowed B in the diatonic order mud have formed an
upon him, in manu. For he. might, when fo deteded, odave. This note was called projlamhanomene. But it „
flagrante delitto, be brought into court, arraigned, and appears from authors who have fcrutinized antiquity ^
tried, without indidment: as by the Daniih law he with fome diligence, and perhaps with as much fuc- Miific,
might be taken and hanged upon the fpot, without ac- cefs as the data upon which they proceeded could pro- Diil'crt. § 1.
cufation or trial. But this proceeding was taken away duce, that the names of the notes in the Greek fydem,
by feveral datutes in the reign of Edward III. though which originally fignified their natural dation in the
in Scotland a fimilar procefs remains to this day. So fcale of afcending or defcending founds, were after-
that the only fpecies of proceeding at the fuit of the wards applied to their pofitions in the lyre. Higher
king, withouf a previous indidment or prefentment by or lower, then, according to this application, did not
  1 :   r~   -c r  fignify their degrees of acutenefs or gravity, but their
higher or lower fituation upon this indrument.
PROSODY, that part of grammar which treats of
the quantities and accents of fyllables, and the manner
a grand jury, now feems to be that of Information;
which fee.
Thefe are all the methods of profecution at the fuit
of the king. There yet remains another, which is
merely at the fuit of the fubjed, and is called an ap- of making verfes.
peal. See that article.
But of all the methods of profecution, that by indic-
ment is the mod general. See Indictment.
PROSECUTOR, in law, he that purfues a caufe
in another’s name.
PROSERPINE, in fabulous hidory, the daughter
of Jupiter and Ceres, was carried off by Pluto as die
was gathering flowers with her companions. Ceres,
difconfolate for the lofs of her daughter, after having
long fought her, heard where Ihe was, and intreated rounding the beginning of the urethra. SccAnato
Jupiter to let her return from hell. This requed Ju- n° 371
piter granted, on condition die had taded nothing in "
Pluto’s dominions. Ceres therefore went to fetch her;
but when her daughter was preparing to return, Afca-
laphus gave information that he had feen Proferpine
The Englidi profody turns chiefly on two things,
numbers and rhyme. See Poetry, n° 20. and Part
III.
PROSOPOPOEIA, a figure in oratory, whereby
we raifc qualities of things inanimate into perfons. See
Oratory, n° 48.
PROSTATJE, in anatomy, a gland, generally fup-
pofed to be two feparate bodies, though in reality but
■,fituated jud before the neck of the bladder, and fur-
PROSTYLE, in archite&ure, a range of columns
the front of a temple.
PROTAGORAS, a famous Greek pilofopher, born
at Abdera, was the difqiple of Democritus, and the
eat fome grains of a pomegranate die had gathered in legiflator of the Thurians. He was more fubtle than
Pluto’s garden, on which die was fentenced to continue folid in his reafonings; however, he taught at Athens
in Tartarus in quality of Pluto’s fpoufe, and the queen with great reputation, but was at length baniflied from
of thofe gloomy regions: but to mitigate the grief of thence for the impiety of his doftrines. He then travel-
Ceres for her difappointment, Jupiter granted that her led, and vifited the iflands in the Mediterranean, where
daughter diould only fpend fix months together in hell it is faid that he was the fird philofopher who taught
with her hulband, and the other fix on earth with her for money. He died in a voyage to Sicily, in a very
mother. advanced age. He commonly reafoned by dilemmas.
Some mythologids imagine that the latter part of and left the mind in fufpence with refpe£t to all the
the fable alludes to the corn, which mud remain all the quedions he propofed. Plato wrote a dialogue againd
winter hid in the earth, in order to fprout forth in the him. He flourilhed 400 B. C.
fpring, and produce the harved.
PROSELYTE, a new convert to fome religion, or
religious fe&.
PROTEA, the Sicver-tree; a genus of the mo-
nogynia order, belonging to the tetrandria clafs of
plants. There are three fpecies: 1. The conifera, with.
PROSEUCHE, in antiquity, properly fignifies linear, fpear-lhaped, entire leaves, grows to the height
prayer; but it is taken for the places of prayer of the of 10 or 12 feet, with a draight regular dem. The
Jews, and was pretty near the fame as their fynagogucs. branches naturally form a large regular head. The
But the fynagogues were originally in the cities, and leaves are long and narrow, of a fliining filver colour;
were covered places: whereas, for the mod part, the and as they remain the whole year, make a fine ap-
profeuches were out of the cities and on the banks of pearance in the green-houfe. 2. The argentea, corn-
rivers; having no covering, except perhaps the fhade monly calledfllver-tree, has a drong upright dem co-
of fome trees or covered galleries. The word is Greek, vered with purplilh bark, dividing into feveral branches
“ prayer.” which grow ered, garnilhed with broad, fliining, fil-
PROSLAMBANOMENE, the name of a mufxcal
note in the Greek fydera.
very leaves, which make a fine appearance when inter¬
mixed with other exotics. 3. The nitida, or wage-
36 0 2 boom.
FRO [ 6508 ] PRO
Protafis boom, greatly refembles the fecond fort: the leaves
II are very filky and white, with ereft purple branches.
r<tary!'0" thefe plants, being tender exotics, require to be
   —continually kept in the green-houfe during winter.
The firft may be propagated by cuttings, which fhould
be cut off in April, juft before the plants begin to
Ihoot; the fecond and third forts may be propagated
by feeds.
PROTASIS, in the ancient drama, the firft part of
a comic or tragic piece, wherein the feveral perfons are
fhown, their characters intimated, and the fubjeCt of
the piece propofed and entered upon.
It might reach as far as oiir two firft afts, and where
it ended the epitafis commenced. See the article Epi-
TASIS.
PROTECTOR, a perfon who undertakes to fitel-
ter and defend the weak, helplefs, and diftreffed.
Every Catholic nation, and every religious order, has
a proteftor refiding at the court of Rome, who is a
cardinal, and is called the cardinalpntettor.
ProteCtor is alfo fometimes ufed for a regent of a
kingdom, made choice of to govern it during the mi¬
nority of a prince.
Cromwell affumed the title and quality of lord pro-
tetter of the common-wealth of England, See.
PROTESILAI turris, the fepulchre of Protefi-
laus, with a temple, at which Alexander facrificed,
(Arian); fituate at the fouth extremity of the Helle-
fpont, next the Cherfonnefus Thracia. Protefilaus was
the firft Greek who landed on the coaft of Troy, and
the firft Greek flain by the Trojans, (Homer, Ovid.)
His wife Laodamia, to affwage her grief, begged the
gods for a fight of his fhade; and obtaining her re-
queft, (he expired in his embraces, (Hyginus.) Pro-
teflaus was alfo called Phylacides, from Phylace, a town
qf Theffaly.
PROTEST, in law, is a call of witnefs, or an open
affirmation that a perfon does, either not at all, or but
conditionally, yield his confent to any aft, or to the
proceeding of any judge in a court in which his jurif-
diClion is doubtful, or to anfwer upon his oath farther
than he is bound by law.
Any of the lords in parliament have a right to pro-
teft their diffent to any bill paffed by a majority: which
proteft is entered in form. This is faid to be a very
ancient privilege. The commons have no right to pro¬
teft. See Parliament.
Protest, in commerce, a fummons written by a
notary-public to a merchant, banker, or the like, to ac¬
cept or difeharge a bill of exchange drawn on him,
after his having refufed either to-acept or pay it. See
13 ill of Exchange.
PROTESTANT, a name firft given in Germany
to thofe who adhered to the doCtrine of Luther; be-
caufe in 1529, they protefted againft a decree of the
emperor Charles V. and the diet of Spires; declaring
that they appealed to a general council. The fame
name has alfo been given to thofe of the fentiments of
Calvin ; and is now become a common denomination
for all thofe of the reformed churches.
PROTEUS, in heathen mythology. See Egypt,
n° 6.
PROTHONOTARY, a term which properly fig-
aifies frf notary} and which was anciently the title
of the principal notaries of the emperors of Conftanti- Protogenes
nople. II
Prothonotary with us is ufed for an officer in thePrototype'
court of king’s-bench and common-pleas ; the former
of which courts has one, and the latter three. The
prothonotary of the king’s bench records all civil ac¬
tions fued in that court, as the clerk of the crown-office
does all criminal caufes. The prothonotaries of the
common pleas enter and enrol all declarations, plead¬
ings, affizes, judgments, and actions: they alfo make
out all judicial writs, except writs of habeas corpus,
and diftringas jurator, for which there is a particular
office, called the habeas corpora office: they likewife en¬
ter recognizances acknowledged, and all common re¬
coveries ; make exemplifications of records, &e.
In the court of Rome there is a college of 12 pre¬
lates, called apofolicalprothonotaries, empowered to re¬
ceive the laft wills of cardinals, to make all informa¬
tions and proceedings neceffary for the canonization of
faints, and all fuch a£ls as are of great confequence to
the Papacy: for which purpofe they have the right of
admiffion into all confiftories, whether public or half
public. They alfo attend on the pope, whenever he
performs any extraordinary ceremony out of Rome.
PROTO, a Greek term, frequently ufed in com-
pofitibn of priority: thus, proto-collum, in the ancient
jurifprudence, fignifies the firft leaf of a book; proto¬
martyr, the firft martyr; proto-plaft, the firft man
formed, &c.
PROTOGENES, a celebrated ancient painter, was
born at Caunas, a city of Caria, fubject to the Rho¬
dians, and flourifhed 300 years before the birth of our
Saviour. He was at firft obliged to paint (hips for his
livelihood; but afterwards acquired the higheft repu¬
tation for hiftory-painting ; though Apelles blamed
him for finiftiing his pieces too highly, and not know¬
ing when to have done. The fineft of his pi£tures was
that of Jalifus, which is mentioned by feveral ancient
authors, though none of them give any defeription of
it. He worked feven years on this pi&ure; during
which time he lived entirely upon lupines and water,
being of opinion that this light and fimple nourilh-
ment left him greater freedom of fancy. Apelles, on
feeing this pidure, was ftruck with fuch admiration, -
that he was unable to fpeak,orto find words fufficient
to exprefs his idea of its beauty. It was this picture
that faved the city of Rhodes when befieged by De¬
metrius king of Macedon; for being able to at¬
tack it only on that fide where Protogenes work¬
ed, which he intended to burn, he chofe rather to
abandon his defign than to deftroy fo fine a piece.
Pliny fays, that Apelles afking him what price he had
for his pidures, and Protogenes naming an inconfider-
able fum, Apelles, concerned at the injuftice done to
the beauty of his produdions, gave him 50 talents,
about io,oool. for one pidure only, declaring publicly
that he would fell it for his own. This generofity
made the Rhodians fenfibleof the merit of Protogenes;
and they were fo eager to purchafe the pidure Apelles
had bought, that they paid him a much greater price
for it than he had given.
PROTOTYPE, is the original or model after which
a thing was formed; but chiefly ufed for the patterns
of things to be engraved, caft, &c.
PRO-
PRO [ 6509 ] PRO
iProfra&or PROTRACTOR, the name of an inftrument ufed
Providence ^0r Protra^ng or lay‘ng down on paper the angles of
1'a field, or other figure. See Plotting.
PROTUBERANCE, in anatomy, is any eminence,
whether natural or preternatural, that proje&s or ad¬
vances out beyond the reft.
PROVED1TOR, an officer in feveral parts of Italy,
particularly at Venice, who has the direftion of mat¬
ters relating to policy.
PROVENCE, a province or government of France,
bounded by Dauphine on the north, by Piedmont on
the eaft, by the Mediterranean on the foutb, and by
the river Rhone, which feparates it from Languedoc,
on the weft : it is about 100 miles long, and near as
many broad.
PROVEND, or Provender, originally fignified a
kind of veffel containing the meafure of corn daily gi¬
ven to a horfe, or other bead of labour, for his fubfift-
ence; but now is generally ufed to fignify the food for
cattle, whatever it is.
PROVERB, according to Camden, is a concife,
witty, and wife fpeech, grounded upon experience, and
for the moft part containing fome ufeful inftrudlions.
Book o/'Proverbs, a canonical book of the Old Te-
ftament, containing a part of the proverbs of Solomon
the fon of David king of Ifrael. The firft 24 chapters
are acknowledged to be the genuine work of that
prince; the next five chapters are a colledtion of feve¬
ral of his proverbs made by order of king Hezekiah;
and the two laft feem to have been added though be¬
longing to different and unknown authors, Agur the
fon of Jakeh, and king Lemuel.
In this excellent book are contained rules for the
conduit of all conditions of life; for kings, courtiers,
mafters, fervants, fathers, mothers, children, &c.
PROVIDENCE, the conduit and direition of the
feveral parts of the univerfe by a fuperior intelligent
Being. The notion of a providence is founded on this
fuppofition, that the Creator has not fo fixed and afcer-
tained the laws of nature, nor fo conneited the chain
of fecond caufes, as to leave the world to itfelf; but
that he ftill preferves the reins in his own hands, and
occafionally alters, enforces, reftrains, and fufpends
thofe laws by a particular interpofition.
Some, with the Epicureans, deny a providence, as
imagining it inconliftent with the happinefs of the di¬
vine nature.
Others again deny the exiftence of a providence, on
account of the feemingly unjuft diftribution of good
and evil.
Simplicius argues thus for a providence: If God do
not look to the affairs of the world, it is either becaufe
he cannot or will not; but the firft is abfurd, fince to
govern cannot be difficult, when to create was eafy ;
and the latter is both abfurd and blafphemous.
The fentiments of Cicero are likewife very precife
and pertinent to this purpofe. He thinks it impoffible
for one who duly contiders the innumerable objefts of
the univerfe, and their invariable order and beauty, to
entertain the leaft doubt, but that there is fome effi¬
cient caufe who prefides over and direfts the mighty
fabric! Nay, he lays it down as a fundamental prin¬
ciple of all focieties, that there is a divine Providence,
which directs all events, obferves the actions of man¬
kind, whether good or bad, difcerns the very intentions
of the heart, and will certainly make a difference be- Providence^
tween good men and the wicked. li
Providence-P/(2«/^w«, a colony of New-England, r0VCl '
which, with Rhode-ifland, formerly conftituteda char¬
ter government. Its chief town is Newport.
Providence, one of the leaft of the Bahama iflands
in the American ocean, but the heft of thofe planted
and fortified by the Englifh. It is feated on the eaft
fide of the gulf of Florida. W. Long. 77. 35. N. Lat.
25. o.
PROVINCE, in Roman antiquity, a country of
confiderable extent, which, upon being entirely redu¬
ced under the Roman dominion, was new-modelled ac¬
cording to the pleafure of the conquerors, and fubjec-
ted to the command of annual governors fent from
Rome; being commonly obliged to pay fuch taxes and
contributions as the fenate thought fit to demand.
Of thefe countries, that part of France next the Alps
was one, and ftill retains the name Provence.
Nicod derives the word <2 procul vivendo, tl living
afar off ;’l but it is better deduced from pro, and vinco
“ I overcome.”
Province, in geography, a divifion of a kingdom
or ftate, comprifing feveral cities, towns, <kc. all under
the fame government, and ufually diftingiiifhed by the
extent either of the civil or.eccleliaftical jurifdiftioo.
The church diftinguifties its provinces by archbifhop-
rics; in which fenfe, England is divided into two pro¬
vinces, Canterbury and York.
The United Provinces are feven provinces of the Ne¬
therlands, who, revolting from the Spanifh dominion,
made a perpetual alliance offenfive and defenfive, at
Utrecht, anno 1579. See United Provinces.
PROVINCIAL, fomething relating to a province.
It alfo denotes, in Romifti countries, a perfon who has
the dirediion of the feveral convents of a province.
PROVISIONS, in a military fenfe, impfieaall man¬
ner of eatables, food or provender, ufed in an army,
both for man and bead.
PROVOST of a city or town, is the chief muni¬
cipal magiftrate in feveral trading cities, particularly
Edinburgh, Paris, &c. being much the fame with mayor
in other places. He prefides in city-courts, and, to¬
gether with the bailies, who are his deputies, deter¬
mines in all differences that arife among citizens.
The provoft of Edinburgh, as well as all the other
confiderable towns in Scotland, has the title of lord;
and the former calls yearly conventions of the royal
boroughs to Edinburgh by his mifiives.
Provost, or Prevot Royal, a fort of inferior judge
eftabliftied throughout France, to take cognizance of
all civil, perfonal, real, and mixed caufes, among the
people only.
Grand Provost of France, or of the Houfehold, has
juridiftion in the king’s houfe, and over the officers
therein; looks to the policy thereof, the regulation of
provifions, &c.
Grand Provost of the Confable^ a judge who ma¬
nages proceffes againft the foldiers in the army who
have committed any crime.
He has four lieutenants diftributed throughout the
army, called provojls of the army, and particularly pro-
vofts in the feveral regiments.
Provost Marjhal of an Army, is an officer appoint¬
ed to feize and fecure deferters, and all other crimi¬
nals.
P R U [ 6510 ] P R U
Provoft nals. He Is to hinder foldiers from pillaging, to in-
ll. didt offenders, and fee the fcnttnce paffed on them ex-
_^^£_ecuted. He alfo regulates the weights and meafures,
and the price of provifions, &c. in the army. For
the dlfcharge of his office, he has a lieutenant, a clerk,
and a troop of marffial-men on horfeback, as alfo an
executioner.
There is alfo a provoft-marfhal in the navy, who hath
charge over prifoners, &c.
The French have a provoft-general of the marines,
who is to profecute the marines when guilty of any
crime, and make report thereof to the council of war;
befides a marine provod in every veffel, who is a kind
of gaoler, and takes the prifoners into his care, and
keeps the vefftl clean.
Provosts of the Marjhals, are a kind of lieutenants
of the marfhals of France; of thefe there are 180 feats
in France} their chief jurifdiftion regards highwaymen,
footpads, houfe-breakers, &c.
Provost of the Mint, a particular judge inftituted
for the apprehending and profecuting of falfe coiners.
Provost, or Prevot, in the king’s ftables; his of¬
fice is to attend at court, and hold the king’s ftirrup
when he mounts his horfe. There are four provoffs of
this kind, each of whom attends in his turn, monthly.
PROW, denotes the head or forepart of a (hip,
particularly in a galley; being that which is oppofite
to the poop or ftern.
PROXIMITY, denotes the relation of nearnefs, ei¬
ther in refped of place, blood, or alliance.
PRUDENTIUS, or Aurelius Prudentius Cle¬
mens, a famous Chridian poet, under the reign of
Theodofius the Great, who was born in Spain in the
year 348. He firil followed the profeffion of an advo¬
cate, was afterwards a judge, then a foldier, and at
length had an honourable employment at court. We
have a great number of his poems, which, from the
choice of his fubjetds, maybe termed ChriJUan poems;
but the dyle is barbarous, and very different from the
purity of the Augudan age. The mod edeemed edi¬
tions of Prudentius’s works are that of Amderdam, in
1667, with Heinfius’s Notes, and that of Paris in 1687,
in ujiuu Dtlphini.
PRUNES, are plumbs dried in the funfhine, or in
an oven.
PRUNING, in gardening and agriculture, is the
lopping offthe fuperfluous branches of trees, in order to
make them bear better fruit, grow higher, or appear
more regular.
Pruning, though an operation of very general ufe,
is neverthelefs rightly underdood by few. Nor is it to
be learned by rote, but requires a drift obfervation of
the different manners of growth of the feveral forts of
fruit-trees; the proper method of doing which cannot
be known without carefully obferving how each kind
is naturally difpofed to produce its fruit: for fome do
this on the fame year’s wood, as vines ; others, for
the mod part, upon the former year’s wood, as
peaches, neftarines, &c.; and others upon fpurs w'hich
are produced upon wood of three, four, &c. to fifteen
or twenty years old, as pears', plums, cherries, &c.
Therefore, in order to the right management of fruit-
trees, provifion ffiould always be made to have a
fufficient quantity of bearing wood in every part of
tlte trees; a^d at the fame time there fliould not be a
fuperfluity of ufelefs branches, which would exhauft Pruning,
the ftrength of the trees, and caufe them to decay 1
a few years.
The reafons for pruning of fruit-trees ; are, 1. To
prtferve them longer in a vigorous bearing-date ;
2. To render them more beautiful; and, 3. To caufe
the fruit to be larger and better taded.
The general indruftions for pruning are as follow.
The greated care ought to be taken of fruit-trees in
the fpring, when they are in vigorous growth ; which
is the only proper feafon for procuring a quantity of
good wood in the different parts of the tree, and for
difplacing all ufelefs branches as foon as they are pro¬
duced, in order that the vigour of the tree may be
entirely didributed to fuch branches only as are de-
figned to remain. For this reafon trees ought not to
be neglefted in April and May, when their (hoots are
produced : however, thofe branches which are intended
for bearing the fucceeding year fhould not be fhortened
during the time of their growth, becaufe this would
caufe them to produce two lateral fhoots, from the eyes
below the place where they were dopped, which
would draw much of the drength from the buds of
the firft (hoot: and if the two lateral fhoots are not
entirely cut away at the winter-pruning, they will
prove injurious to the tree. This is to be chiefly
underdood of done-fruit and grapes; but pears and
apples, being much harder, fuffer not fo much, tho’
it is a great difadvantage to thofe alfo to be thus
managed. It mud likewife be remarked, that peaches,
neftarines, apricots, cherries, and plums, are always
in the greated vigour when they are lead maimed by
the knife; for where large branches are taken off, they
are fubjeft to gum and decay. It is therefore the molt
prudent method to rub off all ufelefs buds when they
are fird produced, and to pinch others, where new
fhoots are wanted to fupply the vacancies of the wall ;
by which management they may be fo ordered as to
want but little of the knife in winter-pruning. The
management of pears and apples is much the fame
with thefe trees in fummer; but in winter they mud
be very differently pruned: for as peaches and nec¬
tarines, for the mod part, produce their fruit upon
the former year’s wood, and mud therefore have their
branches fhortened according to their drength, in
order to produce new fhoots for the fucceeding year;
fo, on the contrary, pears, apples, plumbs, and cher¬
ries, producing their fruit npon fpurs, which come
out of the wood of five, fix, and feven years old,
fhould not be Ihortened, becaufe thereby thofe buds
which were naturally difpofed to form thefe fpurs,
would produce wood-branches; by which means the
trees would be filled with wood, but would never pro¬
duce much fruit. The branches of dandard-trees Ihould
never be fhortened unlefs where they are very luxuriant,
and, by growing irregularly on one fide of the trees,
attraft the greated part of the fap, by which means
the other parts are either unfurniflied with branches,
or are rendered very weak ; in which cafe the branch
fhould be fhortened down as low as is neceffary, in
order to obtain more branches to fill up the hollow of
the tree : but this is only to be underdood of pears
and apples, which will produce fhoots from wood of
three, four, or more years old ; whereas mod forts of
ftone-fruit will gum and decay after fuch amputations:
when-
P R U [ 6511 ] P R U
Pruning, whenever this happens to ftone-fruit, it (hould be re-
Prunus. medied by ftopping or pinching thofe (hoots in the
fpring, before they have obtained too much vigour,
which will caufe them to pu(h out fide branches ; but
this muft be done with caution. You mud alfo cut
out all dead or decaying branches, which caufe their
heads to look ragged, and alfo attract noxious par¬
ticles from the air : in doing of this, you (hould cut
them clofe down to the place where they were pro¬
duced, otherwife that part of the branch which is left
will alfo decay, and prove equally hurtful to the reft
of the tree ; for it feldom happens when a branch be¬
gins to decay, that it does not die quite down to the
place where it was produced, and if permitted to re¬
main long uncut, often infefts fome of the other parts
of the tree. If the branches cut off are large, it will
be very proper, after having fmoothed the cut part
exaftly even with a. knife, chiffel, or hatchet, to put
on a plafter of grafting clay, which will prevent the
wet from foaking into the tree at the wounded part.
All fuch branches as run a crofs each other, and
occafion a confufion in the head of the tree, (hould be
cut off; and as there are frequently young vigorous
(hoots on old trees, which rife from the old branches
near the trunk, and grow upright into the head,
thefe (hould be carefully cut out every year, left, by
being permitted to grow, they fill the tree too full of
wood.
As to the pruning of foreft-trees, if they be large,
it is belt not to prune them at all ; yet, if there be
an abfoute necefiity, avoid taking off large boughs as
much as poffible. And, 1. If the bough be fmall,
cut it fmooth, clofe, and (loping. 2. If the branch be
large, and the tree old, cut it off at three or four feet
from the ftem. 3. If the tree grow crooked, cut it
off at the crook, (loping upward, and nurfe up one of
the moft promifing (hoots for a new ftem. 4. If the
tree grow top-heavy, its head muft be lightened,
and that by thinning the boughs that grow out of
the main branches. But if you would have them
fpring, rub off the buds, and (hroud up the fide-(hoots.
5. If the fide-bough dill break out, and the top be
able to fuftain itfelf, give the boughs that put forth
in fpring a pruning after Midfummer, cutting them
clofe.
PRUNUS, in botany j a genus of the monogynia
order, belonging to the icofandria clafs of plants.
Species. 1. The doftieffica, or common plum-tree,
grows 20 or 30 feet high, graniffied with oval, fpear-
(haped leaves, and with the pedunculi for the moft
part fingle, terminated by flowers, fucceeded by plums of
many different colours, fizes, and (hapes in the varieties.
2. The infititia, wild-plum, or bullace-tree, grows
12 or 15 feet high; the branches fomewhat fpinous;
the leaves oval, hairy underneath ; and the pendunculi
by pairs, terminated by white flowers fucceeded by
fmall, round, plum-like, fruit of different colours in
!the varieties. 3. The fpinofa, black-thorn, or doe-
tree, grows to or 12 feet high, very branchy and
buftiy quite from bottom, armed with ttrong, (harp
fpines, fmall, fpear-(haped, fmooth leaves, pedunculi
growing fingly, terminated by flowers, fucceeded by
fmall, round, black cherries in autumn. It grows
wild every where in hedges and woods; and is very
proper for planting fidd hedges, being of very quick
and clofe growth. 4. The cerafus, or common cherry- Piunus
tree, grows 20 feet or more in height, garnifhed with II
oval clufters of lanceolate, fmooth leaves, umbellate ni ia'
flowers, fucceeded by clufters of red roundifli fruit of
different fizes and properties in the varieties. 5. The
avium, or great wild-cherry tree, grows 40 or 50 feet
high, having oval, fpear-fhaped leaves, downy under¬
neath, with umbellate fefiile clufters of white flowers,
fucceeded by fmall round fruit of different properties
in the varieties. 6. The padus, or common bird-
cherry tree, grows 15 or 20 feet high, of a (hrub-
like growth, with a fpreading head, large, oblong,
rough ferrated leaves, having two glands at the back
of the bafe like the other, and with (horter, more
compaft clufters of flowers, fucceeded by large red
fruit. This grows wild in hedges in the north parts of
England. 7. The Virginiana, or Virginan bird-cherry,
grows 30 feet high, dividing into a very branchy
head, having a dark purple bark, oval, (lightly fer¬
rated, (liining green leaves, having two glands at the
forepart of the bafe, and long clufters of white flowers,
fucceeded by fmall, round, berry-like, black fruit;
8. The Canadenfis, or Canada dwarf bird cherry,
growf but four or five feet high, branching horizon¬
tally near the ground with fmooth branches ; broad,
fpear-ftiaped, rough downy leaves without glands; and
long clutters of white flowers, fucceeded by fmall,
round, berry-like, black fruit, ripe in autumn. 9. The
mahaleb, or perfumed cherry, grows 10 or 15 feet high,
with fmooth whitifli branches, fmall, oval (hining
green leaves, and corymbous clufters of white flowers,
fucceeded by fmall fruit, to. The armeniaca, or apri¬
cot tree, grows 20 feet high, with a large fpreading
head, having reddifh (hoots, large nearly heart (haped
leaves, and clofe-fitting pale-red flowers rifing all
along the fides of the young branches ; fueceeded by
large, roundifli fruit of a yellow and rcddifli colour in
different varieties.
Culture. All the different varieties of plums have
at firft been raifed from the ftones, and are afterwards
preferved by budding and grafting on any plum-ftock.
The fame method is applicable to cherries ; only
thefe are grafted to moft advantage upon (locks of the
wild black and red cherry raifed from the ftones of the
fruit. The apricot-trees are propagated by budding
on any kind of plum-ttocks.
PRUSA, (anc. geog.); a town fituate at mount
Olympus in Myfia, built by Prufias, who waged war
with Croefus, (Strabo); with Cyrus, (Stepbanus) 4
both cotempory princes. Now called Burfa or Prufa,
capital of Bithynia, in Afia Minor. E. Long. 29.
to. Lat. 40. 30.
PRUSIAS, the name of feveral king of Bithynia.
Prusias, a town of Bithynia, anciently called Cios,
from a cognominal river, and giving name to the Sinus
Cianus of the Propontis; rebuilt by Prufias the fon>
of Zela, after having been deftroyed by Philip, the.
fon of Demetrius: it flood on the Sinus Cianus, at the
foot of mount Arganthonius. This is the Prufias
who harboured Annibal, after the defeat of Antio-
chus.—Of this place was Afclepiades, furnamed Pri^
Jieus, the famous phyfician.
PRUSSIA, a modern, but defervedly celebrated
kingdom of Europe, whofe monarch, along with,
Pruffia Proper, poffeffes alfo the ek&?rate of Bran¬
denburg,,
P R U
PnifiTa. dehbnrg, and feme other territories of confiderable
extent. The diftrift properly called Prujfia is of
great extent, and divided into the Ducal and Regal
Prufiia, the latter belonging to the republic of Poland
till the late partition of the Polifh territories. Both
together are of great extent; being bounded on the
north by the Baltic, on the fouth by Poland and the
duchy of Mazovia, on the weft; by Pomerania, and on
the eaft by Lithuania and Samogitia. The name is
by fome thought to be derived from the BoruJJi, a
tribe of the Sarmatians, who, migrating from the
foot of the Riphaean mountains, were tempted by the
Etymology beauty and fertility of .the country to fettle there,
of the Others think that the name of this country is properly
name. Poruflia, Po in the language of the natives fignify-
ing near, and Porujjla fignifying near Rujfia. To
the latter etymology we find the king of Pruffia him-
felf aflenting in the treatife intitled Memoirs of the
Houfe of Brandenburg. However, it muft be owned,
that thefe or any other etymologies of the word are
very uncertain, and we find nothing like it mentioned
a by hiftorians before the tenth century.
Extreme The ancient ftate of Pruffia is almoft entirely un-
tlie*anic^en<t^kn0Wn* However, the people are faid to have been very
luhabi- C fava£e and barbarous; living upon raw flefii, and
tants. drinking the blood of horfes at their feafts, according
to Stella, even to intoxication (a). Nay, fo ex¬
tremely favage were this people, that they were even
unacquainted with the method of conftru&ing huts,
and took up their dwelling in caves and cavities of
rocks and trees, where they prote&ed themfelves and
children from the inclemencies of the weather. A-
mong fuch a people it is vain to expedl that any tranf-
aftions would be recorded, or indeed that any thing
Teutonic worthy of being recorded would be tranfadfed. We
knights lhall therefore begin our hiftory of Pruffia with the time
firfl: get when the Teutonic knights firft got footing in the coun-
footing in tVy. (See TeiTtonic Knights).
ne coun- Qn tjve eXpUif10n 0f 'tj,e Chriftians from the Holy
Land by Saladin, a fettlement was given to the Teu¬
tonic knights in Pruffia by Conrade duke of Mazovia,
the competitor of Boleflaus V. for the crown of Po¬
land. Their firft refidence in this country was Culm;
to which territory they were confined by the conditions
of the donation, excepting what they could conquer
from their pagan neighbours, all which the emperor
granted to them in perpetuity.
Encouraged by this grant, the knights conquered
the greateft part of the country which now goes by the
name of Pruflia; and, not content with this, become
very troublefome to Poland, infomuch that the mo-
narchs of that kingdom were fometimes obliged to
carry on a dangerous and bloody wars with them ; for
an account of which, we refer to the article Poland.
The Teutonic order continued in Pruffia till the
year I531. Their laft grand-mafter was Albert mar¬
quis of Brandenburg, and nephew to Sigifmund I.
king of Poland. He was preferred to this dignity in
'hopes that his affinity to Sigifmund might procure a
reftitution of fome of the places which had been taken
from the order during the former unfucefsful wars
r r u
with Poland; but in this the fraternity were difap- PniflT>.' jj
pointed. Albert, however, was fo far from endeavour- ' I
ing to obtain any favour from his uncle by fair means,
that he refufed to do homage to him, and immediately
began to make preparations for throwing off his de¬
pendence altogether, and recovering the/-whole of
Pruffia and Pomerania by force of arms. In this he
was fo far from fucceeding, that, being foiled in every
attempt, he was forced to refign the dignity of grand- jj!
mafter ; in recompenfe for which, his uncle bellowed
on him that part of Pruffia now called Ducal, in 4 j;
quality of a fecular duke. It was now the intereft of-Expelled. |!
the houfe of Brandenburg to affift in the expulfion of
the fraternity ; and accordingly, being at laft driven
out of Pruffia and Pomerania, they transferred their’*
chapter to Mariendal in Franconia; but in that and
other provinces of the empire where they fettled, little
more than the name of the order once fo famous now
remains. 5 j|
The other moft confiderable part of his Pruffian^^J^ i
majefty’s dominions is the Eleftprate of Branden-burg. |
burg. Like other parts of Germany, it v/as ancient¬
ly poffeffed by Barbarians, of whom no hiftory can
be given. Thefe were fubdued by Charlemagne, as is
related under the article France ; but being on every
occafion ready to revolt, in 927 Henry the Fowler
eftablifhed margraves, or governors of the frontiers, to
keep the barbarians in awe. The firft margrave of
Brandenburg was Sigefroy brother-in-law to the
above-mentioned emperor; under whofe adminiftration
the bifhoprics of Brandenburg and Havelberg were
eftablifhed by Otho I. From this Sigefroy to the fuc-
ceffion of ;the houfe of Hohenzollern, from whom the
prefent eleftor is defeended, there are reckoned eight
different families, who have been margraves of Bran¬
denburg ; namely, the family of the Saxons, of Wal-
beck, Staden, Plenck, Anhalt, Bavaria, Luxem¬
burg, and Mifnia. The margraves of the four firft
races had continual wars with the Vandals and other
barbarous people ; nor could their ravages be Hopped
till the reign of Albert furnamed the Bear, the firft
prince of the houfe of Anhalt. He was made mar¬
grave by the emperor Conrad III. and afterwards
raifed to the dignity of eleftor by Frederic Barbaroffa,
about the year 1100. Some years afterwards, the
king of the Vandals dying without iffue, left the
middle March by his laft will to the eleftor, who was
befides poffeffed of the old March, upper Saxony, the
country of Anhalt, and part of Luface. In 1332 this
line became extinft, and the eletfforate devolved to the
empire. It was then given by the emperor Louis of
Bavaria to his fon Louis, who was the firft of the fixth
race. Louis the Eoman fucceeded his brother ; and
as he alfo died without children, he was fueceeded by
Otho, his third brother, who fold the eletforate to the
emperor Charles IV. of the houfe of Luxemburg for
200,000 florins of gold. Charles IV. gave the March
to his fon Winceflaus, to whom Sigifmund fficceeded.
This ele&or, being embarraffed in his circumftances, |.
fold the new March to the knights of the Teutonic or¬
der. Joffe fucceeded Sigifmund ; but, afpiring to the
empire,
[ 6512 1
(a) This author does not mention any particular method by which they communicated an inebriating quality to
the blood of animals. Poffibly, however, the vital fluid may have a property of this kind, though unknown in
our days where fuch barbarous cuftoms are difufed. Drunkennefs from drinking blood is frequently mentioned in
'Scripture, but whether literally or metaphorically muft be decided by the learned.
P R U
Pmffla. empire, fold tha ele&orate to William duke of Mif-
~ nia ; who, after he had pofleffed it for one year, fold
it again to the emperor Sigihnund. In 1417, Fre¬
deric VI. burgrave of Nuremberg received the invefti-
ture of the country of Brandenburg at the diet of Con-
ftance from the hands of the emperor Sigifmund; who,
two years before, had conferred upon him the dignity
of eledtor, and arch-chamberlain of the Holy Roman
empire.
This prince, the firft of the family of Hohenzol-
lern, found himfelf pofleffed of the Old and Middle
Marche, but the dukes of Pomerania had ufurped the
March Ukrain. Againft them, therefore, the de&or
immediately declared war, and foon recovered the
province. As the New Marche ftill continued in the
hands of the Teutonic knights, to whom it had been
fold as we have already mentioned, the eleSor, to
make up for this, took pofleffion of Saxony, which at
that time happened to be vacant by the death of Al¬
bert the lad elector of the Anhalt line. But the em¬
peror, not approving of this ftep, gave the inveftiture
of Saxony to the duke of Mifnia ; upon which Frede¬
ric voluntarily defifted from his acquifuions. This
deQor made a diviflon of his poflefiions by will. His
elded fon was deprived of his right on account of his
having too clofely applied himfelf to fearch for the
philofopher’s done ; fo he left him only Voigtland.
The deflorate was given to his fecond fon Frederic ;
Albert, furnamed Achilles, had the duchies of Franco¬
nia ; and Frederic, furnamed the Fat, had the old
March ; but by bis death it returned to the deflorate
of Brandenburg.
Frederic I. was fucceeded by his fon called alfo
Frederic, and furnamed Iron-teoth on account of his
ftrength. He might with as great reafon have been
furnamed the Magnanimous, fince he refufed two
crowns, viz. that of Bohemia, which was offered him
by the pope, and the kingdom of Poland to which he
was invited by the people; but Frederic declared he
would not accept of it unlefs Cafimir brother to La-
diflaus the late king refufed it. Thefe inftances of
magnanimity had fuch an effefl on the neighbouring
people, that the ftates of Lower Lufatia made a vo¬
luntary furrender of their country to him. But as Lu¬
fatia was a fief of Bohemia, the king of that country
immediately made war on the deftor, in order to re¬
cover it. However, he was fo far from being fuccefs-
ful, that, by a treaty of peace concluded in 1462, he
was obliged to yield the perpetual fovereignty of Cor-
bus, Petts, Sommerfdd, and fome other places, to the
deflor. Frederic then, having redeemed the new
March from the Teutonic order for the fum of
joo,ooo florins, and ftill further enlarged his domi¬
nions, refigned the fovereignty in 1469 to his brother
Albert, furnamed the Achilles.
1 ploits 0f Albert was 57 years old when his brother refigned
jiilbert fHr. the deflorate to him. Moft of his exploits for which
imed the he had the furname of Achilles had been performed
VhUles. while he was burgrave of Nuremberg. He declared
war againft Lewis duke of Bavaria, defeated and
w took him prifoner. He gained eight battles againft
the Nurembergers, who had rebelled and contefted
his rights to the burgraviate. In one of thefe he fought
hngly againft 16 men, till his people came up to his
afliftance. He made himfdf mailer of the town of
Vou IX, 2
P R U
Greiffenburg in the fame manner that Alexander the PrtrlTia.
Great took the capital of the Oxydracas, by leaping
from the top of the walls into the town, where he de¬
fended himfelf fingly againft the inhabitants, till his
men forced the gates and refeuedhim. The confidence
which the emperor Frederic III. placed in him, gain¬
ed him the direflion of almoft the whole empire. He
commanded the imperial armies againft Lewis the
Rich,duke of Bavaria; and againft Charles the Bold,
duke of Burgundy, who had laid fiege to Nuis, but
concluded a peace at the interpofition of Albert. He
gained the prize at 17 tournaments, and was never dif-
mounted.
All thefe exploits, however, had been performed be-pru(ua
fore Albert obtained the deflorate. From that timeBranden-
we meet with no very important tranfaflions till theblug«n*ted,
year 1594, when John Sigifmund having married Anne
the only daughter of Albert duke of Pruflia, this uni¬
ted that duchy to the deflorate, to which it has con¬
tinued to be united ever fince ; and obtained preten-
fions to the countries of Juliers, Berg, Cleves, Marck,
Ravenfburg, and Ravenftein, to the fucceflion of which
Anne was heirefs.
Sigifmund died in 1619, and was fucceeded by hisunf0«u-
fon George William; during whofe government thenatereien
deflorate fuffered the moft miferable calamities. At die elec-’
this time it was that the war commenced between the^°r®eorSe
Proteftants and Catholics, which lafted 30 years. The 1 iani'
former, although leagued together, were on the point
of being utterly dettroyed by the Imperialifts under
the command of Count Tilly and Walletiftein, when
Guftavus Adolphus of Sweden turned the fcale in their
favour, and threatened the Catholic party with utter
deftruftton *. But by his death at the battle of Lut- * See
zen, the fortune of war was once more changed. AtSiveden.
laft, however, peace was concluded with the empe¬
ror ; and, in 1640, the deflor died, leaving his do¬
minions to his ion Frederic William, furnamed the
Great.
This young prince, though only 20 years of ageReign9of
at the time of his acceflion, applied himfdf with the Frederic
utmoft diligence to repair the lofles and devaftations William the
occalioned by the dreadful wars which had preceded.
He received the inveftiture of Prufiia perfonally from
the king of Poland, on condition of paying 100,000
florins annually, and not making truce or peace with
the enemies of that crown. His envoy likewife recei<-
ved the inveftiture of the deflorate from the emperor
Ferdinand III. The deflor then thought of recover¬
ing his provinces from thofe who had ufurped them.
He concluded a truce for 20 years with the Swedes,
who evacuated the greateft part of his eftates. He
likewife paid 140,000 crowns to the Swedilh garri-
fons, which ftill poffefled fome of his towns; and he
concluded a treaty with the Heflians, who deliver¬
ed up a part of the duchy of Cleves ; and obtain¬
ed of the Hollanders the evacuation of fome other
cities.
In the mean time the powers of Europe began to
be weary of a war which had continued for fuch a
length of time with fuch unrelenting fury. The cities
of Ofnaburg and Munfter being chofen as the moft
proper places for negotiation, the conferences were
opened in the year 1645 ; but, by reafon of the mul¬
tiplicity of bufinefs, they were not concluded till two
36 P year*
[ 6513 1
P R U
Pmifia. years after. France, which had efpoufed the interefts
* of Sweden, demanded that Pomerania fliould be ceded
to that kingdom as an indemnification for theexpences
which the war had coft Guftavus Adolphus and his
fuccefibrs. Although the empire and the eleftor refu-
fed to give up Pomerania, it was at laft agreed to give
[ 6514 ]
P R U
French to his dates. This treaty was ftyled/A?PrulIIa.
of St Germain.
With the treaty of St Germain terminated the mi-
litary exploits of Frederic William, who paffed the lad
years of his adminiftration in peace. His great quali¬
ties had rendered him refpefted by all Europe, and
up to the Swedes Hither Pomerania, with theiflesof had even been heard of in Tartary. He received
Rugen and Wollin, alfo fome cities; in return for
which ceffion, the biihoprics of Halberftadt, Minden,
and Camin, were fecularized in favour of the eleftor,
of which he was put in poffeffion, together with the
jo Lordfiiips of Hochenftein and Richenftein, with the
Treaty of reverfion of the archbifhopric of Magdeburg. This was
concluded* treaty of Weftphalia,concluded in 1648, and which
ferves as a bafis to all the poffeffions and rights of the
German princes. The elector then concluded a new
treaty with the Swedes, for the regulation of limits,
and for the acquittal of fome debts, of which Sweden
would only pay a fourth; and next year the electorate,
Pomerania, and the duchies of Cleves, were evacuated
,, by the Swedes.
The ele£tor Notwithftanding all thefe treaties, however, the
fucceeds Swedes foon after invaded Pomerania, but were en-
r-gainft the tjre]y defeated by the eleCtor near the town of Fehr-
vwe es. bellin. Three thoufand were left dead on the fpot,
among whom were a great number of officers ; and a
great many were taken prifoners. The eledtor then
purfued his victory, gained many advantages over the
Swedes, and deprived them of the cities of Stralfund
and Gripfwald. On this the Swedes, hoping to
oblige the eleCtor to evacuate Pomerania, which he
hadalmoft totally fubdued, invaded Pruffia, from Li¬
vonia, with x6,000 men ; and, advancing into the
country, they burned the fuburbs of Memel, and took
the cities ofTilfeand Infterburg. The eleCtor, to
oppofe the invaders, left Berlin on the 10th of Ja¬
nuary 1679, at the head of 9000 men. The Swedes
retired at his approach, and were greatly harrafled by
the troops on their march. So fuccefsful indeed was
the eleClor on this occafion, that the Swedes loft al-
moft one half of their army killed or taken prifoners.
At laft, having crofted the bay of Frifch-haff and
Courland on the ice, he arrived on the 19th of Ja¬
nuary, with his infantry, within three miles of Tilfe,
ivhere the Swedes had their head-quarters. The fame
day, his general, Trefenfeldt, defeated two regiments
of the enemy near Splitter ; and the Swedes who were
in Tilfe abandoned that place, and retired towards
Courland. They were purfued by General Gortz,
and entirely defeated with fuch flaughter, that fcarce
.3000 of them returned to Livonia. Yet, notwithftand¬
ing all thefe victories, the eleCtor, being preffed on
the other fide by the victorious generals of France
11 M. Turenne and the prince of Conde, was obliged to
Is obliged make peace with the Swedes. The conditions were,
a'trea^whh t^at ^ treaty Weftphalia fhould ferve for a bafts
ihem[y Wlt ltD l^e Peac,i 5 that the eleCtor ftiould have the proper¬
ty of the cuftoms in all the ports of Further Pomera¬
nia,. with the cities of Camin, Gartz, Grieffenburg,
and Wildenbruck: on his part, be confenfed to give up
to the Swedes all that he had conquered from them,
and to give no affiftance to the king of Denmark, up¬
on condition that France delivered up to him his pro¬
vinces in Weftphalia, and paid him 300,000 ducats,
as an indemnification for the damages done by the
cmbafly from Murad Geray, cham of the Tartars, A, ft range |f
courting his friendlhip. The barbarian ambafladorembaffy I
appeared in fuch tattered clothes as fcarce covered his^™1” il
nakednefs, fo that they were obliged to furniftx hitnTartary# ;
with other clothes before he could appear at court. j
His interpreter had a wooden nofe and no cars. In
1684, Frederic received into his dominions great num¬
bers of Proteftants who fled out of France from the
perfections of Lewis XIV. after he had revoked the
edift of Nantes. Twenty thoufand of them are'faid
to have fettled at this time in the electorate, where
they introduced new arts and manufactures, that were
of the utmoft benefit to the country. By this, how¬
ever, he difobliged Lewis XIV. for which reafon he
Concluded an alliance with the emperor ; and having
furnifhed him with 8000 troops againft the Turks in
Hungary, the emperor yielded to him the circle of
Schwibus in Silefia, as an equivalent foC all his rights
in that province. r4 |
In 1688, the eleCtor Frederic William died, and Frederic 1114:
was fucceeded by his fon Frederic III. This prince 0.,1tain,s thef1
was remarkably fond of Ihow and ceremony, which, 1'
during the courfe of his government, involved him in ’ |
much expence. The regal dignity feemed to be the
greateft objeCt of his ambition. To obtain this, he
joined with the emperor in the alliance againft France,
in which he was engaged by William III. king of Bri¬
tain. He alfo yielded up the circle of Schwibus,
which had been given to his predeceffor; and, in 1700,
obtained from the emperor that dignity which he had
fo earneftly defired. The terms on which it was ob¬
tained were, 1. That Frederic fliould never feparate
from the empire thofe provinces of his dominions
which depended on it. 2. That he ftiould not, in the
emperor’s prefence, demand any other marks of ho¬
nour than thofe which he had hitherto enjoyed.
3. That his Imperial majefty, when he wrote to him,
fliould only give him the title of Royal Dilettion.
4. That neverthelefs the minifters which he had at
Vienna ftiould be treated like thofe of other crowned
heads. 5. That the eleftor fliould maintain 6000 men
in Italy at his own expence, in cafe the emperor (hould
be obliged to make war on account of the fucceffion
of the houfc of Bourbon to the crown of Spain.
6. That thofe troops ftiould continue there as long as
the war lafted.
Thus was the kingdom of Pruflia eftabliflied thro*
the friendlhip of the emperor, with whom Frederic I.
fo called as being the firft king of Pruffia, continued all
his life in ftridt alliance. Indeed he was a pacific
prince t and though contemptible in his perfon, and
incapable of atchieving great things, had this merit,
that he always preferred his dominions in peace, and
thus confulted the true intereft of his fubjefts much
more than thofe monarchs who have dazzled the eyes
of the world by their military exploits. He was indeed
vain, and fond of ftiow, as we have already obferved ;
but had a. good heart, and is faid never to have vio¬
lated
P R U [ 6S15 ] P R U
Pniffia. lated his conjugal vow ; though it does not appear
'that he was greatly beloved by his royal conforts
(of whom he had three) on that or any other ac-
^ count.
'’rederic II. Frederic I. died in the beginning of 1713, and was
If Pnilfia fucceeded by FredericII. father to the preient monarch,
martial pje was ;n aimo(t every thing the reverfe of Frede-
pnce. rjcI. His difpofitions were altogether martial; fo that
he applied himfelf entirely to the augmentation of his
army, and perfe&ing them in their exercife, by which
means they became the moft expert foldiers in Eu¬
rope. His foible was an ambition of having his army
compofed of men above the ordinary fize: but as thefe
could not be procured, he compofed a regiment of the
tailed men he could find ; and as his officers made no
fcruple of picking up fuch men wherever they could
find them, for his majedy’s ufe, the neighbouring
dates were frequently offended, and a war was often
likely to enfue even from this ridiculous caufe. How¬
ever, his Pruffian majetty was never engaged in any
martial enterprize of confequence ; but having put his
army on the mod refpedfable footing of any in the
world, and filled his coffers, for he was of a very fa¬
ying difpofition, he put it in the power of his fon to
perform thofe exploits which have been matter of ado-
I lS nifhment of all Europe.
jnmity be- It was in this king’s reign, that Pruffia fird per-
syeen Pruf-ceived her natural enemy and rival to be the houfe of
|a and Au- ^u{tna, and not France as had been formerly fuppo-
lna' fed. Hence frequent bickerings took place between
thefe two powers, for which the perfecution of the
Protedants by fome of the Catholic dates of the em¬
pire afforded a pretence; and though a war never ac¬
tually took place, yet it was eafy to fee that both
were mortal enemies to each other. But when Frede¬
ric II. died in 1740, this enmity broke out in full
force. The emprefs of Germany was then left in a
very difagreeable fituation, as has been obferved un-
H der the article Britain, n° 405. Of this Frede-
a’rederic IIIr,c HI* took the advantage, to do himfelf judice, as
ss'zes Sile- he faid, with regard to Silefia, of which his ancedors
,i®' had been unjudly deprived. This province he feized at
that time, but it cod him dear ; for the emprefs, ha
ving at lad overcome all difficulties, formed againd
him the mod terrible combination that ever was known
in Europe.
The treaty was hardly concluded with the king of
Pruffia, by which die reluftantly yielded up the pro¬
vince of Silefia, and with it a clear revenue of
L. 800,000 a-year, before the queen of Hungary en¬
tered into another with the court of Peterfburg, which
was concluded May 22. 1746. This treaty, as far as
18 it was made public, was only of a defenfive nature ;
iombini- but f,x fecret and feparate articles were added to it.
ion againftgy one tjiefe jt was provided, that in cafe his Pruf¬
fian majedy (hould attack the emprefs queen, or the
emprefs of Ruffia, or even the republicTif Poland, it
fhould be confidered as a breach of the treaty of Dref-
den, by which Silefia was given up. It was alfo di-
pulatcd, that, notwithdanding that treaty (which in¬
deed had been diftated by the king of Pruffia himfelf)
the right of the emprefs-queen to Silefia dill conti¬
nued, and for the recovery of that province the.con-
tra&ing powers dioyld mutually furnidi an army of
60,000 men. To this treaty, called the treaty of Pe¬
terfburg, the king of Poland was invited to accede ; PrufHa-
but he, being in a manner in the power of the king 
of Pruffia, did not think proper to fign it: however,
he verbally acceded to it in fuch a manner, that the
other parties were fully convinced of his drfign to co¬
operate with all their meafures; and in conhueration of
this intention, it was agreed that he diould have a
diare in the partition of the king of Pruffia’s domi¬
nions, in cafe of a fuccefsful event of their enter-
prizes.
In confequence of thefe machinations, every art was
ufed to render the king of Pruffia perfonally odious to
the emprtfs of Ruffia ; the queen of Hungary made
vad preparations in Bohemia and Moravia ; and the
king of Poland, under pretence of a military amufement,
drew together 16,000 men, with w’hom he occupied
a drong pod at Pirna. The queen of Hungary, dill
further to drengthen herfelf, concluded a treaty with
the court of France at VerfailleS, dated May 1. 1756.
But In the mean time the king of Pruffia, having un-
derdood by his emiffaries what was going forward, re-
folved to be beforehand with his enemies, and at lead
to keep the war out of his own country; and therefore J9
entered Saxony with a confiderable army. At fird he He invade?
affe&ed only to demand a free paffage for his troops, Saxony,
and an obfervance of the neutrality profeffed by the
king of Poland ; but, having good reafons to doubt
this neutrality, he demanded, as a preliminary, that
thefe Saxon troops diould immediately quit the drong
pod they occupied, and difperfe themfelves. This de¬
mand was refufed ; on which his Pruffian majedy
blockaded the Saxon camp at Pirna, refolving to re¬
duce, it by famine, fince its drong fituation rendered an
attack very dangerous. At that time there were in Bo¬
hemia two Saxon armies, one under the command of
M. Brown, and the other under M. Picolomini. To
keep thefe in awe, the king had fent M. Schwerin
with an army into Bohemia from the country of
Glatz, and M. Keith had penetrated into the fame
kingdom on the fide of Mifnia. But dill the king of
Pruffia did not entirely confide in thefe difpofitions ;
and therefore, fearing led M. Brown might afford fome
affidance to the Saxons, he joined his forces under
Keith, and on December 1. attacked and defeated the
Audrian general, fo that the latter found it impoffible
to relieve the Saxons, who, after a vain attempt to re- t0
tire from their pod, were all taken prifoners. The And takes
king of Poland quitted his dominions in Germany, i<5,000
and the Pruffians took up their winter-quarters in®^^5?1^
Saxony. Here they feized on the revenues, levied ex¬
orbitant contributions, and obliged the country to fur-
nifh them with recruits. The king of Pruffia at this
time made himfelf mader of the archives of Drefden,
by which means he procured the originals of thofe
pieces abovementioned, which, when produced to the
world, gave a full proof of the combination that had
been, formed againd him, and confequently judified
the meafures he had taken for his own defence.
No fooner had the king entered Saxony, in the He \s*rQ^
manner already related, than a procefs was com- feented in
menced againd him in the emperor’s Aulic council,the Aulic
and before the diet of the empire ; where he was foon
condemned for contumacy, and put to the ban of the{,aD 0jtj,e
empire. The various circles of the empire were or- empire,
dered to fumifh their contingents of men and money
36 P 2 to
P R U
[ 6516 ]
P R U
Pruffia. to put this fcntencc in execution ; but thefe came in
■“ fo flowly, that, had it not been for the affiftance of the
French under the prince de Soubife, the army would
Prodigious probably have never been in a condition to aft. The
prepara- Auftrians, in the mean time, made great preparations,
lions a- an(] raifed loo.ooo men in Bohemia, whom they com-
gainft him. to the care Qf prince Charles of Lorrain aflilted
by M. Brown. The Czarina fent a body of 60,000
men under M. Apraxin, to invade the Ducal Pruffia;
whilft a ftrong fleet was equipped in the Baltic, in
order to co-operate with that army. The king of
Sweden alfo acceded to the confederacy, in hopes of
recovering the poffeffians in Pomerania which his an-
ceftors had enjoyed; and the duke of Mecklenburg
took the fame party, promifing to join the Swedilh
army with 6000 men as foon as it ftiould be ne-
ceffary. On the king of Pruffia’s fide appeared no¬
body excepting an army of between 30 and 40,000
Hanoverians commanded by the duke of Cumber¬
land ; and thefe were outnumbered and forced to yield
to a fuperior army of French commanded by M.
D’Etrees.
He invades *n rnean t,me» k'8 Pruffian majelly, finding
Bohemia, that he mufl depend for affiftance folely on his own
and totally abilities, refolvcd to make the beft ufe of his time,
defeats the Accordingly, in the fpring 1757, his armies poured in¬
to Bohemia from two different quarters, while the
king himfelf prepared to enter it from a third. M.
Schwerin entered from Silefia ; the prince of Severn
from Lufatia, where he defeated an army of 28,000
Auftrians that oppofed his paffage. As the intentions
of the king himfelf were not known, the Auftrians de¬
tached a body of 20,000 men from their main army
to obferve his motions. This was no fooner done
than the king cut off all communication between the
detachment and the main body; and having joined his
two generals with incredible celerity, he engaged the
Auftrians near Prague, totally defeated them, took
their camp, military cheft, and cannon ; but loft the
brave general Schwerin, who was killed at the age of
82, with a colonel’s ftandard in his hand. On the
Auftrian fide M. Brown was wounded, and died in a
fhort time, though, it is fuppofed, more from the
chagrin he fuffefed than from the dangerous nature of
the wound itfelf.
Auftrian
army.
Befieggs and About 40,000 of the Auftrian army took refuge in
bombards „ n , ,-o- . J s .
bombards
Prague.
Prague, while the reft fled different ways. The city
was inftantly invefted by the king, and all fuccours were
cut off. The great number of troops which'it con¬
tained rendered an attack unadvifable, but feemed to
render the reduftion of it by famine inevitable ; how¬
ever, the king, to accompliflt his purpofe the more
fpeedily, prepared to bombard the town. On the
29th of May, after a moft; dreadful ftorm of thunder
and lightning, four batteries began to play on the
out of town, who were quickly driven in again by the PntflJa.
Pruffians. 1S' r ij'
Thus the affairs of the emprefs queen feemed ver-Count
ging to deftruftion, when Leopold count Daun tookDaun tak« ^
upon him the command of the remains of M. Brown’s
army. This general had arrived within a few miles of^uftriaa
Prague the day after the great battle. He immedi- army,
ately collefted the fcattered fugitives with the greateft
diligence, and retired with them to a ftrong poft in
the neighbourhood, from whence he gave the troops
in Prague hopes of a fpeedy relief. It was now the
king of Pruffia’s bufinefs, either to have attempted to
make himfelf mafter of the city by one dtfperate effort,
or entirely to have abandoned the enterprize, and
driven count Daun from his poft before his troops had
recovered from the terror of their late defeat; but, by
attempting to do both, he rendered himfelf incapable
of doing either. Though the army of count Daun
already amounted to 60,000 men, and though they^6^315 'he'1
were ftrongly entrenched, and defended by a vaft^.^ansa5
train of artillery, his majefty thought proper to fend
no more than 32,000 men. This body made the
arduous attempt on the 18th of June; but though
they did all that human courage and conduft could do,
and though the king bimfelf at iaft charged at the head
of his cavalry, the Pruffians were driven out of the
field with great lofs. This engagement was named
the battle of Colin. 17 |
The firlt confequence of the battle of Colin was,.S!ege |
that the king of Pruffia was obliged to raife the fiege^”^19 j
of Prague ; foon after which, he was obliged to quit
Bohemia, and take refuge in Saxony. The Auftrians
harraffed him as much as poffible ; but, notwithftand-
tng their great fuperiority, their armies were not in a
condition to make any decifive attempt upon him, as
the frontiers of Saxony abounded with fituations eafily
defended. In the mean time the Ruffians, who had
hitherto been very dilatory in their motions, began to
exert themfelves, and enter Ducal Pruffia, under M.
Apraxin and Fermor, where they committed innu¬
merable cruelties and exceffes. A large body of
Auftrians entered Silefia, and penetrated as far as
Breflau. Then they made a turn backwards, and be-
fieged Schweidnitz. Another body entered Lufatia,
and made themfelves mafters of Zittau. An army of
22,000 Swedes entered Pruffian Pomerania, took the
towns of Anclam and Demmein, and laid the whole
country under contribution. The French too, being
freed from all reftraint by the capitulation of the duke
of Cumberland at Clofter Seven f, made their way in-1 See
to Halbmftadt and the Old Marche of Brandenburg, ®8RITgIN,«
firft exafting contributions, and then plundering the" 43 ‘
towns. The army of the empire, being reinforced by
that of the prince de Soubife, after many delays, was
on full march to enter Saxony ; which left the Au*
city. From thefe were thrown, every 24 hours, 288 ilrians at liberty to exert the greateft part of their
bombs, befides a vaft number of red-hot balls, fo that force in the reduftion of Silefia. General Haddick
it was foon on fire in every quarter. The garrifon penetrated through Lufatia, paffed by the Pruffian
made a vigorous defence, and one well-conduftedfally; armies, and fuddenly appeared before the gate of
but had the misfortue to be' repulfed with great lofs. Berlin, which city he laid under contribution. He
The magiftrates, burghers, and clergy, feeing their
city on the point of being reduced to an heap of rub-
bi(h, fupplicated the commander in the moft earneft
manner to capitulate; but he was deaf to their in-
trtaties, and drove 12,000 of the moft ufelefs mouths
retired on the approach of a body of Pruffians; yet he
ftill found means to keep fuch a poft as interupted the
king’s communication with Silefia. The deftruftion under con*
of the king of Pruffia therefore now feemed inevitable, tribution.
Every exertion which he had made, though brave
and
P R tf [ 6517 ] P R U
Pruflia. and well-condufted, had been unfuccefsful. Hisgeneral
* Lehwald, who oppofed the Ruffians, had orders to
attack them at all events. He obeyed his orders;
19 and with 30,000 men attacked 60,000 of the enemy
Lehwald, aftrongly entrenched at a place called JVari/V/ew. The
generaTde- Pri'ffians behaved with the greateft. valour; but after
feated by having killed five times more of the enemy than they
the Ruf- themfelves loft, they were obliged to retire, though
fians. more formidable after their defeat than the Ruffians
after their viftory. The king, in the mean time,
exertedhimfelf on every fide, and his enemies fled every
where before him ; but whilft he purfued one body,
another gained upon him in fome other part, and the
winter came on fall, while his ftrength decayed, and
that of his adverfaries feemed to increafe on every
quarter.
The Pruffian monarch, however, though diftrefled,
did not abandon himfelf to defpair, or lofe that won¬
derful prefence of mind which has fo eminently dif-
tingui-ftied him in all his military enterprifes. He
induftrioufly delayed a decifive aflion till the approach
t of winter; but at laft, after various movements, on
The king November 5th 1757, he met at Rofbach with the
gainsa great united army of his enemies commanded by the Prince
viflory at Gf gaxe Hilburghaufen and the Prince de Soubife.
Rolbac . rp[K a]]je(j army amounted to 50,000 men complete ;
but mo ft of the troops of the Circles were new-raifed,
and many of them not well affe&ed to the caufe.
The Pruffians did not exceed 25, 000 men ; but they
were fuperior to any troops in the world, and were
- iufpired, by the prefence of their king, with the
moft enthufiaftic valour. The Auftrians were defeat¬
ed, with the lofs of 3000 killed, eight generals, 250
officers of different ranks, and 6000 private foldiers
taken prifoners, while night alone prevented the total
deftru£tion of the army.
By this battle the king was fet free on one fide,
but this only gave him an opportunity of renewing
his labours on another. The Auftrians had a great
force, and now began to make a proportionable pro-
grefs in Silefia. After a fiege of 16 days, they had
31 reduced the ftrong fortrefs of Schweidnitz, and obliged
Schweid- the Pruffian garrifon of 4000 men to furrender pri-
iy^he Au-^oners war‘ Hearing then of the vi&ory at Rof-
|rians. bach, and that the king of Pruffia was in full march
to relieve Silefia, they refolved to attack the Prince
of Bevern in his ftrong camp under the walls of Bref-
lau. They attacked the Prince’s army on November
22d ; but their attack was'fuftained with the greateft
refolution. The flaughter of the Auftrians was pro-
digious. A great part of the enemy had retired from
Saule with the field of battle, and the reft were preparing to retire,
he prince whenallat oncethe Pruffiangenerals took the fame refo-
evern. jutjon> Their army had fuffered much in the engage¬
ment, and they became apprehenfive of a total defeat
in cafe their intrenchments Ihould be forced in any
part; for which reafon they quitted their ftrong poll,
and retired behind the Oder. Two days after, the
prince of Bevern, going to reconnoitre without efcort,
, . attended only by a groom, was taken prifoner by an
advanced party of Croats, a fmall body of whom had
1 croffed the Oder.
reflau On this the town ofBrellau immediately furrendered;
»ken by the where, as well as at Schweidnitz, the Auftrians found
iuftrains. great quantities of provifions, ammunition, and money.
All Silefia was on the point of falling into their hands, Pruflia.
and the Pruffian affairs were going into the utmoft di-
ftradion, when the king himfelf by a moft rapid march
paffed through Thuringia, Mifnia, and Lufatia, in
fpite of the utmoft efforts of the generals Haddick and
Marlhal, who were placed there to oppofe him; and,
entering Silefia on the 2d of December, joined the
prince of Bevern’s corps, who repaffed the Oder to 34
meet him. The garrifon of Schweidnitz, who, as we Garrifon of
have already obferved, had been made prifoners of war, sfhwei<1"
alfo joined the king’s army unexpectedly; and their
prefence contributed not a little, notwithftanding thety.
fmallnefs of their number, to raife the fpirits of the
whole army. They had fubmitted to the capitulation
with the greateft reludtance; but as the Auftrians
were conducting them to prifon, they happened to re¬
ceive intelligence of the victory at Rolbach: on which
they immediately rofe on the efcort that conducted
them, and entirely difperfed it; and afterwards march¬
ing in fuch a direction as they thought might moft
readily lead them to their king, they accidentally fell
in with his army. 3S
His Pruffian majefty now approached Breflau; on
which the Auftrians, confiding in their fl,Per‘ority> feated by"
(for they exceeded 70,000, while the Pruffians fcarce the king of
amounted to 36,000) abandoned their ftrong camp, Prnflia at
the fame which the prince of Bevern had formerly oc- •Leuthen.
copied, and advanced to give him battle. The king
did not intend by any means to difappoint them, but
advanced on his part with the greateft celerity. The
two armies met on December 5th, near the village of
Leuthen. Count Daun made>the beft difpofitions pof-
fible. The ground occupied by his army was a plain;
with fmall eminences in fome parts. Thefe eminences
they furrounded with artillery; and as the ground was
alfo interfperfed with thickets, they fought to turn
thefe likewife to their advantage. On their right and
left were hills, on which they planted batteries of can¬
non. The ground in their front was interfered by
many caufeways; and to make the whole more imprac¬
ticable, the Auftrians had felled a great number of
trees, and fcattered them in the way. It was alraoft
impoffible at the beginning of the engagement for the
Pruffian cavalry to aft, on account of thefe impedi¬
ments ; but, by a judicious difpofition made by the king
himfelf, all difficulties were overcome. His majefty had
placed four battalions behind the cavalry of his right
wing; forefeeing that General Nadafti, who was pla¬
ced on the enemy’s left with a corps de referve, defign-
ed to attack him in flank. It happened as he had fore-
feen : that general’s cavalry attacked the Pruffian right
wing with great fury; but he was received with fuch a
fevere fire from the four battalions, that he was obli¬
ged to retire in diforder. The king’s flank then, well
covered and fupported, was enabled to aft with fuch
order and vigour as repulfed the enemy. TheAuftrian
artillery was alfo filenced by that of the Pruffians;
however, the Auftrians continued to make a gallant re¬
finance during the whole battle. After having been
once thrown into diforder, they rallied all their forces
about Leuthen, which was defended on every fide by
entrenchments and redoubts. The Pruffians attacked
them with the utmoft impetuofity, and at laft became
mafters of the poll; on which the enemy fled on all
fides, and a total rout enfued. In this battle the Au¬
ftrians
The king
befieges
Olmutz
without
iuccefs.
P R U [65
ftrians lofl 6000 killed on the fpot, 15,000 taken pri-
foners, and upwards of 200 pieces of cannon.
The confequences of this viftory were very great.
Breflau was immediately invefted, and furrendered on
December 29th; the garrifon, amounting to 13,000
men, were made prifoners of war. The blockade of
Schweidnitz was formed as clofely as the feafon of the
year would permit; while detached Pruffian parties
over-ran the whole country of Silefia, and reduced every
place of lefs importance. The Ruffian, who had ra¬
vaged and deftroyed the country in fuch a manner that
they could not fubfift in it, thought proper to retire
out of the Pruffian dominions altogether. Thus Ge¬
neral Lehwald was left at liberty to aft againll the
Swedes ; and them he quickly drove out of Pruffian
•Pomerania, the whole of which country he not only
recovered, but alfo fome part of Swedifh Pomerania.
Thus the duchy of Mecklenburg being left quite ex-
pofed, the king took ample vengeance on it by exact¬
ing the mod fevere contributions of men and money.
To complete this monarch’s good fortune alfo, the
French, who had retired after the battle of Rofbach,
were now oppofed by the Hanoverians under prince
Ferdinand, who kept them fo well employed, that, du¬
ring the red of the war, the king of Pruffia had no
more trouble from them. See Britain, n° 439.
The beginning of the year 1758 was favourable to
the arms of his Pruffian majedy. On the 3d of April
he commenced his operations againd Schweidnitz, and
puffied the fiege fo vigoroufly, that the place furren¬
dered in 13 days. He then difpofed his forces in
fuch a manner as might bed guard his dominions
againd his numerous enemies. For this purpofe count
Dohna commanded a body of troops on the fide of Po¬
merania ; another confiderable body was poded be¬
tween Wohlau and Glogau, in order to cover Silefia
from the Ruffians, in cafe they ffiould make their in¬
road that way. An army, in a little time after, was
formed in Saxony, commanded by the king’s brother
prince Henry. This army confided of 30 battalions
and 45 fquadrons, and was defigned to make head
againd the army of the empire; which, by great ef¬
forts made during the winter, and the junftion of a
large body of Audrians, was again in a condition to
aft. Between all thefe armies a ready communication
was kept up by a proper choice of pods. After the
reduftion of Schweidnitz, the king having made a fhow
of invading Bohemia, fuddenly burd into Moravia,
where in a fhort time he made himfelf mader of the
whole country, and on the 27th of May laid fiege to
Olmutz the capital. Of this M. Daun was no fooner
informed, than he took his route to Moravia through
Bohemia : and, though he was npt in a condition to
rifle a battle, nor indeed would have done fo unlefs he
had had a very confiderable advantage; yet, by placing
himfelf in a drong fituation where he could not be at¬
tacked, by haraffing the king’s troops and cutting off
their convoys, he at lad obliged him to abandon the en-
terprize. The king, however, who frequently owed a
good part of his fuccefs to the impenetrable fecrecy
with which he covered all his defigns, gave not the
lead hint of his intention to raife the fiege of Olmutz.
On the contrary, the very day before the fiege was
railed, the firing continued as brifle as ever; but in the
*ight, (July 1.) the whole army took the road to Bo-
18 ] P R If
hernia in two columns, and gained an entire march up- Pruffia.
on the Andrians. Thus, notwithdanding the utmod   i •
efforts of his enemies, the Pruffian army reached Bo¬
hemia with very little moledation. Here he feized
upon a large magazine at Lieutomiffel; defeated fome
corps of Audrians who had attempted to interrupt his
progrefs; and arrived at Konigfgratz, of which he took
pofftfiion, after driving from it 7000 Audrians who
were intrenched there. This city and feveral other
didrifts he laid und.r contribution: but foon after en¬
tered Silefia, and marched with the utmod rapidity to
encounter the Ruffians, who had at that time united
their forces under generals Brown and Fermor, entered
the New Marche of Bra denburg, and laid fiege to
Cudrin. 40
The king arrived at this city at a very critical period. J*16 Rnf- |
The Ruffians had laid fiege to it on the 15th of An-,'!
gud; and though they were not well fkilkd in mana¬
ging artillery, yet, by furious and unremitting dif-
charges at random, they threw in fuch a number of
bombs and red-hot balls, that the town was foon on
fire in every quarter. Some of the wretched inhabi¬
tants were burned; others buried in the ruins of their
houfes, or killed by the balls which fell like hail in the
dreets; while many of the furviyors abandoned their
habitations, and fled out of the town on that fide where
it was not inveded. The governor did every thing for
the defence of the place; but as the walls were built
after the old manner, it was impoffible that the town
could have made a defence for any length of time,
efpecially as the principal magazine of the btfieged
had been blown up. The avenger of all thefe injuries,
however, was now at hand. The king came in fight
of the Ruffians on the 25th of Augud, after a march
of 56 days, and beheld the country every where defo-
lated and the villages in flames by the depredations
of his cruel enemy, who had raifed the fiege at his ap¬
proach, and retired towards a neighbouring village na- ^
med Zorndorff. At 9 o’clock in the morning, a mod But are de-
terrible fire of cannon and mortars poured deflruftion on feated at 1
the right wing of the Ruffian army for two hours without Zorn^or®* 1
intermiffion. The flanghterwas luch as might have been
expefted; but the Ruffians kept their ground with
adonifhing refolution, new regiments dill prtffing for¬
ward to fupply the places of ihofe that fell. When the
fird line had fired away all their charges, they ruffied
forward on the Pruffians with their bayonets; and all
at once thefe brave troops, though encouraged by the
prefence of their king, gave way and fled before an
enemy already half defeated. The Ruffian generals
ought now to have attacked with their cavalry the dif-
ordered infantry of their enemies, which would have
completed the defeat, and in all probability given the
finifhing droke to the king of Pruffia’s affairs. This
opportunity, however, theylod: but the king was not
fo negligent; for, by a very rapid and maderly mo¬
tion, he brought all the cavalry of his rightt wing to
the centre, and falling on the Ruffian foot uncovered
by their horfe, and even difordered by their own fuc¬
cefs, they puffied them back with mod miferable flaugh-
ter, at the fame time that the repulfed battalions of in¬
fantry, returning to the charge, and exafperated at
their late difgrace, rendered the viftory no longer
doubtful. The Ruffians were now thrown into the
mod dreadful confufion. The wind blew the dud and
fmok'e
*
P R U [ 6519 ] P R U
Prutfu. fmoke into their faces, fo that they coaid not diftinguifh
  —friends from foes; they fired on each other, plundered
their own baggage which ftood between the lines, and
intoxicated themfelves with brandy: the ranks fell in
upon one another; and, being thus crammed together
into a narrow fpace, the fire of the Pruffians had a full
and dreadful effedt, while their enemies kept up only a
fcattered and ineffedhial fire, generally quite over their
heads. Yet even in this difmal fituation the Ruffians
did not fly ; but fuffered themfdves to be flaughtered
till feven at night, when their generals having caufed
an attack to be made on the Pruffian right wing, the
attention of the enemy was drawn to that quarter, and
they had time to retire a little from the field of battle
to recover their order.
In this engagement, which was called the batt/e of
Zorndorff, the Ruffians loft 21,529 men, while that of
the Pruffians did not exceed 2000. A vaft train of ar¬
tillery was taken, together with the military cheft, and
many officers of high rank. The confequence was, that
the Ruffian army retreated as far as Landfperg on the
frontiers of Poland, and the king was left at liberty to
march with his ufual expedition to the relief of prince
4a Henry in Saxony.
)peratkms The Prince was at this time forely prefled by M.
(f count Daun. As foon as the king had left Bohemia in the
aun' manner already related, M. Daun, canfidering that it
would have been to no purpofe to follow him, refolved
to turn his arms towards Saxony. Towards that coun¬
try, therefore, he took his route through Lufatia, by
Zittau, Gorlitz, and Bautzen. On the 3d of Septem¬
ber he invefted the ftrong fortrefsof Sonneftein; which
unaccountably furrendered, after a Angle day’s refin¬
ance, to one of his generals named Macguire. He then
began to favour the operations of general Laudohn,
who-had advanced through the Lower Lufatia to the
confines of Brandenburg; and, by drawing the atten¬
tion of the Pruffian forces which were left in Silefia to
the northward of that duchy, he facilitated the pro-
grefs of the generals Harfch and de Ville in the fouth-
ern parts. He then propoled that prince Henry fhould
be attacked by the army of the empire, while that of
the Auftrians fhould pafs the Elbe, and, falling at the
fame time on the Pruffians, fecond the attack of the
Imperialifts, and cut off the retreat of their enemies
tndered ^rom Drefden. The fudden appearance of the king of
iprtive by Pruffia, however, put an end to this plan; general Lau-
f k'ng o* dohn abandoned all his conquefts in Lower Lufatia, and
uffia. retired towards M. Daun, while that general himfelf
l retired from the neighbourhood of Drefden as far as
Zittau. The army of the empire only kept its ground ;
pofieffing itfelf of the ttrong poll at Pirna, formerly
mentioned, but did not undertake any thing. As for
the Swedes, who had diredled their motions by thofe
1 of the Ruffians, they no fooner heard of the victory of
ZorndorfF, than they retreated with much more expe¬
dition than they had advanced.
Thus the king of Pruffia’s affairs feemed to be pretty
well retrieved, when by one fatal piece of negligence
he was brought to the verge of ruin. M. Daun had
> pofTefled himfelf of an advantageous camp at Stolphen,
by which he preferved a communication with the army
of the empire. On the other hand, the king of Pruffia,
having taken poffeffion of an important poll at Baut¬
zen, extended his right wing, to the village of fioch-
kirchen, by which he preferved a communication with Pmflia.
his brother prince Henry, protected Brandenburg,, '
and was better fituated than he could be any where
elfe for throwing fuccours into Silefia. The two ar¬
mies kept a watchful eye on the motions of each other;
and as the principal aim of M. Daun was to cut off the
king’s communication with Silefia, and of the king to
cut off M. Daun’s communication with Bohemia, a
battle feemed inevitable, though great danger feemed
to await that party which fhould begin the attack. wbo'uTur¬
in this critical pofture of affairs the Auftrian gene- prifed and
ral formed a defign of attacking the Pruffian camp in defeated
the night. In what manner he came to furprife ^r^"eCnh~
a vigilant enemy, has never been accounted for; but
that fuch a furprife was aftually accomplifhed on the
14th of O&ober, is certain. In the dead of the pre¬
ceding night, the Auftrian army began to march in
three columns towards the camp of the king of Pruffia:
and though the night was exceedingly dark, and they
had a confiderable way to go, they all arrived at the
fame time, in fafety, without being difeovered, and
without the lead confufion ; and at five in-the roorn-
ing, began a regular and well-conduffed attack. The
Pruffians were in a moment thrown into confufion ;
Marlhal Keith, one of their beft generals, received two
mufquet balls, and fell dead on the fpot. Prince Francis
of Brunfwick had his head fhot off by a cannon-ball as
he was mounting his horfe; and every thing feemed to
announce the total deftruftion of the army. Still, how¬
ever, the king preferved his wonderful prefence of mind,
which indeed he never appears to have loft on any oc-
cafion. He ordered feme detachments from his left to
fupport his right wing; but the moment that thefe or¬
ders, were received, the left itfelf was furioufly attack¬
ed. General Ketzow, who commanded in that quar¬
ter, repulfed the Auftrians with difficulty, and was not
able to afford any confiderable affiftance to the right ^
which alone was obliged to fuftain the weight of the
grand attack. The Auftrians, in the beginning of the
engagement, had driven the Pruffians out of the vil¬
lage of Hoch-kirchen; and as the fate of the day de¬
pended on the pofll-ffion of that poll, the hotteft dif-
pute was there. The Pruffians made three bloody and
unfuccefsful attacks on the village; on the fourth they
carried it ; but the Aqftrians, continually pouring in
frefli troops, at laft drove them out with prodigious
{laughter on all fides. The king then ordered a re¬
treat, which was conduced in good order, without be¬
ing purfutd; however, this bloody adlion coft him 7000
men, together with a great number of cannon. The
Auftrians computed their own lofs at 5.000.
His Pruffian majefty, having thus uappily efcaped
fuch imminent danger, took every poffible meafure to
prevent the enemy from gaining any confiderable ad¬
vantage from his defeat. Perceiving that the only ad¬
vantage they wiflted to derive from it was to cover the
operations of their armies in Silefia, and that he had
now nothing to fear on the fide of Saxony, he largely
reinforced his own army from that of prince Henry,
and haitened into Silefia, in order to raife the fiege of
Neifs, which had been completely invefted on the 4th.
of October. Gn the 24th of that month, therefore, he
quitted his camp, and, making a great compafs, to
avoid obftrudlions from the enemy, arrived in the plains
of Gorlitz. A body of the Auftrians had in vain at-
tempt edi
P R U
Pruflia. tempted to fecure this.poft before him, and fome who
arrived after him were defeated with the lofs of 800
men. From this place the king purfued his march
with the utmoft diligence; but was followed by gene¬
ral Laudohn, at the head of 24,000 men, who con-
ftantly hung on his rear, and haraffed his army. The
king, however, knowing the importance of his expe¬
dition, continued his march without interruption, and
fuflfered his antagonift to obtain many little advantages
without moleftation. Daun, however, not content with
the oppofition given by Laudohn, fent a large body of
horfe and foot by another rout to reinforce the gene¬
rals Karfch and de Ville, who had formed the fiege of
Niefs and the blockade of Cofel, while he himfelf pafs-
ed the Elbe and advanced towards Drefden.
All thefe precautions, however, were of little avail.
The generals Karfch and de Ville, notwithftanding their
reinforcement, nofooner heard of the king of Pruflia’s
approach, than they raifed the liege of both places, and
retired, leaving behind them a confiderable quantity of
military (lores. Theend of the Prufiian monarch’s march
being thus accomplifhed, he inltamly returned by the
fame way he came, and haftened to the relief of Sax¬
ony, the capital of which (Drefden) was in great dan¬
ger from Marfhal Daun. The place was but indiffe¬
rently fortified, and garrifoned only by 12,000 men ;
fo that it could not promife to hold out long againft a
numerous and well-appointed army, It was befides
commanded by a large fuburb, of which, if once the
enemy got poffcffion, all defence of the city muff then
Suburbs of va'n' ^or t^’'5 reafon M. Schmettau, the Pruflian
Drefden governor, determined to fet thefe fuburbs on fire,
burnt. which was affually done November loth, with an in¬
credible lofs to the inhabitants, as in the fuburbs were
carried on mod of thofe valuable manufa&ures which
render the^ city of Drefden remarkable. This difap-
pointed the defigns of M. Daun ; but, though the ac¬
tion was agreeable to the laws of war, and had been
executed with all the caution and humanity of which
fuchanaflion was capable, yet the Auflrians exclaim¬
ed againft it as a piece of the moft unprovoked and
wanton cruelty recorded in hiftory.
Saxony op- After the king of Pruffia had approached Drefden,
prefTed by all the Auftrian armies retired into Bohemia, where
'Slia8 °f they took up their winter-quarters, as the king of
r la" Pruffia did in Saxony. This unhappy country he faid
he would now confider as his own by right of conqueft.
But inftead of treating the conquered people as his
lawful fubje&s, he oppreffed them in all poffible ways,
by levying the moft fevere and exorbitant contribu¬
tions, furrounding the exchange with foldiers, and con¬
fining the merchants in narrow lodgings on draw beds
till they drew upon their correfpondents for fuch fums
as he wanted.
In 1759, as early as the 23d of February, the Pruf-
fians commenced their military operations. General
Woberfow marched with a body of troops into Poland,
where he deftroyed feveral very large magazines be-
longing to the Ruffians, and returned into Silcfia
without any lofs on the 18th of April. In the mean
time, by fome movements of the king of Pruffia him-
Bohernia t^e greate^ Part °f ^ Auftrian troops had been
invaded by drawn towards the frontiers of Silefia. Prince Henry
pance immediately took advantage of this opening, and on
Hemy. the 15th of April entered Bohemia with his army di-
P R U
vided into two columns. One, commanded by him- Pruffia,
felf, marched towards Peterfwade ; the other, under : ’V|j
general Hulfen, pafled by the towns of Pafberg and
Commottau. That commanded by piiuce Henry
himfelf penetrated as far as Lobofchutz and Leitme-
ritz ; the enemy flying every where before them, and
burning or abandoning the vaft magazines which they
had amafled in thefe parts. The body under general
Hulfen had a more a&ive-employment. A ftrong'pafs
at Palberg was defended by a confiderable body of
Auftrians. General Hulfen, having conducted his ca-A of |||
valry by another way in fuch a manner as to fall di- Auftrians i*
reftly on their rear, attacked them in front with his^efeated bySjl
infantry, drove them out of their intrenchments, and|fn.eral
totally defeated them with the lofs rtt a great number u en* '1|J
killed and 2000 taken prifoners, while that of the
Pruffiansdid not exceed 70 in killed and wound. Af¬
ter this exploit they returned into Saxony, with hofta-
ges for the contributions which they had largely exac¬
ted during the courfe of their expedition.
Some other fuccefles obtained by Prince Henry
cleared the country of Franconia of his enemies ; but
now the approach of the Ruffians feemed once more to
bring the affairs of the king of Pruffia to a crifis. Not¬
withftanding the dellru&ion of their magazines, they
had continued to advance into Silefia, where they were
oppofed by count Dohna ; but as the troops he had
with him were very far inferior to his enemies, he
found it impoffible to do more, at leaft with any ap¬
pearance of fuccefs, than to obferve their motions and
harafs them on their march. But this was fo difplea-
fing to the king, that he difgraced this general, and
appointed Wedel to fucceed him, with orders to at¬
tack the Ruffians at all events. To enable him, how¬
ever, in fome meafure to comply with this defperate
order, he fent him fome reinforcements, which brought 49
his army up to near 30,000. With thefe, on the 23d Pruflians
of July 1759, general Wedel attacked 70,000 Ruf-
fians polled in the moft advantageous manner atZuli- u lc au"i
chau, and defended by a numerous artillery. Tho*
the Pruffians marched on to certain deftru&ion anddifi-
grace, they fuftained the attack for a long time with
unparallelled refolution. At laft, however, they gave
way, and were obliged to retire with the lofs of 4700
killed or taken prifoners, and 3000 wounded. J0
The confequences of this vidory were, that theTheRufj
Ruffians penetrated into the king’s territories,-and fians take
took pofftffion of the towns of Croffen and Frankfort Cr0^n a!
on the Oder, which made it abfolutely neceffary for^j1^ |
the king to come in perfon to pppofe them. Accord- Oder. |
ingly, on the 4th of Auguft, he joined Wedel with a
confiderable body of forces, having left the beft part ^
of his army in Saxony under prince Henry. But as
Marfhal Daun had fent a body of 12,000 horfe and
8000 foot under general Laudohn to the affiftance of
the Ruffians, the king ftill found himfelf unable to
fight them ; as, with this and fome other reinforce¬
ments, their army now amounted to upwards of 90,000.
He therefore recalled general Finck, whom he had
fent into Saxony with 9000 men ; but with all his re¬
inforcements, it was found impoffible to augment his
army to 50,000 complete. His fituation, however,
was now fo critical, that a battle was unavoidable;
and therefore, on the 12th of Auguft, with this infe¬
riority of number, the king attacked his enemies
ftrongly
[ 6520 ]
P R U [65
Pruffia. ftroiigly intrenched, arid defended by a prodigious
’ number of cannoni In this aftion his principal effort
was againft the left wing of the Ruflian army. He
began the attack, according to cuftom, with a heavy
cannonade; which having produced the defired effedt,
S> he attacked that wing with feveral battalions difpofed
i^ing of jn co!umns. The Ruffian entrenchments were forced
Ifeated by*" w‘th Sreat flaughtcr> and 72 pieces of cannon were
!he Ruffian*taken. But (till there was a defile to be pafled, and
lit Cunnerf-feveral redoubts which covered the village ofCunnerf-
i orf, dorf to be mattered. Thefe were attacked with the
fame refolution, and taken one after another. The
enemy made another hand at the village, and endea¬
voured to preferve their ground there by pufhing for¬
ward feveral battalions of horfe and foot: but this al-
fo proved unfuccefsful; they were driven from poll to
poll quite to the laft redoubts. For upwards of fix
hours the Pruffians were fuccefsful, and every where
broke the enemy with prodigious flaughter ; drove
them from almolt all the ground they had occupied be¬
fore the battle, took more than half their artillery, and
fcarce any thing feemed wanting to make the viftory
complete. In thefe circumftances, the king wrote the
following billet to the queen : “ Madam, we have
beat the Ruffians from their intrenchments. In two
hours expeft to hear of a glorious viftory.’' Of this vic¬
tory, however, he deprived himfelf, by an exceffive
eagernefs for conqueft. The enemy, defeated in almoft
in every quarter, found their left wing, ffiattered as it
was, to be more entire than any other part of their
army. Count Soltikoff, the Ruffian general, therefore
affembled the remainsof his right wing, and, gathering
as many as he could from his centre, reinforced the left,
and made a (land at a redoubt which had been eredfed
on an advantageous eminence in a place called the Jews
lurying-ground. All the king’s generals are faid to
have been of opinion that he ought to allow the Ruf¬
fians the peaceable pofleffion of this poft. Their army
had already fuffered fo much, that it would have been
impoffible for them to have attempted any enterprize
of confequencc after the battle ; but their artillery was
ftill numerous, the poft very ftrong, and the Pruffian
troops greatly fatigued. Thefe reafons for a few
moments had fome weight with the king : but the na¬
tural impetuofity of his temper getting the better of
his reafon, he led on his wearied troops again and
again; till at lall, when their ftrength was in a man¬
ner totally exhaufted, they were attacked and utterly
routed by the Auftrian and Ruffian cavalry, the former
of which had hitherto remained quite inadive, and were
therefore quite frefli, and irrefiltible by the enfeebled
Pruffians. The night, and the prudent ufe of fome
eminences, prevented the total deftrudlion of the ar¬
my ; however, their lofs amounted to 20,000 men
killed and wounded. The king, when he found the
vidory totally loft, fent another billet to the queen,
exprefled in the following manner: “ Remove from
Berlin with the royal family; let the archives be car¬
ried to Potfdam ; the town may make conditions with
the enemy.”
Immediately after this defeat, the king fet himfelf
about repairing his Ioffes with the utmoft diligence. In a
few days every thing was again put in order in his camp.
He replaced his artillery from Berlin ; recalled gene¬
ral Klieft with 5000 men from Pomerania } detached
Vol. IX. 2
21 ] P R U
6000 from his own army to the defence of Saxony ; PwflTa,
and, with the remainder put himfelf between the Ruf-  
fians and Great Glogau, covering that city which had
been the chief objed of their defigns; and in (hort,
notwithftanding their vidory, obliged them to return
to Poland without accompliffiing any thing befidesthe
carnage at Cunnerfdorf.
The misfortunes of the Pruffian monarch, however,
were not at an end. Prince Henry indeed, by a moft
extraordinary and well-conduded march, entered Sax¬
ony, which was now totally over-run by the armies of
the enemy. At the fame time, ftrong detachments
having been fent into that country under generals
Finck and Wunfch, the whole was in a (hort time re¬
covered except Drefden. Towards this place Marfhal
Daun retired, and in all probability would foon have
been obliged to leave Saxony entirely. But the king’s
impatience could not be fatisfied without cutting off
his retreat, and forcing him to a battle ; for which
purpofe he fent general Finck with upwards of
12,000 men according to the Pruffian account, but
20,000 according to the Auftrians, to feize fome
paffes thro’ which M. Daun could only take his route
towards Bohemia. This commiffion was executed with General
great exaftnefs; but the Pruffian general, having pro- Filick with
bably advanced too far into thefe defiles, and neglec- d*’0,?0
ted to preierve a communication with the main army, troopS fm-.,
gave his enemy an opportunity of furrounding him, renders to
and at laft forcing him and his whole army to furren-the Auftri-
der prifoners of war. Thisdifafter was foon after fol-ans*
lowed by another. General Durceke was polled at the
right of the Elbe, oppofite to Meffen ; but on the ap¬
proach of a large body of Auftrians, they prepared to
retreat over the river into a place where they hoped to
be more fecure. But having been obliged by an hard
froft to withdraw their bridge of boats, a thaw fuper-
vened, when they attempted to lay a bridge of pon¬
toons, fo that they were again obliged to have re-
courfe to their boats. In this fituation their rear¬
guard was attacked with great fury by the Auftrians,
and all the foldiers who compofed it killed or taken.
The lofs of the Pruffians on this occafion was compu¬
ted at 3000 men.
The year 1760 (ho wed the Pruffian monarch in a more Defperate
dangerous fituation than he had ever yet experienced, filiation of
Indeed his affairs now feemed to be altogether defperate.
His Ioffes were not to be meafured by the number, of
the killed or prifoners, but by armies deftroyed or ta¬
ken. Forty generals had died or been killed in his
fervice fince the beginning of O&ober 1756, exclu-
five of thofe who were wounded or taken prifoners.
This of itfelf would have been an irreparable lofs, had
not the very wars which deftroyed thefe furniftied
others equally capable of filling their places. But an¬
other deficiency, which could not be remedied, ftill re¬
mained. The king had, by his indefatigable induftry
and exertions, fupplied all the deficiences of men in
his armies, but they were not the fame men as before.
The hardy veterans, with whom he had originally ta¬
ken the field, were now no more, and their places were
fupplied by others who had neither the fame expe¬
rience nor difeipline ; fo that now he was obliged
to fupply this deficiency by his own genius and he-
roifm.
JBitt whatever abilities the Pruffian monarch might
36 CL P°f'
P R U [ 6522 ] P R U
Pruffia. poffefs, and though he undoubtedly exerted them to pidity, that before the middle of Auguft he had ad- Pniflla.
the utmoft, it feemed only to be contending againft vanced 200 miles, leaving marfhal Daun with his army
fate, and his enemies gained dill greater and greater far behind him. This expedition he undertook in
Prnfllans advantages. General Laudohn, with whom none but order to engage general Laudohn before he couldTjir*e,Au'
defeated at the king himfelf feems to have been able to cope, by a have time to affeft a junflion with Daun and Lacy, (frian gem
Landfhut. 0f artful movements, drew into a difadvantageous another Auftrian general, which triple union feemed rals jam
fituation M. Fouquet, one of the Pruffian generals, to threaten him with unavoidable deftru&ion at once. ,,
with aftrongbody of forces. Perceiving it impoffible This, however, he found it impoflible to prevent: anda^ain Insl
for them to efcape, Laudohn then made a violent at- the three armies, when joined, formed a mod tre-
tack on their entrenchments in the dead of the night mendous line of encampments, extending no lefs than
of June 23. The Pruflians made a gallant defence, 30 Englilh miles ; at the fame time that every one of
but at laft were all killed or taken prifoners except a- their polls was ftrong, and the communication be-
bout 300. Of the Pruflians were killed 4000, and tween them eafy. The king was ftrongly encamped
7000 taken prifoners ; 58 pieces of cannon, and a great at Lignitz ; and for feveral days employed all his mi-
number of colours, were alfo loft. The vi&ory, how- litary (kill in attempting to induce one of the bodies
ever, was dear bought: for the Auftrians loft above to detach itfelf from the reft, or to attack them at
12,000 men in killed and wounded; whom, however, fome difadvantage ; but without effeft. At laft, the
they could better fpare than the Pruflians, on account Auftrian generals, having maturely weighed all circum-
of their numbers.—This a&ion was calledfiances, refolved to attack the king’s camp itfelf,
Glatz^takenLcwdjhut' ftrong as it was; and marfhal Daun, remembering the
by the Au- Baron Laudohn failed not to improve this vl&ory advantage he had gained at Hoch-kirchen by an at-
ftrians. to the utmoft. He inftantly turned back from Land- tack in the night-time, refolvcd to follow the fame
fhut, and fell upon the city of Glatz ; which he took plan now. The plan therefore was laid in the follow-
in a very fhort time, with the garrifon who defended ing manner. The whole army, as foon as it (hould
it, confifting of 2000 men. In the place were found begin to grow dark, was to march from their feveral
101 pieces of brafs cannon, with immenfe quantities polls to fuch fituations as were marked out for each
of provifions and military ftores. From thence he corps: they were to ftrike their tents, but yet to keep
marched againft Breflau, and immediately invefted it. up the fires in their camps, and to have the drums
But in the mean time the king of Pruflia, whofe mo- beat the tattoo as ufual, by which means they had
tions had been all this time counterafled by M. Daun a probabilty of furprifing the enemy ; or if not, they
in Saxony, marched with his ufual rapidity towards judged it abfolutely impoflible for him to efcape them,
Silefia. By this means he drew M. Daun out of Sax- though he fhould be ever fo much on his guard. In
ony; and indeed the Auftrian general ufed fuch ex- what manner the king of Pruflia became acquainted
pedition, that he gained two full days on the king, with this plan, is not known. His friends attributed
This was no fooner known to his Pruflian majefty, it to his own penetration and knowledge of the rtra-
than he returned with the fame expedition that he tagems of war; the Auftrians, to intelligence given
had advanced, and fat down before Drefden. Of him by deferters. But, in whatever way he became
but without this M. Daun foon received intilligence, and returned acquainted with this defign, it is certain that he took
fuccefs, by alfo. In the mean time, however, the buildings of the moft effe<3ual methods of preventing it. As the
faking of the city were terribly (battered by the king’s cannon Auftrian plan was to furround his camp, and this
rufl*a' and bombs which continually played on it. His en- could not be done without the divifion of their army
deavours, however, proved ineffe&ual to reduce it which he had fo long defired, he refolved to intercept
before the arrival of M. Daun. The flege had one of the parties; and if that fhould be difabled from
been begun on the 13th of July, and on the 19th a&ing, he could then more eafily deal with the other
M. Daun appeared within a league of Drefden. The two. Therefore, in the very evening calculated for
Pruffians then redoubled their efforts. They had that the decifive attack on his camp, he quitted it with
day received reinforcements of heavy cannon and mor- the utmoft privacy, and took an advantageous poft
tars, with which they battered the place inceflantly. on the road through which general Laudohn was to
The cathedral church, new Square, feveral principal pafs. The nature of this poft was fuchj that at the
ftreets and fome palaces, and the noble manufa&ory fame time that it (lopped the progrefs of Laudohn in
of porcelain, were entirely deftroyed. The fiege was front, Daun would lie under great difficulties if he
continued till the 22d : but, on the night of the 21ft, fhould attempt his rear; at the fame time that for his
M. Daun had thrown 16 battalions into the city; further fecurity the king ftrengthened the rear with
which rendered it impoffible for the king to continue feveral batteries. As foon as his army was drawn up,
longer before it with any profpeft of fuccefs. He he divided it; leaving his right on the ground where
therefore raifed the fiege, and retired without molefta- it had been formed, to obferve marfhal Daun, and
tation, though there were three confiderable armies to maintain that poft ; whillt with his left he turned
of the enemy in the neighbourhood. Breflau was in order to fall on the corps under general Lau-
fiercely bombarded by Laudohn, but the approach of dohn. In the mean time that commander, ignorant
prince Henry obliged him to defift from his enterprife of the fate which was awaiting him, advancing with
on the 5th of Auguft. the utmoft expedition towards the place which had
But in the mean time the fortune of the king feem- been affigned him, in order to (hare in the glory of
ed likely to be terminated by one fatal ftroke. Find- deftroying the Pruffian monarch ; when, at three in
ing it impoffible for him to carry on a defenfive war, the morning, on the 15th of Auguft, a thick fog
he marched towards Silefia with fuch aftonifhing ra- which covered the ground, fuddenly clearing up, dif-
Drefden
befieged,
P R U [ 6523 ] P R U
| Pruflla. covered, like the opening of a great fcene, the dread-
'fill front of the Pruflian army regularly embattled
58 and advantageoufly polled- Laudohn, though fur-
e defeats prifr^ made the beft difpofitions that circumdances
Cudohii wou^ admit of, and an obdinate engagement enfued;
!d intim’i- i11 which, however, he was at lad: obliged to yield to
lites the the fuperior Ikili of his advetfary, with the lofs of
wnffians. 10,000 killed, wounded, and prifoners, 82 pieces of
cannon, and 23 pair of colours.
The vi&ory, though complete, gave but a partial re¬
lief to the king of Prufiia. The mod eflential fervice
it did was the preventing of the Ruffians from joining
thofe enemies which he already had. Count Czerni-
chew had been advancing with 24,000 men, and had
even palled the Oder; but was fo intimidated by this
news, that he indantly repaffed that river on the
fame bridges which he had lately built, even though
M. Daun fent him a ftrong body of troops in ordertoen-
courage him to advance. Soon after this battle, the
king joined his brother prince Henry at New Marcke;
and marched againft Daun, who had begun to form
the blockade of Schweidnitz, fell upon a corps under
genera! Beck, made two battalions of Croats prifoners,
and difperfed the reft, which obliged the enemy to
abandon the enterprife they had juft undertaken. A-
bout the fame time General Hulfen gained a confider-
I ; able advantage over the imperial army in Saxony, with
j. very trifling lofs on his part, by which he effeftually
1 prevented them from cutting off his communication
f with the city of Torgau.
By thefe fucceffes the affairs of his Pruffian ma-
B jefty feemed to revive: but there was no end of his
j enemies. The late manoeuvres had drawn him fo far
into Silefia, that his communication with Brandenburg
was almoft wholly cut off. The Ruffian army, which
ii] after it had repaired the Oder began to move out of
Silefia, fent forward a powerful detachment under
'! Count Czernichew towards the march of Brandenburg.
: A body of 15,000 Auftrians, under the generals Lacy
and Brentano, and the whole united body of Auftrians
and Imperialifts which afted in Saxony, began their
march in concert with the Ruffians, and propofed to
unite at the gates of Berlin. Thefe armies amounted
!j to 40,000 men. To oppofe this formidable power,
general Hulfen called to his affiftance general Werner,
who had been fent with a body of troops into Pome¬
rania; but, after being jooined by him, their united
j forces were found not to exceed 15,000 or 16,0000
men. To attempt a defence of the capital with this
tr force would have been little Ihort of madnefs: and
pin ta- therefore thefe commanders were obliged to leave
gi by the £er];n t0 jts fate. which indeed, confidering the bar-
u Ruf. barity of the Ruffians and the animofity of the Au-
|(js. ftrians, feemed to be a dreadful one. However, by the
powerful mediation of feveral foreign minifters, the
town obtained terms which were not altogether into¬
lerable ; but the magazines, arfenals, and founderies,
were deftroyed, and an immenfe quantity of military
ftoresfeized, with a number of cannon and other arms.
Iji) The city was firft obliged to pay 800,000 guilders,
? after which a contribution of 1,900,000 crowns was
* laid on: yet, notwithftanding this, many violences were
committed, and the king’s palace was plundered and
the furniture abufed in a fcandalous manner.
The combined armies (laid in Berlin only four days; Prulfia.
dreading the fevere vengeance of the king of Pruffia, “
who they heard was advancing towards that place with Extr^e
great expedition. But fo great were the embarrafs-e'mbarrafs-
raents which now attended that monarch, that it fecm- ment of the
ed abfolutely beyond human power to retrieve hit of-king-
fairs. The Imperialifts, on'their return from Berlin,
having no army to oppofe them, made themfelves ma¬
ilers of Leipfic, Torgau, Meiffen, and Wirtemberg ;
in which laft city they found the grand magazine of
the Pruffians immenfely ftored with provifions, ammu¬
nition, &c. M. Stainville alfo, with a detachment from
Broglio the French general’s army, laid the city and
duchy of Halberftadt under contribution. In Eaftern
Pomerania, the Ruffians had befleged Colberg by fea
and land. In the Weftern Pomerania, the Swedes ad¬
vanced with great celerity, hoping to (hare in the plun¬
der of Berlin. In Silefia, the king no fooner began
his march to the northward, than Laudohn advanced,
and laid fiege to the important fortrefs of Cofel; and,
to complete this diftrefs and embarraffment, the king
himfelf was attended at every ftep by count Daun with a
fuperior army well prepared to take every advantage.
In this defperate fituation the king, being joined by
his generals Hulfen and prince Eugene of Wittem-
berg with the corps under their command, advanced
up the Elbe, while M. Daun fell back to cover Leipfic
and Torgau: but the latter, finding that the Pruffians di-
redted their march towards the Elbe, encamped within
reach of Torgau; one part of his army extending to
the Elbe, by which he was covered on that fide, whillt
on the other he was covered by hills and woods, fo
that it was impoffible to choofe a more advantageous
fituation. The Pruffian army did not amount to 50,000
men, whilft that of the Auftrians exceeded 86,000:
yet fuch were the unfortunate circumftances of the
king, that he was obliged to fight under all thefe dif-
advantages; and therefore he caufed his army to be in¬
formed, that he was now to lead them to a moft def¬
perate attempt, that his affairs required it, and that he
was determined to conquer or die. His foldiers un-
animoufly declared that they would die with him- ^
The 3d of November 1760, was the day on which He defeats
this important affair was decided. The king divided CountDauit
his forces into three columns. General Hulfrri was toat 'rc,rSalu
take poll with one in a wood that lay on the left of
the Aullrian army, and had orders not to move until
he found the reft of the Pruffians engaged. General
Ziethen was to charge on the right; and the great at¬
tack in front was to be condufted by the king in per-
fon. His forces were difpofed in fuch a manner, that
either his right or left mull take the enemy in rear and
clofe them in, fo as to difable them from undertaking
any thing againft the part where he intended to effect
his principal attack. On the other hand, M. Daun
perceiving the king to be ferious in his defign of fight¬
ing, to prevent confufion, fent all his baggage over the
Elbe, acrofs which he threw three bridges in cafe a
retreat Ihould be neceffary. At the fame time he cau¬
fed Torgau to be evacuated ; and then, extending his
firft line to a village called Zhineon the left, he ftretch-
ed it to another called Crofwitz on the right; fupport-
ing the right of his fecond line upon the Elbe. In this
difpofaion he was found, when, about two o’clock in
36 Q^2 the
P R U
Pruflla. the afternoon, the king begun his attack. He was
ceived by the fire of 200 pieces of cannon, which were
difpofed along the Aultrian front. The Pruffians were
thrice led on to the attack; but were every time re-
pulfed and broken with terrible flaughter. The king
at length commanded a frefii body of troops to ad¬
vance, which at firft compelled the Auftrians to retire;
t 6524 ]
P R U
but new re
cavalry was
Pruffians ma
nforcements continually coming in, this
n its turn obliged to fall back, and the
Intained themfelves with extreme difficul¬
ty, until General Ziethen, with the right wing, attack¬
ed the enemy in the rear, repulfed them, and poffeffed
fcimfelf of fome eminenceswhich commanded the whole
Auftrian army. Encouraged by this fuccefs, the Pruf-
fian infantry once more advanced, maftered feveral of
the enemy’s intrenchments, and made way for a new
attack of their cavalry, which broke in with irrefiftible
fury on the Auftrians, and threw feveral bodies of them
into irreparable diforder. It was now about 9 o’clock,
and of confequence both armies were involved in thick
darknefs; yet the fire continued without intermilfion,
and the battalions with a blind rage difeharged at
one another without diftinguilhing friend from foe.
M. Daun received a dangerous wound in the thigh, and
was carried from the field, which probably haftened
the defeat of his troops. The command then devolved
on Count O’Donnell; who, finding the greateft part
of his troops in diforder, the night advanced, and the
enemy poffefled of fome eminences which commanded
his camp, and from which it was in vain to think of
driving them, ordered a retreat, which was conduced
with wonderful order and exa&nefs ; none were loft; in
paffing the bridges, and by far the greater part of their
artillery was preferved. The lofs of the Pruffians was
eftimated at 10,000 killed and wounded, and 3000 ta¬
ken prifoners. That of the Auftrians in killed and
wounded is not known; but 8000 were taken prifoners,
with 216 officers, among which were four generals.
The confequence of the victory of Torgau was, that
the king recovered all Saxony except Drefden; and in
the mean time General Werner having marched into
Pomerania, the Ruffians railed the fiege of Colberg,
and retired into Poland, without having effefted any
thing further than wafting the open country. Werner
then flew to the affiftance of Weftern Pomerania, where
he defeated a body of Swedes, and at laft drove them
totally out of the country. General Laudohn top ab¬
ruptly raifed the blockade of Cofel; and afterwards,
abandoning Landftiut, he retired into the Auftrian Si-
lefia, leaving the Pruffian part entirely in quiet.
M. Daun placed one part of his army in Drefden, and
the other in forae ftrong pofts which lie to the fouth and
weft of it, by which he commanded the Elbe, and pre¬
ferved his communication with Bohemia. The army of
the empire retired into Franconia, and placed its head¬
quarters at Bamberg.
Though thefe fucceffes had, to appearance, retrieved
the king’s affairs in fome meafure, yet his ftrength
feemed now to be wholly exhaufted; and in the cam¬
paign of 1761, he made no fuch vigorous efforts as he
had formerly done. The Ruffians, dividing themfelves
into two bodies, invaded Silefia and Pomerania. In
she former country they laid fiege to Breflau, and in
?be latter to Colberg. Tottleben alfo, who had com¬
manded the Ruffian armies, was now removed on a fu- Pnfifi
fpicion that he had correfpondtd with the king of Pruf- 
fia, and general Romanzow put in his place; by which
it was expe&ed that the Ruffian operations would be
more brifle this year than formerly.
The kingcontinued ftrongly encamped nearSchweid-
nitz; where he was fo clofely watched by generals
Daun and Laudohn, that he could attempt nothing.
However, he defeated the defigns of the Ruffians againtl
Breflau, by fending general Platen to deftroy their ma¬
gazines; which he accomplifhed with great fuccefs, at
the fame time cutting off a body of 4000 of their
troops. But this only brought the more fure deftruc-
tion upon Colberg; to which place that body of Ruf¬
fians immediately marched, cruelly wafting the country
as they went along. The king of Pruffia could do no¬
thing but fend detachments of fmall parties, which,
though they could not oppofe their enemies in the
field, yet he hoped, by cutting off the convoys of the
enemy, might diftrefs them to fuch a degree as to
oblige them to abandon the fiege, or at lealt protraft
it till the feverity of the winter fhould render it im-
poffible for them to carry on their operations. Thus
he weakened his own army fo much, that it was
requifite to draw 4000 men out of Schweidnitz in or- n;t2 an'(j
der to reinforce it; and no fooner was this done, than Colberg ts
general Laudohn fuddenly attacked and took that for-.ken.
trefs by a coup de main. Colberg made a brave de¬
fence; but the troops fent to its relief being totally
unable to cope with the Ruffian army conlifting of
50,000 men, it was obliged to furrender on the 3d of
December; and thus the fate of the Pruffian monarch
feemed to be decided, and almoft every part of his do¬
minions lay open to the invaders.
In the midft of thefe gloomy appearances the em- Emprefs o
prefs of Ruffia, the king’s moft inveterate and inflex-Ruflia ciiesl
ible enemy, died on the 2d of January 1762. Her fuc-
ctffor, Peter III. inftead of being the king’s enemy,
was*his moft fanguine friend. As early as the 23d of
February, in a memorial delivered to the minifters of
the allied courts, he declared, that, “ in order to the
eftablilhment of peace, he was ready to facrifice all the
conquefts made in this war by the arms of Ruffia, in
hopes that the allied courts will on their parts equally
prefer the reftoration of peace and tranquillity, to the
advantages which they might expert from the conti¬
nuance of the war, but which they cannot obtain but
by a continuance of the effufion of human blood.”—
This addrefs was not fo well relirtied by the allies:
however, they were very willing to make peace, pro¬
vided it was for their own intereft ; but they recom¬
mended to his attention fidelity to treaties, which con-
ftitutes a no lefs valuable part of the royal chara&er,
than humanity and difintereftednefs. This anfwer
made no impreffion on the czar; a fufpenfion of hofti-
lities took place on the 16th of March, which was fol¬
lowed by a treaty of alliance on the jth of May. In 64
this treaty the czar ftipulated nothing in favour of his Peace be*_
former confederates; on the contrary, he agreed to join
his troops to thofe of the king of Pruffia, in order toanj !
a£t againft them. Sweden, which had for a long time
afted under the direftion of Ruffian counfels, now fol¬
lowed the example of her miftrefs, and concluded a
peace with Pruffia on the Z2d of May.
It
P R U [ 6515 ] P R U
Pruffia. It is not to be fuppofed that the king of Pruffia
 would remain long inaftive after fuch an unexpefted
6; turn in his favour. His arms were now every where
jcceffes of attended with fuccefs. Prince Henry drove the Impe-
s king of rjai;ns from fome important polls in Saxony, by which
U U' he fecured all that part which the Pruffians polTefTed;
and though the Andrians frequently attempted to re¬
cover thefe pods, they were condantly repulfed with
great daughter. The king was not joined by his new
allies till the latter end of June ; after which he drove
M. Daun before him to the extremity of Silefia, lea¬
ving the town of Schweidnitz entirely uncovered, and
which the king immediately prepared to inved. In
the mean time different detachments of Pruffians, fome
on the fide of Saxony, and others on that of Silefia,
penetrated deep into Bohemia, laid many parts of the
country under contribution, and fpread an univerfal
I alarm. A confiderable body of Ruffian irregulars alfo
made an irruption into Bohemia, where they prac-
tifed on the Audrians the fame cruelties which they
6(S had long been accudomed to prailife on the Pruffians.
1 new re- But while the king was thus making the bed ufe of
|lmion in his time, he was all at once threatened with a fatal re-
verfe of fortune by a new revolution in Ruffia. The
j, emperor was depofed, and his depofition was foon after
Ij followed by his death. The emprefs, who fucceeded
him, fufpefted that her hufband had been mifled by the
counfels of his Pruffian majedy, againd whom, there¬
fore, die entertained a mortal enmity. She could not,
however, in the very beginning of her reign, undertake
again a war of fo much importance as that which had
been jud concluded. She therefore declared her inten¬
tion of obferving the peace concluded by the late em¬
peror; but, at the fame time, of recalling her armies
from Silefia, Pruffia, and Pomerania; which indeed the
unfettled date of the kingdom now made in fome de¬
gree neceflary. At the fame time a difcovery was made
with regard to the king of Pruffia himfelf, which turn¬
ed the fcale greatly in his favour. The Rufftan fenate,
flaming with refentment againft this, monarch, and
againit their late unfortunate fovereign ; and the em¬
prefs, full of fufpicion that the conduct of the latter
might have been influenced by the councils of the for¬
mer, fearched eagetly amongft the papers of the late
emperor for an elucidation or proofs of this point.
They found indeed many letters from the Pruffian mo¬
narch; but in a drain abfolutely different from what
they had expe&ed. The king had, as far as prudence
would permit, kept a referve and didance with regard
to the too ralh advances of this unhappy ally; and, in
particular, counfelled him to undertake nothing againit
the emprefs his confort. The hearing of thefe letters
read is far'd to have had fuch an effect upon the emprefs,
that (he burd into tears, and expreffed her gratitude
towards the Pruffian monarch in. the warmed terms.
Still, however, the Ruffian army was-ordered to feparate
from the Pruffians; but all the important places-which
the former had taken during the whole war were faith¬
fully redored.
m The king, finding that the Ruffians were no more to
take an adlive part in his favour, refolved to profit by
p their appearance in his camp ; and therefore, the very
day after the order for their return had arrived, he at¬
tacked the Audrian army, and drove their right wing
from fome eminences and villages where they were ad-
vantageoufly poded; by which means he entirely cut Pruffla.
off their communication with Schweidnitz, fo that no- “
thing could be attempted for its relief. Prince Henry
kept them in continual alarms for Bohemia; and a
great part of their attention, and no fmall part of their
forces, were engaged on that fide. Marfhal Daun, now <j7
finding himfelf rendered almod incapable of underta- General
king any thing, detached general Laudohn, with
force very much fuperior, to attack the prince of Be- f^ated! £*
vern, and drive him from the advantageous pod he oc¬
cupied. But the prince defended himfelf with fuch
refolution, that all the efforts of Laudohn could not
fucceed before the king had time to come to his affid-
ance. The Audrians, being then put between two fires,
were routed and purfued with terrible (laughter; after
which, the king met with no more didurbance in his
preparations for the fiege, and the trenches were open¬
ed on the 18th of July. Marlhal Daun made no at¬
tempts to relieve the place; but the garrifon being
very drong, it held out for near two months from the
opening of the trenches. It is faid that the attack was
conducted, and the defence made, by two engineers
who had written on the fubjedt of the attack and de¬
fence of fortified places; and they were now pra&ically
engaged to prove the fuperiority of their fydems. At
lail, however, the garrifon, to the number of 8000 meni
furrendered prifoners of war; and the whole body, ex¬
cept nine, were foon after drowned at the mouth of
the Oder, on their paffage to their intended confine¬
ment at Konigflxrg.
The king of Pruffia, now become mader of Schweid¬
nitz, turned his attention towards Saxony, where he
confiderably reinforced his brother’s army, and made 67
preparations for laying fiege to Drefden. In this Aultrians
country the Audrians had lately met with fome fuc-
cefs, and driven prince Hertry back as far as Frey berg; p^ybe“g
but on the 29th of October, they were attacked by the which pro-
Pruffian army thus reinforced, and totally routed, duces a
Great numbers were (lain, and near 6oootaken prifoners. r'eaee’
This vi&ory proved decifive ; and the emprefs-queen,
finding herfelf deferted by all her allies, was glad to
conclude a treaty; the fubdance of which was, that a
mutual reditution and oblivion (hould'take place, and
both parties fit down at the end of the war in the fame
fituation in which they began it. This treaty is called
the peace of Hubertjburg.
The war was no fooner concluded than the king of
Pruffia turned his attention to domedic policy, and the
recovery of his dominions from thofe innumerable ca¬
lamities which had befallen them during the war. He
immediately didributed lands to hisdilbanded foldiers,
and gave them the horfes of his artillery to affid them
in their cultivation. By his wife and prudent manage¬
ment, the horrors of war were foon forgot; and the
country is now in as flourifhing a (lace as ever. Not-
withdanding this pacific difpofition, however, the king
has never flackened his endeavours for the defence of
his country, by keeping a refpedable army on foot;.
Indeed it is probable that his army is now much more
formidable than ever. <55
In the year 1778, a new diffecence with the houfe of A new war
Aullria took place,, concerning the duchy of Bavariai
But tho’ the mod enormous warlike preparations were^,.^1^
made on both fides, and immenfe armies brought into then-emorabl®
field;.noihing of ccnfequence was effedled. What little event.
advantage
P R U [ 6526 ] PRY
Prufiw. advantage there was, feems to have been on the Pruffian
— "fide, fince they made themfelves mailers of feveral towns,
and kept the war in the enemy’s country. However,
the emperor adled with fo much caution, and fhowed
fuch lki!l in a defenfive war, that all the manoeuvres of
his Prufiian Majefty could gain no material advantage;
as, on the other hand, his adverfary was too wife to
venture an engagement. A peace therefore was very
foon concluded, and fince that time the hiftory of Pruf-
69 fia has afforded no remarkable event.
Air, foil, The a;r Qf Prufiia is wholefome, and the foil fruit-
lationof1 ^ ,n grai'n > affording, befides, plenty of pitcoal and
rruflia. other fuel. The rivers and lakes are well (tored with
fifh; and amber is found on its coalt towards the Bal¬
tic. The principal rivers are the Viftula, Bregel, Me-
mel, the Paffarge, and the Elbe; all of which frequent¬
ly do damage by their inundations.
The inhabitants of this country were, by Dr Buf-
ching, computed at 635,998 perfons capable of bear¬
ing arms; and by another German author, at 450,000.
Since the year 1719 it is computed that about 34,000
colonifts have removed hither from France, Switzer¬
land, and Germany; of which number one half were
Saltzburgers. Thefe emigrants have built 400 fmall
villages, 11 towns, 50 new churches, and founded xooo
village-fchools. The manners of the people differ but
little from thofe of the Germans. The eflablifhed re¬
ligions are thofe of Luther and Calvin, but chiefly the
70 former; though almoft all other feds are tolerated.
Commerce The prefent king of Prufiia, by the afiiflance of an
and manu- excellent police, has brought the commerce and manu-
faftures. fadures of this country to a very flourifhing flate,
which is daily improving. The manufadures, of Pruf-
fia confift in glafs, iron-work, paper, gun-powder, cop¬
per, and brafs-mills; manufadures of cloth, camblet,
linen, filk, gold and filver lace, flockings, and other
articles. The inhabitants export variety of naval flores;
amber, lint-feed and hemp-feed, oat-meal, fifh, mead,
tallow, and caviar; and it is faid that 500 (hips are
loaded with thofe commodities every year, chiefly from
<71 Koningfberg.
Confiitu- His Pruffian majefty is abfolute through all his do-
tl0n* minions, but is too wife to opprefs his fubjeds, though
he avails himfelf to the full of his power. The govern¬
ment of this kingdom is by a regency of four chan¬
cellors of ftate, viz. 1. The grtat-mafter; 2. The
great-burgrave; 3. The great-chancellor; and, 4. The
great-marfhal. There are alfo fome other councils,
and 37 bailiwicks. The ftate confifts, 1. Of counfel-
lors of ftate; 2. Of deputies from the nobility; and,
3. From the commons. Befides thefe inftitutions, his
majefty has ereded a board for commerce and naviga-
tion.
Revenues. His Prnffian majefty, by means of the happy fitua-
tion of his country, its inland navigation, and his own
excellent regulations, derives an amazing revenue from
this country, which, about a century and a half ago,
was the feat of boors and barbarifm. It is faid, that
amber alone brings him in 26,000 dollars annually.
His other revenues arife from his demefnes, his duties
of cuftoms and tolls, and the fubfidies yearly granted
by the feveral ftates; but the exad fum is not known,
though we may conclude that it is very confiderable,
from the immenfe charges of the late war.
The military regulations introduced by his majefty, Prufiian,
have a wonderful quick operation in forming his troops Prynne.
and recruiting his armies. Every regiment has a par¬
ticular diftnd affigned it, where the young men pro- Milit7^y ■
per for bearing arms are regiftered-; and when occafion ftrength, |
offers, they join their regiment, and being incorpora- &c,
ted with veterans they ibon become well difeiplined
troops. The Pruffian army, in time of peace, confifta
of 175,000 of the beft difeiplined troops in the world;
and during the laft war, that force was augmented to
300,000 men.
The royal arms of Prufiia are argent, .an eagle dif-
played fable, crowned, or, forPruffia: azure, the Im¬
perial feeptre, or, for Courland: argent, an eagle dif-
played, gules, with femi-circular wreaths, for the mar-
quifate of Brandenburg : to thefe are added the re-
fpeftive arms of the feveral provinces fubjeft to the
Pruffian crown.
There are two orders of knighthood ; the firft, that
of the Black Eagle, inftituted by Frederic 1. on the
day of his coronation at Koningfberg, with this motto,
Suum cuique. The fovereign is always grand-mafter;
and the number of knights, exclufive of the royal fa¬
mily, is limited to 30. Next to this is the order of
Merit, inftituted by his prefent majefty; the motto is.
Pour le merits.
PRUSSIAN blue. See Chemistry, n°287.
PRYNNE (William), an Englifh lawyer, much
diftinguifhed in the civil commotions under Char. I.
was born at Swainfwickin Somerfetfhire in 1600. His
Hiftriomajlix, written againft ftage-plays in 1632, con¬
taining fome reflexions that offended the court, he was
fentenced by the ftar-chamber to pay a fine of 50001.
to (land in the pillory, to lofe his ears, and to perpe¬
tual imprifonment. During his confinement, he wrote
feveral more books ; particularly, in 1637, one entitled
News from Jpfwich, which reflecting feverely on the
bifhops, he was again fentenced by the ftar-chamber
to another fine of 5000 1. to lofe the remainder of his
ears in the pillory, to be branded on both cheeks with
S. L. for feditious libeller, and to be perpetually im-
prifoned in Caernarvon caftle. Nothing but cutting off
his hands could havepreventedPrynne from writing: he
wrote (till ; and in 1640, being fet at liberty by the
houfe of commons, he entered London in a kind of
triumph, was eleXed into parliament for Newport in
Cornwal, and oppofed the bifhops with great vigour,
being the chief manager of archbifhop Laud’s trial.
In the long parliament he was zealous in the Prefby-
terian caufe; but when the independents gained the
afcendency, he oppofed them warmly, and promoted
an agreement with the king. When the army garbled
the houfe and refufed him entrance, he became a bitter
enemy to them and their leader Cromwel, and attack¬
ed them with his pen fo feverely that he was again
imprifoned : but he pleaded the liberty of the fubjeX
fo fuccefsfully, that he was enlarged, to write more
controverfial Jaooks. Being reftored to his feat after
Cromwel’s death, with the other fecluded members,
he affifted in promoting the reftoration, and was ap¬
pointed keeper of the Tower records; a place excel¬
lently well calculated for him, and where he was very
ufeful by the colleXions he publifhed from them. He
prefented 40 volumes of his works, in folio and 410, to
Lincoln’s-
PSA [ 6527 ] PSA
ei ryfanes Lincoln’a-inn library, of which focicty he was a mem-
I II her : and, dying in 1669, was buried under the
chapel.
T ZJ-  PRYTANES, in Grecian antiquity, were the pre-
fidents of the fenate, whofe authority confided chiefly
in aflembling the fenate ; which, for the moft part,
I was done once every day.
The fenate confifted of 500, 50 fenators being ele<*
ted out of each tribe : after which, lots were caft, to
determine in what order the fenators of each tribe
fhould prefide; which they did by turns, and during
their prefidentfliip were called prytanes. However, all
the 50 prytanes of the tribes did not govern at
once, but one at a time, viz. for feven days ; and af¬
ter 35 days, another tribe came into play, and prefided
for other five weeks ; and fo of the reft.
PSALM, a divine fong or hymn ; but chiefly ap¬
propriated to the 150 Pfalms of David, a canonical
book of the Old Teftament.
Moft of the pfalms have a particular title, fignify-
ing either the name of the author, the perfon who was
to fet it to mufic or fing it, the inftrument that was to
be ufed, or the fubjeft and occafion of it. Some have
imagined that David was the foie author of the Book
of Pfalms ; but the titles of many of them prove the
contrary, as pfalm xix. which appears to have been
;i| written by Mofes. Many of the pfalms are infcribed
with the names Korah, Jeduthun, &c. from the per¬
sons who were to fing them.
PSALMANAZAR (George), the fiflitious name
of a pretended Formofan, a perfon of learning and in¬
genuity. He was born in France, and educated in a
free-fchool, and afterwards in a college of Jefuits, in
an archiepifcopal city, the name of which, aslikewife
) thafe of his birth-place and of his parents, are un¬
known. Upon leaving the college, he was recom-
! mended as a tutor to a young gentlemen; but foon
fell into a mean rambling life, that involved him in
difappointments and misfortunes. His firft pretence
I was that of being a fufferer for religion. He procured
a certificate that he was of Irifh extra&ion, that he
left that country for the fake of the Catholic faith, and
was going on a pilgrimage to Rome. Being unable
to purchafe a pilgrim’s garb, and obferving one in a
chapel, dedicated to a miraculous faint, which had
i been fet up as a monument of gratitude by fome wan¬
dering pilgrim, he contrived to take both the ftaffand
cloak away; and, being thus accoutred, begged his
way in fluent Latin, accoftingonly clergymen or per-
fons of figure, whom he found fo generous and credu¬
lous, that, before he had gone 20 miles, he might
eafily have faved money, and put himfelf in a much
I better drefs : but as foon as he had got what he
thought was fufficient, he begged no more; but view¬
ed every thing worth feeing, and then retired to fome
inn, where he fpent his money as freely as he had ob¬
tained it. Having heard the jefuits fpeak much of
I China and Japan, he ftarted the wild fcheme, when
II he was in Germany, of pafiing for a native of the
? ifland of Formofa ; and what he wanted in knowledge,
he fupplied by a pregnant invention. He formed a
new chara&er and language on grammatical princi¬
ples, which, like other oriental languages, he wrote
from right to left with great readinefs; and planned a
new religion, and a divifion of the year into 20 months,
with other novelties, to credit his pretenfions. He was Pfalmana*
now a Japanefe convert to Chriftianity, travelling for pf far’.
inftru£tion,withan appearance more wretched than even a  
that of common beggars. He then entered as a fol-
dier in the Dutch fervice : but, ftill defiroua of palling
for a Japanefe, he altered his plan to that of being an
unconverted heathen ; and at Sluys, brigadier Lauder,
a Scots colonel, introduced him to the chaplain, who,
with a view of recommending himfelf to the bilhop of
London, refolved to carry him over to England. At
Rotterdam, fomeperfons having put Ihrewd queftions
to him, that carried the air of doubt, he took one
more whimfical ftep, which was to live upon raw flefli,
roots, and herbs ; which ftrange food he thought
would remove all fcruples. The bifliop of London
patronized him, with credulous humanity ; and Pfal-
manazar found a large circle of friends, who extolled
him as a prodigy. Yet were there fome who entertain¬
ed a juft opinion of him, particularly the Drs Halley,
Mead, and Woodward} but their endeavours to ex-
pofe him as a cheat, only made others think the bet¬
ter of him, efpecially as thofe gentlemen were efteem-
ed no great admirers of revelation. But in this inftance
at leaft, eafinefs of belief was no great evidence of pe¬
netration. He was employed to tranflate the church-
catechifm into the Formofan language, which was ex¬
amined, approved, and laid up as a valuable MS; and
the author, after writing his well-known Hijlory of
Formofa, was rewarded and fent to Oxford to ftudy
what he liked, while his patrons and opponents were
learnedly difputing at London on the merits of his
work. The learned members of the univerfity were no
better agreed in their opinions, than thofe at London;
but at length the fceptics triumphed. Some abfurdities
were difcovered in his hiftory, of fuch a nature as to
difcrcdit the whole narration, and faved him the
trouble of an open declaration of his impofture, which
however he owned at length to his private friends.
For the remainder of his life, his learning and inge¬
nuity enabled him to procure a comfortable fupportby
his pen 5 he being concerned in feveral works of cre¬
dit, particularly The Univerfal Hiftory. He lived ir¬
reproachably for many years, and died in 1763.
PSALMODY, the art or aft of finging pfalms.
See Psalms.
Pfalmody was always efteemetf a confiderable part
of devotion, and ufually performed in the ftandingpo-
fture: and as to the manner of pronunciation, the plain
fong was fometimes ufed, being a gentle infltftion of
the voice, not much different from reading, like the
chant in cathedrals; at other times more artificial
compofitions were ufed, like our anthems.
As to the perfons concerned in finging, fometimes
a fingle perfon fung alone; fometimes the whole af-
fembly joined together, which was the moft ancient
and general praftice. At other times, the pfalms were
fung alternately, the congregation dividing themfelves
into two parts, and finging verfe about, in their turns.
There was alfo a fourth way of finging, pretty com¬
mon in the fourth century, which was, when a fingle
perfoo began the verfe, and the people joined with
him in the clofe : this was often ufed for variety, in
the fame fervice with alternate pfalmcdy.
The ufe of mufical inftruments, in the finging of
pfalms, feems to be as ancient as pfalmody itfelf; the
Pfalter
II
Pfeudo.
P S E . I 6S
firft pfalm we read of, being fung to tbe timbrel, viz.
that of Mofesand Miriam, after the deliverance of the
__ Ifraelites from Egypt: and afterwards, mufical inftru*
ments were in conftant ufe in the temple of Jerufalem.
When the ufe of organa was introduced into the Chri-
ftian church, is not certainly known; but we find, about
the year 660, that Conftantine Copronymus, emperor
of Conftantinople, fent a prefent of an organ to Pepin
king of France.
PSALTER, the fame with the book of pfalms.
See the article Psalm.
Among the religious in the Popifh countries, the
term pfalter is alfo given to a large chapelet or rofary,
confuting of 150 beads, according to the number of
pfalms in the pfalter.
PSALTERY, a mufical inftrument, much in ufe
among the ancient Hebrews, who called it nebel.
We know little or nothing of the precife form of the
ancient pfaltery. That now in ufe is a fiat initru-
nient, in form of a trapezium or triangle truncated at
top : it is ftrung with 13 wire-chords, fet to unifon
or odave, and mounted on two bridges, on the two
fides : it is ftruck with a pleftrum, or little iron rod,
and fometimes with a crooked flick. Its cheft or body
refembles that of a fpinet.
PSAMMETICUS, or Psammitichus, a renown¬
ed conqueror, who, fubduing n other petty kings of
Egypt, became the founder of the kingdom of Egypt,
about 670 B. C. He is memorable likewife for taking
the city of Azot, after a fiege of 29 years; and for
difcovering the fources of the river Nile.
PSEUDO, from a Greek term ufed in the
compofition of many words, to denote falfe or fpuri-
ous : as the pfeudo-acacia, or baftard-acacia ; pleudo-
fumaria, or baftard-fumitory ; pfeudo-ruta, or baftard-
rue, &c.
We alfo fay a pfeudo-apoftle, or falfe apoftle; a
pfeudo-prophet, or falfe prophet, &c.
PsEUDO-T/'/zea, in natural hiftory, the name of
a very remarkable fpecies of infed defcribed by M.
Reaumur, approaching to the nature of the tinea, or
clothes-moth while in the worm-ftate, but not making
themfelves coats of the fubftance of leaves, cloth, &c.
tho’ they form a fort of cafes for their defence againft
a very terrible enemy.
Thefe creatures are of the caterpillar kind, and have,
in the manner of many of thefe infeds, 1,6 legs. They
feed on wax, and for food enter the bee-hives ; where
they boldly engage the bees, and are not to be pre¬
vented by them from feeding, though at the expence
of their habitations and the cells of their refervoirs of
honey : fo that it is no uncommong thing for a fwarm
.of bees to be forced to change their place of habita¬
tion, and make new combs elfewhere ; leaving the old
ones to this contemptible vidor, whom they know not
how to drive out or difpoflefs.
Virgil and Ariftotle, and all the authors who have
written on bees, have complained of this dettrudive
animal. It never eats the honey, but feeds only
on the wax; attacking principally thofe waxy cells
where the female bee depofits her eggs for the future
28 1
P S E
na¬
tures by means of their flings, would eafily deftroy
thefe weak creatures, were it Dot for the impervious
L
armour they are covered with. They form themfelves Pfeud#, |
a coat of armour of a double matter. The firft, which pfeudony^|,^
immediately covers the body, is of a kind of lilk of rrus' ,j!
their own fpinning ; and the outer covering over this
is of the bees wax : this is laid confiderably thick; and
the creature, juft thruftingout its head to feed, goes on
devouring the cells undifturbed, while a whole army of
the inhabitants are in vain buzzing about him, and at¬
tempting to pierce him with their flings. He never
forfakes his covering, but lengthens and enlarges it zs
he goes; and gnawing d twn the fides of the cells in
his march, without flaying to eat them one by one,
the havock and deftrudion he occafionp are fcarce to
be conceived. When the time of the change of this
creature approaches, it contrads its body within its
double covering, and there changes into the nymph
ftate; whence, after a proper time, it comes forth in
form of a moth, with granulated horns and a crooked
probofcis.
The bees have cunning enough to know their de-
ftrudive enemy in this new form; and as this is a weak
and defencelefs ftate, they attack and deftroy all the
moths of this fpecies they can meet with. They fel-
dom are fo fortunate, however, as to kill the whole
race as foon as produced ; and if only one efcapes, it
is able to lay a foundation of revenge for the death of
its brethren. All the flies of the moth kind lay a vaft
number of eggs, and this is behind hand with none of
them in that particular : the young ones produced
from the eggs of one furviving female of this fpe¬
cies, are fufficient to deftroy many honey-combs ;
nay, many hives of them. The moth produced by
this caterpillar flies but little ; yet it is very nimble in
avoiding danger, by running, which it does with great
fwiftnefs.
There is a fpecies of thefe pfeudo-tineaz, or wax¬
eating caterpillars, which infeft the fubterraneous hives
of wafps and other creatures which make wax : the
manner of living, feeding, and defending themfelves
from their enemies, is the fame in all the fpecies.
Thefe laft, if they are at any time diftreffed for food,
will eat their own dung ; the wax having pafledalmoft
unaltered through their bodies, and being ftill wax
and capable of affording them more nouriftiment on a
fecond digeftion. Thefe fpeeies, though they naturally
live on this foft food, yet if by any accident they meet
with harder only, they know how to live upon it;
and can eat a way into the covers and leaves of books,
and make themfelves cafes and coverings of the frag¬
ments of thefe fubftances. The accurate author f oft.,R,ea^J
thefe obfervations defcribes alfo a kind of pfeudo-tinea j
which feeds on wool, and another that eats leather;
both making themfelves houfes alfo on the materials
they feed on.
There is alfo another kind very deftruftive of corn ;
thefe make themfelves a covering by faftening together
a great number of the grains, and there living and eat-*
ing in fecret. All thefe creatures, whatever be their
food or habitation, finally become phalena, or moths;
and may be diftinguifhed, even in this ftate, from the
other fpecies, by having granulated horns of a remark¬
able ftru&ure, and all of them a probofcis, or trunk,
more or lefs incurvated.
PSEUDONYMUS, among critics, an author who
publifhes a book under a falfe or feigned name; as
cryp\
•ji 3fidhim,
f pryiii.
i)
P S Y [ 6529 ] P S Y
’crypUnymus Is given to him who publiihes one under
a difguifed name, and anonymus to him who publiflies
without any name at ail.
PSIDIUM, the guava ; a genus of the monogy-
nia order, belonging to the icofandria clafs of plants.
There are two fpecies: 1. The pyriferum, or white
guava ; 2. The pomiferum, or red guava. Both thefe
are thought to be only varieties of the fame plant. The
red guava rifes to the height of 20 feet, and is cover¬
ed with a fmooth bark; the branches are angular, co¬
vered with oval leaves, having a ftrong midrib, and
many veins running towards the fides, of a light green
colour, ftanding oppofite upon very (hort footftalks.
From ;he wings of the leaves the flowers come out up¬
on footftalks an inch and a half long: they are com-
pofed of five large roundilh concave petals, within
which are a great number of (lamina (horter than the
petals, and tipped with pale yellow tops. After the
flower is pad, the germen becomes a large oval fruit
(haped like a pomegranate.
A decodtion of the roots of guava, is employed with
fuccefs in dyfenteries : a bath of a decoftion of the
leaves is faid to cure the itch and other cutaneous e-
ruptions. Guayava, or guava, is diftinguifhed, from the
colour of the pulp, into the two fpecies abovemen-
tioned, the white andfthe red ; and, from the figure of
the fruit, into the round, and the pear-fa(hioned or
perfumed guava. The latter has a thicker rind, and a
more delicate tafte than the other. The fruit is about
the bignefs of a large tennis-ball; the rind or (kin ge¬
nerally of a ruflet ftained with red. The pulp within the
thick rind is of an agreeable flavour, and interfperfed
witha numberoffmall white feeds. The rind, when dew¬
ed, is eaten with milk, and preferred to any other dew¬
ed fruit. From the fame partis made marmalade; and
from the whole fruit is prepared the fined jelly in the
world. The fruit is very aftringent, and nearly of the
fame quality with the pomegranate; fo fliould be
avoided by1 all who are fubjeft to be coftive. The feeds
are fo hard as not to be affe&ed by the fermentation
in the ftomachs of animals ; fo that when voided with
the excrements, they take root, germinate, and pro¬
duce thriving trees. Whole meadows in the Weft In-
-dies are covered with guavas, which have been propa¬
gated in this manner. The buds of guava, boiled
with barley and liquorice, produce an excellent pti-
fan for diarrhoeas, and even the bloody-flux, when not
too inveterate. The wood of the tree, employed as
fuel, makes a lively, ardent, lading fire.
PSYLLI, (Strabo, Ptolemy): a people in the
fouth ofCyrenaica, fo called from kingPfyllus, (Aga-
thargides, quoted by Pliny ;) almoft all overwhelmed
by fand driven by a fouth wind, (Herodotus). They
had fomething in their bodies fatal to ferpents, and
their very fmeil proved a charm againft them, accord¬
ing to Pliny, Lucan, &c.
Though we may juftly look upon it as fabulous
that thefe people had any thing in their bodies diffe¬
rent from others, it is however certain that there are
in Egypt at this day fome perfons who have a me¬
thod of handling the mod poifonous ferpents without
any hurt. Of thefe Mr Haffelquift gives the following
account.
“ They take the mod poifonous vipers with their
bare h^nds, play with them, put them in their bo*
, Vox.. IX -t
foms, and ufe a great many more tricks with them, as Pfylli.
I have often feen. I have frequently feen them
handle thofe that were three or four feet long, and of
the mod horrid fort. I inquired and examined whe¬
ther they had cut out the vipers poifonous teeth ; but
I have with my own eyes feen they do not. We may
therefore conclude, that there are to this day Pfilli in
Egypt ; but what art they ufe, is not eafily known.
Some people are very fuperditious, and the generality
believe this to be done by fome fupernatural art
which they obtain from invifible beings. I do not
know whether their power is to be afcribed to good or
evil; but I am perfuaded that thofe who undertake it
\ife many fuperftitions.” He afterwards fays, “ He
had vipers of four different forts brought him by a
Pfilli, who put him, together with the French con-
ful Lironcourt, and all the French nation prefent, in
confternation. They gathered about us to fee how (he
handled the mod poifonous and dreadful creatures
alive and bride, without their doing, or even offering
to do, her the lead harm. When (he put them into
the bottle where they were to be preferved, (he took
them with her bare hands, and handled them as our
ladies do their laces. She had no difficulty with any
but the vipcra officinales, which were not fond of their
lodging. They found means to creep out before the
bottle could be corked. They crept over the hands and
bare arms of the woman, without occafioning the lead
fear in her: (he with great calmnefs took the fnakes
from her body, and put them into the place deftined
for their grave. She had taken thefe ferpents in the
field with the fame cafe (he handled them before us ;
this we were told by the Arab who brought her to
us. Doubtlefs this woman had fome unknown art
which enabled her to handle thefe creatures. It was
impoffible to get any information from her ; for on
this fubjeft (he would not open her lips. The art of
fafcinating ferpents is a fecret amongft the Egyptians.
It is worthy the endeavours of all naturalifts, and the
attention of every traveller, to learn fomething decifive
as to this affair. How ancient this art is among the A-
fricans, may be concluded from the ancient Marii and
Pfylli, who were from Africa, and daily (bowed
proofs of it at Rome. It is very remarkable that this
fliould be kept a fecret for more than 2000 years, be¬
ing known only to a few, when we have feen how
many other fecrets have within that time been reveal¬
ed. The cireumftances relating to the fafcination of
ferpents in Egypt, related to me, were principally,
I. That the ait is only known to certain families, who
propagate it to their offspring. 2. The perfon who
knows how to fafcinate ferpents, never meddles with
other poifonous animals, fuch as fcorpions, lizards,
&c. There are different perfons who know how to
fafcinate thefe animals , and they again never meddle
with ferpents. 3. Thofe that fafcinate ferpents, eat
them both raw and boiled, and even make broth of
them, which they eat very commonly amongft them ;
but in particular, they eat fuch a di(h when they go
out to catch them. I have been told, that ferpents
fried or boiled are frequently eat by the Arabians
both in Egypt and Arabia, though they know not
how to fafcinate them, but catch them either alive or
dead. 4. After they have eat their foup, they pro¬
cure a bleffing from their fchelk (pried or lawyer) who
36 R uf<*
P/ittacas
Pforalea.
P S O [ 6530 ] PTE
ufes fome fuperftitious ceremonies, and amongft others
fpits on them feveral times with certain geftures. This
. manner of getting a blefling from the prieft is pure fu-
perftition, and certainly cannot in the lead help to fa-
fcinate ferpents ; but they believe, or will at leaft per-
fuade others, that the power of fafcinating ferpents de¬
pends upon this circumftance.”
PSITTACUS,. in ornithology, a genus belonging
to the order of picse. The beak is hooked, the fu-
perior mandible being furnilhed with a moveable wax ;
the noflrils are placed at the bafe of the beak; the
tongue is fleiliy, blunt, and entire ; and the feet are
fitted for climbing. There are 45 fpecies, diftinguifh-
ed by their colour and the length of their tails. This
genus includes the parrot kind, which are all natives of
warm climates.
The parrot is a well-known bird, of which there
are feveral very beautiful kinds. Its bead is large,
and beak and Ikull extremely hard and Itrong. It
might feem a wonder why nature has deftined to
this, which is not naturally a bird of prey, but feeds
on fruits and vegetable fubftances, the crooked beak
allotted to the hawk and other carnivorous birds: blit
the reafon feems to be, that the parrot being a heavy
bird, and its legs not very fit for fervice, it climbs
up and down trees by the help of this fharp and hook¬
ed bill, with- which it lays hold of any thing and fe-
cures itfeif before it ftirs a foot; and befides this, it
helps itfeif forward very much, by pulling its body on
with this hold.
Of all animals* the parrot and crocodile are the
•nly ones which move the upper jaw; all creatures elfe
moving the lower only. As fome particular animals
befide are fond of particular, foods, fo the parrot
loves nothing fo much as the feeds of the carthamus,
or baftard-faffron ;. and eats them without any hurt,
though they are a purge, when given to other creac
tures.
The parrots are common both in the Eaft and Weft
Indies : they are a brifk and lively bird in the
warmer countries; but with us lofe much of their vi¬
gour. They lay two or three eggs in the hollow of
a tree.
In all the known parrots the noftrils are round, and
placed very high upon the beak, and very near one
another.
Parrots are divided into three kinds: i» The lar¬
ger, which are as big as a moderate fowl, called ma-
caos and cocketoons ; thefe have very long tails.. 2. The
middle-fized ones, commonly called parrots, which
have fhort tails, and are a little larger than a pigeon.
And, 3. The fmall ones, which are called paroquets,
and have long tails, and are not larger than a lark or
blackbird.
PSOAS, in anatomy. See there, Talk of the
Mufcles.
PSORALEA, in botany, a genus of the decandria
order* belonging to the diadelphia clafs of plants.
The moft remarkable fpectes are, 1. The primata, or
pinnated pforalea, rifes with a woody foft ftem, branch¬
ing five or fix feet high, pinnated leaves of three or
four pair of narrow lobes terminated by an odd one,
and at the axillas clofe-fitting blue flowers with white
keels. It is a native of Ethiopia. 2. The bituminofa,
or bituminous trifoliate pforalea, rifes with a fhrubby
ftalk, branching fparingly, abouttwo or three feet high, Ptarmtgn
with ternate or three-lobed leaves of a bituminous jj.
fcent, and blue flowers in clofe heads. Grows in I- tefis'
taly and in France. 3. The aculeata, or aculeated prick¬
ly pforaka, rifes with a fhrubby branching Item three
or four feet high, with ternate leaves, having wedge-
fhaped lobes, terminating in a recurved (harp point,
and the branches terminated by roundifh heads of blue
flowers. Grows in Ethiopia. Thefe plants flower
here every fummer ; the firlt fort greateft part of that
feafon, and the others in July and Auguft; all of
which are fucceeded by feeds in autumn. Keep them
in pots in order for removing into the green-houfe in
winter. They are propagated by feeds,, fown in a
hot-bed in the fpring ; and when the plants are two
or three inches high, prick them in feparate fmall pots*
and gradually harden them to the open air, fo as to
bear it fully by the end of May or beginning of June.
They may alfo be propagated by-cuttings any time in
fummer, planted in pots and plunged in a little heat,
or covered clofe. with hand^glaffes, fhadedfrom the fun
and watered.
PTARMIGAN, in ornithology. See Tetrao.
PTELEA, shrub-trefoil ; a genus of the mo-
nogynia order, belonging to the tetrandria clafs of
plants. The fpecies are, r. The trifoliata, or Caro¬
lina fhrub-trefoil, hath a fhnibby upright ftem, divi¬
ding into a branchy head eight or ten feet high, co¬
vered with a fmooth purplifh bark, trifoliate leaves
formed of oval-fpear fhaped folioles, and the branches
terminated by large bunches of greenilh-white flow¬
ers, fucceeded by roundifh, bordered capfules. 2. The
vifcofa, or vifcous Indian ptelea, rifes with feveral
ftrong fhrubby ftems, branching eredtly 12 or 15 feet
high, having a light brown bark, fpear-fhaped, ftiff,
Ample leaves, and the branches terminated by clufters
of greenifh flowers.
The firft fpecics is a hardy deciduous fhrub, and a
proper plant for the fhrubbery and other ornamental
plantations to increafe the variety. It is propagated
by feeds, layers, and cuttings.
The fecond fpecies is a ftove-plant, and is propaga¬
ted commonly by feeds.
PTERIS, in botany, a genus of the order of fi-
lices, belonging to the cryptogamia clafs of plants.
There are 19 fpecies; the moft remarkable is the*-
aquilina, or common female fern. The root of this is
viicid, naufeous, and bitterifh ; and like all the reft of
the fern tribe, has a fait, mucilaginous tafte. It creeps-
under the ground in fome rich foils to the depth of
five or fix feet, and is very difficult to be deftroyedi
Frequent mowing in pafture-grounds, plentiful dung¬
ing in arable lands, but, above all, pouring urine up¬
on it, are the moft approved methods of killing it. It
has* however, many good qualities to counterbalance
the few bad ones. Fern cut while green,, and left to
rot upon the ground, is a good improver of land ; for
its afhes, if burnt, will yield the double quantity of
fait that moft other vegetables will.—Fern is alfo aa>
excellent manure for potatoes ; for if buried Ijpneath
their roots* it never fails to produce a good crop.-—
Its aftringency is fo great, .that it is ufed in many places
abroad in dreffing and preparing kid and chamois lea¬
ther.—In feveral places in the north, the inhabitants-,;
mow it green, and, burning it to affies, make thofe
afhes
P T O [ 6531 ] P U F
I*uArfi afhes up into balls, with a little water, which they dry
II in the fun, and make ufe of them to warti their linen
Ptolemy- W1-tfo inftcaci Qf foap^ jn many 0f the weftern iflesthe
people gain a very confiderable profit from the fale of
the allies to foap and glafs makers.—In Glen Elg in
Invernefslhire, and other places, the people thatch
their houfes with the ftalks of this fern, and fallen
them down with ropes made either of birch-bark or
heath. Sometimes they ufe the whole plant for the
fame purpofe, but that does not make fo durable a co¬
vering.-—Swine are fond of the roots, efpecially if
boiled in their walh.—In feme parts of Normandy we
read that the poor have been reduced to the miferable
nectfihy of mixing them with their bread. And in
Siberia, and fome other northern countries, the inha¬
bitants brew them in their ale, mixing one-third of the
roots to two-thirds of malt.—The ancients ufed the
root of this fern, and the whole plant, in decodtions
and diet-drinks, in chronic diforders of all kinds, ari-
fing from obftrudlions of the vifeera and the fpleen.
Some of the moderns have given it a high charafter in
the fame intentions, but it is rarely ufed in the pre-
fent pradlice. The country people, however, ftill con¬
tinue to retain fome of its ancient ufes; for they give
the powder of it to deftroy worms, and look upon a bed
of the green plant as a fovereign cure for the rickets
in children.
PTISAN, is properly barley decorticated, or de¬
prived of its hulls, by beating in a mortar, as was the
ancient pradlice : though the cooling potion obtained
by boiling fuch barley in water, and afterwards fweet-
ening the liquor with liquorice-root, is what at prefent
goes by the name of/>#/&«,• and to render it laxative,
fome add a little fena or other ingredient of the fame
intention.'
PTOLEMAIC Syjiem of Aftronomy, is that in¬
vented by Claudius Ptolemseus. See Ptolemy (Clau¬
dius).
PTOLEMAIS, (anc. geog.); the port of Arfinoe,
fituated on the weft branch of the Nile, which concurs
to form the illand called Nomos Heracleotes, to the
fouth of the vertex of the Delta.
Ptolemais, (Strabo) ; the largeft and mod confi¬
derable town of the Thebais, or Higher Egypt, and
in nothing fhort of Memphis ; governed in the man¬
ner of a Greek republic : fituated on the weft fide of
the Nile, almoft pppofite to Coptos.—Another, of
Cyrenaica, anciently called Barce.—A third of the
Troglodytica, furnamed Epitheras, from the chace of
wild beafts, as elephants: lying in the fame parallel
with Meroe, (Strabo) ; on the Arabian gulf, (Pliny) ;
4820 ftadia to the fouth of Berenice.—A fourth, of
Galilee, anciently called Aca, or Aeon; made a Ro¬
man colony under the emperor Claudius, (Pliny).—A
-fifth, of Pamphylia; fituate near the river Melas, on
| the borders of Cilicia Afpera.
PTOLEMY (Soter, or Lagus), king of Egypt,
a renowned warrior, and an excellent prince: heefta-
1 blifhed an academy at Alexandria, and was himfelf a
man of letters. Died 284 B. C. aged 92.
| Ptolemy (Philadelphus), his fecond fon, fucceeded
him to the txclufion of Ptolemy Ceraunus. Renowned
as a conqueror, but more revered for his great virtues
and political abilities. He eftablifhed and augmented
k rthe famous Alexandrian library, which had been be¬
gun by"his father. He greatly increafed the commerce Ptolemy
of Egypt, and granted confiderable privileges to the ^.
Jews, from whom he obtained a copy of the Old Te- 11 en or *
ftament, which he eaufed to be tranflated into Greek,
and depofited in his library. This is fuppofed to have
been the verfion called the Ssptuagint. He died 246
years B. C. aged 64.
Ptolemy (Ceraunus), the elder brother, fled to
Seleucus king of Macedon, who received him hofpi-
tably; in return for which he aflaffinated him, and
ufurped his crown. He then invited Arfinoe, who
was his widow and his own fifter, to fhare the govern¬
ment with him ; but as foon as he got her in his pow¬
er, he murdered her and her children. He was at
length defeated, killed, and torn limb from limb by
the Gauls, 279 B. C.
Ptolemy (Claudius), a celebrated mathematician
aud aftrologer, was born at Pelufium, and furnamed
by the Greeks Moji Divine and Mojl Wife. He flou-
rifhed at Alexandria in the fecond century, under the
reigns of Adrian and Marcus Aurelius, about the
138th year before the Chriftian sera. There are ftill
extant his Geography, and feveral learned works on
aftronomy, the principal of which are, 1. The AL
mageft. 2. De Judiciis AJirologicis. 3. Planifphx-
rium. His fyftem of the world was for many years
adopted by the philofophers and aftronomers; but the
learned have reje&ed it for the fyftem of Copernicus.
See Astronomy, p. 748, 770.
PTYALISM, in medicine, a falivation, or freqnetit
and copious difeharge of faliva. The word is Greek,
formed from *rvu “ to fpit.”
PUBERTY, denotes the age at which a perfon is
capable of procreating or begetting children.
Puberty, in law, is fixed at the age of J2 in fe¬
males, and 14 in males ; after which they are rec¬
koned to be fit for marriage. But as to crimes and
punifhments, the age of puberty is fixed at 14 in both
fexes.
PUBES, in anatomy, denotes the middle part of the
hypogaftric region in men or women, lying between
the two inguina or groins.
Settion of the Pubes. See Midwifery, p.528.
and Sigaultian Operation.
Pu ees, in botany, the hair or down on the leaves
of fome plants. See Hair.
PUBLICAN, among the Romans, one who farm¬
ed the taxes and public revenues.
PUBLICATION, the art of making a thing
known to the world, the fame with promulgation.
PUCERONS, VINE-FRETTERS, or/Vtfztf-AVe. See
Aphis.
PUDENDA, the parts of generation in both
fexes. See Anatomy, n° 371, 372.
PUERILITY, in difeourfe, is defined by Longi¬
nus to be a thought, which, by being too far fetch¬
ed, becomes flat and infipid. Puerility, he adds, is
the common fault of thofe who affedl to fay nothing
but what is brilliant and extraordinary.
PUFFENDORF (Samuel de) was born in 1631
at Fleh, a little village in Mifnia, a province in Up¬
per Saxony ; and was fon of Elias Puffendorf, minifter
of that place. After having made great progrefs in
the fciences at Leipfic, he turned his thoughts to the
ftudy of the public law, which in Germany confills of
36 R 2 the
PUG [ 6532 ] PUL
Puffendorfi the knowledge of the rights of the empire over the to veffels and galleys. He died at Marfeilles in 1695, Pwgil
PuSet- princes and ftates of which it is compofed, and thofe and has left a number of admirable ftatues behind him n J1
~ of the princes and ftates with refpeft to each other, both in France and Italy. 11 e
But though he ufed his utmoft efforts to diftinguifh PUGIL, in phyfic, &c. fuch a quantity of flowers,
himfelf, he defpifed thofe pompous titles which are fo feeds, or the like, as may be taken up between the
much fought for at univerfities, and never would take thumb and two fore-fingers. It is reckoned the eighth
the degree of doftor. He accepted the place of go- part of the manipulus or handful,
vernor to the fon of Mr Coyet, a Swedifti nobleman, PULTENEY (William), thefamous oppofer ofSir
who was then ambaffador from Sweden to the court of Robert Walpole in parliament, and afterward earl of
Denmark. For this purpofe he went to Copenhagen,
but continued not long at eafe there; for the war be¬
ing renewed fome time after between Denmark and
Sweden, he was feized with the whole family of the
ambaffador. During his confinement, which lafted
eight months, as he had no books, and was allowed
to fee no perfon, he amufed himfelf by meditating on
whathe read in Grotius’s treatife Dejure Belli et Pads,
and the political writings of Mr Hobbes. Out of
thefe he drew up a fhort fyftem, to which he added
fome thoughts of his own, and publifhed it at the
Hague in 1660, under the title of Elementa Jurifpru.
dentil Univerfalis. This recommended him to the
ele&ar Palatine, who invited him to the univerfity of
Heidelberg,, where he founded in his favour a pro-
fefforfhip of the law of nature and nations, which was
the firft of that kind eftablifhed in Germany. Puf-
fendorf remained at Heidelberg till 1673, when Charles
XI. of Sweden gave him an invitation to be profeffor
of the law of nature and nations at Lunden, which
place the eleftor Palatine reluftantly allowed him
to accept. He went thither the fame year, and after
that time his reputation greatly increafed. Some
years after, the king of Sweden fent for him to
Stockholm, and made him his hiftoriographer, and
one of his counfellors. In i688j the eleftor of Bran¬
denburg obtained the confent of his Swedifti Ma-
jefty, that he (hould come to Berlin, in order to write
the hiftory of the eleftor William the Great; and in
1694, made him a baron. But he died that fame year,
of an inflamation in his feet, occafioned by cutting his
nails; having attained his grand climafteric. Of his
works, which are numerous, the following are the
principal: 1. A treatife on the Law of Nature and
Nations, writen in German ; of which there is an
Englifti tranflation with Barbeyrac’s Notes. 2. An
Introduftion to the Hiftory of the Principal States
which at prefent fubfift in Europe; written in Ger¬
man ; which has been alfo tranflated into Englifh.
3i The Hiftory of Sweden, from Guftavus Adolphus’s
expedition into Germany, to the abdication of Queen
Chriftina. 4. The Hiftory of Charles Guftavus, in
two volumes folio, &c.
PUGET (Peter Paul), one of the greateft painters
and fculptors France ever produced, though but little
noticed by their own writers, was born at Marfeilles
in 1623. In his youth he was the difciplc of Ro¬
man, an able fculptor; and then went to Italy,
where he ftudied painting and architefture. In paint¬
ing he fo well imitated the manner of Peter de Cor¬
tona, that this painter defired to fee him, and entered
into a friendftiip with him. In 1657, a dangerous dif-
order obliged him to renounce the pencil, and devote
himfelf to fculpture; and his reputation caufing him
to be invited to Paris, he enjoyed a penfion of 1200
crowns, as fculptor and diredor of the works relating.
Bath, was defcended from one of the moft ancient
families in the kingdom, and was born in 1682. Be¬
ing well qualified in fortune, he early procured a feat
in the houfe of commons, and diftinguiftied himfelf as
a warm partifan againft queen Anne’s miniftry;
whofe errors he had fagacity to deted, and fpirited
eloquence to expofe. When king George I. came to
the throne, Mr Pulteney was made fecretary at war,
and foon after cofferer to the king’s houfehold ; but
the good underftanding between this gentleman and
Sir Robert Walpole, who then aded as prime minifter,
was interrupted in 1725, on a fufpicion that Walpole
was defirous of extending the limits of prerogative^
and of promoting the interefts of Hanover to the pre¬
judice of thofe of Britain. His oppofition to Sir
Robert was indeed carried to fuch indlfcriminate
lengths, that fome have been of opinion he often aded
againft meafures beneficial to the public merely from
perfonal motives. It would be impradicable here to
trace his parliamentary condud : fo it muft fuffice to
obferve in general, that he became fo obnoxious to the
crown, that in 1731 the king called for the council-
book, and with his own had ftruck out his name from
the lift of privy-counfellors ; a proceeding that only
ferved to inflame his refentment and increafe his popu¬
larity. Thus he ftill continued to attack the minirter
with a feverity of eloquence and farcafm that worded
every antagonift ; fo that Sir Robert was heard to de¬
clare, he dreaded that man’s tongue, more than another
man’s fword. At length when Walpole found the
place of prime minifter no longer tenible, and re-
figned in 1741, among other promotions Mr Pul¬
teney refumed his place in the privy-council, and was
created earl of Bath ; a title purchafed at the expence
of that popularity which afterward he naturally
enough affeded to contemn. la 1760, toward the
clofe of the laft war, he publiflied Letter to tixicf-
great 7neni recommending proper articles to be infifted
on in a treaty of peace; which, though the writer
was then unknown, was greatly applauded, and went
through feveral impreffions. He died in 1764 ; and
as his only fon-died before him, the title became ex-
tinft.
PULEX, the flea, in zoology, a genus of infeda
belonging to the order of aptera. It has two eyes,,
and fix feet fitted for leaping ; the feelers are like
threads ; the roftrum is infleded, fetaceous, and armed :
with a fting ; and the belly is compreffed.
The generation of this familiar vermin affords fome-
thing very curious, firft difcovered by Sig. Diaciento
Ceftorei
Fleas bring forth eggs, or nits, which they depofit
on animals that afford them a proper food! thefe eggs
being very round and fmooth, ufually flipftraightdown; ;
unlefs detained by the piles, or other inequalities, of
the cluaths, hairs, &c.
Of
PUL [ 6531 ] PUL
Fu!ex. OF thefe eggs are hatched white worms, of a fhi-
■"“ning pearl colour, which feed on the fcurfy fubftance
of the cuticle, the downy matter gathered in the piles
of clothes, or other the like fubftances.
In a fortnight they come to a.tolerable fize, and are
very lively and aftive; and, if at any time difturbed,
they fuddently roll themfclves into a kind of ball.
Soon after this, they come to creep, after the man¬
ner of filk-worms, with a very fwift motion. When
arrived at their fize, they hide themfelves as much as
pofiible, and fpin a filken thread out of their mouth,
wherewith they form themfelves a fmall round bag,
or cafe, white within as paper, but without always
dirty, and fouled with duft. Here, after a fortnight’s
reft, the animalcule burfts out, transformed into a
perfect flea ; leaving its exuviae in the bag.
While it remains in the bag, it is milk-white, till
the fecond day before its eruption ; when it becomes
coloured, grows hard, and gets ftrength ; fo that up¬
on its firft delivery, it fprings nimbly away.
The flea, when examined by the microfcope, affords
a very pleafing objeft. It is covered all over with
black, hard, and fhelly fcales or plates, which are
curioufly jointed, and folded over one another in fuch
a manner, as to comply with all the nimble motions
of the creature. Thefe fcales are all curioufly po-
lifhed, and are befet about the edges with fhort fpikes
in a very beautiful and regular order. Its neck is
finely arched, and much refembles the tail of a lobfter:
the head alfo is very extraordinary ; for from the fnout-
part of it there proceed the two fore-legs, and between
thefe is placed the piercer or fucker with which it
penetrates the fkin to get its food.
Its eyes are very large and beautiful, and it has two
feort horns or feelers. It has four other legs joined
all at the breaft. Thefe, when it leaps, fold fhort
one v/ithin another; and then, exerting their fpring all
at the fame inftant, they carry the creature to a fur-
prifing diftance. The legs have feveral joints, and
are very hairy, and terminate in two long and hooked
fharp claws.
The piercer or fucker of the flea is lodged between
its fore-legs,and includes a couple of darts or lancets;
which* after the piercer has made an entrance, are
thruft farther into the flefh, to make the blood flow
from the adjacent parts, and occafion that round red
fpot, with a hole in the centre of it, vulgarly called a.
flea-bite.
This piercer, its fheath opening fidewife and the
two lancets within it, are very’difficult to be feen;
unlefs the two fore-legs, between which they are hid,
be cut off clofe to the head: for the flea rarely puts
oot its piercer, except at the time of feeding, but
keeps it folded inwards ; and the beft way of feeing
it is by cutting off firft the head, and then the fore¬
legs, and then it is ufually feen thruft out in con-
vulfionsr
By keeping fleas in a glafs tube corked up at both
ends, but fo as to admit frefh air, their feveral ac¬
tions may be obferved, and particularly their way of
coupling, which is performed tail to tail; the female,
which is much the larger, ftanding on the male. They
may alfo be thus feen to lay their eggs, not all at once,
but ten or twelve in a day, for feveral days fucceffively;
which eggs will be afterwards found to hatch fuccef¬
fively in the fame order. The flea may eafily be Pules,
differed in a drop of water ; and by this means the
ftomach and bowels, with their periftaltic motion,
maybe difcovered very plainly, as alfo their teftes and
penis, with the veins and arteries, though minute be¬
yond all conception. Mr Lieuwenhoek affirms alfo,
that he has feen innumerable animalcules, fhaped like
ferpents, in the femen mafculinum of a flea.
VxrL.Y.j.-ArboreuSi in natural hiftory, the name given
by Mr Reaumur to a very large genus of fmall animals.
They are a kind of half-winged creatures: they have
granulated antennas; and fome of them, m their mod
perfeA ftate, have complete wings. Thefe are diftin-
guifh from the others by the name of inufca-pulex or
the ’winged-pulex.
The feveral fpecies of thefe creatures are of different
colours: fome are brown, others yellow ; but the moft
frequent are green. They all feed upon the leaves of
trees, which become withered and curled up on their
eroding them ; and they are fo common, that where-
ever a leaf of a tree is found curled up, or of a diffe¬
rent form from the others, it is highly probable thefe
animals are on it, or that it is their work. Among
trees the willow and the rofe are the moft infe&ed by
them ; and among plants, the bean and the poppy.
They live a focial life, multitudes of males and females
being found together. The females are eafily dif-
tinguilhed from the males, by their being thicker in
the body, and having larger bellies.
It is very wonderful, that of all the known animals
of the winged kind, thefe are the only ones which are
viviparous. This is eafily feen beyond a poffibility of
doubt: for, on examining a clufter of them together,
it is a common thing to fee, by the help of a fmall
magnifier, a female in the adt of parturition; and the
author f of this account frequently faw the young pulex tReaum'?rJ
protruded out, from a paffage near the anus of the^OT^
female, perfedlly formed. He had fufpe&ed this J
from the total want of eggs among fo numerous a tribe
of animals, and from their remarkably fpeedy propa¬
gation, and was thus convinced of it by ocular de-
monftration.
They are armed with a tender and flexile probofcis 1
with which they feize hold of the young {hoots of the
tree they live upon, twifting the proboicis round it.
Thefe creatures are always feen naked and expofed,
ftanding on the outfide of the ftalks and leaves, and
fucking in their juices for nourifhment with their pro¬
bofcis. But there is another fpecies of them, which
are alike viviparous, and agree with them in all rc-
fpedts except in their manner of living. Thefe get
into the inner fubftance of the leaves, like the worms
called afcarides; and feed on the parenchyma, being de¬
fended from all injuries by living between the integu¬
ments. In this cafe, the leaves they bury themfelves
in become fcabrous and deformed, and produce a fort
of galls: fo that Malpighi erred in fuppofing all the
galls of trees to be produced by the animals hatched of
the eggs of ichneumon flies ; fince thefe animals, which,
are viviparous, and are of a very different kind from
the worms of the ichneumon flies, equally produce them,
A female of the fpecies here treated of has been feea
to bring forth feven young ones in a day: and thus,
from refiding alone in the tubercles which (he had form¬
ed on a leaf, fhe in a little time becomes the mother
PUL
Pulex
Pulp.
PUL I 6su 1
of a numerous family; each of which raifes its own tu¬
mour or gall on the leaf, which at firft are fmall and
. round, and of a beautiful red like kermes.
Such of thefe as are of the male fpecies have a cer¬
tain time of reft, in which they lie buried in a filky
matter, and afterwards become winged, flying nimbly
about ; whereas the females never are able to fly, but
remain always half-winged. It is to be obferved, how¬
ever, that there is a different fpecies of winged infefts
frequently found flying about the female pulices, as
well as their own males.; fo that all the fmall-winged
infefts about them are not to be thought of their own
fpecies. Thefe do not greatly differ in figure; but the
one are harmlefs, and the others have flings, and hurt
any part of the body on which they fix.
Fviux-JZaters., a name given by naturalifts to a fort
of worms frequently found on.the leaves of trees, where
•they devour the animals call,ed pulices arlorei.
Of thefe there are feveral fpecies, which owe their
origin to the eggs of different creatures; for there are
none of them in their ultimate ftate in this their time
of feeding. According to the different animals whofe
eggs they are hatched from, thefe are of different form
and ftrufture. Some are hexapodes, or endued with fix
feet: thefe belong to the beetle-tribe, and finally change
into beetles like the parent-animal from whofe eggs
they fprung. Others have no legs, and are produced
from the eggs of flies of various kinds. And finally,
others are genuine caterpillars, though fmall; but thefe
are the moft rare of all.
The two general kinds are the hexapodes, or beetle-
worms; and the apodes, or fly-worms. The fly which
gives origin to the laft of thefe is a four-winged one,
and takes care always to depofit her eggs in a place
where there are plenty of the pulices, ufually on the
(talk or young branches of a tree in the midft of large
families of them. The worm, as foon as hatched, finds
itfelf in the midft of abundance of food, preying at
pleafure on thefe animals, which are wholly defence-
lefs. The ftalks of the elder and woodbine are fre¬
quently found covered over with thefe pulices; and
among them there may ufually be found one or more
of thefe deftroyers feeding at will, fucking in the juices
from their bodies, and then throwing away the dry
fkins. Befides the worms of this four-winged fly, there
is one of a two-winged wafp-^y, very deftrudtive of
thefe animals.
PULLEY, in mechanics, one of the five mechanical
powers. See Mechanics, n°5i.
PULMO, the Lungs, in anatomy. See there,
n° 381.
PULMONARIA, Lungwort; a genus of the
monogynia order, belonging to the pentandria clafs of
plants. There are feveral fpecies; of which the moft
remarkable is the officinalis, common fpotted lungwort,
or Jerufalem cowflip. This is a native of woods and
ffiady places in Italy and Germany, but has been cul¬
tivated in Britain for medicinal ufe.^ The leaves are
of a green colour, fpotted with white; and of a mu¬
cilaginous tafte, without any fmeil. They are recom¬
mended in phthifis, ulcers of the lungs, &c. but their
virtues in thefe difeafes are not warranted by experi¬
ence.
PULP, in pharmacy, the flefhy and fucculent parts
of fruits extra&ed by iufufion or boiling, and pafled
. through a fieve.
PULPIT, an elevated place in a church, whence
fermons are delivered. The French give the fame name
to a reading-delk.
PULSE, in the animal ceconomy, denotes the
beating or throbbing of the heart and arteries.
No dodrine has been involved in more difficulties
than that of pulfes ; fince, in giving a phyfiological ac¬
count of them, phyficians have efpoufed quite oppofite
fentiments ; whilft fome doubt whether the pulfe is
owing to the fyftole or diaftole ; as alfo, whether the
motion of the heart and arteries, is one and the fame,
for a moment of time.
With regard to motion, the pulfes are reckoned
only four ; great and little, quick and flow. When
quicknefs and greatnefs are joined together, it becomes
violent ; and when it is little and flow, it is called a
•weak pulfe* They are alfo faid to be frequent and
rare, equal and unequal} but thefe are not the effen-
tial affedions of motion. Frequency and quicknefs
are often confounded with each other. A pulfe is faid
to be hard or foft, with regard to the artery, according
as it istenfe, renitent, and hard, or flaccid, foft, and
lax : for the difpofition of the arteries contributes
greatly to the change of the pulfe ; wherefore it fome-
times happens, that the pulfe in both arms is not alike,
which is very common in a hemiplexy. Add to thefe
a convulfive pulfe, which does not proceed from the
blood, but from the ftate of the artery ; and is known
by a tremulous fubfultory motion, and the artery feems
to be drawn upwards: this, in acute fevers, is the fign
of death ; and is faid to be the pulfe in dying perfons,
which is likewife generally unequal and intermitting.
A great pulfe fliews a more copious afflux of the blood
to the heart, and from thence into the arteries; a little
pulfe, the contrary.
The pulfes of perfons differ according to the large-
nefs of the heart and veffels, the quantity and tempe-
ries of the blood, the elaftic force of the canals ; as
alfo with regard to the fex, age, feafon, air, motion,
food, fleep, watchings, and paffions of the mind. The
pulfe is larger and more quick in men than in women ;
in the bilious and fanguineo-bilious, than in the phleg¬
matic and melancholic. Thofe who are lean, with
tenfe fibres and large veffels, have a' greater and a
ftronger pulfe, than thofe that are obefe, with lax
fibres and fmall veffels ; whence they are mot e healthy,
robuft, and apt for labour. In children, the pulfe is
quick and foft; in adults, greater and more violent.
In the old, it is commonly great, hard, and flow. La¬
bour, motion, and exercife of the body, increafe the
circulation of the blood, the excretions, and particu¬
larly refpiration ; reft renders the circulation flow and
weak ; intenfe fpeaking increafes the circulation, and
confequently renders the pulfe large and quick. In
watching, the pulfe is more evident; in fleep, more
flow and languid. After drinking hot things, fuch
as coffee and tea, or hot bath-waters, as well as after
meals, the pulfe vibrates more quick. But nothing
produces a greater change in the pulfe than affeftions
of the mind : in terror, it is unequal, fmall, and con-
tradted ; ip joy, frequent and great; ia anger, quick
and hard ; in fadnefs, flow, fmall, deep, and weak;
and in intenfe ftudy, languid and weak. With regard
tp the air, when, after the predominancy of a weft or
fouth
Pulpit,
Pulfe.
P U M
P U M [ 6J35 ]
Pnlfe fouth wind, it become* north or eaft, the pulfe is
Pumice ^ronSer anc^ Jarger 5 as alfo when the quickfilver rifes
' in the barometer. But when the atmofphere is denfe,
humid, rainy, with a long fouth wind ; as alfo where
the life is fedentary, the fleep long, and the feafon au¬
tumnal, the pulfe is languid and fmall, and the per-
fpiration decreafed. In May it is great, and fome-
times violent; in the middle of fummer, quick but
weak ; in the autumn, flow, foft, and weak ; in the
winter, hard and great. A draftic purge and an eme¬
tic render the pulfe hard, quick, and weak, with lofs
of flrength ; chalybeates, and the bark, render it great
and robuft, and the completion lively ; volatiles am¬
plify and increafe the pulfe ; acids and nitrous reme¬
dies refrigerate the body, and appeafe the pulfe ;
opiates and the like, render it fmall and weak, and
j decreafe the elafticity of the folids; and poifons ren¬
der it fmall, contra&ed, and hard. When the quantity
of the blood is too great, bleeding raifes the pulfe.
Pulse, is alfo ufed for the ftroke with which any
medium is affe&ed by the motion of light, found, &c.
■ through it.
Sir Ifaac Newton demonftrates, that the velocities
of the pulfes in an elaftic fluid medium (whofe elafti¬
city is proportionable to its denfity) are in a ratio
compounded of half the ratio of the elaftic force di-
reftly, and half the ratio of the denfity inverfely ; fo
that in a medium whofe elafticity is equal to its denfi¬
ty, all pulfes will be equally fwift.
Pulse, in botany, a term applied to all thofe
grains or feeds which are gathered with the hand ; in
contradiftindlion to corn, &c. which are reaped, or
mowed : or, It is the feed of the leguminous kind of
plants, as beans, vetches, &c. but is by fome ufed for
r artichokes, afparagus, See.
PULVERIZA TION, the art of pulverizing, or
j reducing a dry body into a fine powder; which is per¬
formed in friable bodies, by pounding or beating
them in a mortar, &c. but to pulverize malleable ones,,
other methods muft be taken. To pulverize lead, or
tin, the method is this : Rub a round wooden box all
over the infide, with chalk ; pour a little of the melt¬
ed metal nimbly into the box ; when fhuttingthe lid,
and fhaking the box brilkly, the metal will be reduced;
If * to powder.
PUMICE, in natural hiftory, a flag or cinder of
fome foflil originally bearing another form, and only
reduced to this ftate by the adtion of the fire, though
generally ranked by authors among the native ftones.
I It is a lax and fpungy matter, frequently of an ob-
fcure, ftriated texture in many parts, and always very
cavernous and full of holes ; it is hard and harfhtothe
touch, but much lighter than any other body that
comes under the clafs of ftones. It is found in maffes
of different fizes, and of a perfectly irregular fhape,
from the bignefs of a. pigeon’s egg to that of a bufhel.
We have it from many parts of the world, but parti¬
cularly from about the burning mountains fEtna, Ve-
fuvius, and Hecla, by whofe eruptions it is thrown up
' in vaft abundance ; and being by its lightnefs fupport-
i ed in the air, is carried intoTeas at fome diftance by
the winds, and thence to diftant (bores. The great ufe
of the pumice among the ancients feems to have been
as a dentifrice, and at prefent it is retained in the (hops
on the fame account. Pump,
PUMP, an hydraulic machine for railing water by 
means of the preflure of the atmophere. See Hydro¬
statics, n° 23, &c.
AW?/Pump, a well-known machine, ufed to dif-
charge the water from the (hip’s bottom into the fea.
The common pump is a long wooden tube, whofe
lower end refts upon the (hip’s bottom, between
the timbers, in an apartment called the inclo-
fed for this purpofe near the middle of the (hip’s
length.
This pump is managed by means of the brake, and
the two boxes or piftons. Near the middle of the
tube, in the chamber of the pump, is fixed the lower
box, which is furniftied with a ftaple, by which it may at
any time be hooked and drawn up in order to examine
it. To the upper box is fixed a long bar of iron, called
theJfiear, whofe upper end is faftened to the end of the
brake, by means of an iron bolt palling through both.
At a fmall diftance from this bolt the brake is confined
by another bolt between two cheeks, or ears, fixed
perpendicularly on the top of the pump. Thus the
brake afts upon the fpear as a lever, whofe fulcrum is
the bolt between the two eheeks, and difeharges the
water by meang of the valves, or clappers, fixed on the
upper and lower boxes.
Thefe forts of pumps, however, are very rarely ufed
in (hips of war, uniefs of the fmalleft fize. The motif'
ufeful machine of this kind, in large (hips, is the chain-
pump, which is univerfally ufed in the navy. This is
no other than a long chain, equipped with a fufficient
number of valves, at proper diftances, which pafles-
downward through a wooden tube, and returns up¬
ward in the fame manner on the other fide. It is ma¬
naged by a roller or winch, whereon feveral men may
be employed at onee; and thus it difeharges, in a li¬
mited time, a much greater quantity of water than the
common pump, and that with lefs fatigue and incon¬
venience to the labourers.
This machine is neverthelefs expofed to feveral difa-
greeable accidents by the nature of its conftru&ion,.
The chain is of too complicated a fabric, and the
proket-wheels employed to wind it up the (hip’s bot-
om, are deficient in a very material circumftance, viz.
fome contrivance to prevent the chain from Aiding or
jerking back upon the furface of the wheel, which fre¬
quently happens when the valves are charged with a
confiderable weight of water, or when the pump is
violently worked. The links are evidently too (hort ;
and the immechanical manner in which they are con-
nefted, expofes them to a great fri&ion in paffing round:
the wheels. Hence they are fometimes apt to break or
burft afunder in very dangerous fituatioqs, when it
is extremely difficult or impracticable to repair the
chain.
The confideration of the known inconveniences of
the above machine has given rife to the invention of
feveral others which (hould better anfwer the purpofe.
They have been offered to the public one after ano¬
ther with pompous recommendations by their refpedtive
projectors, who have never failed to report their ef¬
fects as confiderably fuperior to that of the chain-
pump with which they have been tried. It is, how¬
ever, much to be lamented, that in thefe fort of trials
there.'
Pump.
P U M
[ 6536 ]
P XJ M
_ there Is not always a fcrupulous attention lo what may the new pump was dropped into the well, and after- Pump,
“be cz\\z& mechanicaljujlke. The artift, who withes wards taken up and repaired and fet at work again in j
to introduce a new piece of mechanifm, has generally two minutes and a half; and that they have feen the
fufficient addrefs to compare its efFeds with one of the lower wheel of the faid pump taken up to Ihow how
former machines which is crazy or out of repair. A
report of this kind indeed favours ftrongly of the evi¬
dence of a falfe witnefs ; but this fineffe is not always
difcovered. The perfons appointed to fuperintend the
comparative effedis of the different pumps, have not
always a competent knowledge of hydraulics to deleft
thefe artifices, or to remark with precifion the defefts
and advantages of thofe machines as oppofed to each
other. Thus the feveral inventions propofed to fup-
plant the chain-pump have hitherto proved ineffeftual,
and are now no longer remembered.
Of late, however, fome confiderable improvements
have been made on the naval chain-pump, by Mr Cole,
under the direftion of Captain Bentinck. The chain
of this machine is more Ample and mechanical, and
much lefs expofed to damage. It is exaftly fimilar to
that of the fire engine; and appears to have been firft
applied to the pump by Mr Mylne, to exhauft the wa¬
ter from the caiflbns at Blackfriars bridge. It has
thence been transferred to the marine by Captain Ben¬
tinck, after having received fome material additions to
anfwer that fervice. The principal fuperiority of this
pump to the former is, 1. That the chain is more fimple
and more eafily worked, and of courfe lefs expofed to
injuries by friftion. 2. That the chain is fecured up-
readily it might be cleared and refitted for aftion af¬
ter being choaked with fand or gravel, which they
are of opinion may be performed in four or five mi¬
nutes.
./^'r-PuMP. See Pneumatics, feft. ii.
One of the principal caufes of imperfeftion in the
common air-pump, arifcs from the difficulty of open¬
ing the valves at the bottom of the barrels: to avoid
which inconvenience, Mr Smeaton has made ufe of fe-
ven holes inftead of one ; by which means, the valve
is fupported at proper diftances, by a kind of grating,
made by the folid parts between thefe holes: and ter
render the points of contaft, between the bladder and
grating, as few as poffible, the holes are made hexa¬
gonal, and the partitions filed almoft to an edge. He
has alfo made the breadth of each hexagon of an
inch, fo that its furface is more than nine times greater
than common; upon which account, as well as by rea-
fon of the greater number of holes, the valve may be
raifed with a fixth part of the force commonly necef-
fary.
Another imperfeftion is owing to the pifton’s not
fitting exaftly, when put down clofe to the bottom;
which leaves a lodgment for air that is not got out of
the barrel, and proves of bad effeft by hindering the
on the wheel, and thereby prevented from jerking rarefaftion from being carried on beyond a certain de-
back when charged with a column of water. 3. That gree: for as the pifton rifes, the air will expand itfelf;
it may be eafily taken up and repaired when broken
or choaked with ballaft, &c. 4. That it difeharges
much greater quantity of water with an inferior num
ber of men,
but ftill preffing upon the valve, according to its den-
fity, it hinders the air within the receiver from coming
out. Hence, were this vacancy to equal the 150th part
of the capacity of the whole barrel, no air could ever
In Plate CCXLVII. a feft ion of this machine at come out of the receiver when once expanded 150 times,
, large is exhibited, as fixed in a frigate of war, fig. 5.
wherein A is the keel, V the floor-timbers, X
the kelfon, aaa the feveral links of the chain, hh
the valves, C the upper wheels, D the lower wheels,
c c the cavities upon the furface of the wheels to re-
though the pifton were conftantly drawn to the top.
This inconvenience Mr Smeaton has endeavoured to
overcome, by ffiutting up the top of the barrel with a
plate, haying in the middle a collar of leathers, thro’
which the cylindrical rod works, that carries the pi-
ceive the valves as they pafs round thereon, and dd the fton. By this means the external air is prevented from
bolts fixed acrofs the furface of the wheels to fall in the preffing upon the pifton; but that the air which pafles
Interval between every two links to prevent the chain
from Aiding back.
The links of the chain, which are no other than two
long plates of iron with a hole at each end, and fixed
together by two bolts ferving as axles are repre-
fented on a largerfcale, as a *?. The valves aretwojcir-
cular plates of iron with a piece of leather between
them: thefe are alfo exhibited at large by bh.
Upon a trial of this machine with the old chain-
pump aboard the Seafiprd frigate, it appears, in a re¬
port figned by rear-admiral Sir John Moore, 12 cap¬
tains, and 11 lieutenants of his majefty’s navy, that
its effefts, when compared with the latter, were as
follow.
New Pump.
43t
55
Old Pump.
Number Tons of 1 Second:
Men. Water, of Time
7 I 1 I 76
through the valve of the pitton from below may be
difeharged out of the barrel, there is alfo a valve ap¬
plied to the plate at the top, that opens upwards. The
confequence of this conftrudtion is, that when the pi¬
fton is put down to the bottom of the cylinder, the air
in the lodgment under the pifton will evacuate itfelf fo
much the more as the valve of the pifton opens more
eafily, when preffed by the rarified air above it, than
when prefled by the whole weight of the atmofphere.
Hence, as the pifton may be made to fit as nearly to
the top of the cylinder as it can to the bottom, the
air may be rarified as much above the pifton as it could
before have been in the receiver. It follows, there¬
fore, that the air may now be rarified in the receiver,
in the duplicate proportion of what it could be upon
the common principle; every thing elfe being fuppofed
perfeft.
Mr Smeaton has alfo improved upon the gages com¬
monly ufed for meafuring the expanfion of the : ’
which his gage will do with much certainty, to much
lefs than the 1 oooth part of the whole. It confifts of
The fubferibers further certify, that the chain of a bulb of glafs, fo.mething ig the lhape of a pear, and
fufficient
Plate CCXL1V.
Tvfackme for hovtug wooden PlEES
; y- •' ■ ^
Ft.ATALRAor SpoonBill
P U M [ 6537 ] P U M
. Pump, fufficient to hold about half a pound of quickfilver. It
P’ " Js open at one end, and at the other end is a tube her¬
metically clofed at top. By the help of a nice pair of
fcales, he found what proportion of weight a column
of mercury of a certain length, contained in the tube,
bore to that which filled the whole veffel; and, by thefe
means, was enabled to mark divifions upon the tubej
anfwering to the -r^-^th part of the whole capacity;
which being about r^th of an inch each, may, by efti-
mation, be eafily fubdivided into leffer parts. This
gage, during the exhaulling of the receiver, is fufpend-
ed therein by a flip-wire; and when the pump is work¬
ed as much as (hall be thought neceflary, the gage is
puflied down, till the open end is imraerged in aciftern
of quickfilver placed underneath: the air being then
let in, the quickfilver will be driven into the gage, till
the air remaining in it becomes of the fame denfity
with the external air; and as the air always takes the
higheft place, the tube being uppermoft, the expanfion
will be determined by the number of divifions occupied
by the air at top.
He has alfo endeavoured to render the pneumatic
apparatus more Ample and commodious, by making
the air-pump aft as a condenting engine at pleafure,
by only turning a cock: this renders the pump an uni-
verfal engine for fhowing any effeft that arifes from an
alteration in the denfity or fpring of the air; and with
a little addition of apparatus, it fliows the experiments
of the air-fountain, wind-gun, &c. This is done in
the following manner: The air above the pifton being
forcibly driven out of the barrel at each ftroke, and
having no where to efcape but by the valve at top; if
this valve be connefted with the receiver by means of a
pipe, and at the fame time the valve at the bottom, in-
flead of communicating with the receiver, be made to
communicate with the external air, the pump will then
Ij perform as a condenfer. The mechanifm is thus or¬
dered: There is a cock with three pipes placed round
it, at equal diftances. The key is fo pierced, that any
two may be made to communicate, whHe the other is
i left open to the external air. One of thefe pipes goes
to the valve art the bottom of the barrel ; another goes
to the valve at the top; and a third goes to the recei¬
ver. Thus, when the pipe from the receiver, and that
from the bottom of the barrel, are united, the pump
exhauils: but turn the cock round till the pipe from
the receiver and that from the top of the barrel com¬
municate, and it then condenfes. The third pipe in
one cafe, difcharges the air taken from the receiver in¬
to the barrel ; and, in the other, lets it into the barrel,
( that it may be forced into the receiver.
But the following figures will ferve to render the
ftrufture and ufe of this excellent machine fiill more
tflkte plain. Fig. 1. is a perfpeftive view of the feveral parts
IDCLIV. of the pump together. A is the barrel; B the ciftern,
in which are included the cock, with feveral joints:
thefe are covered with water, to keep them air-tight.
A little cock to fet the water out of the ciftern, is
marked A Ccc is the triangular handle of the key of
t' the cock; which, by the marks on its arms,fhows how
it muft be turned, that the pump may produce the ef-
feft defired. DH is the pipe of communication be¬
tween the cock and the receiver.; E is the pipe that
^ communicates between the cock and the valve, on the
Vol. IX. I
upper plate of the barrel. F is the upper plate of the Pump,
pitmp, which contains the collar of leathers d; and V,   
the valve, which is covered by the piece f. GI is the
fiphon-gage, which fcrews on and off, and is adapted
to common purpofes. It confifts of a glafs tube her¬
metically fealed at c, and furniflied with quickfilver in
each leg ; which, before the pump begins to work,
lies level in the line ab; the fpace be being filled with
air of the common denfity. When the pump exhaufts,
the air in be expands, and the quickfilver in the op-
pofite leg rifes till it become a counterbalance to it.
Its rife is (hown upon the fcale I e, by which the ex¬
panfion of the air in the receiver may be nearly judged
of. When the pump condenfes, the quickfilver rifes in
the other leg, and the degree may be nearly judged of
by the contraftion of the air in be; marks being pla¬
ced at 4-and -j-of the length of be from c, which fhows
when the receiver condenfes double or treble its com¬
mon quantity. KL is a ferew-frame to hold down the
receiver in condenfing experiments, which takes off at
pleafure; and is fufficient to hold down a receiver, the
diameter of whofe bafe is 7 inches, when charged with
a treble atmofphere: in -which cafe it afts with a force
of about 1200 pounds againft the ferew-frame. M is
a ferew that fallens a bolt, which Aides up and down
in that leg, by means whereof the machine is made to
ftand fall on uneven ground. p|ate
Fig. 1. reprefents a perpendicular feftion of the bar-CCXLVIT.
rel and cock, &c. of the pump; where AB is the bar¬
rel, CD the rod of the pifton, which paffes through
MN, the plate that clofes the top of the barrel. K is
the collar of leathers through which the pifton-rod
paffes. When the pifton is at the bottom of the cy¬
linder, the upper part of K is covered by the cap at
D, to keep out dull, &c. L is the valve on the upper
plate, which is covered by the piece OP, which is con¬
nefted with the pipe QR, which makes the communi¬
cation between the valve and cock. CE is the pifton,
and EFF the pifton-valves. II are two little holes to
let the air pafs from the pifton-valves into the upper
part of the barrel. GG is the principal valve at the
bottom of the cylinder. HH is a piece of metal,
into which the valve GG is ferewed, and clofes the
bottom of the cylinder; out of which is alfo compofed
SS the cock, and KTT the duft from the cock to the
bottom of the barrel. WW is the key of the cock, X
the ftem, and VV the handle.
Fig. 2. is an horizontal feftion of the cock, through
the middle of the duft TT. AB reprefents the big-
nefs of the circular plate that clofes the bottom of the
barrel, and CD the bignefs of the infide of the barrel.
EFG is the body of the cock; the outward fliell being
pierced with three holes at equal diftances, and corre-
fponding to the three dufts HH, II, KK, whereof
HH is the duft that goes to the bottom of the bar¬
rel ; IT, the duft that communicates with the top of
the barrel; and KK, the duft that paffes from the cock
to the receiver. LMN is the key, or folid part of the
cock, moveable round in the fhel! EFG. When the
canal LM anfwers to the dufts HH and KK, the
pump exhaufts, and the air is difeharged by the per¬
foration N. But the key LMN being turned till the
canal LM anfwers to the dufts II and. KK, the per¬
foration N will then anfwer to the duft HH, and in
36 S this
P U M [ 6538 ] P U M
Sump, this cafe the pump condenfes. Laftly, when N anfwers
  “to KK, the air is then left in or difcharged from the
receiver, as the circumftance requires.
Fig. 3. is the plan of the principal valve ; where
ABCD reprefents the bladder faftened in four places,
and ftretched over the feven holes IK, formed into an
hexagonal grating, which Mr Smeaton choofes to call
the honeycomb. EFGH, (hows where the metal is a
little protuberant, to hinder the pifton from ftriking
againft the bladder.
Fig. 4. reprefents the new gage, called from its
fhape the pear-gage, which is open at A. BC is the
graduated tube, which is hermetically clofed atC, and
is fufpended by the piece of brafs DE; which is hol¬
lowed into a cylinder, and clafps the tube.
In the 67th volume of the philofophical tranfac-
tions we have an account of a number of experiments
made by Mr Nairne with an air-pump conftrufted af¬
ter the method recommended by Mr Smeaton ; in
which feveral unexpe&ed and forfome time unaccount¬
able anomalies were obferved. Thefe confided in cer¬
tain differences between Mr Smeaton’s pear-gage, and
the common barometer gage. By the former, a de¬
gree of exhauftion would be indicated equal to 4000,
10,000, or perhaps 100,000 ; while the barometer
gage indicated only an exhauftion of 200 or 300, or
perhaps much lefs. The reafon of this phenomenon
was at laft explained by Mr Cavendiih in the follow¬
ing manner. “ Water, whenever the preflure of the
atmofphere on it is diminiihed to a certain degree, is
immediately turned into vapour ; and is as immediate¬
ly turned back again into water, on reftoring the pref-
fure. This degree of preffure is different according to
the heat of the water: when the heat is 71° of Fah¬
renheit’s fcale, it turns into vapour as foon as the
preffure is no greater than three quarters of an inch of
quickfilver, or one-fortieth part of the ufual preffure
of the atmofphere; but when the beat is only 410, the
preffure of the atmofphere mu ft be reduced to that of
a. quarter of an inch before it turns into vapour.
Hence it follow'*, that when the receiver is exhaufted
to the abovementioned degree, the moifture adhering
to the various parts of the machine will turn into va¬
pour, and fupply the place of the air which is conti¬
nually drawn away by the working of the pump ; fo
that the fluid in the pear-gage, as well as that in the
receiver, will confift in a good meafure of vapour.
Now, letting the air into the receiver, all the vapour
ia the pear*gage will be reduced to water, and only
the real air will remain uncondenfed. Confequently Pump,
the pear-gage (hows only how much real air is left in ““
the receiver, and not how much the preffure or fpring
of the included fluid is diminilhed ; whereas the com¬
mon gages fhew how much the preffure of the included
fluid is diminilhed, and that equally whether it confift
of air or vapour.”
To put the truth of this theory to the teft, Mr
Nairne having wiped the receiver and every part of the
machine as clean as pofiible from moifture, excluded
the air by a cement put round the outfide of the recei¬
ver. In thefe circumftances the pump being worked
for 10 minutes, both the barometer and pear-gage in¬
dicated very nearly the fame degree of exhauftion, viz.
600. He then began to inquire how far different
fubftances, which might occafionally be put into the
receiver, would produce this vapour ; and the refults
of his experiments were as follow.
1. A piece of white Iheep-fkin, of about four inches
diameter, foaked in oil and tallow about a year before,
being put into the receiver, and the pump worked for
10 minutes, the barometer-gage indicated an exhau¬
ftion of about 300, and the pear-gage of 4000. 2. The
piece of leather being taken out, and the pump work¬
ed as before, both gages flood at 600. 3. Acylindrical
piece of boxwood, an inch in diameter, and three
inches broad, being put into the receiver, the baro¬
meter gage indicated 300, and the pear-gage 16,000.
4. With two ounces of tallow, the barometer gage was
431, the pea;-gage 600. 5. With two ounces of oil the
numbers were 377 and 480. 6. With two ounces of
alum they were 370 and 580. 7. But with a piece of
leather, weighing 100 grains, in the fame ftate in
which it came from the leather-fellers, the numbers
were 152 and 100,000. 8. With the fame piece of
leather foaked in the tallow and oil which had been
already tried, the exhauftions were 432 and 800.
“ From thefe experiments (fay our author) it ap¬
pears, that the elaftic vapour which caufed fo great
a difference in the teftimony of the gages, arofe prin¬
cipally from the leather, and but little from the tal¬
low, oil, or alum: it even appears by the feventh ex¬
periment, that it came from the leather, and fupplied
the place of the exhaufted air fo fall, that I could
not (at lead in the 10 minutes) make the barometer
gage indicate a degree of exhauftion of more than 159.
“ To determine whether it was the moifture in the
leather from which the vapour arofe, I made the foU
lowing experiments.
Subftances put into the receiver.
Weight
when put
into the
Degrees of exhau¬
ftion according to
Barom. Pear-
gage. gage.
Variation in-
weight
during the
experiments..?
Exp. 9. A piece of white leather, frelh from the 7
leather-fellers, - - - 3
Exp. 10. The fame piece of leather, dried by the 7
fire till it would lofe no more of its weight, 3
Exp. 11. The fame piece of leather held in tbeV
fteanvof hot water till it had regained the 20 C
grains it had been deprived of, u » j
100 grains
Sdgrains
loograins
134
268
100,000
280
loft 2 grains.,
gained 2 grsi
loft 2 grains.
P U M
“ In this laft experiment, it was full three quarters
" of an hour before the leather regained the 20 grains
of weight, although it was held very near the furface
of the hot water.
“ The fame piece of leather ufed in the 8th ex¬
periment was put into a damp cellar, where it was left
till the next day ; it was then put again into the re¬
ceiver, and the degree of exhauftion according to the
barometer-gage was 300, and according to the pear-
[ 6539 ]
P U M
“ Being now perfectly fatisfied that the variation
in the tcftimony of the pear and barometer gages was
occalioned by the moifture contained in the fubftances
I had put into the receiver affuming the form of va¬
pour, I determined next to try what would be the
effedt of the vapour which might arife from fmall quan¬
tities of different fluids, and from fome other fubiian*
ces containing moifture of various kinds.
Pump,
Subftances put into the receiver.
Weight
when put
Degree of exhauft-
ing according to
Barom. Pear-
gage- gage-
Change in
weight
during the
experiment.
Exp. 12. Water in a watch-glafs,
Exp. 13. Water in a glafs cup, diameter two ?
inches 3
Exp. 14. Spirit of wine in the fame cup,
Exp. 15. Vitriolic acid,
Exp. 16. A piece of the infide of a China orange"?
with fome of the rind, - - 3
Exp. 17. A piece of the infide of an onion,
Exp. 18. A piece of tainted beef,
Exp. 19. A piece of frefh beef,
Exp. 20. Spirit of turpentine,
Exp. 21. Pearl-afh, - - -
Exp. 22. The fame pearl-afh made very hot,
Exp. 23. A lighted candle held in the receiver till?
it went out, - - - §
Exp. 24. A piece of charcoal,
Exp. 25. The receiver heated by holding feveral"}
pieces of lighted charcoal in it, and then theT
above piece being thoroughly lighted was put in-^
to the receiver, and the pump worked, )
Exp. 26. Camphire,
Exp. 27. Sulphur made to burn on a piece of "?
brafs ... c
3 grains
100 grains
xoograins
loograins
toograins
loograins
r 00 grains
loograins
loograins
2 ounces
0 grains
148
89
54
340
160
160
15«
150
30I
Il8
I98
297
129
65O
24,000
8000
6000
220
100,000
100,000
100,000
100,000
1800
5000
420
1800
1800
520
loft ingrain,
loft 2 grains.
loft 9 grains,
gained 1 gr.
loft zi grs.
loft ingrain,
loft 24- grs.
loft 24- grs.
loft 2 grains.
f loft barely
[4: a grain.
“ Obferving by thefe experiments, that the fmall
quantity of moifture which exhaled from the fubftan¬
ces under the receiver prevented the pump from ex-
haufting it to any very confiderable degree, I began to
fufpeA, that whenever wet leather had been ufed to
conned the receiver with the plate, there muft have
rifen to fo great a quantity of vapour as to have pre¬
vented the degree of exhauftion from being near fo
great as in fome of the foregoing inftances. Thefe
fufpicions induced me to make the following experi¬
ments.
Degrees of exhau-
fion according to
«SIxp. a8. The receiver was taken off, and af¬
ter the cement was wiped clean from it,
and every part made perfe£Uy dry, it was
put again on the pump plate, and a little
oil only was poured round the outfide edge.
Barom. j Pear-
gage. gage.
learlytfoo full Cco
Degrees of exhau¬
ftion according to
Barom. Pear-
gage. gage.
Exp. 29. The receiver was taken off again;"
and inftead of the oil it was fet on a piece
of leather, which had been foaked two days 1
in water, - • ^
Exp. 30. The laft experiment repeated withT
the fame piece of leather, - [
Exp. 31. The laft experiment repeated again: >
with the fame piece of leather,
Exp. 31. The receiver was taken off, and ii
ftead of the leather foaked in water, there
was put on a piece of the fame fort of lea-"
ther foaked in a mixture of water and fpi-
rit of wine, fuch as Mr Smeaton ufed,
Exp. 33. The laft experiment repeated with
“the fame leather,
Exp. 34. The laft experiment repeated again
with the fame leather,
ryott
1000
The great difference in the teftimony of the pear-
3<5 S 2 gage
P U M [ 6540 ]
Pump, gage in thefe fix laft experiments appeared to me ex-
' " ~ ceedingly aftonifhing, for the leathers feemed each of
them to be as moift at laft as at firft.
“ By thefe experiments I was convinced how effec¬
tually the ufe of leather foaked in water, or in water
and fpirit of wine, prevents the pump from exhaufting
to any confiderable degree. I have made a number of
experiments of the fame kind as thefe; but have never
been able to ex-hauft, under fuch circumftances, to a
greater degree than between 50 and 60, when the heat
of the room was about 570 by a thermometer of Fah¬
renheit’s fcale; but the following experiments will fhow
bow much fome different degrees of heat affeft the de¬
gree of exhauftion.
Height [Degrees of exhauf-
of the tion according to
Therm.r
Barom.
gage-
Pear-
gage.
Exp. 35. Receiverfeton
leather which had Iain ^ 46 84
all night in water, J
Exp. 36. Receiverfeton'l
a leather foaked all
night in two parts wa- ^ 46
ter and one of fpifit |
of wine, - J
The pump having been put in a room of the heat
of 570 of Fahrenheit’s fcale for feven hours together,
with the leathers put in the fame water and the fame
fpirit of wine and water which they had been foaked
ia all night, and which had been ufed in the two laft
experiments, the following experiments were made.
Degree of exhauf¬
tion according to
Barom.
gage*
Pear-
gage*
P U M
Pump on Mr
Smeaton’s prin¬
ciple.
Degrees of ex
hauftion ac¬
cording to
Barom.
gage*
Exp.39. Apieceof'
leather, weigh¬
ing 100 grains,
as it came from
the leather-fel-
Common pump, “
Degrees of ex¬
hauftion ac¬
cording to
506
165
lers,wasput into ,
the receiver of
each pump, both
pieces being cut,
from the fame
Ikihclofebyeach
other,
Exp. 40. The fame -j
pieces of leather |
dried by the fire •
till they would f
lofe no more of |
their weight, J
** The following experiments will fiiow the effeft of
water ufed in the barrels of pumps to make the piftons
move air-tight in them.
“ I took the fame common air-pump ufed in the laft
experiment, and having taken off the leathers foaked
in oil and tallow from the piftons of this pump, and
wiped the barrels as clean as poffible, I then put new
leathers which had been foaked in water, and new blad¬
der valves; the receiver was then cemented to the pump-
plate as before.
Pear-
gage*
Barom.
gage-
Pear-
gage-
Exp. 73. The receiver fet^
on the. leather foakedC 57 5$
in water, - J
Exp. 38. Receiver placed"}
on a leather foaked in£
water and fpirit ofb
wine, - j
t( The following table will fhow the comparative
excellency between the pump on Mr Smeaton’s prin¬
ciple with which the chief of thefe experiments have
been tried, and one of my common double-barreled
table air-pumps under the fame circumftances. The
leather on the piftons of both was foaked in oil and
tallow, and the receiver cemented down to each pldtc;
the pumps were both of them frefh oiled.
Exp. 41. The pump was then?
worked as ufual, - y
Exp. 42. The laft experiment^
repeated with another common |
pump, the leathers of the pi-
ftons of which were alfo foaked I
37
34
“ From thefe experiments it evidently appears, that
the air-pump of Otto Guericke, and thofe contrived
by Mr Gratorix and Dr Hooke, and the improved one
by Mr Pappin, both ufed by Mr Boyle, alfo Haukf-
bee’s, S’Gravefande’s, Mufchenbrook’s*. and thofe of
all who have ufed water in the barrels of their pumps,
could never have exhaufted to more than between 40
and 50, if the heat of the place was about 57: and
although Mr Smeaton, with his pump, where no wa¬
ter was in the barrel, but where leather foaked in a
mixture of water and fpirit of wine was ufed to fet
•.he receiver on the pump-plate, may have exbaufted
ail
TYRO TIC CHISTY.
. /3.
3^;/3.
■//■
P U M f 6541 ] P U M
Pump, all but a thoufandth or even a ten-thoufandth part of
  the common air, according to the teftimony of bis
pear-gage; yet fo much vapour mu ft havearifen from
the wet leather, that the contents of the receiver could
never be lefs than a 70th or 80th part of the denfity
of the atmofphere. Neverthelefs, it does not feem that
any deficiency in the conftruftion of Mr Smeaton’s
pump was the caufe of his not being able to exhauft
beyond the low degrees of 70 or 80. Had he been
aware of the bad effedts of fetting the receiver upon
leather foaked in water and fpirit of wine, and had he
made ufe of the precaution to free all parts of his pump
as much as poffible from moifture, I make not the lea it
doubt but the air-pump which he executed himfelf ,
would have exhaufted to as great a degree, as that
pump has been feen to have done with which the chief
of thefe experiments were made.
“ Having read the principal part of this paper to
Mr Smeaton, and ihown him fome of the experiments;
one, in particular, where thd pear-gage, as he obferved
himfelf, was filled to no lefs than 100,000th part of
the whole content; he remarked from memory, that
he had in feveral trials exceeded 1000 times, and once,
as he remembered, near or about 10,000 times ; but
as he never could account how this happened, which
appeared to him perfeftly accidental, and therefore
oould not depend upon doing it at pleafure, he con¬
tented himfelf with putting down 1000 times, as being
what (under the circumftances mentioned in his papers)
he had a tolerable certainty of.
“ I muft here again obferve, that if we only wifh
to know the quantity of permanent air remaining in
the receiver after it is as much exhaufted as poffible, it
feems that it is by Mr Smeaton’s gage only that we can
know it. Again, when, by the affiftance of bis gage
and the barometer-gage together, we have difcovered
that there is a vapour which arifes and occupies the
place of the permanent air which is exhaufted, it feems
that it is by the means of his gage only that we can
difcover what part of the remaining contents of the re¬
ceiver confifts of this vapour, and what part of per¬
manent air.”
In fome other experiments the cafe was furprifingly
reverfed ; for the pear-gage indicated a lefs degree of,
exhauftion than the barometer. This happened-par*-'
ticularly when the vitriolic acid was put into the re¬
ceiver. When too grains of this acid were put into
the receiver in a glafs cup of two inches diameter,,
the acid gained one grain in weight, the barometer
gage indicated an exhauftion "of 602; and the pear-
gage only of 380. The fame experiment being re¬
peated in the fame cup, and with the acid which had
already gained one grain, the barometer indicated an
exhauftion of 50a, the pear-gage only of 350, and
the acid gained half a grain more. On a third trial
with the fame materials, the acid gained a quarter of
a grain, the barometer indicated an exhauftion of 502;
and the pear*gage of 340. Neither was this circum-
ftance entirely removed by taking away the vitriolic
acid ; for even when this was done, and the- receiver
and plate-of the pump wiped as clean as poffible, the
barometer gage indicated an exhauftion of 502, and
the pear-gage only of 370.
On this experiment Mr Nairne has the following
remarks. “ I. know of no circumftance attending
this experiment that differed from thofe In which my Pump,
former experiment* were made when the gages agreed 1
fo nearly, unlefs it was that of the weather : I recoi¬
led! that it was then very damp, and now it had been
very dry for fome time. How this circumftance could
make fo great an alteration in the refult of thefe ex¬
periments, I cannot pretend to fay.” The trq£ rea-
fon, however, feems to be this. Air, though it will
expand itfelf to a great degree, yet has a certain limit
to its expanfion ; that is, if we fuppofe any quantity
of air to be included in a veffel, and the capacity of
that veffel to be increafed indefinitely, we muft at laft
arrive at a certain bulk, when the gravity of the aerial
.particles would overcome their repulfive power, and
the air would expand no farther though the veffel
ffiould be enlarged ever fo much. If this is the cafe,
it muft follow, that when we come near to this limit,
the refiftance of the air will be lefs in proportion than
at a confiderable diftance from it. Thus, let us fup¬
pofe the refiftance of air in its natural ftate to be 100,
and the utmoft limit of expanfion alfo to be 100 : wc
cannot imagine, that, at the expanfion of 100, the re¬
finance would be 1 ; for air can only refill by the
difference between the gravity and repulfive power of
its particles. As, therefore, at the expanfion of joo
the gravitating and repulfive powers of the aerial
particles exadlly balance each other, the refiftance
could be nothing. In like manner, at the expanfion
98, the difference between the powers above-mention¬
ed being only -j~, the refiftance could be no more than
1.02, inftead of 2 which it ought to be if the air’s ex¬
panfion was unlimited. By the fame, method we ftiall
find, that when the expanfion is only 10, the refiftance
is 90 ; but this is greater than the other propor¬
tion, for according to it the refiftance Ihould only
have been 88. Hence we may fee, that in great
degrees of exhauftion, when the fpring of the air is
much weakened, the inftrument which meafures the
refiftance in the expanded ftate muft always indicate a
greater degree of exhauftion, or a fmaller degree of
refiftance, than that which meafures the refiftance of
the fmall quantity of air which remains in the receiver
after it has been again condenfed.
Hence we fee, that, in all cafes where the air is very
pure, the pear-gagewill indicate a fmaller degree of
exhauftion than the barometer; but where there is a
quantity of water mixed with it, it may fhow an
equal, or much greater degree-of exhauftion than the
other. This feems to have been the reafon of the
difference between' Mr Nairne’s experiments when the
air was moiff, and when ft was dry. For air always
contains fome quantity of water, part of which is de-
pofited on the receiver and plate of the pump when
the elafticity of the air begins to bewveakened. When
this water is again changed into vapour in confe-
quence of a greater degree of exhauftion, it affefts the
barometer but not the pear*gage. and thus the de¬
grees of exhauftion indicated by both may be equal, as
was the cafe with Mr Nairne’s experiment in damp
weather, when the quantity of water in the air was
confiderable ; but in dry weather, when-the quantity
of water was lefs, or rather when the air was lefs
readily difpofed to part with it, the pear-gage indi¬
cated a fmaller degree of exhauftion than the barome¬
ter. The fame thing neceffarily happened when vi-
triofib-
PUN [ 6542 ] PUN
Pun triollc ackl was put into the receiver; for thus the air
I] was deprived of that quantity of water which it was
Puncheon- moa readily difpofed to part with, and thus the dif¬
ference became very remarkable.
To the fame caufe, viz. the extrication of fome
quantity of elaftic vapour, are we to afcribe that
other phenomenon likewife taken notice of by Mr
Nairne, viz. that when he had worked the pump for
fome minutes, it would indicate a pretty perfect degree
of exhaudion, which would afterwards become con-
fiderably lefs by working it farther. But for a full
account of the generation of vapours in the vacuum of
an air-pump, fee the articles Evaporation, Vacuum,
and Vapour.
PUN, or Punn, a conceit arifing from the ufe of
two words that agree in found but differ in fenfe.
Ariffotle defcribes two or three kinds of puns among
the beauties of good writing, and produces inftances
of them out of fome of the greateff authors in the
Greek tongue. Cicero has fprinkled feveral of his works
with puns ; and, in that work where he lays down
the rules of Oratory, quotes abundance of fayings,
which he calls pieces of ‘wit, that upon examination
prove perfect puns.
PUNCH, an inftrnment of iron or fteel, ufed in
feveral arts, for the piercing or damping holes in plates
of metal, &c. being fo contrived as not only to per¬
forate, but to cut out and take away the piece.
The punch is a principal inftrument of the metal-
button makers, {hoe-makers, &c.
Punch, is alfo a name for a fort of compound drink,
much ufed here, and in many parts abroad, parti¬
cularly in Jamaica and feveral other parts of the Weft
Indies.
Its bafis is fpring-water; which being rendered
cooler, brifker, and more acid, with lemon or lime
juice, and fweetened again to the palate with fine
fugar, makes what they call Jherbet; to which a pro¬
per quantity of fpirituous liquor, as brandy, rum, or
arrack, being added, the liquor commences punch.
PUNCHEON, Punchin, or Punchion, a little
block or piece of fteel, on one end whereof is fome
figure, letter, or mark, engraven either in creux or
relievo, impreffions whereof are taken on metal, or
fome other matter, by ftriking it with a hammer on
the end not engraved. There are various kinds of
thefe puncheons ufed in the mechanical arts ; fuch,
for inftance, are thofe of the goldfmiths, cutlers, pew-
terers, &c.
The puncheon, in coining, is a piece of iron fteeled,
whereon the engraver has cut in relievo the feveral
figures, arms, effigy, infcription, &c. that there are
to be in the matrices, wherewith the fpecies are to
be marked. Minters diftinguifh three kinds of pun¬
cheons, according to the three kinds of matrices
to be made ; that of the effigy, that of the crofs
or arms, and that of the legend or infcription. The
firft inculdes the whole portrait in relievo: the fecond
are fmall, each only containing a piece of the crofs
or arms.; for inftance, a fleur-de-lis, an harp, a
coronet, &c. by the affemblage of all which the en¬
tire matrice is formed. The puncheons of the legend
only contain each one letter, and ferve equally for
the legend on the effigy fide and the crofs fide. See
the article Coining.
For the puncheons ufed in {lamping the matrices Puncheoa,
wherein the types of printing characters are caft, fee •
Letter-Foundery. tlon- 1
Puncheon is alfo ufed for feveral iron-tools, of va- |
rious fizes and figures, ufed by the engravers in creux
on metals. Seal-gravers particularly ufe a great num¬
ber for the feveral pieces of arms, &c. to be en¬
graven, and many ftamp the whole feal from a Angle
puncheon,
Puncheon, is alfo a common name for all thofe
iron inftruments ufed by ftone-cutters, fculptors, black-
fmiths, &c. for the cutting, incidiog, or piercing their
feveral matters.
Thofe of fculptors and ftatuaries ferve for the re¬
pairing of ftatues when taken out of the moulds. The
lockfmiths ufe the greateft variety of puncheons ; fome )
for piercing hot, others for piercing cold ; fome flat,
fome fquare, fome rounds, others oval, each to pierce
holes of its refpedlive figure in the feveral parts of
locks.
Puncheon, in carpentry, is a piece of timber
placed upright between two pods, whofe bearing is
too great, ferving, together with them, to fuftain fome
large weights.
This term is alfo ufed for a piece of timber raifed
upright, under the ridge of a building, wherein the
little forces, &c. are jointed.
PUNCTUATION, in grammar, the art of point¬
ing, or of dividing a difcourfe into periods, by points
expreffing the paufes to be made thereof.
The points ufed herein are four, viz. the period,
colon, femi-colon, and comma. See the particular
ufe of each under its proper article, Comma, Colon,
Period, and Semi-colon.
In the general, we ffiall only here obferve, that
the comma is to diftinguifh nouns from nouns, verbs
from verbs, and fuch other parts of a period as are
not neceffarily joined together.—The femi-colon ferves
to fufpend and fuftain the period when too long :
—the colon, to add fome new, fupernumerary rea-
fon, or confequence, to what is already faid :—and
the period, to clofe the fenfe and conftrudtion, and
releafe the voice.
Pun&uation is a modern art. The ancients were
entirely unacquainted with the ufe of our commas,
colons, &c. and wrote not only without any diftin&ion
of members and periods, but alfo without diftin&ion
of words: which cuftom, Lipfius obferves, continued
till the hundred and fourth olympiad; during which
time the fenfe alone divided the difcourfe.
What within our own knowledge at this day puts
this beyond difpute, is the Alexandrian manulcript,
which is at prefent in the king’s library at the Britifli
Mufaeum. Whoever examines this, will find, that the
whole is written'£(?«/;««« duftut without diftin&ion of
words, or fentences. How the ancients read their works
written in this manner, is not eafy to conceive.-
After the praftice of joining words together ceafed,
notes of diftin&ion were placed at the end of every
word. In all the editions of the Fajii Capitolini thefe
points occur. The fame are to be 1'een on the Colton-
na Roftrata. For want of thefe, we find fuch con-
fufion in the Chronicon Martnoreumf and the covenant
between the Smyrnasans and Magnefians, which are
both now at Oxford. Salmafius’s edition of Dedkatio
Jlatute
PUN [ 6543 ] PUN
Punftua* Jlatua rigtlU Herodis, the like confufion occurs, where
tion- we find AETPITE and Afup m.
Of thefe marks of diftinaion, the Walcote inferip-
tion found near Bath may ferve for a fpecimen.
IVLIUSv VITALISv FABRI
CESISv LEGv XXv Vv V
STIPENDIORUMv &c.
After every word here, except at the end of a line, we
fee this mark \ There is an infeription in Mount-
faucon, which has a capital letter laid in an horizontal
pofnion, by way of interftitial mark, which makes
one apt to think that this way of pointing was fome-
times according to the fancy of the graver.
P. EERRARIVS HERMES
CAECINIAE H DIGNAE
CONIVGI ^ KARRISSIMAE
NVMERIAE *-3 &c.
Here we obferve after the words a T laid horizontally,
but not after each word, which proves this to be of a
much later age than the former.
Having now confidered that the prefent ufage of
flops was unknown to the ancients, we proceed to
aflign the time in which this ufeful improvement of
language began.
As it appears not to have taken place while manti-
feripts and monumental inferiptions were the only
known methods to convey knowledge, we muft con-
' elude that it was introduced with the art of printing.
The 14th century, to which we are indebted for this
myflery, did not, however, beftow thofe appendages
We call7?^.- whoever will be at the pains to examine
the firft printed books, will difeover no flops of any
kind; but arbitrary marks here and there, according
j. to the humour of the printer. In the 15th century,
: we obferve their firft: appearance. We find, from
the books of this age, they were not all produced at
‘ the fame time ; thofe we meet with there in ufe, be¬
ing only the comma, the parenthefis, the interroga¬
tion, and the full point. To prove this, we need but
look into Bale’s A61s of Englilh Votaries, black-letter,
printed 1550. Indeed, in the dedication of this book,
which is to Edward VI. we difeover a colon : but, as
this is the only one of the kind throughout the work,
it is plain this flop was not eftablilhed at this time,
and fo warily put in by the printer; or if it was, that
, it was not in common ufe. Thirty years after this
time, in that fenfible and judicious performance of
Sir Thomas Elyot, entitled The Governour, imprinted
1580, we fee the colon as frequently introduced as
any other flop ; but the femi-colon and the admiration
were ftill wanting, neither of thefe being vifible in
this book. In Hackluyt’s voyages, printed 1599*
we fee the firft inftance of a femi-colon : and, as if the
editors did not fully apprehend the propriety of its
general admiflion, it is but fparingly introduced.
The admiration was the laft flop that was invented ;
and feems to have been added to the reft in a period
not fo far diftant from our own time.
Thus we fee, that thefe notes of diftinftion came
Ip into ufe, as learning was gradually advanced and im-
j| proved, one invention indeed; but enlarged by feve-
ral additions.
PUNCTUM saliens, in anatomy, the firft rudu
ments of the heart in the formation of the foetus, where
, a throbbing motion is perceived. This is faid to be
eafily obferved with a microfcope in a brood-egg,
wherein, after conception, we fee a little fpeck or
cloud, in the middle whereof is a fpot that appears to
beat or leap a confiderable time before the foetus is
formed for hatching. See the article Foetus.
PUNCTURE, in furgery, any wound made by a
{harp-pointed inftrument.
Puncture, in farriery. See there, $ xl. 3.
PUNICA, the pomegranate tree; a genus of
the monogynia order, belonging to the icofandria clafs
of plants.
Species, r. The granatum, or common pomegra¬
nate, rifes with a tree ftem branching numeroufly all the
way from the bottom, growing 18 or 20 feet high; with
fpear-fliaped, narrow oppofite leaves; and the branches
terminated by mod beautiful large red flowers, fuc-
ceeded by large roundifti fruit, as big as an orange,
having a hard rind filled with foft pulp and numerous
feeds. There is a variety with double flowers, remark¬
ably beautiful; and one with ftriped flowers. 2. The
nana, or dwarf American pomegranate, rifes with a
flmibby ftem branching four or five feet high, with
narrow ftiort leaves and fmall red flowers, fucceeded by
fmall fruit; begins flowering in June, and continues till
Oftober.
Culture. Both thefe fpecies are propagated by lay¬
ers: the young branches are to be chofen for thispur-
pofe, and autumn is the proper time for laying them.
Thofe of the common fort may be trained either as
half or filll ftandards or as dwarfs. But thofe de-
figned for walls muft be managed, as dire&ed fof
peaches.
Ufes» The dried flower* of the double-flowered
pomegranate are poffefiedof an aftringent quality; for
which reafon they are recommended in diarrhoeas, dy-
fenteries, &c. where aftringent medicines are proper.
The rind of the fruit is alfo a ftrong aftringent, and as
fuch is occafionally made ufe of.
PUNISHMENT, in law, the penalty which a
perfon incurs on the commiffion of a crime. See the
article Crime andPunijhment.
PUPIL, in the civil law, a boy or girl not yet ar¬
rived at the age of puberty; i. e. the boy under 14
years, the girl under 12.
Pupil is alfo ufed in univerfities, &c. for a youth
under the education or difeipline of any perfon.
Pupil, in anatomy, a little aperture in the middle
of the uvea and iris of the eye, thro’ which the rays of
light pafs to the cryftalline, in order to be painted on
the retina, and caufe vifion. See An at. n0,406, m.
PURCELL (Henry), a juftly celebrated mafterof
mufic, began early to diftinguilh himfelf. As his ge¬
nius was original, it wanted but little forming, and he
rofe to the height of his profeflion with more eafe than
others pafs through their rudiments. He was made
organift to Weftminfter abbey in the latter end of the
reign of Charles II. In that of William, he fet feve-
ral fongs for Dryden’s Amphytrion, and his King
Arthur, which were received with juft applaufe. His
notes in his operas were admirably adapted to his
words, and fo echoed to the fenfe, that the founds
alone feemed capable of exciting thofe pafilons which
they never failed to do in conjunftion. His rou-
fic was very different from the Italian. It was en--
tirely Englilh, and perfe&ly mafeuline. His princi-
Punftum
II
Purcell.
Porcius
« _
Purgation.
PUR
pal works have been publifhed under the title of Or¬
pheus Britannicus. He died in 1695, in the 37th
.year of his age ; and was interred in Weftminfter ab¬
bey, where a monument is erefted to his memory.
PURCHAS (Samuel), an Englifli divine, famous
for compiling a valuable colledion of voyages, was
born in 1577, at Thackfted in EfTex. After ftudy-
ing at Cambridge, he obtained the vicarage of Eaft-
wood in his native country ; but leaving that cure to
his brother, he fettleddn London, in order to carry on
the great work in which he was engaged. He pub-
lilhed the firft volume in folio in 1613, and the four
laft, 13 years after, under the title oiPurchas his Pil¬
grimage y or Pel at ions of the ’world, and the Religions
obftrved in all ages and places. Mean while he was
collated to the redory of St Martin’s, Ludgate, in
London, and made chaplain to Dr Abbot, archbilhop
of Canterbury. His Pilgrimage, and the learned
Hackluyt’s Voyages, led the way to all the other col-
le&ions of that kind, and have been juftly valued and
efteemed. But unhappily by his publilhing, he invol¬
ved himfelf in debt;: however, he did not die in prifon,
as fome 'have afferted; hut at his own houfe, about the
year 1628.
PURCHASE, in law, the buying or acquiring of
lands, ,-&c. with money, by deed or agreement, and
not by dcfcent or right of inheritance.
Purchase, in the fea-language, is the fame as
draw in: thus, when they fay, the capftan pur-
chafes a pace, they only mean, it draws in the cable
a-pace.
PURE, fomething free from any admixture of fo¬
reign or heterogeneous matters.
PURFLEW, a term in heraldry, exprefling er-
mins, peans, or any of the furs, when they compofe
a bordure round a coat of arms : thus they fay, he
beareth gules a bordure, purflew, vairy ; meaning,
that the bordure is vairy.
PURGATION, the art of purging, fcouring, or
purifying a thing, by feparating, or carrying off any
impurities found therein. Thus,
In pharmacy, purgation is the cleanfing of a me¬
dicine by retrenching its fuperfluities. In chemiftry,
it is ufed for the feveral preparations of metals and mi¬
nerals intended to clear them of their impurities, more
ufually called purification and refining. See Refining.
In medicine, purgation is an excretory motion ari-
fing from a quick and orderly contraftion of the flefhy
fibres of the ftomach and inteftines, whereby the chyle,
corrupted humours, and excrements lodged therein, are
protruded further and further, and. at length quite ex¬
cluded the body by (tool. See Cathartics.
For the menftraal purgation of women, fee Menses.
Purgation, in law, fignifies the clearing a per-
fon’s felf of a crime of which he is fufpe&ed aild ac-
cufed before a judge. This purgation is either cano¬
nical or vulgar. Canonical purgation is prefcribed by
the canon-law, and the form thereof in the fpiritual
court is ufually thus,: The perfon fufpeded takes his
path that he is innocent of the crime charged agafnlt
him ; and at the fame time brings fome of his neigh¬
bours to make oath that they believe he fwears truly.
Vulgar purgation was anciently by fire or water, or
elfe by combat, and was praftifed here till abolilhed
by our canons. See Battel in law, Ordeal, See*
PUR
PURGATIVE or Purging Medicines', medi-PunficatiJ
caments which evacuate the impurities of the body by II ;
ftool, called alfo cathartics. . ur m>'
PURGATORY, a place in which the juft, who de¬
part out of this life, are fuppofed to expiate certain of¬
fences which do not merit eternal damnation.
Broughton has endeavoured to prove, that this no¬
tion has been held by Pagans, Jews, and Mahometans,
as well as by Chriftians.
The doftrine of purgatory is a very lucrative article
to the clergy of the Romilh church, who are very li¬
berally paid for mafles and prayers for the fouls of the
deceafed. We are told by fome of their dodlors, that
purgatory is a fubterraneous place, fituated oyer the
hell of the damned, where fuch fouls as have not yet »
made fatisfaftion to Divine juftice for their fins, are
purged by fire, after a wonderful and incomprehen-
fible manner : and here they are purified from thofe
dregs which hinder them from entering into their eter¬
nal country, as the catechifm of the council of Trent
expreffes it.
PURIFICATION, in matters of religion, a cere¬
mony which confifts in cleanfing any thing from a fup¬
pofed pollution or defilement.
The Pagans, before they facrificed, ufually bathed
or waflied themfelves in water; and they were particu¬
larly careful to wafti their hands, becaufe with thefe
they were to touch the viftims confecrated to the gods.
It was alfo cuftomary to walh the veffel with which
they made their libations. The Mahometans ufe pu¬
rifications as previous to the duty of prayer ; thefe al¬
fo are of two kinds, either bathing, or only walhing
the face, hands, and feet. The firft is required only-
in extraordinary cafes, as after having lain with a
woman, touched a dead body, &c. But left fo ne-
ceflary a preparation for their devotions fhould be o-
mitted, either where water cannot be had, or when it
may be of prejudice to a perfon’s health, they are al¬
lowed in fuch cafes to make ufe of fine fand, or duft
inftead of it; and then they perform this duty by-
clapping their open hands on the fand, and palling
them over the parts, in the fame manner as if they were
dipped in water.
There were alfo many legal purifications among the
Hebrews. When a woman was brought to bed of a
male child, fhe was efteemed impure for 40 days; and
when of a female, for 60: at the end of which time (he
carried a lamb to the door of the temple to be offer¬
ed for a burnt-offering, and a young pigeon or turtle
for a fin-offering; and by this ceremony Ihe was
cleanfed or purified.
PURIM, or T^cFeast s/’Lots, a folemn feftival of
the Jews, iuftituted in memory of the deliverance they
received, by means of Mordecai and Efther, from Ha¬
inan’s wicked attempt to deftroy them.
PURITAN, a name formerly given in derifion to
the diflenters from the church of England, on account
of their profefling to follow the pure word of God, in
oppofition to all traditions and human conftitutions.
PURLINS, in building, thofe pieces of timber
that lie acrofs the rafters on the infide, to keep them
from finking in the middle of their length.
By the a£t of parliament for rebuilding of London,
it is provided, that all purlins from 15 feet 6 inches,,
to 18 feet 6 inches long, be in their fquare 9 inches
and
I 6544 ]
Pui-lue
II
Pcs.
PUS [ 6545 ] PUT
and 8 inches; and all in length from 18 feet 6 applied to an ulcer difcharging laudable pus, and cover- Puftuic
inches, to 21 feet 6 inches, be in their fquare 12 ed over with lead, did not affume the appearance of 8
inches and 9 inches. pus, but became fetid, and was much leffened. Se-
PURLIUE, fignifies all that ground near any rum, in its inflammatory and in its ordinary Hate, and-
foreft, which being made foreft by king Henry II.
Richard I. and king John, was afterwards by pe¬
rambulations and grants of Henry III. fevered again
from the fame, and made purlieu ; that is to fay,
pure and free from the laws of the foreft.—The
word is derived from the French pur “ pure,” and
lieu “ place.”
PURITY, the freedom of any thing from foreign
admixture.
Vvkity of Style. See Oratory, n° 41.
PURPLE, a colour compofed of a mixture of red
and blue. See Colour-Makings n* 28. and Dye¬
ing, n° 12.
PURPURA, in natural hiftory. See Murex.
PUR PURE, in heraldry. The colour fo call¬
ed, which fignities purple, is in engraving reprefented
by diagonal lines from the left to the right. See He¬
raldry, p. 3584, and Plate CXLIV. fig. ii. n°6.
It may ferve to denote an adminitlrator of juftice, a
lawgiver, or a governor equal to a fovereign; and, ac¬
cording to G. Leigh, if it is compounded with
~ ''Riches.
Quietnefs.
Politics.
Fidelity.
Cruelty.
Sadnefs.
PURSER, an officer aboard a man of war, who
receives her victuals from the vi&ualler, fees that it
be well (lowed, and keeps an account of what he every
lymph in different Hates, were applied to the fame ul¬
cer, which ftill difeharged good pus: but none of
thefe were converted into pus; on the contrary, they
became very putrid.
In oppofition to thefe arguments of our author,
however, it may be alleged, that if pus was a fecreted
fluid, the veffels by which it was fecreted would cer¬
tainly be vifible: but no fuch thing has ever been ob~
ferved ; on the contrary, it is certain that pus cannot
be formed unlefs the air is excluded from the wound.
Thefe difputes, however, are of no great confequence;
but in fome cafes it becomes a matter of real import¬
ance to diflinguifh pus from mucus; as thus we may
be enabled to know whether a cough is confumptive,
or merely catarrhous. A premium was propofed for
this fome years ago at Edinburgh, and was gained by
Mr Charles Darwin, who (bowed by a number of ex¬
periments, that pus may be diHinguifhed from mucus
by means of the vitriolic acid aad cauHic fixed alkali.
See the article Mucus.
PUSTULE, a pimple, or fmall eruption on the
Ikin full of pus; fuch as the eruptions of the fmall-pox.
PUTAMINEtE, (from putamen, “ a (hell,”) the
name of the 25th order of Linnaeus’s fragments of a
natural method ; confifling of a few genera of plants
allied in habit, whofe flelhy feed-veffels or fruit is fre¬
quently covered with a hard woody (hell. See Bo¬
tany, p. 1309.
PUTEOLI, (Livy, Strabo:) a town of Campa¬
nia ; fo called either from its wells, there being many
day delivers to the fteward. He alfo keeps a lifl of hot and cold fprings thereabouts ; or from its (tench,
the (hip’s company, and lets down exa&ly the day of putor, caufed by fulphureous exhalations, (Varro,
each man’s admiffion, in order to regulate the quan- Strabo) : Anciently called Dicaarchia, from its equal
tity of provifions to be delivered out, and that the and juft government.—The port of Cumae, a place of
paymafter or treafurer of the navy may iffue out the great trade, probably built by the Cumeans; fituated
deburfements, and pay off the men, according to his
book.
PURSLAIN, in botany. See Portulaca.
PURVIEW, a term ufed by fome lawyers for the
body of an aft of parliament, or that part which be¬
gins with “ Be it enabled, &c.” as contradiftinguilhed
from the preamble. .
PURULENT, in medicine, fomething mixed with,
or partaking of, pus or matter.
PUS, in medicine, a white or yellowifh matter, de-
figned by nature for the healing and cementing of
wounds and fores.
The origin and formation of pus is as much un¬
known as that of any other animal fluid. In an in¬
augural differtation publifhed at Edinburgh by Dr
Jrjendy, the author fuppofes pus to be a fecreted
fluid. It has been thought by many, that pus is ei¬
ther a fediment from ferum when beginning to putri-
fy, pr that it is the fame fluid infpiffated by the heat
of the body. But both thefe opinions are refuted by
fome experiments of our author, which (how, that pus
is much lefs inclined to putrefaflion than ferum, and
the putrefa&ion of both is haftened by an addition of
fome of the red part of the blood. Some other expe¬
riments were made in order to try whether pus could
be artificially produced. A thin piece of lamb’s flelb,
V«u IX. 2
on the braw of a hill, {id.) A Roman colony, (Li¬
vy) ; furnamed Augujla, under Nero, (Frontinus).
Puteolani, the people, (Cicero). Now Pozzuolo, nine
miles to the weft of Naples. E. Long. 14. 40. N. Lat.
41. 15.
PUTORIUS, in zoology. See Musteia.
PUTREFACTION, one of the natural procef-
fes, diredtly oppofite to the life of animals and ve¬
getables, by which organized bodies are diffolved,
and reduced to what may be called their original ele¬
ments.
PutrefaAion differs from chemical falution; becaufe,
in the latter, the diffolved bodies are kept in their (late
of folution by being combined with a certain agent
from which they cannot eafily be feparated ; but in pu-
trefaflion, the agent which difiblves the body ap¬
pears not to combine with it in any manner of way, but
merely to feparate the parts from each other.— It dif¬
fers alfo from the refolution of bodies by diftillation
with violent fire ; becaufe, in diftillation new and per¬
manent compounds are formed, but by putrefadiion
every thing feems to be refolved into fnbftances much
more Ample and indeftruftible than thofe which are the
refult of any chemical procefs.
The bodies moft liable to putrefaflion are thofe of
animals and vegetables, efpecially when full of juices.
36 T Stones
PUT [ 6546 ] PUT
Pptrefac- Stones, though by theadion of the weather they will
t1011, moulder into duft, yet feem not to be fubjeft to any
thing like areal putrefaftion, as they are not refolved
into any other fubftance than fand, or fmall duft, which
flill preferves its lapideous nature. In like manner,
vegetables of any kind, when deprived of their juices
by drying, may be preferved for many ages without
being fubje&ed to any thing like a putrefa&ive pro-
cefs. The fame holds good'-with refped to animals,
the parts of which, by fimple drying, may be pre¬
ferved in a found ftate for a much longer time than they
could be without the previous exhalation of their juices.
Putrefa&ion is generally allowed to be a kind of
fermentation, or rather to be the laft ftage of that pro-
cefs; which, beginning with the vinous fermentation,
goes on through the acetous, to the ftage of putridity,
where it ftops. It is argued, however, and feemingly
not without a great deal of reafon, that if putrefaftion
is a fermentation, it muft neceffarily be a kind diftinft
from either the vinous or acetous; fince we frequently
obferve that it takes place where neither the vinous
nor the acetous ftages have gone before ; of confequence
it muft be, in fome cafes at leaft, entirely independent
of and unconne&ed with them. In feveral other re-
fpefts it differs fo much from thefe proceffes, that it
feems in fome degree doubtful whether it can with
propriety be called a fermentation or not. Both the
vinous and acetous fermentations are attended with a
confiderable degree of heat: but in the putrefa&ion of
animal matters efpecially, the heat is for the moft part
fo fmall, that we cannot be certain whether there is
any degree of it or not produced by the procefs. In
cafes, indeed, where the quantity of corrupting animal
matter is very great, fome heat may be perceived ; and
accordingly Dr Monro tells us, that he was fenfible of
heat on thrufting his hand into the flefh of a dead and
corrupting whale. But the moft remarkable difference
between the putrefa&ive fermentation and that of the
vinous and acetous kinds is, that the end of both thefe
proceffes is to produce a new and permanent compound;
but that of the putrefa&ive procefs is not to produce
any new form, but to deftroy, and refolve one which
already exifts into the original principles from which
all things feem to proceed. Thus, the vinous fermen¬
tation produces ardent fpirits; the acetous, vinegar:
but putrefaftion produces nothing but earth, and fome
effluvia, which, tho’moft djfagreeableand even poifonous
to the human body, yet, being imbibed by the earth and
vegetable creation, give life to anew race of beings.' It
is commonly fuppofed, indeed, that volatile alkali is apro-
du&ion of the putrefa&ive procefs r but this feems liable
to difpute. The vapour of pure volatilealkali is not hurt¬
ful to thehuman frame,but that of putrefying fubftances
is exceedingly fo; and, excepting in the cafe of urine, the
generation of volatile alkali in putrid fuftances is very
equivocal. This fubftance, which produces more al¬
kali than any other, is much lefs offenfive by its putrid
fetor'than others; and all animal fubftances produce a
volatile alkali on being expofed to the a&ion of fire, of
quicklime, or of alkaline falls. In thefe cafes the vola-
tile alkali is not fuppofed to be produced by the quick¬
lime or fixed fait, but only to be extricated from a kind
of ammoniacal fait pre-exifting in the animal matters;
the probability is the fame in the other cafe, viz. that
volatile alkali is not produced, but only extricated from
thefe fubftances by putrefaftion.
The only thing in which the putrefa&ive fermenta- Putrefac¬
tion agrees with the other kinds is, that in all the three tlon‘
there is an extrication of fixed air. In the putrefac¬
tive procefs, it has been thought that this efcape of the
fixed air deprives the body of its cohefion ; and Dr
Macbride has wrote a treatife in which he endeavours
to prove, that fixed air is the very power of cohefion
itfelf, and that all bodies when deprived of their fixed
air entirely lofe their cohefion. According to this,
the caufe 6f putrefa&ion is the efeape of fixed air: but
it is impoffible to give a reafon why fixed air, after ha¬
ving fo long remained in a body, and preferved its co¬
hefion, fhould of a fudden begin to fly off without be¬
ing a&ed upon by fomething elfe. To a fimilar ob-
jedion the hypothefis of thofe is liable, who fuppofe
putrefadion to be occafioned by the efcape of phlogi-
fton; for phlogifton will not fly off without fomething
to carry it off, any more than fixed air. Animalcules
have been thought to be the caufe of putrefadion: but
if animal fubftance are covered fo as to exclude the ac-
cefs of flies or other infeds, no fuch animalcules are to
be difcovered tho’ putrefadion has taken place; and
indeed it requires little proof to convince us, that ani¬
mals are produced in corrupted bodies only becaufe fuch
fubftances prove a proper nidus for the eggs of .the pa»-
rent infeds.
To underftand the true caufe of putrefadion, we
muft take notice of the circumftances in which the
procefs goes on moft rapidly. Thefe are', heat, a little
moifture, and confined air. Extreme cold prevents pu¬
trefadion, as well as perfed drynefs; and a free cir¬
culation of air carries off the putrid effluvia, a ftagna-
tion of which feems to be neceffary for carrying on the
procefs. It feems alfo to hold pretty generally, that
putrefying bodies fwell and become fpecifically lighter;
for which reafon the carcafes of dead animals, after
having funk in water, rife to the top and float. This
laft phenomenon, as has beenobferved under the article
Blood, n° 29. fliows that thefe bodies have received
a certain quantity of an elaftic principle from the air,
which thus fwells them up to a fuch a fize. It may be
faid indeed, that this increafe of fize in putrefying bo¬
dies is owing only to the extrication of air within
themfelves: but this amounts to the fame thing; for the
air which extfts internally in the body of any animal,
is entirely diverted of elafticity while it remains there,
and only fliows its elaftic properties upon being extri¬
cated. The elaftic principle which combines with the
air fixed in the animal fubftance, therefore, muft come
from the external atmofphere; and confequently the
agent in putrefadion muft be the elaftic principle of
the atmofphere itfelf, probably the fame with elemen¬
tary fire-
But, granting this to be true, it is difficult to (how
why putrefadion fhould not take place in a living body
as well as in a dead one; feeing the one is as much
expofed to the adion of the air as the other. This
difficulty, however, is not peculiar to the prefent hy-
pothefis; but will equally occur whatever we may fup¬
pofe the caufe of putrefadion to be. The difficulty
feems to be a little cleared up by Dr Prieftley, who
ftiows, that, by means of refpiracion, the body is freed
from many noxious effluvia which would undoubtedly
deftroy it, and by the retention of which, he thinks,
a living body would putrefy as foon as a dead one*
The way in which reffitation prevents the putrefadiou
POT t 6547
Putrefac* of the body, is evidently the fame with that in which gr£e.
tiQ<l- the wind prevents fi(h or flefh hung up in it from be-
" coming putrid. The conftant infpiration of the air is
like a ftream of that element continually blown upon
the body, and that not only upon its furface, but into
it, by which means putrefaction is prevented in thofe
parts that are moil liable to become putrid. On the
other hand, the elaftic principle received from the air
* See B/W, by the blood *, by invigorating the powers of life,
a? quickening the circulation, and increafing perfpiration,
enables the body to expell noxious particles from other
parts of the body which cannot conveniently be expel¬
led by the lungs.
This leads us to confider the reafon why a free ex-
pofure to the air prevents the coming on of putrefac¬
tion, or why the confining of the putrid effluvia fflould
be fo necefiary to this procefs. Here it will be pro¬
per to recoiled, that putrefaction is a Ample refolution
of the body into earth, air, &c. of which it feems ori¬
ginally to have been compofed. This refolution is evi¬
dently performed by an expanfive power feemingly fi-
] PUT
Hence alfo the reafon is evident why bodies Pl!T
are preferved uncorrupted by eold; for thus the aCtion ^
of the expanfive principle is totally overcome and fuf-
pended, lb that none of its effe&s can be perceived.
Thus we may fee, that one reafon why an animal
body does not putrefy while alive, is its ventilation, as
we may call it, by refpira'tion; and another is, the
continual accelfion of new particles, lefs difpofed to pu¬
trefy than itfelf, by the food and drink which is con-
ftantly taken in. But if either of thefe ways of pre¬
venting the commencement of this procefs are omitted,-
then putrefaftion will take place as well in a living as
in a dead body. Of the truth of this laft fad we have
innumerable intlances. When air is infeded with the
putrid effluvia of marfhes, and thus the natural effluvia
are not carried off from the human body, but, on the
contrary, fome enter into it which are not natural to it,
the moft putrid difeafes are produced. The fame thing
happens from the putrid effluvia of dead bodies. Of
this we have a remarkable inftance in the fever which
took place in Germany in the war of 1755: one rCa-
tuated in every particle of the body. In confequence of fon of which is faid to have been an infedion of the
this principle, the body firft fwells, then burfts, flies off air by the vaft numbers of people killed in battle, to
n vapour, and its particles fall afunder from each other.
The adion of the putrefadive procefs, then, is analo¬
gous to that of fire, fince thefe are the very properties
of fire, and the very effeds which follow the adion of
fire upon any comhuftible body. It is therefore ex¬
ceedingly probable, that the agent in the air which we
have all along confidered as the caufe of putrefadion
is no other than fire itfelf; that is, the ethereal fluid
expanding itfelf every where, as from a centre to a cir¬
cumference. The force of the fluid, indeed, is much
lefs in putrefadion than in adual ignition; and there¬
fore the effeds alfo take place in a much fmaller de¬
gree, and require a much longer time : neverthelefs,
the fame circumftances that are neceffary for keeping
up the adion of fire, are alfo neceffary for keeping up
the putrefadive procefs. One of thefe is a free accefs
of air, yet without too violent a blaft; for as fire can¬
not burn without air, neither can it endure too much-
of it: thus a candle goes out, if put under a receiver,
and the air exhaufted; and it will do the fame, if we
blow violently upon it. In like manner, putrefadion
requires a certain quantity of air, much lefs indeed than
fire: and as it requires lefs to fupport it, fo it can alfo
endure much lefs air than fire; for a ftream of air
which would not put out a fire, will effedually prevent
putrefadion. The caufe of this in both is the fame.
Fire cannot burn becaufe the vapour is carried off too
faft; and thus the latent heat, which ought to fupport
ts®ear*the flame-}-, is entirely diffipated. In like manner pu-
tic e ame-trefa^ion ;3 as certainly attended with an emiffion of
phlogiftic vapours as fire is with an emiffion of flame.
article1 Pi/o-Thefe vapours contain a great quantity of latent heat'I,
n° 17or the expanfive principle already mentioned ; and
—23. if thefe are carried off with greater rapidity than the
heat of the atmofphere can produce them, the confe¬
quence muft be, that an oppofite principle to that which-
produces putrefadion, namely, a principle of cold, or
condenfation, inftead’of expanfion, muft. take place, and
the body cannot putrefy. That this muft be the cafe
* See Eva- 18 ev*^ent from llle property which all evaporations
poration, ^ave producing cold-*; and it is well .known that a
ii° 7. brilk current of air promotes evaporation to a great de*
which was added a calm in the atmofphere for a long
time; the putrid effluvia being by this prevented from
flying off *. When Mr Holwell with 145 others were 2yee
imprifoned in the black-hole at Calcutta, after paffing.J^’
a night in that difmal habitation, he found himfelf in
a high putrid fever. When failors in long voyages
are obliged to feed upon putrid aliments; when,
thro’ ftormy weather, they are much expofed to wet;
in the one cafe the putrefeent effluvia being kepc
from flying off, and in the other a greater quantity
being thrown into the body than what it naturally
contains, the feurvy, malignant fevers, &c. make their
appearance. Neither can thefe difeafes be removed
without removing every one of the caufes juft now
mentioned: for as putrid difeafes will be the confe¬
quence of confined air, naftinefs, &c. though the pro-
vifions be ever fo good; fo on the other hand, if the
provifions be bad, the Left air, and moft exaft clean-
linefs, nay, the beft medicines in the world, will be of
no fervice; as hath been often obferved in the feurvy.
From this account of the nature, caufe, and method
of preventing putrefaftion by means of a current of
air, we may ealily fee the reafon why it does not take
place in fome other cafes . alfo. Bodies will not pu¬
trefy in vacuo, becaufe there the atmofphere has not
accefs to impart its elaftic principle ; and though in,
the vacuum itfelf the principle we fpeak of does un¬
doubtedly exift, yet its adion there is by far too weak
to decompofe the ftrudure of an animal body. In ex¬
treme cold, the reafon why putrefadion does not take
place has been already fiiown. If the heat is extreme¬
ly great, the procefs of ignition or burning takes place
inftead of putrefadion. If the body is very dry, pu¬
trefadion cannot take place, becaufe the texture is too
firm to be decompofed by the weak adion of the ela¬
ftic principle. Putrefadion may alfo be prevented by
the addition of certain fubfiances,; but they are all of
them fuch as either harden the texture of the body,
and thus render it proof againft the adion of the ela¬
ftic fluid} or, by diffolving its texture entirely, bring
it into a ftate fimilar to what it would be brought
by the utmoft power of putrefadion, £0 that the pro-
36 T 2 cefs
PUT [ 6548 ] PUT
mrefac- eefs cannot then take place. Thug, various kinds of
falls and acids harden the texture of animal fubftances,
and thus are fuccefsfully ufed as antifeptics. The fame
thing may be faid of ardent fpirits; while oils and gums
of various kinds prove antifeptic by a total exclufion
of air, which is neceflary in fome degree for carrying
on the procefs of putrefa&ion. Many vegetables, by
the aftringent qualities they poffefs, harden the texture
of animal fubftances, and thus prove powerfully anti¬
feptic ; while on the other hand, fixed alkaline falts,
quicklime, and cauftic volatile alkali, though they pre¬
vent putrefaftion, yet they do it by difiblving the fub¬
ftances in fuch a manner that putrefa&ion could do no
more though it had exerted its utmoft force. There is
only one other antifeptic fubftance whofe effedts'deferve
to be confidered, and that is fugar. This, tho’ neither
acid nor alkaline, is yet one of the moft effeflual means
of preventing putrefa&ion: and this feems to be owing
to its great tendency to run into the vinous fermenta¬
tion, which is totally inconfiftent with that of putre-
fa&ion; and this tendency is fo great, that it can fcarce
be countera&ed by the tendency of animal fubftances
to putrefy in any circumftances whatever.
Some kinds of air are remarkably antifeptic, though
this fubjeft has not been fo fully inquired into as could
be wiIhed. The moft powerful of them in this refpedt
is the nitrous air; next to it, is fixed air: but the
powers of dephlogifticated and inflammable air are not
fo well known. It is probable that the antifeptic pro¬
perties of fixed and nitrous air are owing to their qua¬
lity of extinguifhing fire, or at lead that the principle
is the fame; but, till the nature of thefe two kinds of
air are better known, little can be faid with certainty
, on the fubjedt.
Sir John Pringle has made experiments to determine
the powers of certain fubftances to promote or to pre¬
vent putrefaftion. From thefe experiments he has
formed the following Table, fiiewing the relative anti¬
feptic powers of the faline fubftances mentioned. Ha¬
ving found that two drams of beef put in a phial with
two ounces of water, and placed in a heat equal to go°
of Fahrenheit’s thermometer, became putrid in 14
hours, and that 60 grains of fea-falt preferved a fimi-
lar mixture of beef and water more than 30 hours, he
made the antifeptic power of the fea-falt a ftandard, to
which he compared the powers of the other falts. The
algebraic charafter + fignifies, that the fubftance to
which it is annexed had a greater antifeptic power
than is expreffed by the numbers.
Sea-fait, or the ftandard - - 1
Sal-gem - - - I -f-
Vitriolated tartar - - - 2
Spirit us Mindereri - - 2
Soluble tartar - - - 2
Sal diureticus * - 2 +
Crude fal ammoniac - * 3
Saline mixture - - “3
Nitre - - - 4 +
• Salt of hartfliorn - - 4 +
Salt of wormwood - - 44-
Borax - - - 12
Salt of amber - - - 20
Alum - - - 30
jy. B, The quantities of fpiritus Mindereri and of
the faline mixture were fuch, that each of them con- Putrefac*i
tained as much alkaline fait as the other neutral falts. tion* i'
Myrrh, aloes, afafetida, and terra Japonica, were *
found to have an antifeptic power 30 times greater
than the ftandard. Gum ammoniacum and fagapenum
fhowed little antifeptic power.
Of all refinous fubftances, camphor was found to re¬
fill putrefa&ion moft powerfully. Sir John Pringle
believes that its antifeptic power is 300 greater than
that of fea-falt.
Chamomile flowers, Virginian fnake-root, pepper,
ginger, faffion, contrayerva root, and galls, were found
to be 12 times more antifeptic than fea-falt.
Infufions of large quantities of mint, angelica,
ground-ivy, green tea, red rofes, common wormwood,
muftard, and horfe-radilh, and alfo decotftionsof poppy-
heads, were more antifeptic than fea-falt.
Decodlions of wheat, barley, and other farinaceous
grains, checked the putrefadlion by becoming four.
Chalk, and other abforbent powders, accelerated the
putrefaction, and refolved meat into a perfed mucus.
The fame powders prevented an infufion of farinaceons
grains from becoming mucilaginous and four.
One dram of fea-falt was found to preferve two
drams of frefli beef in two ounces of water, above 30
hours, uncorrupted, in a heat equal to that of the human
body, or above 20 hours longer than meat is preferved
in water without fait: but half a dram of fait did not
preferve it more than two hours longer than pure wa¬
ter. Twenty-five grains of fait had little or no anti¬
feptic quality. Twenty-grains, 15 grains, but efpe-
cially 10 grains only of fea-falt were found to accele¬
rate and heighten the putrefa&ion of two drams of
fldh. Thefe fmall quantities of fea-falt did alfo foften
the flefh more than pure water.
The fame learned and ingenious phyfician made ex¬
periments to difeover the effe6ts of mixing vegetable
with animal matters.
Two drams of raw beef, as much bread, and an
ounce of water, being beat to the confiftencc of pap,
and expofed to 90° of heat according to Fahrenheit’s
thermometer, began to ferment in a few hours, and
continued in fermentation during two days. When
it began to ferment and fwell, the putrefadlion had be¬
gun ; and in a few hours afterwards, the fmell was of-
fenlive. Next day the putrid fmdl ceafed, and an acid
tafte and fmell fucceeded. Frefh alimentary vegetables,
as fpinach, afparagus, feurvy-grafs, produced fimilar
effedts as bread on flelh, but in a weaker degree. From
feveral other experiments he found, that animal fub¬
ftances excite the fermentation of vegetable fubftances,
and that the latter fubftances corredl the putrefcency
of the former.
By adding faliva to a fimilar mixture of flefh, bread,
and water, the fermentation was retarded, moderated,
but rendered of twice the ufual duration, and the acid
produced at laft was weaker than when no faliva was
ufed.
By adding an oily fubftance to the common mixture
of flelh, bread, and water, a ftronger fermentation was
produced, which could: not be moderated by the quan¬
tity of faliva ufed in the former experiment, till fome
fixed alkaline fait was added, which fait was found,
without faliva, to flop fuddenly very high fermenta¬
tions.
He
P Y A
Putrefac- He did not find that fmall quantities of the follow-
tion jng falts, fal ammoniac, nitre, vitriolated tartar, fal
aJpfia. diureticus, fait of hartfliorn, fait of wormwood, were
yanC feptic. as fmall quantities of fea-falt were.
Sugar was found to refill putrefa&ion at firft, as
other falts do, and alfo to check the putrefa&ion after
it had begun by its own fermentative quality, like bread
and other fermentative vegetables.
Lime-water made fome fmall refillance to putrefac¬
tion.
Port-wine, fmall-beer, infufions of bitter vegetables.
6549 ] P Y R
branch, bound about with wool, and crowned with all Pycnoftyle
forts of firft-fruits,tofignify thatfcarcity and barrennefs p
were ceafed, finging in proceffion a fong. And when yramu'
the folemnity was over, it was ufual to eredt the olive-
branch before their doors, as a prefervative againll
fcarcity and want.
PYCNOSTYLE, in the ancient architedure, is a
building where the columns (land very clofe to each
other; only one diameter and a half of the column be¬
ing allowed for the intercolumniations.
According to Mr Evelyn, the pycnoftyle chiefly be¬
ef bark, and the juice of antifcorbutic plants, retarded longed to the compofite order, and was ufed in the mod
the fermentation of mixtures of flelh and bread. But magnificent buildings; as at prefent in the periftyleat
i unit rained decodtion of bark confiderably increafed
that fermentation.
Crabs-eyes accelerated and increafed the fermenta¬
tion of a mixture of flelh and bread.
Lime-water neither retarded nor haftened the fer¬
mentation of fuch a mixture: but when the fermenta¬
tion ceafed, the liquor was neither putrid nor acid, but
fmelt agreeably.
Flelh pounded in a mortar was found to ferment
fooner than that which had not been bruifed.
The tough inflammatory cruft of blood was found
to be moll putrefcent; next to which the craflamentum,
or red coagulated mafs ; and laftly the ferum.
Dr Macbride’s experiments confirm many of thofe
above related, efpecially thofe which Ihow that the fer¬
mentation of vegetable fubftances is increafed by a mix¬
ture of animal or putrefcent matter ; that the putre-
fcency of the latter is corredled by the fermentative
quality of the former; and that the putrefadlion and
fermentation of mixtures of animal and vegetable fub-
St Peter’s at Rome, which confifts of near 300 co¬
lumns; and in fuch as yet remain of the ancients, among
the ruins of Palmyra.
PYGARGUS, in ornithology, a fpecies of Falco.
PYGMALION, in fabulous hiftory, a king of Cy¬
prus, who, being difgufted at the diflblute lives of the
women of his ifland, refolved to live in perpetual celi¬
bacy; but making a ftatue of ivory, he fell fo paf-
fionately in love with it, that the high feftival of Ve¬
nus being come, he fell down before the altar of that
goddefs, and befought her to give him a wife like the
ftatue he loved. At his return home, he embraced, as
ufual, his ivory form, when he perceived that it became
fenfible by degrees, and was at lad a living maid, who
found herfelf in her lover’s arms the moment flie faw
the light. Venus bleffed their union; and, at the end
of nine months, Ihe was delivered of a boy, who was
named Paphos.
PYGMY, a perfon not exceeding a cubit in height.
This appellation was given by the ancients to a fabulous
ftances were accelerated by additions of abforbent earths nation inhabiting Thrace ; who brought forth young
and of Peruvian bark. He alfo found, that although
unburnt calcareous earths were feptic, quicklime and
lime-water prevented putrefa&ion, but that they de-
ftroyed or diffolved the texture of flefh.
The experiments of the author of the EJfai pour fer-
vir a I'HiJioire de la Putrefaftion, (how that metallic
falts, refinous powders, extrafts of bark, and opium,
are very powerfully antifeptic, and that falts with earthy
bafes are lefs antifeptic than any other falts.
PUTTY, in its popular fenfe, is a kind of pafte
compounded of whiting and lint-feed oil, beaten toge¬
ther to the confiftence of a thick dough.
It is ufed by glafiers for the faftening in the fquares
of glafs in fafh-windows, and by painters for flopping
up the crevices and clefts in timber and wainfcots, &c.
Putty fometimes alfo denotes the powder of calci¬
ned tin, ufed in polilhing and giving the lad glofs to
works of iron and fteel.
PYANEPSIA, in antiquity, an Athenian feftival
celebrated on the feventh day of the month Pyanepfion;
which, according to the generality of critics, was the
fame with our September.
Plutarch refers the inftitution of this feaft to The-
feus, who, after the funeral of his father, on this day
paid his vows to Apollo, becaufe the youths who re¬
turned with him fafe from Crete then made their entry
into the city. On this occafion, thefe young men put¬
ting all that was left of their provifions into one kettle,
feafted together on it, and made great rejoicing.
Hence was derived the cuftom of boiling pulfe on this
feftival. The Athenians likewifc carried about an olive
at five years of age, and were old at eight: thefe were
famous for the bloody war they waged with the cranes.
As to this ftory, and for the natural hiftory of the true
pygmy, fee Si mi a.
PYLORUS, in anatomy, the under orifice of the
ftomach. See Anatomy, n° 352, b.
PYLUS, (anc. geog.), a town of Elis; its ruins to
be feen on the road from Olympia to Elis, (Paufanias);
fituate between the mouths of the Peneus and Sellees,
near mount Scollis, (Strabo.} Built by Pylas of Me-
gara, and deftroyed by Hercules, (Paufanias.)—An¬
other Pylus in Triphylia, (Strabo); by which the AI-
pheus runs, (Paufanias); on the confines of Arcadia,
and not in Arcadia itfelf, (id.)—A third in Meflenia,
(Strabo, Ptolemy); fituate at the foot of mount-iEga-
leus, on the fea-coaft, over-againft the ifland Sphagea
or Sphadleria: built by Pylas, and fettled by a Colony
of Leleges from Megara; but thence expelled by Ne-
leus and the Pelafgi, and therefore called Neka, (Ho¬
mer). A fandy territory. The royal refidence of Ne-
leus, and of Neftor his fon: the more ancient and more
excellent Pylus; whence the proverb, Pylus ante Py
lum, (Ariftophanes, Plutarch), ufed when we want
to reprefs the arrogance and pride of any one: faid to-
be afterwards called Coryphafium. It made a figure in
the Peloponnefian war; for being rebuilt by the Athe¬
nians, it proved of great benefit to them for the fpace
of 15 years, and of much annoyance to the Lacedemo¬
nians, (Thucydides.) All the three Pyli were fubje&
to Neftor, (Strabo.)
PYRAMID, in geometry, a folid Handing on a
trian-
P Y R [ 6550 ] P Y R
Pyramid, triangular, fquare, or polygonal bafis, and terminating
Pyrenean. jn a p0;nt at the top; or, according to Euclid, it is a
’ folid figure, confiding of feveral triangles, whole bafes
are all in the fame plane and have One common vertex.
Pyramids are fometimes ufed to preferve the memory
of fingular events; and fometimes to tranfmit to po-
flerity the glory and magnificence of princes. But as
they are efteemed a fymbol of immortality, they are
mod commonly ufed as funeral monuments. Such is
that of Cedius at Rome; and thofe other celebrated
ones of Egypt, as famous for the enormity of their fize
as their antiquity. Thefe are fituated on the wed fide
of the Nile, almod oppofite to Grand Cairo: the bafe
of the larged covers more then 10 acres of ground;
and is, according to fome, near 700 feet high, though
other make it 600, and fome but little more than 500.
The pyramid is faid to have been, among the Egyp¬
tians, a fymbol of human life; the beginning of which
is reprefented by the bafe, and the end by the apex;
on which account it was, that they ufed to eredt them
over fepulchres. See Egypt, n° iq.
PYRAMIDALES, in anatomy, one of the muf-
cles of the abdomen. See Anatomy, Table of the
Mufcles.
PYRENEAN mountains, are .fome of the mod
P Y R O T
rTT-IE art of fire, or a fcience which teaches the ma-
• nagement and application of fire in feveral ope¬
rations. See Fire, Furnace, Chemistry, Distil¬
lation, Metallurgy, &c.
But the term is more particularly ufed to denote
the doftrine of artificial fire-works and fire-arms,
teaching the ftru&ure and ufe, I. Of thofe ufed in war,
the attacking of fortifications, &c. for which fee the
articles Gun, Gunnery, Gun-PcWc/-, Fusee, &c.
and Mine in the APPENDIX; and, 2. Of thofe
made for amufement’s fake, as rockets, dars, ferpents,
&c. the preparation and condrudlion of which fall to
be explained in the prefent article.
Sect. I. Of Ingredients and Cmpofttions.
1. Saltpetre.
Saltpetre being the principal ingredient in fire-
Cupiain works, and a volatile body, by reafon of it aqueous and
‘dfefs. aerial parts, is eafily rarified by fire; but not fo foon
Fire-works. w^en 3nc^ gr°fs> as when purified from its crude
and earthy parts, which greatly retard its velocity :
therefore, when any quantity of fireworks are to be
made, it fhould be examined; for if it is not well clean-
fed, and of a good fort, your works will not have their
proper effect; neither will it agree with the danding
proportions of compofitions. Therefore,
To refine it, put into a copper, or any other veffcl,
too lb. of rough nitre with 14 gallons of clean water;
let it boil gently half an hour, and as ifboils take off
the fcnm ; then dir it, and before it fettles put it into
your filtering bags, which mud be hung on a rack,
with glazed earthen pans under them, in which mud
be dicks laid acrofs for the crydals to adhere to: it
mud dand in the pans two or three days to flioot; then
take out the crydals and let them dry. The water that
remains in the pans boil again an hour, and drain it
celebrated in Europe. They divide France from Spain, Pyrites
and extend from the Mediterranean fea to the ocean; H
being above 206 miles in length, and are overfpread l>yroPhorHS
with high trees. There are but five paffages over them,” "*
which are all extremely difficult.
PYRITES, a kind of mineral from which fulphur
and green vitriol may be produced. See Chemistry,
n° no. Mineralogy, 0*196. and-Metallurgy,
p. 4919, 4936.
PYRMONT, a town of Lippe in Germany, in the
circle of Wedphalia, and capital of a county of the
fame name. It has a cadle, kept by a governor, who
is under the counts of Waldeck. At a fmall didance
from hence there are mineral waters, which are much
edeemed. The Protedants have here the free exercife
of their religion. It is feated on the confines of the
duchy of Brunfwick, 40 miles fouth-wed of Hanover.
E. Long. 9. o. N. Lat. 52. o.
PYROMANCY, a kind of divination by means of
fire. See Divination, n° 6.
PYROMETER, an indrument for meafuring the
expanfion of bodies by heat. See Mechanics, n° 20.
PYROPHORUS, a chemical preparation, which
has the fingular property of taking fire as foon as it i$
expofed to the air. See Chemistry, n® 485.
E C H N Y;
into the pans as before, and the faltpetre will be quite
clear and tranfparent: if not, it wants more refining;
to do which proceed as ufual, till it is well cleanfed of
all its earthy parts.
N. B. Thofe whor do not choofe to procure their
faltpetre by the above method, may buy it ready done,
which for fire-works in general will do.
To pulverife Saltpetre. Take a copper kettle, whofe
bottom mud be fpherical, and put into it 14 lb. of re¬
fined faltpetre, with 2 quarts or 5 pints of clean wa¬
ter: then put the kettle On a flow fire; and when the
faltpetre is diffolved, if any impurities arife, Ikim them
off, and keep condantly dirring with two large fpatu-
las, till all the water exhales; and when done enough,
it will appear like white fand, and as fine as flour; but
if it fliould boil too fad, take the kettle off the fire,
and fet it on fome wet fand, which will prevent the
nitre from flicking to the kettle. When you havepul-
verif#d a quantity of faltpetre, be careful to keep it in
a dry place.
To ext raft Saltpetre from damaged Gun-po’wder.
Have fome filtering bags, hung on a rack, with glazed
earthen pans under them, in the fame manner as thofe
for refining faltpetre: then take any quantity of da¬
maged powder, and put it into a copper, with as much
clean water as will cover it: when it begins to boil,
take off the fcum; and after it has boiled a few minutes,
dir it up: then take it out of the copper with a fmall
hand kettle for that purpofe, and put fome into each
bag, beginning at one end of the rack, fo that by the
time you have got to the lad bag, the firfl will be ready
for more. Continue thus, till all the bags are full: rhen
take the liquor out of the pans; which boil and filter,
as before, two or three times, till the water run quite
clear, which you mud let dand in the pans fome time,
and the faltp'etre will appear at top. To get the faltr
petre
Sea. I. P Y R O T
Ingredients petre entireljr out of the powder, take the water from
and that already extrafted, to which add fome frefti and the
C<tions ^reg3 t^e Powder that remain in the bags, and put
—  1— them in a veffel, to ftand as ;long as you pleafe: and
when you want to extraft the nitre, you mult proceed
with this mixture as with the powder at firlt, by which
means you will draw out all the faltpetre; but this pro-
cefs mult be boiled longer than the firft.
2. Sulphur, or Brimjlotie.
Sulphur is one of the principal ingredients in
gun powder, and almoft in all compofitions of fire¬
works ; and therefore great care mult be taken of
its being good, and brought to the higheft perfec¬
tion. To know when fulphur is good, you are to
pbferve that it is of a high yellow; and if, when held
in one’s hand, it crackles and bounces, it is a fign
that it is frefh and good: but as the method of redu¬
cing brimftone to a powder is very troublefome, it is
better to buy the- flour ready made, which is done in
large quantities, and in great perfe&ion; tho’ when a
grand colle&ion of fire-works are to be made, the
Itrongeft and bell fulphur is the lump brimftone ground
in the manner diredted in art 8.
3. Charcoal.
Charcoal is a prefervative by which the faltpetre
and the brimftone are made into gun-powder, by pre¬
venting the fulphur from fuffbeating the ftrong and
windy exhalation of the nitre. Charcoal for fire-works
mull always be foft and well burnt, which may be
bought ready done.
4. Gun-powder.
See GuN-PaWer in the order of the alphabet. To
grind or meal it, is diredted in art 8.
5. Camphor.
This may be had in the Ihops; and is of two kinds,
differing in regard to the degree of their purity, and
diftinguifhed by the name of rough refined. Re¬
fined camphor mull be chofen of a perfedtly clean
white colour, very bright and pellucid, of the fame
fmell and tafte with the rough, but more acrid and pun¬
gent. It is fo volatile that merchants ufually inclofe
it in lintfeed, that the vifeofity of that grain may keep
its particles together.
6. Benjamin.
This is a refin found of different forts; and diftin-
uilhedby their colours, viz. yellow, grey, and brown;
ut the bed is that which is eafy to break, and full of
white fpots. It is one of the ingredients in odoriferous
fire-works, when reduced to a fine flour; which may be
done by putting into a deep and narrow earthen pot
3 or 4 oz. of benjamin grofsly pounded; cover the pot
with paper, which tie very clofe round the edge; then
fet the pot on a flow fire, and once in an hour take off
the paper, and you will find fome flour fticking to it,
which return again in the pot; this you mull continue
till the flour appears white and fine. There is alfo an
oil of benjamin, which is fometimes drawn from the
dregs of the flour ; it affords a very good feent, and
may be ufed in wet compofitions.
7. Spur-fire.
This fire is the moll beautiful and curious of any
. yet known; and was invented by the Chinefe, but now
is in greater perfe&ion in England than in China. As
it requires great trouble to make it to perfedion, it
will beneceffary that beginners Ihould have full inftruc-
E C H N Y. 6551
tions; therefore care fhould be taken that alj the in- Ingredients
gredients are of the bell, that the lamp-black is not
damp and clodded, that the faltpetre and brimftone are l"
thoroughly refined. This compofition is generally  
rammed in 1 or 2 oz. cafes about 5 or 6 inches long,
but not drove very hard; and the cafes mull have their
concave ftroke ftruck very fmooth, and the choak or
vent not quite fo large as the ufual proportion : this
charge, when driven and kept a few months, will be
much better than when rammed; and will not fpoil, if
kept dry, in many years.
As the beauty of this compofition cannot be feen at
fo great a diftance as brilliant fire, it has a better ef-
fed in a room than in the open air, and may be fired
in a chamber without any danger: it is of fo innocent
a nature, that, though with an improper phrafe, it
may be called a cold fire; and fo extraordinary is the
fire produced from this compofition, that, if well made,
the fparks will not burn a handkerchief when held in
the midll of them; you may hold them in your hand
while burning, with as much fafety as a candle; and
if you put your hand within a foot of the mouth of
the cafe, you will feel the fparks like drops of rain.
When any of thefe fpur-fires are fired fingly, they are
called artificial flower■ pots; but fome of them placed
round a tranfparent pyramid of paper, and fired in a
large room, make a very pretty appearance.
The compofition confilts of faltpetre 4 lb. 8 oz.
fulphur 2 lb. and lamp-black x lb. 8oz.; or, falt¬
petre r lb. fulphur 4- lb. and lamp-black 4 quarts.
This compofition is very difficult to mix. The faltpetre
and brimftone muft be firft fifted together, and thc?n
put into a marble mortar, and the lamp-black with
them, which you work down by degrees with a wooden
peftle, till all the ingredients appear of one colour,
which will be fomething greyilh, but very near black:
then drive a little into a cafe for trial, and fire it in .a
dark place; and if the fparks, which are called filars,
or pinks, come out in clufters, and afterwards Ipread
w’ell without any other fparks, it is a fign of its being
good, otherwife not; for if any droffy fparks appear,
and the ftars not full, it is then not mixed enough; but
if the pinks are very fmall, and foon break, it is a fign
that you have rubbed it too much..
This mixture, when rubbed too much, will be too
fierce, and hardly fhow any ftars; and, on the con¬
trary, when not mixed enough, will be too weak, and
throw out an obfeure fmoke, and lumps of drofs, with¬
out any ftars. The reafon of this charge being called
the fipur fire, is becaufe the fparks it fields have a great
refemblance to the rowel of a fpur, from whence it takes
its name.
8. To meal Gun-powder, Brimfijone, and Charcoal,
There have been many methods ufed to grind thefe
ingredients to a powder for fire-works, fuch as large
mortars and peftles made pf ebony and other hard
wood, and horizontal mills with brafs barrels: but
none have proved fo effeftual and fpeedy as the laft in¬
vention, that of the mealing table, reprefented in fig. 1 • ccxiVl#
made of elm,, with a rim round its edge 4. or 5 inches
high; and at the narrow end,. A, is a Aider that runs
in a groove and forms part of the rim; fo that when
you have taken out of the table as much powder as you
can with the copper fhovel fig. 2. fweep all clean, out
at the Aider A. When you are going to meal a quan-
thy>
6552
Ingredients ti'ty of powder, obferve not to put too much in the
and r table at once; but when you have put io a good pro-
tions!*" portion, take the muller fig. 3. and rub it till all the
 grains are broke: then fearce it in a lawn fieve that
has a receiver and top to it; and that which does not
pafs through the fieve, return again to the table and
grind it, till you have brought it all fine enough to go
through the fieve. Brimftone and charcoal are ground
in the fame manner, only the muller mull be made of
ebony; for thefe ingredients being harder than pow¬
der, would ftiek in the grain of elm, and be difficult
to grind: as brimftone is apt to (lick and clod to the
table, it will be bed to keep one for that purpofe, by
which means you will always have your brimftone clean
and well ground.
2d 8. To make Wheels and other 'works incombuJUble.
It being neceffary, when your works are new, to
paint them of fome dark colour; therefore, if, inftead
of which, you make ufe of the following compofition,
it will give them a good colour, and in a great mea-
fure prevent their taking fire fo foon as if painted.
Take brick dull, coal allies, and iron filings, of each
an equal quantity, and mix them with a double fize,
made hot. With this waffi over your works, and when
dry walh them over again ; this will preferve the wood
greatly againft fire. Let the brick dull and allies be
beat to a fine powder.
ey. To prepare Cajl-iron for gerhes, 'white fountains, and
Chinefe fire.
Cast iron being of fo hard a nature as not to be
cut by a file, we are obliged to reduce it into grains,
though fomewhat difficult to perform ; but if wecon-
fider what beautiful fparks this fort of iron yields, no
pains fnould be fpared to granulate fuch an elfential
material: to do which, get at an iron fouodery fome
thin pieces of iron, fuch as generally run over the
mould at the time of calling : then have a fquare
block made of call iron, and an iron fquare hammer
about 4 lb weight ; then, having covered the floor
with cloth or fomething to catch the beatings, lay
the thin pieces of iron on the block, and beat them
with the hammer till reduced into fmall grains; which
afterwards fearce with a very fine fieve, to feparate the
fine dull, which is fometimes ufed in fmall cafes of
brilliant fire, inllead of (leel dull; and when you have
got out all the dull, fift what remains with a fieve a
little larger, and fo on with fieves of different fizes,
till the iron palfes through about the bignefs of fmall
bird-ffiot: your iron thus beat and lifted, put each
fort into wooden boxes or oiled paper, to keep it from
rulling. When you ufe it, obferve the difference of
its fize, in proportion to the cafes for which the charge
as intended ; for the coarfe fort is only deligned for
very large gerbes of 6 or 8 lb.
10. Charges for Sky-rockets, &c.
Rockets of four ounces. Mealed powder 1 lb. 4 oz.
faltpetre 4 oz. and charcoal 2 oz.
Rockets of eight ounces. I. Mealed powder 1 lb.
faltpetre 4 oz. brimftone 3 oz. and charcoal i|- oz.
II. Meal-powder 1^-lb. and charcoal 4^02.
Rockets of one pound. Meal powder 2 lb. faltpetre
8 oz. brimtlone 4 oz. charcoal 2 oz. and fteel-filings
li oz
Shy-rockets in general. I. Saltpetre 4 lb. brimftone
Se6t. I.
1 lb. and charcoal if lb. II. Saltpetre 4 lb.Ingredients
brimftone if lb. charcoal 1 lb. 12 oz. and meal- and
powder 2 oz. Compofi-j
Largefky-rockets. Saltpetre 4 lb. meal-powder 1 lb.
and brimltone 1 lb.
Rockets of a middling fize. I. Saltpetre 8 lb. ful-
phur 3 lb. meal-powder 3 lb. II. Saltpetre 3 lb.
fulphur 2 lb. meal-powder 1 lb. charcoal 1 lb.
I I. For Rocket Stars.
Whitefars. Meal-powder 4 oz. faltpetre 12 oz.
fulphur vivum 6 cz. oil of fpike 2 oz. and cam¬
phor 5 o2.
BlueJlars. Meal-powder 8 oz. faltpetre 4, ful¬
phur 2, fpirits of wine 2, and oil of fpike 2.
Coloured or variegated fars. Meal-powder 8 drams,
rochpetre 4 oz. fulphur vivum 2, and camphor 2.
Brilliant fars. Saltpetre 3f oz. fulphur if, and
meal-powder f, worked up with fpirits of wine only.
Common fars. Saltpetre 1 lb. brimftone 4 oz. an¬
timony 4^, ifinglafs f, camphor f, and fpirits of
wine f.
Tailed fars. Meal-powder 3 oz. brimftone 2, falt¬
petre 1, and charcoal (coarfely ground) f.
Drove fars. L Saltpetre 3 lb. fulphur 1 lb. brafs
dull 12 oz. antimony 3. II. Saltpetre i lb. anti¬
mony 40Z. and fulphur 8.
Fixed pointed fars. Saltpetre 8f oz. fulphur 2,
antimony 1 oz. 10 dr.
Stars of a fine colour. Sulphur 1 oz. meal-pow¬
der 1, faltpetre 1, camphor 4 dr. oil of turpen¬
tine 4 dr.
12. Rains.
Gold rain for [ky-rockets. I. Saltpetre 1 lb. meal-
powder 4 oz. fulphur 4, brals-duft 1, faw-duft 2f,
and glafs-dufl 6 dr. II. Meal-powder 12 oz. falt¬
petre 2, charcoal 4. III. Saltpetre 8 t>z. brim¬
ltone 2, glafs-duft 1, antimony f, brafs-duft f, and
faw-duft 12 dr.
Silver rain. I. Saltpetre 4 oz. fulphur, meal-pow¬
der, and antimony, of each 2 oz. fal prunella f oz.
II. Sahpetre f lb. brimftone 2 oz. and charcoal 4.
III. Saltpetre 1 lb. brimftone f lb. antimony 6 oz.
IV. Saltpetre 4 Oz. brimltone I, powder 2, and fted-
duft f oz.
13. Water Rockets.
I. Meal-powder 61b. faltpetre 4, brimftone 3,
charcoal 5. II. Saltpetre 1 lb. brimftone 4f oz.
charcoal 6. III. Saltpetre 1 lb. brimltone 4 02.
charcoal 12. IV. Saltpetre 4 lb. brimftone i-J lb.
charcoal lib. J2oz. V. Brimftone alb. faltpetre
4lb. and meal-powder 4. VI. Saltpetre 1 lb. meal-
powder 4 oz. brimftone 8f, charcoal 2. VII. Meal-
powder 1 lb. falt-petre 3, brimltone I; fea-coal I oz.
charcoal 8f, faw-dnft f, Heel-dull f, and coarfe char¬
coal f oz. VI1T. Meal powder if lb. faltpetre 3,
fulphur if, charcoal 12 oz. faw-duft 2.
Sinking charge for 'water-rockets. Meal-powder 8 oz.
charcoal f oz.
14. 0/" nnheels.
Wheel- cafes from two ounces to four pound. I. Meal-
powder 2 lb. faltpetre 4 oz. iron-filings 7. II. Meal-
powder 2 lb. falt-petre 12 oz. fulphur 4, Heel-dull 3.
III. Meal-powder 4 lb. faltpetre i lb. brimftone 8 Oz,
charcoal 4f. IV. Meal-powder 8 oz. feltpetre 4, faw-
duft
PYROTECHNY.
' Sea. I. P Y R O T
Ingredients'duft i*., fea-coal V. Meal-powder i lb. 4 oz.
and brimftone 402. 10 dr. falt petre 8 oz. glafs-duft 2±.
"hns!1 Meal-powder 12 oz. charcoal i, faw-duft 4*
 VII. Saltpetre 1 lb. 9 oz. brimftone 4 oz. char¬
coal 4^. VIII. Meal-powder 2 lb. falt-petre 1, brim¬
ftone and fea-coal 2 oz. IX. Saltpetre 2 lb. brim¬
ftone i, meal-powder 4, and glafs-duft 4 oz. X. Meal-
powder 1 lb. fait petre 2 oz. and fteel-duft
XI. Meal-powder 2 lb. and fteel-duft 24 oz. with 24-
of the fine duft of beat iron. XII. Saltpetre 2 lb.
13 oz. brimftone 8 oz. and charcoal.
S/ofa fire for ’wheels. I. Saltpetre 4 oz. brimftone
2, and meal-powder ly. II. Saltpetre 40Z. brim¬
ftone 1, and antimony t oz. 6 dr. III. Saltpetre 4-l-oz.
brimftone I oz. arfd mealed powder 1-?.
Dead fire for wheels. I. Saltpetre i£oz. brimftone!-,
lapts-calaminaris !•, and antimony 2 dr.
15. Standing or fixed cafes.
I. Meal.powder 4 lb. faltpetre 2, brimftone and
charcoal 1. II. Meal-powder 2 lb. faltpetre 1, and
fteel-duft 8 oz. III. Meal-powder 1 lb- 4 oz. and
charcoal 4 oz. IV. Meal powder 1 lb. and fteel-
duft 4 oz. V. Meal-powder 2! lb. brimftone 40Z,
and fea-coal 6. VI. Meal-powder 3 lb. charcoal 5 oz.
, and faw-duft i!-.
16. Sun cafes.
I. Meal-powder lb. faltpetre i lb. 2 oz. fteel-
duft 2 lb. looz. brimftone 4. II. Meal-powder 3 lb.
faltpetre 6 oz. and fteel-duft 7!-.
17 A brilliant fire.
Meal-powder 11 lb. faltpetre 1, brimftone 4 oz.
fteel-duft lylb.
18. Gerles.
Meal-powder 6 lb. and beat-iron 2 lb. i!- oz.
19. Chinefe fire.
Saltpetre 12 oz. meal-powder 2 lb. brimftone 1 lb.
2 Oz. and beat iron 12 oz.
20. Tourbillons.
Charge for four-ounce Tourbillons. Meal-powder 2 lb.
4 oz. and charcoal 4!- oz.
Eight-ounce tourbillons. Meal-powder 2 lb. and
charcoal 4^ oz.
Large tourbillons. Meal-powder 2lb. faltpetre 1,
brimftone 8 oz* and beat iron 8.
N. B. Tourbillons may be made very large, and
of different coloured fires: only you are to obferve,
that the larger they are, the weaker muft be the
charge ; and, on the contrary, the fmaller, the ftronger
their charge.
2 r. Water balloons.
I. Saltpetre 41b. brimftone 2, meal-powder 2, an¬
timony 40Z. faw-duft 4, and glafs-duft i!- II. Salt¬
petre 9 lb. brimftone 31b. meal-powder 6 lb. rofin
12 oz. and antimony 8 oz.
22. Waterfquibs.
I. Meal-powder 1 lb. and charcoal 1 lb. II. Meal-
powder 1 lb. and charcoal 9 oz.
23. Mine ports or ferpents.
I. Meal-powder 1 lb. and charcoal 1 oz. II. Meal-
powder 9 oz. charcoal 1 oz.
24. Port-fires.
For firing rochets, iAc. I. Saltpetre 12 oz. brim¬
ftone 402. and meal-powder 2 oz. II. Saltpetre 8 oz.
brimftone 4 oz. and meal-powder 2 oz. III. Salt¬
petre 1 lb. 2 oz. meal-powder if lb. and brimftone
Voi,, IX.
ECHNY. 6553
10 oz. This compofition muft be moiftened with one Ingredients
gill of linfeed oil. IV. Meal-powder 6 Oz. faltpetre and
2 lb. 2 oz. and brimftone 10 oz. V. Saltpetre 1 lb.
4 oz. meal-powder 402. brimftone 5 oz. faw-duft 8 oz.  
VI. Saltpetre 8 oz. brimftone 2 oz. and meal-pow¬
der 2 oz.
For illuminations. Saltpetre 1 lb. brimftone 8 oz.
and meal-powder 6 oz.
25. Cones or fpiral wheels.
Saltpetre if lb. brimftone 6 oz. meal-powder 14 oz.
and glafs-duft 14 oz.
26. Crowns or globes.
Saltpetre 6 oz. brimftone 2 lb. antimony 40*. and
camphor 2 oz.
27. Air balloon fuzes.
I. Saltpetre 1 lb. 10 oz. brimftone 8 oz. and meal-
powder lib. 6 oz. II. Saltpetre if lb. brimftone
8 oz. and meal powder 1 lb. 8 oz.
28. Serpents for pots des hr ins.
Meal-powder 1 lb. 8 oz. faltpetre 12 oz. and char¬
coal 2 oz.
29. Fire pumps.
I. Saltpetre 51b. brimftone 1 lb. meal-powder if lb.
and glafs-duft 1 lb. II. Saltpetre 5 lb. 8 oz. brim¬
ftone 2 lb. meal-powder 1 lb. 8 oz. and glafs-duft
1 lb. 8 oz.
30. A flow white flame.
I. Saltpetre 2 lb. brimftone 3 lb. antimony 1 lb.
II. Saltpetre 3f lb. fulphur 2flb. meal-powder 1 lb.
antimony f lb. glafs-duft 4 oz. brafs-duft 1 oz.
N. B. Thefe compofitions, driven if inch in a
1 oz. cafe, will burn one minute, which is much longer
time than an equal quantity of any compofition, yet
known, will laft.
31. Amber lights.
Meal-powder 9 oz. amber 3 oz. This charge may
be drove in fmall cafes, for illuminations.
32. Lights of another kind.
Saltpetre 3 lb. brimftone 1 lb. meal-powder 1 lb.
antimony lof oz. All thefe muft be mixed with the
oil of fpike.
33. A red fire.
Meal-powder 3 lb. charcoal 12 oz. and faw-duft 8 oz.
34. A common fire.
Saltpetre 3 lb. charcoal 10 oz. and brimftone 2 oz,
35. To make an artificial earthquake.
Mix the following ingredients to a pafte with water,
and then bury it in the ground,and in a few hours the
earth will break and open in feveral places. The com¬
pofition: fulphur 41b. and fteel-duft 4 lb.
36 Compofitions for fiars of different colours.
I. Meal-powder 4 oz. faltpetre 2 oz. brimftone
2 oz. fteel duft if oz. and camphor, white amber,
antimony, and mercury-fublimate, of . each f oz.
II- Rochepetre 10 oz. brimftone, charcoal, antimo¬
ny, meal powder, and camphor, of each f oz. moi¬
ftened with oil of turpentine. Thefe compofitions are
made into ftars, by being worked to a pafte with aqua
vitse, in which has been dilfolved forae gum-traga-
canth; and after you have rolled them in powder, make
a hole through the middle of each, and firing them on
quick-match, leaving about 2 inches between each.
III. Saltpetre 8 oz. brimftone 2 oz. yellow amber
1 oz. antimony I oz. and powder 3 oz. IV. Brim¬
ftone zf oz. faltpetre 6 oz. olibanum or frankincenfe
2 36 U in
6554 P Y R O T
Ingredients in drops 4 oz.; madlck, and mercury-fublimate, of
and eac[, ^ oz meal-powder 5 oz. white amber, yellow
lions' *" and camphor, of each 1 oz. antimony and or-
  —— piment 4- oz. each. V. Saltpetre 1 lb. brimftone 4-lb.
and meal powder 8 oz. moiliened with potrolio-oil.
VI. Powder 4- lh. brimftone and faltpetre, of each
4 oz. VII. Salpetre 4 oz. brimftone 2 oz. and meal-
powder x oz.
Stars that carry tails of fparks. I. Brimftone 6 oz.
antimony crude 2 oz. faltpetre 402. and rofm 4 oz.
II. Saltpetre, rofin, and charcoal, of each 2 oz. brim¬
ftone 1 oz. and pitch 1 oz.
Thefe compofitions are fometimes melted in an
earthen pan, and mixed with chopped cotton-match,
before they are rolled into ftars; but will do as well if
wetted, and worked up in the ufual manner.
Stars that yield fame fparks. I. Camphor 2 oz. falt¬
petre 1 oz. meal-powder 1 oz. II. Saltpetre I oz.
ditto melted 4- oz. and camphor 2 oz. When you
would make ftars of either of thefe compofitions, you
muft wet them with gum-water, or fpirit of wine, in
which has been difiblved fome gum-arabic, or gum-
tragacanth, that the whole may have the confiftence of
a pretty thick liquid ; having thus done, take 1 oz. of
lint, and ftir it about in the compofttion till it becomes
dry enough to roll into ftars.
Stars of a yelloivijh colour. Take 4 oz. of gum-
tragacanth or gum-arabic, pounded and lifted through
a fine fieve, camphor difiblved in brandy 2 oz. falt¬
petre 1 lb. fulphur 4- lb. coarfe powder of glafs
4 oz. white amber l4- oz. orpiment 2 oz. Being well
incorporated, make them into ftars after the common
method.
Stars of another kind. Take 1 lb. of camphor, and
melt it in a pint of fpirit of wine over a flow fire ; then
add to it 1 lb. of gum-arabic that has been diflblved ;
with this liquor mix 1 lb. of faltpetre, 6 oz. of
fulphur, and 5 oz. of meal-powder; and after you
have ftirred them well together, roll them into ftars
proportionable to the rockets for which you intend
them.
37. Colours produced by the different compoftions.
As variety of fires adds greatly to a colle&ion of
works, it is neceffary that every artift Ihould know the
different effeft of each ingredient. For which reafon,
we {hall here explain the colours they produce of
themfelves, and likewife how to make them retain the
fame when mixed with other bodies: as for example,
fulphur gives a blue, camphor a white or pale colour,
faltpetre a clear white-yellow, amber a colour in¬
clining to yellow, fal-armoniac a green, antimony
a reddifti, rofin a copper colour, and greek-pitch
a kind of bronze or between red and yellow. All
thefe ingredients are fuch as (how themfelves in a
flame, viz.
White flatne. Saltpetre, fulphur, meal-powder, and
camphor ; the faltpetre muft be the chief part.
Blue fame. Meal-powder, faltpetre, and fulphur
vivum ; fulphur muft be the chief: Or meal-powder,
faltpetre, brimftone, fpirit of wine, and oil of fpike ;
but let the powder be the principal part.
Blame inclining to red. Saltpetre, fulphur, anti?-
mony, and greek-pitch ; faltpetre the chief.
By the above method may be made various colours
of fire, as the praftitioner pleafes; for, by making a
E C H N Y. Sed. I.
few trials, be may caufe any ingredient to be predo- Ingredients
minant in colour. and
38. Ingredients that Jhonu in fparks when rammed in C°t"^°
choaked cafes. ~   .
The fet colours of fire produced by fparks are di¬
vided into 4 forts, viz. the black, white, grey, and
red. The black charges are compofed of 2 ingredients,
which are meal-powder and charcoal; the white of 3,
faltpetre, fulphur, and charcoal; the grey of 4,
viz. meal-powder, faltpetre, brimftone, and charcoal;
and the red of 3, viz. meal-powder, charcoal, and
faw-duft.
There are, befides thefe 4 regular or let charges,
2 others, which are diftinguiftied by the names of
compound and brilliant charges; the compound being
made of many ingredients, fuch as meal-powder, falt¬
petre, brimftone, charcoal, faw-duft, fea-coal, anti¬
mony, glafs duft, brafs duft, fteel filings, call iron,
tanner’s dull, &c. or ^ny thing that will yield fparks;
all which muft be managed with diferetion. The bril¬
liant fires are compofed of meal-powder, faltpetre,
brimftone, and fteel duft ; or with meal-powder and
fteel filings only.
39. Cotton quick-mat eh,
Is generally made of fuch cotton as is put in can¬
dles, of feveral fizes, from 1 to 6 threads thick, ac¬
cording to the pipes it is defignedfor, which pipe muft:
be large enough for the match, when made, to be pufti-
ed in eafily without breaking it. Having doubled the
cotton into as many threads as you think proper, coil
it very lightly into a flat-bottomed copper or earthen
pan ; then put in the faltpetre and the liquor, and
boil them about 20 minutes ; after which coil it again
into another pan, as in fig 4, and pour on it what liquor piate
remains; then put in fome meal-powder, and prefs itCCXLVIIL
down with your hands till it is quite wet; afterwards
place the panbeforethewooden frame, fig.5. whichmuft
be fufpended by a point in the centre of each end ; and
place yourfelf before the pan, tying the upper end of
the cotton to the end of one of the fides of the frame..
When every thing is ready, you muft have one to
turn the frame round, while you let the cotton pafs
through your hands, holding it very lightly, and at
the fame time keeping your hands full of the wet
powder; but if the powder fttould be too wet to ftick
to the cotton, put more in the pan, fo as to keep a
continual fupply till the match is all wound up ; you
may wind it as clofe on the frame as you pleafe, fo that
it do not ftick together ; when the frame is full,
take it off the points, and fift dry meal-powder on
both fides the match, till it appear quite dry : in win¬
ter the match will be a fortnight before it is fit for-
ufe ; when, it is thoroughly dry, cut it along the out-
fide of one of the fides of the frame, and tie it up in
fkains for ufe.
N. B. The match muft be wound tight on the frames.
The ingredients for the match, are, cotton 1 lb. i2oz.
faltpetre 1 lb. fpirit of wine 2 quarts, water 3 quarts,
innglafs 3 gills, and meal powder to lb. To diffolve
4 oz. of ifinglafs, take 3 pints of water.
2d 39. Touch paper for capping-of ferpents, crack¬
ers, See.
Diffolve, in fpirits of wine or vinegar, a little fait?
petre ; then take fome purple or blue paper, and wet
it with this liquor, and when dry it will be fit for ufe;
when.
Sea. II. P Y R O T
Of Moulds, when you pafte this paper on any of your works, take
Cafes, &c. C3re t£,at jhg pa{je not touch that part which is
to burn. The method of ufing this paper is by cut¬
ting it into flips, long enough to go once round the
mouth of a ferpent, cracker, &c. When you pafte on
thefe flips, leave a little above the mouth of the cafe
notpalted; then prime the cafe with meal-powder, and
twill the paper to a point.
Sect. II. Of Moulds, Cafes, Mixture, Injlru-
ments, &c.
40. Rocket moulds.
As the performance of rockets depends much on
their moulds, it is requifite to give a definition of them
and their proportions: they are made and proportion¬
ed by the diameter of their orifice, which are divided
into = parts. Fig. 6. reprefents a mould made by
its diameter AB : its height from C to D is 6 diame-
Plate ters ant^ 2 lhirds; from D to E is the height of the
CCXLYIII.foot, which is 1 diameter and 2 thirds; F the choak,
or cylinder, whofe height is 1 diameter and i-jd; it
mull be made out of the fame piece as the foot, and
fit tight in the mould; G an iron pin that goes thro*
the cylinder, to keep the foot fall; H the nipple,
which is 4- a diameter high and 2-3ds thick, and of
the fame piece of metal >as the former I, whofe height
is 34- diameters, and at the bottom is i-3d of the.dia¬
meter thick, and from thence tapering to i -6th of the
diameter. The bell way to fix the piercer in the cylin¬
der, is to make that part below the nipple long enough
to go quite through the foot, and rivet at bottom.
Fig. 7. is a former or roller for the cafes, whofe length
from the handle, is 74- diameters, and its diameter
2-3ds of the bore. Fig. 8. the end of the former,
which is of the fame thicknefs, and 1 diameter and
2-3ds long ; the fmall part, which fits into the hole in
the end of the roller when the cafe is pinching, is i-6th
and 4- of the mould’s diameter thick. Fig. 9. the firlt
drift, which mull bed diameters from the handle; and
this, as well as all other rammers, mull be a little thin¬
ner than the-former, to prevent the lacking of the pa¬
per when you are driving in the charge. In the end
of this rammer is a hole to fit over the piercer: the
line K marked on this is 2 diameters and i-3d from
the handle; fo that, when you are filling the rocket,
this line appears at top of the cafe : you mull then take
the 2d rammer, fig. 10. which from the handle is 4
diameters, and the hole for the piercer is 14-diameter
long. Fig. 11. is the Ihort and folid drift which
you ufe when you have filled the cafe as high as the
top of the piercer.
Rammers mull have a collar of brafs at the bottom,
to keep the wood from fpreading or fplitting, and the
fame proportion mull be given to all moulds, from 1 oz.
to 6 lb. We mentioned nothing concerning the handles
of the rammers; however, if their diameter be equal
to the bore of the mould, and 2 diameters long, it will
be a very gdod proportion : but the Ihorter you can
life them the better; for the longer the drift, the lefs
will be the prefiure on the compofition by the blow
given with the mallet.
E C H N Y.
Dimenftons for Rocket Moulds, in the Rockets are ram¬
med folid.
6555
Of Moulds,
Cafes, &c.
Weight Length of the
of rock- moulds without
ets. their feet.
6 drams
4 drams
Interior diameter Height of
of the moulds, the nipples.
Inches.
34>7
38,6
13-35
12,25
10,125
7-75
6,2
4-9
3-9
3-5
3.5
2,9
2,1
i.7
L333.
1,125
0,9
o.7
o,55
&c.
M
1 >4
1,0
0,85
c,6
o,5
o,45
°>35
0,25
0,225
0,2
The diameter of the nipple mull always be equal to
that of the former.
The thicknefs of the moulds is omitted, being
very immaterial, provided they are fubltantial and
ftrong.
Our author advifes thofe who make rockets for pri¬
vate amufement, not to ram them folid; for it requires
a very Ikilful hand, and an expenfive apparatus for
boring them, which will be Ihown hereafter. Driving
of rockets folid is the moll expeditious method, but
not fo certain as ramming them over a piercer.
41. Moulds for ’wheel-cafes or ferpents.
Fig. 12. reprefents a mould, in which the cafes are
drove folid; L the nipple (a), with a point (b) at top,
which, when the cafe is filling, ferves to Hop the
neck, and prevent the compofition from falling out,
which without this point it would do ; and, in confe-
quence, the air would get into the vacancy in the
charge, and at the time of firing caufe the cafe to
burlt. Thefe fort of moulds are made of any length
or diameter, according as the cafes are required ; but
the diameter of the rollers mull be equal to half the
bore, and the rammers made quite folid.
42. "To roll rocket .and other cafes.
Sky-rocket cafes are to be made 6|- of their exte¬
rior diameter long; and all other cafes that are toLe
filled in moulds mult be as long as the moulds, within
half its interior diameter.
Rocket cafes, from the fmallell to 4 or 6 lb. are
generally made of the llrongelt fort of cartridge pa¬
per, and rolled dry ; but the large fort are made of
palled palleboard. As it is very difficult to roll the
ends of the cafes quite even, the bell way will be to
keep a pattern of the paper for the different forts of
cafes; which pattern fliould be fomewhat longer than
the cafe it is defigned for, and on it marked the num¬
ber of fheets required, which will prevent any paper
being cut to walle. Having cutyOur papers of a pro¬
per fize, and the lall (heet for each cafe with a flope at
oneend,_fo that when the cafes are rolled it may form
a fpiral line round the outfide, and that this flope may
36 U 2 al-
(A) The nipple and cylinders to bear the fame proportion as thpfe for rockets.
(•*) A round bit of brafs, equal in length to the nick of the cafe, and flat at the top.
6556 P Y R O T
Of Moulds, always be the fame, let the pattern be fo cut for a
Cafes, &c. guide. Before you begin to roll, fold down one end
of the firft (beet, fo far that the fold will go 2 or 3
times round the former: then, on the double edge
lay the former with its handle off the table; and when
you have rolled on the paper within 2 or 3 turns, lay
the next (heet on that part which is loofe, and roll it
all on.
Having thus done, you muft have a fmooth board,
about 20 inches long, and equal in breadth to the
length of the cafe. In the middle of this board muft
be a handle placed length-wife. Under this board lay
your cafe, and let one end of the board lie on the
table ; then prefs hard on it, and puih it forwards,
which will roll the paper very tight : do this 3 or 4
times before you roll on any more paper. This muft be
repeated every other fheet of paper, till the cafe is
thick enough; but if the rolling board be drawn
backwards, it will loofen the paper: you are to ob-
ferve, when you roll on the laft iheet, that the point
of the Hope be placed at the fmall end of the roller.
Having rolled your cafe to tit the mould, pufti in the
fmall end of the former F, about 1 diameter from the
end of the cafe, and put in the end-piece within a
little diftance of the former; then give the pinching
cord one turmround the cafe, between the former and
the end piece ; at firft pull eafy, and keep moving
the cafe, which will make the neck fmooth, and with¬
out large wrinkles. When the cafes are hard tochoak,
let each fheet of paper (except the firft and laft, in that
part where the neck is formed) be a little moiftened
with water: immediately after you have ftruck the
concave ftroke, bind the neck of the cafe round with
fmall twine, which muft not be tied in a knot, but fa¬
ttened with two or three hitches.
Having thus pinched and tied the cafe fo as not td
give way, put it into the mould without its foot, and
with a mallet drive the former hard on the end-piece,
which will force the neck clofe and fmooth. This done,
cut the cafe to its proper length, allowing from the
neck to the edge of the mouth half a diameter, which
is equal to the height of the nipple; then take out
the former, and drive the cafe over the piercer with
the long rammer, and the vent will be of a proper
fize. Wheel-cafes muft be drove on a nipple with a
point to clofe the neck, and make the vent of the fize
required ; which, in moft cafes, is generally -J-of their
interior diameter : as it is very often difficult, when
the cafes are rolled, to draw the roller out, you may
make a hole through the handle, and put in it a fmall
iron pin, by which you may eafily turn the former
round and pull it out. Fig. 17. ftiows the method of
pinching cafes ; P a treddle, which, when prefs-
ed hard with the foot, will draw the cord tight,
end force the neck as clofe as you pleafe; Q__a fmall
wheel or pully, with a grove round it for the cord to
Cafes are commonly rolled wet, for wheels and fix¬
ed pieces; and when they are required to contain a
great length of charge, the method of making thofe
cafes is thus : Your paper muft be cut as ufual, only
the laft Iheet muft. not be cut with a Hope; having
your paper ready, pafte each flieet on one fide ; then
fold down the firft fheet as before direfled: but be
careful that the pafte do not touch the upper part of
E C H N Y. Sea. II. i
the fold; for if the roller be wetted, it will tear the Moulds,.-
paper in drawing it out. In palling the laft fheet, ob- Cafes> ’
ferve not to wet the laft turn or two in that part where ~
it is to be pinched ; for if that part be damp, the
pinching cord will ftick to it, and tear the paper ;
therefore, when you choak thofe cafes, roll a bit of
dry paper once round the cafe, before you put on the
pinching cord ; but this bit of paper muft be taken off
after the cafe is choaked. The rolling board, and all
other methods, according to the former direttions for
the rolling and pinching of cafes, muft be ufed to thefe
as well as all other cafes.
43. To make tourbiilon cafes.
Thofe fort of cafes are generally made about 8 dia¬
meters long ; but if very large, 7 will be fufficient:
tourbillons will anfwer very well from 4 oz. to 2 lb.
but when larger there is no certainty. The cafes are
beft rolled wet with pafte, and the laft fheet muft have
a ftraight edge, fo that the cafe may be all of a thick-
nefs: when you have rolled your cafes after the man¬
ner of wheel cafes, pinch them at one end quite clofe;
then with the rammer drive the ends down flat, and
afterwards ram in about i-3d of a diameter of dried
clay. The diameter of the former for thel'e cafes muft
be the fame as for fky-rockets.
N. B. Tourbillons are to be rammed in moulds
without a nipple, or in a mould without its foot.
44. Balloon cafes, or paper Jhells.
First, you muft have an oval former turned of
fmooth wood ; then pafte a quantity of brown or car*
tridge paper, and let it lie till the pafte has quite
foaked through ; this done, rub the former with foap
or greafe, to prevent the paper from flicking to it;
then lay the paper on in fmall flips, till you have made
it l-gd of the thicknefs of the fbell intended. Having
thus done, fet it to dry ; anti when dry, cut it round
the middle, and the 2 halves will eaiily come off: but
obferve, when you cut, to leave about I inch not cut,
which will make the halves join much better than if
quite feparated. When you have fome ready to join,
place the halves even together, pafte a flip of paper
round the opening to hold them together, and let that
dry ; then lay on paper all over as before, every where
equal, excepting that end which goes downwards in
the mortar, which may be a little thicker than the
reft ; for that part which receives the blow from the
powder in the chamber of the mortar confequemly re¬
quires thegreateft ftrength. When the fhell is thorough¬
ly dry, burn a round vent at top, with fquare iron,
large enough for the fuze : this method will do for bal¬
loons from 4 inches 2-5ths, to 8 inches diameter; but
if they are larger, or required to be thrown a great
height, let the firft fhell be turned of elm, inftead of
being made of paper.
For a balloon of 4 inches 2‘5ths, let the former be
3 inches 1-8th diameter, and inches long. For a
balloon of 54. inches the diameter of the former muft be
4 inches, and 8 inches long. For a balloon of 8 inches,
let the diameter of the former be 5 inches and
X5-i6ths, and it inches 7 Sths long. For a 10-inch
balloon, let the former be 7 inches 3-16ths diameter,
and 144- inches long. The thicknefs of a (hell for a
balloon of 4 inches 2 5ths, muft be 4- inch. Fora bal¬
loon of 54 inches, let the thicknefs of the paper be
5-8th« of an inch. For an 8-inch balloon, 7-ffths of an
inch.
Sea. II. P Y R O T
> Of Moulds,inch. And for a io-inch balloon, let the Ihell be i
Cafes, &c, inch |.8th thick.
Shells that are defigned for ftars only, may be
made quite round, and the thinner they are at the
opening, the better; for if they are too ftrong, the
ttars are apt to break at the burfting of the Ihell:
when you are making the Ihell, make ufe of a pair
of calibres, or a round gauge, fo that you may
not lay the paper thicker in one place than another;
and alfo to know when the fliell is of a proper thick-
nefs. Balloons muft always be made to go eafy into
the mortars.
Cafes for illumination Port-fires. Thefe mud be
made very thin of paper, and rolled on formers,
from 2 to 5 Sths of an inch diameter, and from 2 to
6 inches long : they are pinched clofe at one end, and
left open at the other. When you fill them, put in
but a little compofition at a time, and ram it in light¬
ly, fo as not to break the cafe: 3 or 4 rounds of pa¬
per, with the laft round palled, will be ftrong enough
for thefe cafes.
f Cafes and moulds for common Port-fires. Com¬
mon port-fires are intended purpofely to fire the
works, their fire being very flow, and the heat of
the flame fo intenfe, that, if applied to rockets, lea¬
ders, &c. it will fire them immediately. Port-fires
may be made of any length, but are feldom made
more than 21 inches long: the interior diameter of
port-fire moulds fhould be io-t6ths of an inch, and
the diameter of the former 4 an inch. The cafes muft
be roll^i wet with pafte, and one end pinched, or
folded down. The moulds ftiould be made of brafs,
and to take in 2 pieces length wife ; when the cafe
is in the 2 fides, they are held together by brafs
rings, or hoops, which are made to fit over the out*
i fide. The bore of the mould muft not be made
quite through, fo that there will be no occafion for a
foot. Thofe port-fires, when ufed, are held in cop¬
per Sockets, fixed on the end of a long (lick : thefe
lockets are made like port-crayons, only with a ferew
inftead of a ring.
45. Of mixing the compofitions.
The performance of the principal part of fire-works
depends much on the compofitions being well mixed,*
therefore great care muft be taken in this part of the
work, particularly for the compofitidn for Iky-rockets.
When you have 4 or 5 pounds of ingredients to mix,
which is a fufficient quantity at a time (for a larger
proportion will not do fo well) firft put the different
I ingredients together; then work them about with
-your hands, till you think they are pretty well incor¬
porated : after which put them into a lawn fieve with
a receiver and top to if; and if, after it is fifted, any
remains that will not pafs through the fieve, grind it
again till fine enough ; and if it be twice lifted, it
will not be amifs ; but the compofitions for wheels
and common works are not fo material, nor need
be fo fine. But in all fixed works, from which the
■fire is to play regular, the ingredients muft be very
*fine, and great care taken in mixing them well toge¬
ther ; and obferve, that, in all compofitions where¬
in are fteel or iron filings, the hands muft not
touch ; nor will any works, which have iron orlkel in
E C H N Y. 6557
their charge, keep long in damp weather, unlefs pro- Mixture,
perly prepared, according to the following directions. &c’
46. To preferve feel or iron filings.
It fometirnes may happen, that fire-works may be
required to be kept a long time, or fent abroad: nei¬
ther of which could be done with brilliant fires, if
made with filings unprepared ; for this reafon, that the
faltpetre being of a damp nature, it caufes the iron to
ruft; the confequence of which is, that when the
works are fired, there will appear but very few bril¬
liant fparks, but inftead of them a number of red and
droffy fparks ; and befides, the charge will be fo
much weakened, that if this was to happen to wheels,
the fire will hardly be ftrong enough to force them
round. But to prevent fuch accidents, prepare your
filings thus : Melt in a glazed earthen pan fome brim-
ftone over a flow fire, and when melted throw in fome
filings ; which keep llirring about till they are cover¬
ed with brimftone : this you muft do while it is on
the fire ; then take it off, and ftir it very quick till
cold, when you muft roll it on a board with a wooden
roller, till you have broke it as fine as corn-powder ;
after which fift from it as much of the brimitone as
you can. There is another method of preparing fi¬
lings, fo as to keep 2 or 3 months in winter ; this
may be done by rubbing them between the ftrongeft
fort of brown paper, which before has been moilten-
ed with linfeed oil.
N. B. If the brimftone flrould take fire, you may
put it out, by covering the pan clofe at top; it is not
of much fignification what quantity of brimftone you
ufe, fo that there is enough to give each grain of iron
a coat; but as much as will cover the bottom of a
pan of about 1 foot diameter, will do for 5 or $ pound
of filings, or call-iron for gerbes.
47. To drive or ram Sky Rockets, &c.
Rockets drove over a piercer muft not have fo
much compofition put in them at a time, as when
drove foiid ; for the piercer, taking up great part of
the bore of the cafe, would caufe the rammer to rife
too high ; fo that the preffure of it would not be fo
great on the compofition, nor would it be drove every
where equal. To prevent this, obferve the follow¬
ing rule : That for thofe rockets which are rammed
over a piercer, let the ladle (c) hold as much compofi¬
tion as, when drove, will raife the drift v the interior
diameter of the cafe, and for thofe drove foiid to con¬
tain as much as will raife it i the exterior diameter of
the cafe : ladles are generally made to go eafy in the
cafe, and the length of the fcoop about of its own
diameter.
The change of rockets muft always be drove 1 dia¬
meter above the piercer, and on it muft be rammed
i-3d of a diameter of clay ; through the middle of
which bore a fmall hole to the compofition, that,
when the charge is burnt to the top, in may commu¬
nicate its fire, through the hole, to the ftars in the
head. Great care muft. be taken to ftrike with the
mallet, and with an equal force, the fame number of
ftrokes'to each ladle-full of charge; otherwife the
rockets will not rife with an uniform motion, nor will
the compofition burn equal and regular : for which
reafon they cannot carry a proper tail ; for it will
break
(e) A copper fcoop with a wooden handle.
6558 P Y R O T
3nftruments break before the rocket has got half way up, inllead
&c- of reaching from the ground to the top, where the
rocket breaks and difperfes the ftars, rains, or what¬
ever is contained in the head. When you are ram¬
ming, keep the drift conftantly turning or moving;
and when you ufe the hollow rammers, knock out of
them the compofition now and then, or the piercer
will fplit them. To a rocket of 402. give to each ladle-
full of charge 16 (trokes ; to a rocket of 1 lb. 28 ; to
a 2-pounder, 36; to a 4-pounder, 42 ; and to a
6-pounder, 56 : but rockets of a larger fort cannot be
drove well by hand, but muft be rammed with a
machine made in the fame manner as thofe for driving
piles.
The method of ramming of wheel-cafes, or any
other fort, in which the charge is drove folid, is much
the fame as fky-rockets; for the fame proportion may
be obferved in the ladle, and the fame number of
ftrokes given, according to their diamenters, all cafes
being diftinguifhed by their diameters. In this man¬
ner, a cafe, whofe bore is equal to a rocket of 4 oz.
is called a 4-oz. cafe, and that which is equal loan
S-oz. rocket an 8-oz. cafe, and fo on, according to
the differents rockets.
Having taught the method of ramming cafes in
moulds, we (hall here fay fomething concerning thofe
filled without moulds ; which method, for ftrong
palled cafes, will do extremely well, and fave the ex*
ence of making fo many moulds. The reader muft
ere obferve, when he fills any fort of cafes, to place
the mould on a perpendicular block of wood, and not
on any place that is hollow ; for we have found by
experience, that when cafes were rammed on driving
benches, which were formerly ufed, the works fre¬
quently mifcarried, on account of the hollow refiftance
of the benches, which oft jarred and loofened the
charge in the cafes; but this accident never hap¬
pens when the driving blocks are ufed (d).
When cafes are to be filled without moulds, pro¬
ceed thus. Have fome nipples made of brafs or iron,
of feveral forts and fizes, in proportion to the cafes,
and to fcrew or fix in the top.of the driving block;
when you have fixed in a nipple, make, at about 1 {■
inch from it, a fquare hole in the block, 6 inches
deep and 1 inch diameter ; then have a piece of wood,
6 inches longer than the cafe intended to be filled,
and 2 inches fquare ; on one fide of it cut a groove
almoft the length of the cafe, whofe breadth and
depth muft be fufficient to cover near 4- the cafe ; then
cut the other end to fit the hole in the block, but
take care to cut it fo that the groove may be of a
proper diftance from the nipple : this half mould be¬
ing made and fixed tight in the block, cut, in another
piece of wood nearly of the fame length as the cafe, a
groove of the fame dimenfions as that in the fixed
piece ; then put the cafe on the nipple, and with a
cord tie it and the 2 half-moulds together, and your
cafe will be ready for filling.
The dimenfions of the above-defcribed half moulds,
are proportionable for cafes of 8 ounces ; but notice
muft be taken, that they differ in fize in proportion to
the cafes.
Note, The clay, mentioned in this article, muft be
(d) A piece of hard wood iu
E C H N Y. Sea. II.
prepared after this manner: Get fome clay, in which Inftruments
there is no (tones nor fand, and bake it in an oven till &c- !
quite dry ; then take it out and beat it to a powder,
and afterwards fift it through a common hair-fieve, and
it will be fit for ufe.
48. Proportion of Mallets.
The bed wood for mallets is dry beech. If a perfon
ufes a mallet of a moderate fize, in proportion to the
rocket, according to his judgment, and if the rocket
fucceeds, he may depend on the reft, by ufing the fame
mallet ; yet it will be neceffary that cafes of different
forts be drove with mallets of different fizes.
The following proportion of the mallets for rockets
of any fize, from 1 oz. to 6 lb. may be obferved ; but
as rockets are feldom made lefs than 1 oz. or larger
than 6 lb. we (hall leave the management of them to
the curious ; but all cafes under x oz. may be rammed
with an oz. rocket mallet. Your mallets will ftrike
more folid, by having their handles turned out of the
fame piece as the head, and made in a cylindrical form.
Let their dimenfions be worked by the diameters of the
rocket: for example; let the thicknefs of the head be
3 diameters, and its length 4, and the length of the
handle 5 diameters, whofe thicknefs muft be in pro¬
portion to the hand.
49. Proportion of Sly Rockets, and manner of heading
them.
Fig. 13. reprefentsa rocket complete withoutits flick,
whofe lengthfromthe neckis5diameters i-6ih: the cafes
(hould always be cut to this length after they are filled.
M is the head, which is 2 diameters high, and 1 dia¬
meter 1 6th 4- in breadth ; N the cone or cap, whofe
perpendicular height muft be 1 diameter l*3d. Fig. 14.
the collar to which the head is fixed ; this is turned
out of dealer any light wood, and its exterior dia¬
meter muft be equal to the interior diameter of the
head; x-6th will be fufficient for its thicknefs, and
round the outfide edge muft be a groove ; the interior
diameter of the collar muft not be quite fo wide as the
exterior diameter of the rocket: when this is to be
glued on the rocket, you muft cut 2 or 3 rounds of
paper off the cafe, which will make a (houlder for it
to reft upon. Fig. 15. a former for the head: 2 or 3
rounds of paper well pafted will be enough for the
head, which, when rolled, put the collar on that part
of the former marked O, Which muft fit the infide of
it; then, with the pinching cord pinch the bottom of
the head into the groove, and tie it with fmall twine.
Fig. 16. a former for the cone. To make the caps,
cut your paper in round pieces, equal in diameter to
twice the length of the cone you intend to make ;
which pieces being cut into halves, will make 2 caps
each, without wafting any paper; having formed the
caps, pafte over each of them a thin white paper,
which muft be a little longer than the cone, fo as to
projeft about 4-an inch below- the bottom : this pro¬
jection of paper, being notched and pafted, ferves to
faften the cap to the head.
When you load the heads of your rockets with ftars,
rains, ferpents, crackers, fcrolls, or any thing elfe,
according to your fancy, remember always to put
1 ladle-full of meal-powder into each head, which will
be enough to burft the head, and difperfe the ftars,
or
the form of an anvil block.
Sea. II. P Y R O T
laftrumentsor whatever it contains: when the heads are loaded
y &c. with any fort of cafes, let their mouths be placed
downwards ; and after the heads are filled, pafte on
the top of them a piece of paper, before you put on
the caps. As the fize of the liars oft differ, it would
be needlefs to give an exaft number for each rocket;
but this rule may be obferved, that the heads may be
nearly filled with whatever they are loaded.
50 Decorations for Sky Rockets.
SKY-rockets bearing the pre-eminence of all fire¬
works, it will not be improper to treat of their various
kinds of decorations, which are direfted according to
fancy. Some are headed with liars of different forts,
fuch as tailed, brilliant, white, blue and yellow liars,
&c.; fome with gold and filver rain ; others with fer-
pents, crakers, firefcrolls, matrons; and fome with
fmall rockets, and many other devices, the maker
pleafes.
Ditnenftons and poife of Rocket-ficks.
WeightXength ofThickneis
of the the flick. | at top.
rocket.
L. oz. F. in. Inches.
0 9
o 8
86
4! 5
21 +
il \
lx
I >5
1,25
1,125
0,725
°>5
o»375o
o,3
0,25
0,125
1,85
1,40
1,
0,80
0,70
0.55
o,45
o,35
0,20
0,15
Inches.
o,75
0,625
0,525
0,375
0,25
o,35
0,15
0,10
0,16
0,5
Poife from
the point of
the cone.
4 x,5
3 9,
2 9,
2 1,
1 10,5
x 8,5
X 3,
11 o,
8 o,
5 0,5
The laft column on the right, in the above table,
expreffes the diftance from the top of the cone, where
the Hick, when tied on, Ihould balance the rocket,
fo as to Hand in an equilibrium on one’s finger or
the edge of a knife. The bell wood for the Hicks is
dry deal, made thus. When you have cut and planed
the Hicks according to the dimenfions given in the
table, cut, on one of the flat fides at the top, a groove
the length of the rocket, and as broad as the Hick will
allow ; then, on the oppofite flat fide, cut 2 notches
for the cord, which ties on the rocket, to lie in ; one
of thefe notches muff be near the top of the Hick,
and the other facing the neck of the rockets ; the
diftance between thefe notches may eafily be known,
for the top of the Hick Ihould always touch the head
of the rocket. When your rockets and. flicks are
ready, lay the rockets in the grooves in the Hicks,
and tie them on. Thofe who, merely for curiofity,
may choofe to make rockets of different fizes, from
thofe expreffed in the table of dimenfions, may find
the length of their Hicks, by making them for roc¬
kets, from ^oz. to i lb. 60 diameters of the rocket
long; and for rockets above 1 lb. 50 or 52 diameters
will be a good length ; their thicknefs at top may be
about a diameter, and their breadth a very little
more ; their fquare at bottom is generally equal to 4-
the thicknefs at top. But although the diracnfions
of the flicks be very nicely obferved, you muff de¬
pend only on their balance; for, without a proper
E C H N Y. 6559
counterpoife, your rockets, inffead of mounting per-Inftruments
pendicularly, will take an oblique diredtion, and fall ^cc'
to the ground before they are burnt out.
51. Boring Rockets <which have been drove folid.
Fig. 18. reprefents the plan of an apparatus, or
lathe, for boring of rockets. A the -large wheel,
which turns, the fmall one B, that works the rammer
C: thefe rammers are of different fizes according
to the rockets; they muff be of the fame diameter
as the top of the bore intended, and continue
that thicknefs a little longer than the depth of the
bore required, and their points muft be like that of an
auger: the thick end of each rammer muft be made
fquare, and) all of the fame fize, fo as to fit into one
focket, wherein they are faftened by a ferew D. E
the guide for the rammer, which is made to move
backwards and forwards : fo that, after you have
marked the rammer jl- diameters of the rocket from
the point, fet the guide, allowing for the thicknefs of
the fronts of the rocket boxes, and the neck and
mouth of the rocket, fo that when the front of the
large box is clofe to the guide, the rammer may not
go too far up the charge. F, boxes for holding the
rockets, which are made fo as to fit one in another ;
their fides muft be equal in thicknefs to the difference
of the diameters of the rockets, and their interior dia¬
meters equal to the exterior diameters of the rockets..
To prevent the rocket’s turning round while boring, a
piece of wood muft be placed againft the end of the
box in the infide, and preffed againft the tail of the
rocket; this will alfo hinder the rammer from forcing
the rocket backwards. G, a rocket in the box.
H, a box that Aides under the rocket-boxes to receive
the borings for the rockets, which fall through holes
made on purpofe in the boxes ; thefe holes muft be
juft under the mouth of the rocket, one in each'box,
and ail to correfpond with each other.
Fig. 19. is a front view of the large rocket-box.
I, an iron plate, in which are holes of different fizes,
through which the rammer paffes r this plate is
faftened with a ferew in the centre, fo that when you
change the rammer, you turn the plate round, but
always let the hole you are going to ufe be at the
bottom : the fronts of the other boxes muft have holes
in them to correfpond with thofe in the plate. K,
the lower part of the large box ; which is made to fit
the infide of the lathe, that all the boxes may move
quite fteady.
Fig. 20. is a perfpefiive view of the lathe. L, the
guide for the rammer, which is fet by the ferew at
bottom.
Fig. 21. A view of the front of the guide facing the
rammer. M, an iron plate, of the fame dimenfions
as that on the.front of the box, and placed,in the fame
diredtion, and alfo to turn on a ferew in the centre.
N, the rocket-box which Aides backwards and for¬
wards : when you haye fixed a rocket in the box,
pufli it forwards againft the rammer; and when you
think the fcoop of the rammer is full, draw the box
back, and knock out the compofition : this you mull
do till the rocket is bored,.or it will be in danger of
taking fire ;. and if you bore in a hurry, wet the end
of the rammer now and then with oil to keep it.
cool.
Having bored a number of rockets, you muft have
taps.
6560 P Y R O T
Inftrumentstaps of different forts according to the rockets. Thefe
&c- taps are a little longer than the bore : but when you
ufe them, mark them 3^ diameters from the point,
allowing for the thicknefs of the rocket’s neck ;
then, holding the rocket in one hand, you tap it
with the other. One of thefe taps is reprefented
by fig. 22. They are made in the fame proportion
as the fixed piercers, and are hollowed their whole
length.
52. Hand Machine ufed for horing of Rockets infead of
a Lathe.
These fort of machines anfwer very-well, tho’ not fo
expeditious as the lathes. But they are not fo expenfive
to make, and they may be worked by one man; whereas
the lathe wil require three. Fig 23. reprtfents the.
machine. O, the rocket boxes, which are to be fixed,
and not to Aide as thofe in the lathe. PQ^are guides
for the rammers, that are made to Hide together, as
the rammer moves forward: the rammers for thefe fort
of machines mu ft be made of a proper length, allowing for
the thicknefs of the front of the boxes, and the length
of the mouth and neck of the cafe 5 on the fquare end
of thefe rammers, muft be a round'ftioulder of iron,
to turn againft the outfide of the guide Q^by which
means the guides are forced forwards. R, the ftock
which turns the rammer, and while turning muft be
prefled towards the rocket by the body of the man
who works it; all the rammers are to be made to fit
one ftock.
To make large Gerles.
Plate Fig. I. reprefents a wooden former ; fig. 2. a gerbe
CCXLIX. complete, with its foot or ftand. The cafes for
gerbes are made very ftrong, on account of the ftrength
of the compofition ; which, when fired, comes out
with great velocity : therefore, to prevent their burit-
ing, the paper Ihould be pafted, and the cafes made
as thick at the top as at the bottom. They fhould alfo
have very long necks, for this reafon ; firft, that the
particles of iron will have more time to be heated, by
meeting with greater refiftance in getting out, than
with a ihort neck, which would be burnt too wide be¬
fore the charge be confumed, and fpoil the effedt:
fecondly, that with long necks the ftars will be thrown
to a great height, and will not fall before they are
fpent, or fpread too much ; but, when made to per-
fedtion, will rife and fpread in fuch a manner as to form
exadtly a wheat-fheaf.
In the ramming of gerbes, there will be no need of
a mould, the cafes being fufficiently’ftrong to fupport
themfelves. But you are to be careful, before you be¬
gin to ram, to have a piece of wood made to fit in the
neck ; for if this be not done, the compofition will
fall into the neck, and leave a vacancy in the cafe,
which will caufe the cafe to burft fo foon as the
fire arrives at the vacancy. You muft likewife obferve,
that the firft ladle of charge, or fecond, if you think
proper, be of fome weak compofition. When the
cafe is filled, take out the piece of wood, and fill the
neck with fome flow charge. Gerbes are generally
made about 6 diameters long, from the bottom to the
top of the neck; their bore muft be i-5th narrower
at top than at bottom. The neck S is i-6th diame¬
ter and \ long. T, a wooden foot or ftand, on which
the gerbe is fixed. This may be made with a choak
or cylinder 4 or 5 inches long to fit the infide of
E C H N Y. Sea. It.
the cafe, or with a hole in it to put in the gerbe ; both inftrumenin nil
thefe methods will anfwer the fame. Gerbes produce &c-
a moft brilliant fire, and are very beautiful when a
number of them are fixed in the front of a building
or a colleftion ..of fireworks.
2V. B. Gerbes are made by their diameters, and
their cafes at bottom \ thick. The method of find¬
ing the interior diameter of a gerbe is thus : Sup-
pofing you would have the exterior diameter of the
cafe, when made, to be 5 inches, then, by taking
2 4ths for the fides of the cafe, there will remain
2^- inches for the bore, which will be a very good
fize. Tiiefe fort of gerbes fhould be rammed very
hard. Ji
54. Small gerbes, or nvhite fountains.
May be made of 4 oz. 8 oz. or 1 lb. cafes, pafted and
made very ftrong, of what length you pleafe : but,
before you fill them, drive in clay one diameter of their
orifice high ; and when you have filled a cafe, bore
a vent through the centre of the clay to the com¬
pofition : the common proportion will do for the vent,
which muft be primed with a flow charge. Thefe
fort of cafes, without the clay, may be filled with Chi-
nefe fire.
55. To make pafeboard and paper mortars.
Fig. 3. reprefents a former, and fig. 4. an elm foot,
for the mortar. Fig. 5. reprefents a mortar complete:
thefe mortars are beft when made with pafteboard, well
pafted before you begin ; or, inftead of pafte, you
may ufe glue. For a coehorn mortar, which is 4 inches
z-yths diameter, roll the pafteboard on the former
1- 6th of its diameter thick; and, when dry, cut one end
fmooth and even ; then nail and glue it on the upper
part of the foot: when done, cut off the pafteboard
at top, allowing for the length of the mortar 2^ dia¬
meters from the mouth of the powder-chamber ; then
bind the mortar round with a ftrong cord wetted with
glue. U, the bottom part of the foot is 1 diameter
2- 3ds broad, and I diameter high; and that part
which goes into the mortar is 2 3ds of its diameter
high. W, is a copper chamber for powder, made in
a conical form ; and is t-3d of the diameter wide,
of its own diameter long. In the centre of the bottom
of this chamber, make a fmall hole a little way down
the foot; this hole muft be met by another of the
fame fize, made in the fide of the foot, as is Ihown in
the figure. If thefe holes are made true, and a copper
pipe fitted into both, the mortar when loaded will
prime itfelf; for the powder will naturally fall to the
bottom of the firft hole; then by putting a bit of
quick-match in the fide hole, your mortar will be rea¬
dy to be fired.
Mortars of 5^, 8 and 10 inches diameter, may be
made of paper or pafteboard, by the above me¬
thod, and in the fame proportion ; but if larger, it
will be beft to have them made of brafs. N- B. The
copper chamber muft have a fmall rim round its
edge with holes in it, for fcrews to make it faftin the
foot.
Sect. III. To load Air-Ralloons^ 'with the number
of Stars, Serpents, Snakes, Rain-falls, &c. in
Shells of each nature.
56. Mortars to throw Aigrettes, &c.
When you fill your ihells, you muft firft put in the
Sea. III. P Y R O T
Air-Bal ferpcnts, rains, ftars, &c. or whatever they arc com-
loons, &c. p0fe(] 0f; then the blowing powder; but the /hells
muft not be quite filled. All thofe things muft be put
in at the fuze hole ; but marrons being too large to
go in at the fuze hole, muft be put in before the in-
hde (hell be joined. When the /hells are loaded, glue
and drive in the fuzes very tight. For a coehorn bal¬
loon, let the diameter of the fuze hole be y-Sths of
an inch. For a royal balloon, which is near 54-
inches diameter, make the fuze hole 1 inch i-6th dia¬
meter ; for an 8-inch balloon, 1 inch j-Sths; and for
a 10-tnch balloon, 1 inch 5 8ths.
Air-balloons are divided into 4 forts, viz. firft, illu¬
minated balloons; fecond, balloons of ferpents ; third,
balloons of reports, marrons, and crackers; and fourth,
compound 4)3110008. The number and quantities of
each article for the different (hells are as follow.
Coehorn balloon illuminated. oz.
Co',ar!}p°“der^ - ' - ' o|
Powder for the mortar - - 2
Length of the fuze compofition, 4 of an inch ; 1 oz.
drove or rolled ftars, as many as will nearly fill the
(hell.
Coehorn balloon of ferpentt. oz.
Com | Pow^er { ' . ' . ■
Powder for the mortar - - 2|-
Length of the fuze compofition ij-tfiths of an
inch : half-oz. cafes drove 3 diameters and bounced 3
diaareters, and half-oz. cafes drove 2 diameters and
bounced 4, of each an equal quantity, and as many
of them as will fit in eafily placed head to tail.
Cothorn balloon of crackers and reports. oz.
Co™]p'>wdtri . ‘ - if
Powder for the mortar - - 2
Length of the fuze compofition ^ of an inch. Re¬
ports 4, and crackers of 6 bounces as many as will
fill the /hell.
Compound coehorn balloons. oz. dr.
Corn] ‘ . o.J
Powder for the mortar - - 2 4
Length of the fuze compofition 13 i6ths of an
inch : 4 oz* cafes drove 34 diameters and bounced 2,
16; 4oz. cafes drove 4 diameters and not bounced
10; blue ftrung ftars, 10; rolled ftars, as many as
will complete the balloon.
Royal balloons illuminated. oz. dr.
Powder for the mortar. - - 3 0
Length of the fuze compofition i5-i6ths of an
inch : 2 oz ftrung ftars, 34 ; rolled ftars, as many as
the /hell will contain, allowing room for the fuze.
Royal balloons of ferpents. oz. dr.
Meal ? , C - - 10
Corn?P°,wderi . . j 8
* Powder for the mortar - - 3 8
Length of the fuze compofition 1 inch : 1 oz. cafes
drove 34 and 4 diameters, and bounced 2, of each an
equal quantity, fufficient to load the (hell.
Vol. IX. 2
E C H N Y.
Royal balloons with craekers and marrons. oz. dr.
Meal P , c * - 18
Corn(powd"a - - 14'
Powder for firing the mortar - -30
Length of the fuze compofition i4-i6ths of an
inch ; reports 12, and completed with crackers of
8 bounces.
Compound royal balloons. oz. dr.
| powder J ' I
Powder for the mortar - - 312
Length of the fuze compofition 1 inch: 4 °z- cafes
drove and bounced 2 diameters, 8; 2-ounce cafes fill¬
ed 3-8ths of an inch with ftar compofition, and boun¬
ced 2 diameters, 8 ; filver rain-falls, 10; 2 oz. tail¬
ed ftars, 16: rolled brilliant ftars, 30. If this /hould
not be fufficient to load the /hell, you may complete it
with gold rain-falls.
Eight-inch balloons illuminated. oz. dr.
Corn}p°W‘i"'£ ' - ' - ’ ? 4
Powder for the mortar - - 90
Length of the fuze compofition 1 inch i-8th;
2 oz. drove ftars, 48; 2 oz. cafes drove with ftar com¬
pofition 3-8ths of an inch, and bounced 3 diameters,
j 2 ; and the balloon completed with 2 oz. drove bril¬
liant ftars.
Eight-inch balloons of ferpents. oz. dr.
Meal ? . C - - 20
Corn 5 Powder £ - - -20
Powder for the mortar - - 98
Length of the fuze compofition 1 inch 3-i6ths;
2 oz. cafes drove i4 diameter and bounced 2, and
1 oz. cafes drove 2 diameters and bounced 24, of each
an equal quantity fufficient for the (hell.
N. B. The ftar-compofition drove in bounced cafes
muft be managed thus: Firft, the cafes muft be pinch¬
ed clofe at one end, then the corn-powder put in for a
report, and the cafe pinched again clofe to the pow¬
der, only leaving a fmall vent for the ftar-compofition,
which is drove at top, to communicate to the powder
at the bounce end.
Compound eight-inch balloons. oz. dr.
C™n| Powder{ . ' . ’ . \ .2
Powder for the mortar - - 9 4
Length of the fuze compofition i-8th: 4 oz. cafes
drove with ftar-compofition 3-8th8 of an inch, and
bounced 3 diameters, 16; 2 oz. tailed ftars, 16;
2 oz. drove brilliant ttars, 12; filver rain falls, 20 ;
1 oz. drove blue ftars, 20 ; and 1 oz. cafes drove and
bounced 2 diameters, as many as will fill the /hell.
Another of eight inches.. oz. dr.
‘ ^
Powder for the mortar - - 9 4
Length of the fuze compofition 1 inch i -8th:
crackers of 6 reports, 10 ; gold rains, 14; 2 oz. cafes
drove with ftar-compofition 3-8tbs of an inch, and
bounced 2 diameters, 16; 2 oz. tailed ftars, 16;
2 oz. drove brilliant ftars, 12; filver rains, 10 ; 1 oz.
drove blue ftars, 20 ; and 1 oz. cafes drove with a
brilliant charge 2 diameters and bounced 3, as many
as the /hell will hold.
.6 X ^
6561
Air-Bal¬
loons, &c.
6562 P Y R O T
Air-Bal- A compound ten-inch balloon. oz. dr.
—it
Powder for the mortar - - 12 8
Length of the fuze compofition i^-i6ths of an
inch: 1 oz. cafes drove and bounced 3 diameters, 16.
Crackers of 8 reports, 1.2 ; 4 oz. cafes drove i
inch with ftar-compofition, and bounced 2 diameters,
14 ; 2 oz. cafes drove with brilliant fire diameter,
and bounced 2 diameters, 16; 2 oz. drove brilliant
ftars, 30; 2 02. drove blue ftars, 3 ; goold rains,
20 i filver rains, 20. After all thefe are put in, fill
the remainder of the cafe with tailed and rolled ftars.
Ten-inch balloons of three charges. Oz* dr.
c'"VH • - • - • ll
Powder for the mortar - - 13 o
Length of the fuze compofition 1 inch. The (hell
mull be loaded with 2 oz. cafes, drove with ftar com¬
pofition £ of an inch, and on that 1 diameter of gold
fire, then bounced 3 diameters ; or with 2 oz. cafes
firft filled 1 diameter with gold fire, then | of an inch
with ftar compofition, and on that diameter of
brilliant fire. Thefe cafes muft be well fecured at top
of the charge, left they Ihould take fire at both ends;
but their necks muft be larger than the common pro¬
portion.
57. To make Balloon Fuzes.
Fuzes for air balloons are fometimes turned out of
dry beech, with a cup at top to hold the quick-match,
Plate as you fee in fig. 5. but if made with palled paper,
ecXUX. they will do as well: the diameter of the former for
fuzes for cohorn balloons, muft be 4- an inch; for a
royal fuze, y-Sths of an inch; for an 8-inch fuze, ^of
an inch ; and for a 10-inch fuze, y-Sths of an inch.
Having rolled your cafes, pinch and tie them almoft
clofe at one end; then drive them down, and let them
dry. Before you begin to fill them, mark on the out-
fide of the cafe the length of the charge required, al¬
lowing for the thicknefs of the bottom; and when you
have rammed in the compofition, take two pieces of
quick-match about 6 inches long, and lay one end of
each on the charge, and then a little meal-powder,
which ram down hard; the loofe ends of the match
double up into the top of the fuze, and cover it with
a paper cap to keep it dry. When you put the {hells
in the mortars, uncap the fuzes, and pull out the loofe
ends of the match, and let them hang on the fides of
the balloons. The ufe of the match is, to receive the
fire from the powder in the chamber of the mortar in
order to light the fuze: the ftvell being put in the mor¬
tar with the fuze uppermoft, and exa&ly in the centre,
fprinkle over it a little meal-powder, and it will be
ready to be fired. Fuzes made of wood muft be lon¬
ger than thofe of paper, and not bored quite through,
but left folid about 4- an inch at bottom ; and when
you nfe them, faw them off to a proper length, mea-
furing the charge from the cup at top.
58. Tourbillons.
Having filled fome cafes within about 1^ diameter,
drive in a ladleful of clay; then pinch their ends clofe,
and drive them down with a mallet. When done, find
the centre of gravity of each cafe ; where you nail and
tie a (lick, which fhould be i an inch broad at the
middle, and run a little narrower to the ends: thefe
E C H N Y. Sea. III.
flicks muft have their ends turned upward*, fo that the Air-Bal-
cafes may turn horizontally on their centres: at the loons,&c.
oppofite fides of the cafes, at each end, bore a hole "
clofe to the clay with a gimblet, the fize of the neck
of a common cafe of the fame nature; from thefe holes
draw a line round the cafe, and at the under part of the
cafe bore a hole with the fame gimblet, within 4- diameter
of each line towards the centre; then from one hole to
the other draw a right line. This line divide into three
equal parts; and atXandY, fig. 6. bore a hole; then
from thefe holes to the other two, lead a quick-match,
over which pafte a thin paper. Fig. 7. reprefents a
tourbillon as it fhould lie to be fired, with a leader
from one fide-hole A, to the other B. When you fire
tourbillons, lay them on a fmooth table, with their
flicks downwards, and burn the leader through the
middle with a port-fire. They fttould fpin three or four
feconds on the table before they rife, which is about
the time the compofition will be burning from thefide-
holes to thofe at bottom.
To tourbillons may be fixed reports in this manner:
In the centre of the cafe at top make a fmall hole, and
in the middle of the report make another; then place
them together, and tie on the report, and with a fingle
paper fecure it from fire: this done, your tourbillon is
completed. By this method you may fix on tourbii-
lons fmall cones of ftars, rains, See. but be careful not
to load them too much. One-eighth of an inch will
be enough for the thicknefs of the flicks, and their
length equal to that of the cafes.
59. To snake Mortars to thro<vj Aigrettest and to load
and.fire them.
Mortars to throw aigrettes are generally made of
pafteboard, of the fame thicknefs as balloon mortars,
and 2^ diameters long in the infide from the top of
the foot: the foot muft be made of elm without a
chamber, but flat at top, and in the fame proportion
as thofe for balloon mortars ; thefe mortars muft alfo
be bound round with a cord as before-mentioned :
fometimes 8 or 9 of thefe mortars, of about three or
four inches diameter, are bound all-together fo as to
appear but one: but when they are made for this pur-
pofe, the bottom of the foot muft be of the fame dia¬
meter as the mortars, and only 4 diameter high. Your
mortars being bound well together, fix them on a heavy
folid block of wood. To load thefe mortars, firft put
on the infide bottom of each a piece of paper, and on
it fpread i-| oz. of meal and corn powder mixed; then
tie your ferpents up in parcels with quick-match, and
put them in the mortar with their mouths downwards;
but take care the parcels do not fit too tight in the
mortars, and that all the ferpents have been well pri¬
med with powder wetted with fpirit of wine. On the
top of the ferpents in each mortar lay fome paper or
tow; then carry a leader from one mortar to the other
all round, and then from all the outfide mortars into
that in the middle: thefe leaders muft be put between
the cafes and the fides of the mortar, down to the pow¬
der at bottom: in the centre of the middle mortar fix
a fire-pump,.or brilliant fountain, which muft be open
at bottom, and long enough to projeft out of the mouth
of the mortar; then pafte paper on the tops of all the
mortars.
Mortars thus prepared are called a nefl of ferpentsy
as reprefented by fig. % When you would fire thefe
mor-
Sea. m. P Y R O T
Air-Bal- mortars, light the fire»pump C, which when confumed
lootts, &c. wj|j communicate to all the mortars at once by means
 ' of the leaders. For mortars of 6, 8, or to inches dia¬
meter, the ferpents fliould be made in r and 2 oz. cafes
6 or 7 inches long, and fired by a leader brought out
of the mouth of the mortar, and turned down the out-
fide, and the end of it covered with paper, to prevent
the fparks of the other works from fetting it on fire.
For a fix-inch mortar, let the quantity of powder for
firing be 2oz.; for an 8-inch, 2^ oz.; and for a lo-inch,
3^ oz. Care muft be taken in thefe, as well as fmall
mortars, not to put the ferpents in too tight, for fear
of burfting the mortars. Thefe mortars may be load¬
ed with ftars, crackers, &c.
If the mortars, when loaded, are fent to any diilance,
or liable to be much moved, the firing powder flionld
be fecured from getting amongft the ferpents, which
would endanger the mortars, as well as hurt their per¬
formance. To prevent which, load your mortars thus:
Firit put in the firing powder, and fpread it equally
about ; then cut a round piece of blue touch-paper,
equal to the exterior diameter of the mortar, and draw
on it a circle equal to the interior diameter of the mor¬
tar, and notch it all round as far as that circle; then
pafte that part which is notched, and put it down the
mortar clofe to the powder, and (tick the pafted edge
to the mortar: this will keep the powder always fmooth
at bottom, fo that it may be moved or carried any
where, without receiving damage. The large Angle
mortars are called/><??/ des aigrettes.
6o. Makings loading, and firing of Pots des Brins.
These are formed of pafteboard, and muft be rolled
pretty thick. They are ufually made 3 or 4 inches dia¬
meter, and 4diameters long; and pinched with a neck
at one end, like common cafes. A number of thefe
are placed on a plank thus: Having fixed on a plank
two rows of wooden pegs, cut in the bottom of the
plank a groove the whole length under each row of
pegs ; then, through the centre of each peg, bore a
hole down to the groove at bottom, and on every peg
fix and glue a pot, whofe mouth muft fit tight on the
peg: through all the holes run a quick-match, one end
of which muft go into the pot, and the Other into the
groove, which muft have a match laid in it from end
to end, and covered with paper, fo that when lighted
at one end it may difcharge the whole almoft inftan-
taneoufly: in all the pots put about 1 oz. of meal and
corn powder; then in fome put ftars, and others rains,
fnakes, ferpents, crackers, &c. when they are all load¬
ed, pafte paper over their mouths. Two or three hun¬
dred of thefe pots being fired together make a very pretty
Plate (how, by affording fo great a variety of fires. Fig. 9.
CCXLIX. i8 a range of pots des brins, with a leader A, by which
they are fired.
61. Pots des Saucifiom
Are generally fired out of large mortars without
chambers, the fame as thofe for aigrettes, only fome-
what ftronger. Sauciffons are made of 1 and 2 oz. cafes,
5 or 6 inches long, and choaked in the fame manner
as ferpents. Half the number which the mortar con¬
tains muft be drove 1^ diameter with compofition,
and the other half two diameters, fo that when fired
they may give two volleys of reports. But if the mor¬
tars are very ftrong, and will bear a fufficient charge
to throw the fauciffons very high, you may make three
E C H N Y. 6563
volleys of reports, by dividing the number of cafes in- Rockets,
to three parts, and making a difference in the height &c-
of the charge. After they are filled, pinch and tie them
at top of the charge almoft clofe; only leaving a fmall
vent to communicate the fire to the upper part of the
cafe, which muft be filled with corn-powder very near
the top ; then pinch the end quite clofe, and tie it:
after this is done, bind the cafe very tight with wax¬
ed pack-thread, from the choak at top of the compo-
fitton to the end of the cafe ; this will make the cafe
very ftrong in that part, and caufe the report to be
very loud. Sauciffons (hould be rolled a little thicker
of paper than the common proportion. When they
are to be put in the mortar, they muft be primed in
their mouths, and fired by a cafe of brilliant fire fixed
in their centre.
The charge for thefe mortars fhould be i-6th or
1-8th more than for pots des aigrettes of the fame dia¬
meter.
Sect. IV. Different kinds of Rockets, ixiith their
appendages and Combinations.
62. To fix one Rocket on the top of another.
When fky-rockets are thus managed, they are call¬
ed towering rockets, on account of their mounting fo
very high. Towering rockets are made after this man¬
ner : Fix on a pound-rocket a head without a collar;
then take a 4 oz. rocket, which may be headed or
bounced, and rub the mouth of it with meal-powder
wetted with fpirit of wine: when done, put it in the
head of the large rocket with its mouth downwards ;
but before you put it in, ftick a bit of quick-match in
the hole of the clay of the pound-rocket, which match
ftiould be long enough to go a little way up the bore
of the fmall rocket, to fire it when the large is burnt
out: the 4 oz. rocket being too fmall to fill the head
of the other, roll round it as much tow as will make it
Hand upright in the centre of the head: the rocket be¬
ing thus fixed, pafte a Angle paper round the opening
of the top of the head of the large rocket. The large
rocket muft have only half a diameter of charge ram¬
med above the piercer; for, if filled totheufual height,
it would turn before the fmall one takes fire, and en- ' '
tirely deftroy the intended effect : when one rocket is
headed with another there will be no occafion for any
blowing powder ; for the force with which it fets off
will be fufficient to difengage it from the head of the
firft fired rocket. The fticks for thefe rockets mull
be a little longer than- for thofe beaded with ftars,
rains, &c.
63- Caduceus Rockets,
In rifing, form two fpiral lines, or double worm, by
reafon of their being placed obliquely, one oppofite
the other; and their counterpoife in their centre, which
caufes them to rife in a vertical direftion. Rockets for
this purpofe muft have their ends choaked clofe, with¬
out either head or bounce, for a weight at top would
be a great obftruftion to- their mounting; though I
have known them fometimes to be bounced, but then
they did not rife fo high as thofe that were not; nor
do any cadueeus rockets afeend fo high as fingle, be-
caufe of -their ferpentine motion, and likewife the refin¬
ance of air, which is much greater than two rockets of
the fame fize would meet with if fired fingly.
.By^d fig. 9. you fee the method of fixing thefe rock-
36 X 2 ets;
6564
Rocket?,
P Y R O T
ets: the (licks for this purpofe mud have all their Tides
alike, which Tides (hould be equal to the breadth of a
’(tick proper for a (ky-rocket of the fame weight as thofe
you intend to ufe, and to taper downwards as ufual,
long enough to balance them, one length of a rocket
from the crofs ftick ; which mud be placed from the
large ftick 6 diameters of one of the rockets, and its
length 7 diameters; fo that each rocket, when tied on,
may form with the large ftick an angle of 60 degrees.
In tying on the rockets, place their heads on the op-
pofite Tides of the crofs ftick, and their ends on the
oppoTite Tides of the long ftick ; then carry a leader
from the mouth of one into that of the other. When
thefe rockets are to be fired, fufpend them between two
hooks or nails, then burn the leader through the middle,
and both will take fire at the fame time. Rockets of
I lb. are a good fize for this ufe.
64. Honorary Rockets,
Are the fame as (ky-rockets, except that they carry
no head nor report, but are clofed at top, on which is
fixed a cone; then on the cafe, clofe to the top of the
ftick, you tie on a 2 oz. cafe, about 5 or 6 inches long,
filled with a ftrong charge, and pinched clofe at both
ends; then in the reverfe Tides, at each end, bore a hole
in the fame manner as in tourbilions; from each hole
carry a leader into the top of the rocket. When the
rocket is fired, and arrived to its proper height, it will
give fire to the cafe at top; which will caufe both rocket
and ftick to fpin very faft in their return, and reprefent
a worm of fire defcending to the ground.
There is another method of placing the fmall cafe,
which is by letting the ftick rife a little above the top
of the rocket, and tying the cafe to it, fo as to reft on
the rocket: thefe rockets have no cones.
There is alfo a third method by which they are ma¬
naged, which is thus: In the top of a rocket fix a piece
of wood, in which drive a fmall iron fpindle; then make
a hole in the middle of the fmall cafe, through which
put the fpindle; then fix on the top of it a nut, to keep
the cafe from falling off; when this is done, the cafe
will turn very faft, without the rocket: but this me¬
thod does not anfwer fo well as either of the former.
Fig. IQ. is the honorary rocket complete. The bed
nzed rockets for this purpofe are thofe of 1 lb.
65. To divide the Tail of a Sky Rocket fo as to form an
Arch ovhen afcending.
Having fome rockets made, and headed according
to fancy, and tied on their (licks; get fome (heet tin,
and cut it into round pieces about 3 or 4 inches dia¬
meter ; then on the ftick of each rocket, under the
mouth of the cafe, fix one of thefe pieces of tin 16
inches from the rocket’s neck, and fupport it by a
wooden, bracket, as ftrong as pofiible: the ufe of this
is, that when the rocket is afcending the fire will play
with great force on the tin, which will divide the tail
in fuch a manner that it will form an arch as it mounts,
and will have a very good effect when well managed:
if there is a (hort piece of port-fire, of a ftrong charge,
tied to the end of the ftick, it will make a great addi¬
tion ; but this mull be lighted before you fire the rocket.
66, To make feveral. Sky Rockets rife in the fame direc¬
tion, and equally, dijlant from each other.
Take fix, or any number of fky rockets, of what fize
you pleafe, then cut fome ftrong pack-thread into pieces
of 3 or 4 yards long, and tie each end of thefe pieces
E C H N Y. Sea. IV.
to a rocket in this manner: Having tied one end of Rockets,
your pack-thread round the body of one rocket, and &c*
the other end to another, take a fecond piece of pack¬
thread and make one end of it faft to one of the rockets
already tied, and the other end to a third rocket, fo
that all the rockets, except the two outfide, will be fa¬
ttened to two pieces of pack-thread: the length of
thread from one rocket to the other may be what the
maker pleafes ; but the rockets muft be all of a fize,
and their heads filled with the fame weight of ftara,
rains, &c.
Having thus done, fix in the mouth of each rocket
a leader of the fame length ; and when you are going
to fire them, hang them almoft clofe; then tie the ends
of the leaders together, and prime them : this prime
being fired, all the rockets will mount at the fame
time, and divide as far as the firings will allow; which
divifion they will keep, provided they arc all rammed
alike, and well made. They are called by fome chained
rockets.
67. Signal Sky -Rockets
Are made of feveral kinds, according to the differ¬
ent fignals intended to.be given: but in artificial fire¬
works, two forts are only uftd, which are one with
reports and the other without; but thofe for the ufe
of the navy and army are headed with ftars, ferpents,
&c. Rockets which are to be bounced muft have
their cafes made J-j- or 2 diameters longer than the
common proportion; and after they are filled, drive in
a double quantity of clay, then bounce and pinch them
after the ufual manner, and fix on each a cap.
Signal (ky-rockets without bounces, are only (ky-
rockets clofed and capped: thefe are very light, there¬
fore do not require fuch heavy (ticks as thofe with load¬
ed heads ; for which reafon you may cut one length of
the rocket off the ftick, or elfe make them thinner.
Signal rockets with reports, are fired in fmall
flights ; and often both thefe, and thofe without re¬
ports, are ufed for a fignal to begin firing a collection
of works.
68. To fix a Sky Rocket with its flick on the top of
another.
Rockets thus managed make a. pretty appearance,
by reafon of a frefli tail being feen when the fecond
rocket takes fire, which will mount to a great height.
The method of preparing thefe rockets is thus: Ha¬
ving filled a two-pounder, which muft be filled only
half a diameter above the piercer, and its head not
more than 10or 12 ftars; the ftick of this rocket muft
be made a little thicker than common; and when
made, cut it in half the flat way, and in each half make
a. groove, fo that, when the 2 halves are joined, the
hollow made by the grooves may be large enough to
hold the ftick of a half-pound rocket; which rocket
make and head as ufual: put the ftick of this rocket
into the hollow of the large one, fo far that the mouth
of the rocket may reft on the head of the two-poun¬
der; from whofe head carry a leader into the mouth of
the fmall rocket; which being done, your rockets will-
be ready for firing.
2d 68. To fix two or more Sky Rockets on one flick.
Two, three, or fix (ky-rockets, fixed on one ftick,
and fired together, make a grand and beautiful ap¬
pearance; for the tails of all will feem but as one of an
ioimenfe fize, and tht breaking of fo many heads at
once
Sea. IV. P Y R O T
Rockets, once will referable the burfting of an air balloon. The
management of this device requires a fliilfulhand; but
if the foll&wing inftru&ions be well obferved, even
by thofe who have not made a great progrefs in this
art, there will be no doubt of the rockets having the
de/xred effeft.
Rockets for this purpofe muft be made with the
greateft exaflnefs, all rammed by the fame hand, in
the fame mould, and out of the one proportion of com-
pofition ; and after they are filled and headed, muft
all be of the fame weight. The (tick muft alfo be well
made (and proportioned) to the following direftions:
firft, fuppofing your rockets to be i pounders, whofe
fticks are 6 feet 6 inches long, then if 2, 3, or 6 of
thefe are to be fixed on 1 ftick, let the length of it be
9 feet 9 inches; then cut the top of it into as many
iides as there are rockets, and let the length of each
fide be equal to the length of 1 of the rockets with¬
out its head; and in each fide cut a groove (as ufual);
then from the grooves plane it round, down to the
bottom, where its thicknefs muft be equal to half the
top of the round part. As their thicknefs cannot
be exaftly afcertained, we fhall give a rule which ge¬
nerally anfwers for any number of rockets above
two: the rule is this; that the ftick at top muft be
thick enough, when the grooves are cut, for all the
rockets to He, without prefiing each other, though as
near as poffible.
When only 2 rockets are to be fixed on 1 ftick, let
the length of the ftick be the laft given proportion,
but fhaped after the common method, and the breadth
and thicknefs double the ufual dimenfions. The point
ofpoife muft be in the ufual place, (let the number of
rockets be what they will:) if fticks made by the above
directions ftiould be too heavy, plane them thinner;
and if too light, make them thicker; but always make
tlurn of the fame length.
When more than two rockets are tied on one ftick,
there will be fome danger of their flying up without
the ftick,unlefs the following precaution is taken: For
cafes being placed on all Tides, there can be no notches
for the cord which ties on the rockets tolie in; there¬
fore, inftead of notches, drive h fmall nail in each
fide of the ftick, between the necks of the cafes; and
let the cord, which goes round their necks, be
brought clofe under the nails; by this means the
rockets will be as fecure as when tied on fingly.
Your rockets being thus fixed, carry a quick-match,
without a pipe, from the mouth of one rocket to the
other; this match being lighted will give fire to all at
once.
Though the directions already given may be fufli-
cient for thefe rockets, we fliall here add an improve¬
ment on a very efiential part of this device, which is,
that of hanging the rockets to be fired; for before
the following method was hit upon, many eftays
proved unfuccefsful. Inftead, therefore, of the old
and common manner of hanging them on nails or
hooks, make ufe of this contrivance: Have a ring
made of ftrong iron wire, large enough for the ftick
to go in as far as the mouths of the rockets; then let
this ring be fupported by a fmall iron, at fome di-
ftance from the poft or ftand to which it is fixed; then
have another ring, fit to receive and guide the fmall
end of the ftick. Rockets thus fufpended will have
E C H N Y. 6565
nothing to obftrudl their fire ; but when they are Rockets,
hung on nails or hooks, in fuch a manner that ^c‘
fome of their mouths are againft or upon a rail, there
can be no certainty of their rifing in a vertical di¬
rection.
69. To fire Sky-rockets •without Sticks.
You muft have a ftand, of a block of wood, afoot
diameter, and make the bottom flat, fo that it may
ftand fteady: in the centre of the top of this block
draw a circle 2^ inches diameter, and divide the cir¬
cumference of it into three equal parts; then take 3
pieces of thick iron wire, each about 3 feet long, and
drive them into the block, 1 at each point made on
the circle ; when thefe wires are drove in deep enough
to hold them fall and upright, fo that the diftance
from one to the other is the fame at top as at bottom,
the ftand is complete.
The ftand being thus made, prepare your rockets
thus: Take fome common fky-rockets, of any fize,
and head them as you pleafe ; then get fome bails of
lead, and tie to each a fmall wire 2 or 2^ feet long, and
the other end of each wire tie to the neck of a rocket.
Thefe balls anfwer the purpofe of fticks when made of
a proper weight, which is about 2-3ds the weight of
the rocket; but when they are of a proper fize, they
will balance the rocket in the fame manner as a ftick,
at the ufual point of poife. To fire thefe, hang them,
one at a time, between the tops of the wires, letting
their heads reft on the point of the wires, and the balls
hang down between them : if the wires fliould be too
wide for the rockets, prefs them together till they fit;
and if too clofe, force them open : the wires for this
purpofe muft be foftened, fo as not to have any fpring,
or they will not keep their pofition when preffed
clofe or opened.
70. Rain falls and Stars for Sky-rockets, Double and'
Single.
Gold and filver rain compofitions are drove in cafes
that are pinched quite clofc at one end : if you roll
them dry, 4 or 5 rounds of paper will be ftrong
enough; but if they are pafted, 3 rounds will do; and
the'thin fort of cartridge-paper is belt for thofe fmall-
cafes, which in rolling you muft not turn down thein-
fide edge as in other cafes, for a double edge would be
too thick for fo fmall a bore. The moulds for rain¬
falls fliould be made of brafs, and turned very fmooth
in the infide ; or the cafes, which are fo very thin,
would tear in coming out ; for the charge muft be
drove in tight ; and the better the cafe fits the mould,
the more dfiving it will bear. Thefe moulds have no
nipple, but inftead thereof they are made fl^t. As it
would be very tedious and troublefome to (hake the
compofition out of fuch fmall ladles as are ufed for
thefe cafes, it will be neceflary to have a funnel made
of thin tin, to fit on the top of the cafe, by the help
of which you may fill them very fall. For fingle rain¬
falls for 402. rockets, let the diametefiof the former
be 2-i6thsof an inch, Sfid the length of the cafe 2
inches; for 8 oz. rockets, 4*i6ths and 2 diameters
of the rocket long ; for 1 lb. rockets, 5-i6ths, and 2
diameters of the rocket long; for 2 lb. rockets, 5-i6ths,
and 3^- inches long ; for 41b. rockets, 6-i6ths, and 4-r
inches long*; and for 6-pounders, 7-i6ths diameter*
and 5 inches long.
Of double rain-falls there are 2 Lrts. For ex¬
ample,
6566 P Y R O T
Rockets, ample, fome appear firft like a ftar, and then as rain;
*e* and fome appear firft as rain, and then like a ftar.
When you would have ftavs firft, you mull fill the cafes,
within 4: inch of the top, with rain-compofition, and
the remainder with ftar-compofition ; but when you
intend the rain fhmlld be firft, drive the cafe inch
with ftar*compofition, and the reft with rain. By this
method may be made many changes of fire ; for in large
rockets you may make them firft burn as ftars, then
rain, and again as ftars; or they may firft fttow rain,
then ftars, and finilh with a report; but when they are
thus managed, cut open, the firft rammed end, after
they are filled and bounced, at which place prime
them. The ftar-compofition for this purpofe muft be
a little ftronger than for rolled ftars.
Strung Jiars. Firft take fome thin paper, and cut
it into pieces of inch fquare, or thereabouts; then
on each piece lay as much dry ftar-compofition as Jou
think the .paper will eafily contain ; then twill up the
paper as tight as you can ; when done, rub fome pafte
on your hands, and roll the ftars between them ; then
fet them to dry : your ftars being thus made, get fome
flax or fine tow, and roll a little of it over each ftar;
then pafte your hands and roll the ftars as before, and
fet them again to dry ; wheta they are quite dry, with
a piercer make a hole through the middle of each, in¬
to which run a cotton quick-match, Jong enough to
hold to or 12 ftars at 3 or 4 inches diftance : but any
number of ftars may be ftrung together by joining the
match.
TailedJiars. Thefe are called tailedJlars, becaufe
there are a great number of fparks iffue from them,
which reprefent a tail like that of a comet. Of thefe
there are two forts, which are rolled and drove:
when rolled, they muft be moiftened with a liquor
made of half a pint of fpirit of wine, and half a gill
of thin fize, of this as much as will wet the com-
pofition enough to make it roll eafy ; when they are
rolled, fift meal-powder over them, and fet them to dry.
When tailed ftars are drove, the compofition muft
be moiftened with fpirit of wine only, and not made fo
wet as for rolling: x and 2 oz. cafes, rolled dry, are
bell for this purpofe ; and when they are filled, unroll
the cafe within 3 or 4 rounds of the charge, and all
that you unroll cut off; then pafte down the loofe
edge: 2 or 3 days after the cafes are filled, cut them
in pieces 5 or 6-8ths of an inch in length; then melt
fame wax, and dip one end of each piece into
It, fo as to cover the compofition: the other end
muft be rubbed with meal-powder wetted with fpirit
of wine.
.Drove Jlars. Cafes for drove ftars are rolled with
pafte, but are made very thin of paper. Before you
begin to fill them, damp the compofition with fpirit
of wine that has had fome camphor diffolved in it:
you may ram them indifferently hard, fo that you do
not break or fack the cafe ; to prevent which, they
fhould fit tight in the mould. They are drove in cafes
of feveral fizes, from 8 drams to 40Z. When they are
filled in ^oz. cafes, cut them in pieces of ^ of an inch
long; if x oz. cafes, cut them in pieces of 1 inch; if
2oz. cafes, cut them in pieces of inch long; and
if 40Z. cafes, cut them in pieces of inch long :
having cut your ftars of a proper fize, prime both ends
with wet meal-powder. Thefe liars are feldom put in
E C H N Y. Sed.IV.
rockets, they being chiefly intended for air balloons, Rockets,
and drove in cafes, to prevent the compofition from &c~
being broke by the force of the blowing powder in
the ftiell.
Rolling Jlars are commonly made about the fize
of a mulket-ball: though they are rolled of fever^I
fizes, from the bignefs of a piftol-ball to 1 inch dia¬
meter and foraetimes very fmall, but are then called
fparks. Great care muft be taken in making ftars,
firft, that the feveral ingredients are reduced to a fine
powder ; fecondly, that the compofition is well work¬
ed and mixed. Before you begin to roll, take about
a pound of compofition, and wet it with the following
liquid, enough to make it flick together and roll eafy:
Spirit of wine I quart, in which diffolve £ of an ounce
of ifinglafs. If a great quantity of compofition be
wetted at once, the fpirit will evaporate, and leave it
dry, before you can roll it into ftars: having rolled
up one proportion, fliake the ftars in meal-powder,
and fet them to dry, which they will do in 3 or 4
days; but if you fhould want them for immediate ufe,
dry them in an earthen pan over a flow heat, or in an
oven. It is very difficult to make the ftars all of
an equal fize, when the compofition is taken up pro-
mifeuoufly with the fingers; but by the following
method they may be made them very exadl : When the
mixture is moiftened properly, roll it on a flat fmooth
flone, and cut it into fquare pieces, making each
fquare large enough for the ftars you intend. There
is another method ufed by fome to make ftars,
which is by rolling the compofition in long pieces,
and then cutting off the ftar, fo that each ftar
will be of a cylindrical form: but this method is not
fo good as the former; for, to make the compofition
roll this way, it mull be made very wet, which makes
the ftars heavy, as well as weakens them. All ftars
mufl be kept as much from air as poffible, otherwife
they will grow weak and bad.
71. Scrolls for Sky Rockets.
Cases for fcrolls fhould be made 4 or 5 inches in
length, and their interior diameter 3-8ths of an inch:
one end of thefe cafes mull be pinched quite clofe, be¬
fore you begin to fill; and when filled, clofe the other
end : then in the oppofite fides make a fmall hole at
each end, to the compofition, in the fame manner as
in tourbillons; and prime them with wet meal-powder.
You may put in the head of a rocket as many of
thefe cafes as it will contain : being fired they turn
very quick in the air, and form a fcroll or fpiral line.
They are generally filled with a ftrong charge, as that
of ferpents, or brilliant fire.
72. Scanners, or fmall Rockets.
Rockets that go under the denomination offwar-
mersy are thofe from 2 oz. downwards. Thefe roc¬
kets are fired fometimes in flights, and in large water¬
works, &c. Swarmers of 1 and 2oz. are bored, and
made in the fame manner as large rockets, except that,
when headed, their heads muft be put on without a
collar: the number of ftrokes for driving 1 oz. muft be
8, and for 2 oz. 12.
All rockets under loz. are not bored, but muft be
filled to the ufual height with compofition, which
gensrally confifts of fine meal-powder 402. and char¬
coal or fteel-duft 2 drams: the number of ftrokes for
ramming thefe fmall fwarmers is not roaterial, provided
they
'
'
Sea. IV.
PYROTECHNY.
6567
Rockets, they- are rammed true, and moderately hard. The
&e. necks of unbored rockets muft be in the fame propor-
tiom as in common cafes.
73. Standr for Sky-Rockets.
Care muft be taken, in placing the rockets when
they are to be fired, to give them a vertical direftion
at their firft fetting out; which may be managed thus.
Have two rails of wood, of any length, fupported at
each end by a perpendicular leg, fo that the rails be
horizontal, and let the diftance from one to the other
be almoft equal to the length of the flicks of the roc¬
kets intended to be fired; then in the front of the top
rail drive fquare hooks at 8 inches diftance, with their
points turning fideways, fo that when the rockets are
hung on them, the points will be before the flicks
and keep them from falling or being blown off by
the wind : in the front of the rail at bottom muft be
ftaples, drove perpendicular under the hooks at top ;
through thefe ftaples put the fmall ends of the rocket-
flicks. Rockets are fired by applying a lighted port¬
fire to their mouths.
N. B. When Iky-rockets are made to perfe&ion,
and fired, they will (land 2 or 3 feconds on the hook
before „they rife, and then mount up brifkly, with a
fteady motion, carrying a large tail from the ground
all the way up, and juft as they turn break and dif-
perfe the ftars.
74. Girandole Chefs, for Flights of Rockets.
There are generally compofed of four fides, of equal
dimenfions; but may be made of any diameter, accord¬
ing to the number of rockets defigned to be fired; its
height muft be in proportion to the rockets, but muft
always be a little higher than the rockets with their
flicks. When the fides are joined, fix in the top, as
far down the cheft as the length of one of the rockets
with its cap on. In this top, make as many fquare
or round holes to receive the rocket-flicks, as you in¬
tend to have rockets; but let the diftance between
them be fufficient for the rockets to ftand without
touching one another ; then from one hole to another
cut a groove large enough for a quick-match to lie
in: the top being thus fixed, put in the bottom, at
about 1foot diftance from the bottom of the cheft;
in this bottom muft be as many holes as in the top,
and all to correfpond;. but thefe holes need not be fo
large as thofe in the top.
To prepare your cheft, you muft lay a quick-match-,
in all the grooves, from hole to hole; than take fome
fky-rockets, and rub them in the month with wet
meal-powder, and put a bit of match up the cavity of
each, which match muft be long enough to hang a
little below the mouth of the rocket. Your rockets
and cheft being prepared according to the above di-
reftions, put the flicks of the rockets through the
holes in the top and bottom of the cheft, fo that their
mouths may reft on the quick-match in the grooves:
by which all the rockets will be fired at once; for by
giving fire to any part of the match, it will communi-
cate to all the rackets in an inftant. As it would be
rather troublefome to direft the flicks from the top to
the proper holes in the bottom, it wdll be neceffary to
have a fmall door in one of the fides, which when
opened, you may fee how to place the flicks. Flights
of rockets being feldom fet off at the beginning of
any fireworks, they are in danger of being fired by
the fparks from wheels, &c. therefore, to preserve Rockets,
them, a cover fbould be made to fit on the cheft, &c‘
and the door in the fide kept (hut.
75. Serpents or Snakes for Pots of Aigrettes, finall
Mortars, Sky-Rockets, &c.
Serpents for this ufe are made from 24- inches to
7 inches long, and their formers from 3-i6ths to
y-Sths of an inch diametet; but the diameter of the
cafes muft always be equal to 2 diameters of the for¬
mer. They are rolled and choaked like other cafes,
and filled with compofition from j-Sths of an inch
to 14 inch high, according to the fize of the mortars
or rockets they are defigned for; and the remainder of
the cafes bounced with corn-powder, and afterwards
their ends pinched and fied clofe: before they are
ufed, their mouths muft be primed with wet meal-
powder.
76. Leaders, or Pipes of Communication.
The beft paper for leaders is elephant; which you-
cut into long flips 2 or 3 inches broad, fo that they
may go 3 or 4 times irpund the former, but not more:
when they are very thick, they are too ftrong for the
paper which faftens them to the works, and will fome-
times fly off without leading the fire. The formers for
thefe leaders are made from 2 to 6 i6ths of an inch
diameter; but 4-16ths is the fize generally made ufe of.
The formers are made of fmooth brafs wire: when you
ufe themy rub them over with greafe, or keep them wet
with pafte, to prevent their flicking to the paper,
which muft be parted all over. In rolling of pipes,
make ufe of a rolling-board, but ufe it lightly: having
rolled a pipe, draw out the former with one hand,
holding the pipe as light as poffible with the other;
for if it prefs againft the former, it will flick and tear
the paper.
N.B. Make your leaders of different lengths, or in
clothing of works you will cut a great many to wafte„
Leaders for marron batteries muft be made of flrong,
cartridge paper*
77. Crackers.
Gut fome cartridge paper into pieces 34 inches
broad, and 1 foot long; one edge of each fold down
lengthwife about 4 of an inch broad; then fold the
double edge down 4 of an inch, and turn the Angle
edge back half over the double fold; then-open it, and
lay all along the channel, which is formed by the fold¬
ing of the paper, fome meal-powder ; then fold it over
and over till all the paper is doubled up, rubbing it
down every turn; this done, bend it backwards and ;
forwards, 24 inches, or thereabouts, at a time, as oft
as the paper will allow; then hold all thefe folds flat
and clofe, and with a fmall pinching cord give one turn
round the middle of the cracker, and pinch it clofe ;
then bind it with a pack-thread as tight as you can 5
then, in the place where it was pinched, prime one end
of it, and cap it with touch-paper. When thefe crack¬
ers are fired, they will give a report at every turn of
the paper: if you would have a great number of
bounces, you muft cut the paper longer, or join them
after they are made ; but if they are made very long
before they are pinched, you muft have a piece of wood ;
with a groove in it, deep enough to let in half the
cracker ; this will hold it ftraight while it is pinching. Plate
Fig. a. reprefenta a cracker complete. ccxi-ix^.
83. Chinefe
6568 P Y R O T
Rockets, 78. Single Reports.
&c« Cases for reports are generally rolled on 1 and z oz.
formers, and feldom made larger but on particular oc-
cafions; they are made from 2 to 4 inches long, and
very thick of paper. Having rolled a cafe, pinch one end
quite clofe, and drive it down : then fill the cafe with
corn-powder, only leaving room to pinch it at top; but
before you pinch it, put in a piece of paper at top of
the powder. Reports are fired by a vent, bored in the
middle, or at one end, juft as required.
79. Marrons.
Formers for marrons are from £ of an inch to i|-
diameter. Cut the paper for the cafes twice the diame¬
ter of the former broad, and long enough to go three
times round: when you have rolled a cafe, pafte down
the edge and tie one end clofe; then with the former drive
it down to take away the wrinkles, and make it flat at
bottom.; then fill the cafe with corn-powder 1 diameter
and i high, and fold down the reft of the cafe tight on
the powder. The marron being thus made, wax fome
ftrong pack-thread with fhoemakers wax; this thread
wind up in a ball, then unwind two or three yards of
it, and that part which is near the ball make raft to a
hook; then take a marron, and ftand as far from the
hook as the pack-thread will reach, and wind it length-
wife round the marron as clofe as you can, till it will
hold no more that way; then tvtrn it, and wind the pack¬
thread on the ftiort way, then lengthwife ^gain, and
fo on till the paper is all covered; then make fall the
end of the pack-thread, and beat down both ends of
the marron to bring it in ftiape. The method of firing
marrons is by making a hole at one end with an awl,
and putting in a piece of quick-match; then take a
piece of ftrong paper, in which wrap up the marron
with two leaders, which muft be put down to the vent,
and the paper tied tight round them with fmall twine:
thefe leaders are bent on each fide, and their loofe
ends tied to other marrons, and are nailed in the middle
to the rail of the ftand, as in fig. 13. Theufeof wind¬
ing the pack-thread in a ball is, that you may let it
out as you want it, according to the quantity the mar¬
ron may require; and that it may not be tied in knots,
which would fpoil the marron.
80. Marron Batteries^
If well managed, will keep time to a march, or a
flow piece of mufic. Marrron batteries are made of
feveral ftands, with a number of crofs rails for the mar¬
rons; which are regulated by leaders, by cutting them
of different lengths, and nailing them tight or loofe
according to the time of the mufic. In marron batte¬
ries you muft ufe the large and fmall marroas, and the
nails for the pipes muft have flat heads.
81. Line Rockets,
Are made and drove as the Iky-rockets, but have
no heads, and the cafes muft be cut clofe to the clay :
they are fometimes made with 6 or 7 changes, but in
general not more than 4 or 5. The method of mana¬
ging thofe rockets is thus: Firft, have a piece of light
wood, the length of one of the rockets, turned round
about 2^ inches diameter, with a hole through the
middle lengthwife, large enough for the line to go eafily
through: if you defign four changes, have four grooves
cut in the fwivel, one oppofite the other, to lay the roc-
Jtets in.
The mouths of the rockets being rubbed with wet
E C H N Y. Sed. IV. I
meal-powder, lay them in the grooves head to tail. Rockets, t .i
and tie them faft; from the tail of the firft rocket carry &Ci
a leader to the mouth of the fecond, and from the fe- —
cond to the third, and fo on to as many as there are
on the fwivel, making every leader very fecure; but in
fixing thefe pipes, take care that the quick-match does
not enter the bores of the rockets: the rockets being
fixed on the fwivel and ready to be fired, have a line
too yards long, ftretched and fixed up tight, at any
height from the ground; but be fure to place it hori¬
zontal : this length of line will do for 4- lb. rockets; but
if larger, the line muft be longer. Before you put up
the line, put one end of it through the fwivel; and when
you fire the line rocket, let the mouth of that rocket
which you fire firft face that end of the line where you
ftand ; then the firft rocket will carry the reft to the
other tnd of the line, and the fecond will bring them
back; and fo they will run out and in according to the
number of rockets: at each end of the line there muft
be a piece of flat wood for the rocket to ftrike againft,
or its force will cut the line. Let the line bewell foap-
ed, and the hole in the fwivel very fmooth.
82. Different decorations for Line Rockets.
To line rockets may be fixed great variety of figures,
fuch as flying dragons, Mercuries, (hips, &c. Or they
may be made to run on the line like a wheel; which is
done in this manner. Have a flat fwivel made very exafl,
and on it tie two rockets obliquely, one on each fide,
which will make it turn round all the way it goes, and
form a circle of fire^ the charge for thefe rockets
(hould be a little weaker than common. If you would
fhow two dragons fighting, get two fwivels made
fquare, and on each tie three rockets together on the
under fide; then have two flying dragons made of tin,
and fix one of them on the top of each fwivel, fo as to
ftand upright; in the mouth of each dragon put a fmall
cafe of common fire, and another at the end of the
tail; you may put two or three port-fires, of a ftrong
charge, on one fide of their bodies, to (how them. This
done, put them on the line, one at each end ; but let
there be a fwivel in the middle of the line to keep the
dragons from ftriking together: before you fire the
rockets, light the cafes on the dragons; and if care be
taken in firing both at the fame time, they will meet
in the middle of the line, and feem to fight. Then
they will run back and return with great violence;
which will have a very pleafing effedf. The line for
thefe rockets muft be very long, or they will ftrike too
hard together.
v 83. Chinefe Flyers.
Cases for flyers may be made of different fizes, from
1 to 8 oz.; they muft be made thick of paper, and 8
interior diameters long ; they are rolled in the fame
manner as tourbillons, with a rtraight parted edge, and
pinched clofe at one end. The method of filling them
is, the cafe being put in a mould, whofe cylinder, or
foot, muft be flat at top without a nipple, fill it within
4- a diameter of the middle; then ram in 4- a diameter
of clay, on that as much compofition as before, on
which drive 4- a diameter of clay; then pinch the cafe
clofe, and drive it down flat; after this is done bore a
hole exaftly thro* the centre of the clay in the middle;
then in the oppofite fides, at both ends, make a vent;
and in that fide you intend to fire firft make a fmall
hole to the compofition near the clay in the middle.
from
Sea. v. P Y R O T
Of Wheels, from which carry a quick-match, covered with a Angle
&c* paper, to the vent at the other end ; then, when the
‘ ' charge is burnt on one fide, it will, by means of the
quick-match, communicate to the charge on the other,
(which may be of a different fort). The flyers being
thus made, put an iron pin, that muft be fixed in the
work on which they are to be fired, and on which they
are to run, through the hole in the middle; on the end
of this pin muft be a nut to keep the flyer from run¬
ning off. If you would have them turn back again af¬
ter they are burnt, make both the vents at the ends on
the fame fide, which will alter its courfe the contrary
way.
84. Table Rockets,
Are defigned merely to fhow the truth of driving,
and the judgment of a fire-worker, they having no other
cffe£t, when fired, than fpinning round in the fame place
where they begin, till they are burnt out, and ihowing
nothing more than an horizontal circle of fire.
The method of making thefe rockets is—Have a
cone turned out of hard wood 24- inches diameter, and
as much high ; round the bafe of it draw a line ; on
this line fix four fpokes, two inches long each, fo as
to Hand one oppofite the other; then fill 4 nine-inch
I lb cafes with any ftrong compofition, within 2 inches
of the top; thefe cafes are made like tourbillons, and
muft be rammed with the greateft exaftnefs.
Your rockets being filled, fix their open ends on the
1 fhort fpokes ; then in the fide of each cafe bore a hole
near the clay; all thefe holes, or vents, muft be fo made
that the fire of each cafe may aft the fame way; from
thefe vents carry leaders to the top of the cone, and
tie them together. When you would fire the rockets,
fet them on a fmooth table, and light the leaders in the
? Plate middle, and all the cafes will fire together (fee fig. 14.)
j CCXLlX. an(j fpjn on p0jnt 0f the cone.
Thefe rockets may be made to rife like tourbillons,
by making the cafes fhorter, and boring four holes in
the under fide of each at equal diftanccs: this being
done, they are called double tourbillons.
Note, All the vents in the under fide of the cafes
muft be lighted at once ; and the lharp point of the
cone cut off, at which place make it fpherical.
Sect. V. Of Wheels and other Works.
85. Single Vertical Wheels.
There are different forts of vertical wheels ; fome
having their fells of a circular form, others of an hex¬
agon, oftagon, or decagon form, or any number of
fides, according to the length of the cafes you defign
for the wheel : your fpokes being fixed in the nave,
nail flips of tin, with their edges turned up, fo as to
form grooves for the cafes to lie in, from the end of one
fpoke to another; then tie your cafes in the grooves
head to tail, in the fame manner as thofe on the hori¬
zontal water-wheel, fo that the cafes fucceffively taking
fire from one another, will keep the wheel in an equal
rotation. Two of thefe wheels are very oft fired toge-
.ther, one on each fide of a building; and both lighted
at the fame time, and all the cafes filled alike, to make
them keep time together; which they will do if made
by the following direftions. In all the cafes of both
wheels, except the firft, on each wheel drive two or
three ladles full of flow fire, in any part of the cafes ;
Vol, IX. • 2
E C H N Y. 6569
but be careful to ram the fame quantity in each cafe, Of Wheels,
and in the end of one of the cafes, on each wheel, you   c*. ■
may ram one ladle full of dead-fire compofition, which
muft be very lightly drove; you may alfo make many
changes of fire by this method.
Let the hole in the nave of the wheel be lined with
brafs, and made to turn on a fmooth iron fpindle. On
the end of this fpindle let there be a nut, to ferew off
and on; when you have put the wheel on the fpindle,
ferew on the nut, which will keep the wheel from fly.
ing off. Let the mouth of the firft cafe be a little rai-
fed. See fig. 15. Vertical wheels are made from 19
inches to 3 feet diameter, and the fize of the cafes muft
differ accordingly; 4-oz. cafes will do for wheels of 14
or 16 inches diameter, which is the proportion gene¬
rally ufed. The beft wood for wheels of all forts, is a
light and dry beech.
86. Horizontal Wheels',
Are beft when their fells are made circular; in the
middle of the top of the nave muft be a pintle, turned’
out of the fame piece as the nave, two inches long, and
equal in diameter to the bore of one of the cafes of the
wheel: there muft be a hole bored up the centre of
the nave, within half an inch of the top of the pintle.
The wheel being made, nail at the end of each fpoke
(of which there Ihould be 6 or 8) a piece of wood, with
a groove cut in it to receive the cafe. Fix thefe pieces
in fuch a manner that half the cafes may incline up¬
wards and half downwards, and that, when they are
tied on, their heads and tails may come very near to¬
gether; from the tail of one cafe to the mouth of the
other carry a leader, which fecure with palled paper,
Befides thefe pipes, it will be neceffary to put a little
meal-powder infide the pafted paper, to blow off the
pipe, that there may be no obftruftion to the fire from
the cafes. By means of thefe pipes the cafes will fuc-
cdfively take fire, burning one upwards and the other
downwards. On the pintle fix a cafe of the fame fort
as thofe on the wheel; this cafe muft be fired by a lead¬
er from the mouth of the laft cafe on the wheel, which,
cafe muft play downwards: inflead of a common cafe
in the middle, you may put a cafe of Chinefe fire, long
enough to burn as long as two or three of the cafes on
the wheel.
Horizontal wheels are oft fired two at a time, and
made to keep time like vertical wheels, only they are
made without any flow or dead fire ; 10 or 12 inches
will be enough for the diameter of wheels with 6 fpokes.
Fig. 16. reprefents a wheel on fire, with the firft cafe
burning.
87. Spiral Wheels,
Are only double horizontal wheels, and made thus:
The nave muft be about 6 inches long, and fomewhat
thicker than the fingie fort; inftead of the pintle at
top, make a hole for the cafe to be fixed in, and two
fets of fpokes, one fet near the top of the nave, and the
other near the bottom. At the end of each fpoke cut
a groove wherein you tie the cafes, there being no fell;
the fpokes Ihould not be more than 34 inches long from
the nave, fo that the wheel may not be more than 8 or
9 inches diameter; the cafes are placed in fuch a man¬
ner, that thofe at top play down and thofe at bottom
play up, but let the third or fourth cafe play horizon¬
tally. The cafe in the middle may begin with any of
36 Y the
657o P Y R O T
Of Wheels, the others you pleafe: 6 fpokes will be enough For each
, &c- fet, fo that the wheel may confift of 12 cafes, befides
that on the top: the cafes 6 inches each.
88. Plural Wheels,
Are made to turn horizontally, and to confift of
three fets of fpokes, placed 6 at top, 6 at bottom, and
4 in the middle, which muft be a little (barter than
the reft: let the diameter of the wheel be to inches;
the cafes muft be tied on the ends of the fpokes in
grooves cut on purpofe, or in pieces of wood nailed on
the ends of the fpokes, with grooves cut in them as
ufual: in clothing thefe wheels, make the upper fet of
cafes play obliquely downwards, the bottom fet ob¬
liquely upwards, and the middle fet horizontally. In
placing the leaders, you muft order it fo that the cafes
may burn thus, viz. firft up, then down, then hori¬
zontal, and fo on with the reft. But another change
may be made, by driving in the end of the 8th cafe
two or three ladles full of flow fire, to burn till the
wheel has (topped its courfc ; then let the other cafes
be fixed the contrary way, which will make the wheel
run back again: for the cafe at top you may put a
fmall gerbe; and let the cafes on the fpokes be fhort,
and filled with a ftrong brilliant charge.
89. Illuminated Spiral Wheel.
First have a circular horizontal wheel made two
feet diameter, with a hole quite through the nave; then
take three thin pieces of deal, three feet long each,
and £ of an inch broad each: one end of each of thefe
pieces nail to the fell of the wheel, at an equal diftance
from one another, and the other end nail to a block
with a hole in its bottom, which muft be perpendicu¬
lar with that in the block of the wheel, but not fo
large. The wheel being thus made, have a hoop pla¬
ned down very thin and flat; then nail one end of it to
the fell of the wheel, and wind it round the three dicks
in a fpiral line from the wheel to the block at top: on
the top of this block fix a cafe of Chinefe fire; on the
wheel you may place any number of cafes, which muft
incline downwards, and burn two at a time. If the
wheel (hould confift of 10 cafes, you may let the illu¬
minations and Chinefe fire begin with the fecond cafes.
The fpindle for this wheel muft be a little longer than
the cone, and made very fmooth at top, on which the
Plate upper block is to turn, and the whole weight of the
CCXLIX. wheel to reft. See fig. 17.
90. Double Spiral Wheel.
For this wheel the block, or nave, muft be as long
as the height of thfc worms, or fpiral lines, but muft
be made very thin, and as light as pofiible. In this
block muft be fixed feveral fpokes, which muft dimi-
nifh in length, from the wheel to the top, fo as not to
exceed the furface of a cone of the fame height. To
the ends of thefe fpokes nail the worms, which muft
crofs each other feveral times: thefe worms clothe with
illuminations, the fame as thofe on the fingle wheels ;
but the horizontal wheel you may clothe as you like.
At top of the worm place a cafe of fpur-fire, or an am¬
ber light. See fig. 18. This figure is (hown without
leaders, to prevent a confufion of lines.
91. Balloon Wheels,
Are made to turn horizontally : they muft be made
2 feet diameter, without any fpokes; and very ftrong,
with any number of fides. On the top of a wheel
range and fix in pots, 3 inches diameter and 7 inches
E C H M Y. Sed. V.
high each, as many of thefe as there are cafes on theOf Wheel!
wheel: near the bottom of each pot make a fmall vent; &c-
into each of thefe vents carry a leader from the tail of
each cafe ; fome of the pots load with ftars, and feme
with ferpents, crackers, &c. As the wheels turn, the
pots will fucceffively be fired, and throw into the air a
great variety of fires.
92. Fruiloni Wheels.
First have a nave made 9 inches long and 3 in
diameter: near the bottom of this nave fix 8 fpokes,
with a hole in the end of each, large enough to re¬
ceive a 2 or 4 ounce cafe: each of thefe fpokes may
be 14 inches long from the block. Near the top
of this block fix 8 more of the fame fpokes, exadly
over the others, but not fo long by 2 inches. As this
wheel is to run horizontally, all the cafes in the fpokea
muft play obliquely upwards, and all them in the
fpokes at bottom obliquely downwards. This being
done, have a fmall horizontal wheel made with 8
fpokes, each 5 inches long from the block: on the
top of this wheel place a cafe of brilliant fire : all
the cafes on this wheel muft play in an oblique di-
reftion downwards, and burn 2 at a time, and thofe
on the large wheel 4 at a time ; that is, 2 of thofe in
the top fet of fpokes, and 2 of thofe in the bottom fet
of fpokes.
The 4 firft cafes on the large wheel, and the 2 firft
on the fmall, muft be fired at the fame time, and the
brilliant fire at top, at the beginning of the laft cafes.
The cafes of the wheels may be filled with a grey
charge. When thefe wheels are completed, you muft
have a ftrong iron fpindle, made4 feet 6 inches long, and
fixed perpendicular on the top of a (land : on this put
the large wheel, whofe nave muft have a hole quite
through from the bottom to the top. This hole muft
be large enough to turn eafy round the bottom of the
fpindle, at which place there muft be a (houlder, to
keep the wheel from touching the (land : at the top
of the fpindle put the fmall wheel, and join it to a large
one with a leader, in order to fire them both together.
9 3. Cafcades of Fire,
Are made of any fize ; but one made according to
the dimenfions of that (hewn in fig. 1. will be large pj?*6
enough for 8-oz. cafes. Let the diftance from A to
B, be 3 feet; from B to C, 2 feet 6 inches ; and from
CD, 2 feet; and let the crofs piece at A, be 4 feet
long : then from each end of this piece, draw a line
to D ; then make the other crofs pieces fo long as to
come within thofe lines. The top piece D may be of
any length, fo as to hold the cafes, at a little diftance
from each other; all the crofs pieces are fixed horizon¬
tally, and fupported by brackets; the bottom crofe
piece (hould be about 1 foot 6 inches broad in the
middle, the fecond 1 foot, the third 9 inches, and the
top piece 4 inches: the cafes may be made of any
length, but muft be filled with a brilliant charge. On
the edges of the crofs pieces muft be nailed bits of
wood, with a groove cut in each piece, large enough
for a cafe to lie in. Thefe bits of wood are fixed fo
as to incline downwards, and that the fire from one tier
of cafes may play over the other. All the cafes being
tied faft on, carry leaders from one to the other ; and
let there be a pipe hung from the mouth of one of the
cafes, covered at the end with a fingle paper, which
you burn to fire the cafcade.
94. The
Sea. V. P Y R O T
Of wheels, 94. The Fire-Tree.
To make a fire-tree* as fliewn by fig. 2. you mud
*   firfl have a piece of wood 6 feet long, and 3 inches
Pbte fquare ; then at E, 9 inches from the top, make a hole
C ' in the front, and in each fide; or, inftead of holes,
you may fix ihort pegs, to fit the infide of the cafes.
At F, 9 inches from E, fix 3 more pegs ; at G, 1 foot
9 inches from F, fix 3 pegs ; at H, 9 inches from G,
fix 3 pegs; at I, 9 inches from H,. fix 3 pegs, incli¬
ning downwards ; but all the other pegs muft incline
upwards, that the cafes may have the fame inclination
as you fee in the figure: then at top place a 4-inch
mortar, loaded with ftars, rains, or crackers. In the
middle of this mortar place a cafe filled with any fort
of charge, but let it be fired with the other cafes : a
brilliant charge will do for all the cafes ; but the mor¬
tar may be made of any diameter, and the tree of any
fize; and on it any j number of cafes, provided they
are placed in the manner defcribed.
95. Chinefe Fountains.
To make a Chinefe fountain, you muft have a per¬
pendicular piece of wood 7 feet long and inches
fquarc. Sixteen inches from the top, fix on thefronta
crofs-piece 1 inch thick, and 2^ broad, with the broad
fide up: below this, fix 3 more pieces of the fame
width and thicknefs, at 16 inches fr6m each other;
let the bottom rail be 5 feet long, and the others of
fuch a length as to allow the fire pumps to {land in
the middle of the intervals of each other. The pyra¬
mid being thus made, fix in the holes made in the bot¬
tom rail, 5 fire-pumps, at equal diftances ; on the 2d
rail, place 4 pumps ; on the 3d, 3; on the 4th, 2; and
on the top of the poll, 1; but place them all to in¬
cline a little forwards, that, when they throw out
the ftars, they may not ftrike againft the crofs rails.
Having fixed your fire pumps, clothe them with lea¬
ders, fo that they may all be fired together. See fig. 3.
96. Of illuminated Globes •with horizontal Wheels.
The hoops for thefe globes may be made of wood,
tin, or iron wire, about 2 feet diameter. For a Angle
globe take 2 hoops, and tie them together, one with¬
in the other, at right angles; then have a horizon¬
tal wheel made, whofe diameter muft be a little wi¬
der than the globe, and its nave 6 inches long; on the
top of which the globe is fixed, fo as to Hand 3 or 4
inches from the wheel : on this wheel you may put
any number of cafes, filled with what charge you like;
but let 2 of them burn at a time; they may be placed
horizontally, or to incline downwards, juft as you
choofe. Now, when the wheel is clothed, fix on the
hoops as many illuminations as will Hand within 24-
inchee of each other: thefe you fatten on the hoops
with fmall iron binding wire ; and when they are all
on, put on your pipes of communication, which muft
be fo managed as to light them all with the 2d or 3d
cafe on the wheel. The fpindle on which the globe is
to run muft go through the block of the wheel, up to
the infide of the top of the globe; where muft be fix¬
ed a bit of brafs, or iron, with a hole in it to receive
the point of the fpindle, on which the whole weight of
the wheel is to bear, as in fig. 4. which reprefents a
globe on its fpindle. By this method may be made a
crown, which is done by having the hoops bent in the
form of a crown. Sometimes globes and crowns are
ordered fo as to Hand ftill, and the wheel only to turn
2
E C H N Y. 6571
round ; but when you would have the globe or crown Of Wheels,
to Hand ftill, and the wheel to run by itfelf, the block _ ^
of the wheel muft not be fo long, nor the fpindle any
longer than to juft raife the globe a little above the
wheel; and the wheel-cafes and illumination muft be¬
gin together.
97. Dodecaedron,
So called becaufe it nearly reprefents a twelve-fided
figure, is made thus. Firft have a ball'turned out
of fome hard wood, 14 inches diameter : when done,
divide its furface into 14 equal parts, from which bore
holes i|- inch diameter, perpendicular to the centre,
fo that they may all meet in the middle: then let
there be turned in the infide of each hole a female
ferew ; and to all the holes but one, muft be made a
round fpoke 5 feet long, with 4 inches of the ferew at
one end to fit the holes ; then in the ferew-end of all
the fpokes bore a hole, 5 inches up, which muft be
bored flaming, fo as to come out at one fide, a little
above the ferew; from which cut a fmall groove along
the fpoke, within 6 inches of the other end, where
you make another hole through to the other fide of the
fpoke. In this end fix a fpindle, on which put a fmall
wheel of 3 or 4 fides, each fide 6 or 7 inches long;
thefe fides muft have grooves cut in them, large enough
to receive a 2 or 4 oz. cafe. When thefe wheels are
clothed, put them on the fpiodles, and at the end of
each fpindle put a nut to keep the wheel from falling
off. The wheels being thus fixed, carry a pipe from the
mouth of the firft cafe on each wheel, through the
hole in the fide of the fpoke, and from thence along
the groove, and through the other hole, fo as to hang
out at the ferew-end about an inch. The fpokes be¬
ing all prepared in this manner, you muft have a poll,
on which you intend to fire the work, with an iron
ferew in the top of it, to fit one of the holes in the
ball; on this ferew fix the ball; then in the top hole
of the ball put a little meal-powder, and fome loofe
quick-match : then ferew in all the fpokes ; and in one
fide of the ball bore a hole, in which put a leader, and
fecure it at the end ; and your work will be ready to
be fired. By this leader the powder and match in the
centre is fired, which will light the match at the ends
of the fpokes all at once, whereby all the wheels
will be lighted at once. There may be an addition
to this piece, by fixing a fmall globe on each wheel,
or one on the top wheel only. A grey charge will
be proper for the wheel-cafes.
98. The Tew- Tree of brilliant fire*
Is reprefented by fig. 5. as it appears when burn¬
ing. Firft, let A be an upright piece of wood, 4 feet
long, 2 inches broad, and 1 thick: at top of this
piece, on the flat fide, fix a hoop 14 inches diame¬
ter; and round its edge and front place illuminations,
and in the centre a 5-pointed ftar; then at E, which,
is i^foot from the edge of the hoop, place 2 cafes of
brilliant fire, one on each fide : thefe-cafes fiiould be
one foot long each : below thefe fix 2 more cafes of the
fame fize, and at fuch a diftance, that their mouths
may almoft meet them at top: then clofe to the
ends of thefe cafes, fix 2 more of the fame cafes; they
muft ftand parallel to them at E. 7’he cafes being
thus fixed, clothe them with leaders; fo that they,
with the illuminations and ftar at top, may all take fire
together.
.36 Y 2
99. Stars
6572
Of Wheels,
Plate
CCJL.
P Y R O T
99. Stars •with points for regulated pieces, &c.
These ftars are made of different fizes, according to
the work for which they are intended: they are made
with cafes from 1 oz. to 1 lb. but in general with4-oz-
cafes, 4 or 5 inches long: the cafes mull be rolled
with pafte, and twice as thick of paper as a rocket
of the fame bore. Having rolled a cafe, pinch one
end of it quite clofe: then drive in ^ a diameter of
clay; and when the cafe is dry, fill it with compofi-
tion, 2 or 3 inches to the length of the cafes with
which it is to burn : at top of the charge drive fome
clay; as the ends of thefe cafes are feldom punched,
they would be liable to take fire. Having filled a cafe,
divide the circumference of it at the pinched end clofe
to the clay into 5 equal parts ; then bore 5 holes with
a gimblet, about the fize of the neck of a common
4-oz. cafe, into the compofition : from one hole to the
other carry a quick-match, and fecure it with paper :
this paper muft be put on in the manner of that on the
ends of wheel-cafes, fo that the hollow part, which
projefts from the end of the cafe, may ferve to receive
a leader from any other work, to give fire to the points
of the ftars. Thefe ftars may be made with any num¬
ber of points.
100. Fixed Sun with a tranfparent face.
To make a fun of the beft fort there fhould be two
rows of cafes, as in fig. 6. which will (how a double
glory, and make the rays ftrong and full. The frame,
or fun-wheel, muft be made thus: Have a circular flat
nave made very ftrong, 12 inches diameter: to this
fix 6 ftrong flat fpokes, A,B,C,D,E,F. On the front
of thefe fix a circular fell, 5 feet diameter; within
which fix another fell, the length of one of the fun-
cafes lefs in diameter; within this fix a 3d fell, whofe
diameter muft be lefs than the 2d by the length of 1
cafe and I-3d. The wheel being made, divide the
fells into fo many equal parts as you would have cafes,
(which may be done from 24 to 44) : at each divilion
fix a flat iron ftaple; thefe ftaples muft be made to fit
the cafes, to hold them fall on the wheel; let the ftaples
be fo placed, that one row of cafes may lie in the
middle of the intervals of the other.
In the centre of the block of the fun drive a fpindle,
on which put a fmall hexagon wheel, whofe cafes
muft be filled with the fame charge as the cafes of the
fun : 2 cafes of this wheel muft burn at a time, and
begin with them on the fells. Having fixed on all the
cafes, carry pipes of communication from one to the
other, as you fee in the figure, and from one fide of
the fun to the wheel in the middle, and from thence
to the other fide of the fun. Thefe leaders will hold
the wheel fteady while the fun is fixing up, and will
alfo be a fure method of lighting both cafes of the
wheel together. A fun thus made iscalleda brilliant
fun, becaufe the wood work is entirely covered with
fire from the wheel in the middle, fo that there appears
nothing but fparks of brilliant fire : but if you would
have a tranfparent face in the centre, you muft have
one made of pafteboard of any fize. The method of
making a face is, by cutting out the eyes, nofe, and
mouth, for the fparks of the wheel to appear through;
but inftead of this face, you may have one painted on
oiled paper, or Perfian filk, ftrained tight on a hoop;
which hoop muft be fupported by 3 or 4 pieces of
wire at 6 inches diftance from the wheel in the centre,
E C H N Y. Sea.V.'
fo that the light of it may illuminate the face. By Of Wheel?:;.
this method you may have, in the front of a fun, Vi- &c-
vat Rex, cut in pafteboard, or Apollo painted on
filk ; but, for a fmall collection, a fun with a fingle
glory, and a wheel in front, will be moft fuitable.
Half-pound cafes, filled 10 inches with compofuion,
will be a good fize for a fun of 5 feet diameter; but, if
larger, the cafes muft be greater in proportion.
101. Three Vertical Wheels illuminated, which turnon
their own naves upon a horizontal table.
A plan of this is fhown by fig. 7. JLet D be a
deal table three feet in diameter: this table muft be
fixed horizontally on the top of a poll; on this poll
muft be a perpendicular iron fpindle, which muft come
through the centre of the table: then let A,B,C, be
3 fpokes joined to a triangular flat piece of wood, in
the middle of which make a hole to fit eafily over the
fpindle: let E,F,G, be pieces of wood, 4 or 5 inches
long each, and 2 inches fquare, fixed on the under
fides of the fpokes; in thefe pieces make holes length-
wife to receive the thin part of the blocks of the
wheels, which, when in, are prevented from coming
out by a fmall iron pin being run through the end of
each. K, L, M, are 3 vertical oftagon wheels, t8
inches diameter each : the blocks of thefe wheels muft
be long enough for 3 or 4 inches to reft on the table;
round which part drive a number of fharp points of
wire, which muft not projeft out of the blocks more
than i-16th of an inch : the ufe of thefe points is,
that, when the blocks run round, they will ftick in
the table, and help the wheels forward : if the naves
are made of ftrong wood, one inch will be enough
for the diameter of the thin part, which fhould be
made to turn ealy in the holes in the pieces E, F, G.
On the front of the wheels make 4 or 5 circles of
ftrong wire, or flat hoops, and tie on them as many
illuminations as they will hold at 2 inches from each
other : inftead of circles, you may make fpiral lines,
clothed with illuminations, at the fame diftance from
each other as thofe on the hoops. When illuminations
are fixed on a fpiral line in the front of a wheel, they
muft be placed a little on the flant, the contrary way
that the wheel runs: the cafes for thefe wheels may be
filled with any coloured charge, but muft burn only one
at a time.
The wheels being thus prepared, you muft have a
globe, crown, or Ipiral wheel, to put on the fpindle
in the middle of the table: this fpindle fhould be juft
long enough to raife the wheel of the globe, crown,
or fpiral wheel, fo high that its fire may play over the
3 vertical wheels : by this means their fires will not be
confufed, nor will the wheels receive any damage from
the fire of each other. In clothing this work, let the
leaders be fo managed, that all the wheels may light
together, and the illuminations after 2 cafes of each
wheel are burnt.
102. Illuminated Chandelier.
Illuminated works are much admired by the Ita¬
lians, and indeed are a great addition to a colleftion of
works : in a grand exhibition an illuminated piece
fhould be fired after every 2 or 3 wheels, or fixed pieces
of common and brilliant fires ; and likewife illumina¬
ted works may be made cheap, quick, and eafy.
To make an illuminated chandelier, you muft firft
have one made of thin wood. See fig. 8. The chan¬
delier
Sea. V. P Y R O T
Of Wheels, delier being made, bore In the front of the branches,
^c' and in the body, and alfo in the crown at top, as many
holes for illuminations as they will contain at 3 inches
diftance from each other: in thefe holes put illumina¬
tions filled with white, blue, or brilliant charge. Ha¬
ving fixed in the port-fires, clothe them with leaders,
fo that the chandelier and crown may light together.
The fmall circles on this figure reprefent the mouths
of the illuminations, which muft projefl ftraight from
the front.
103. Illutiiinated Yew-Tree.
First have a tree made of wood, fuch as is fhewn
Plate by bg. 9. The middle piece, or Item, on which
' the branches are fixed, muft be 8 feet 6 inches high :
at the bottom of this piece draw a line, at right angles,
2 feet 6 inches long at each fide ; then from L, which
is i foot 6 inches from the bottom, draw a line pn
each fide to C and D : thefe lines will give the length
of the 2 firft branches. Then put on the 2 top
branches parallel to them at bottom : let the length of
each of thefe branches be 1 foot from the ftem : from
the ends of thefe 2 branches draw a line to C and Q :
then fix on 5 more branches at an equal diftance from
each other, and their length will be determined by the
lines AC and ED. When the branches are fixed,
place illuminating port-fires on the top of each, as
many as you choofe : behind the top of the ftem faften
a gerbe, or white fountain, which muft be fired at the
beginning of the illuminations on the tree.
104. Flaming Stars with brilliant Wheels.
To make a flaming ftar, you muft firft have made a
circular piece of “ftrong wood about 1 inch thick and
2 feet diameter : round this block fix 8 points, 2 feet
6 inches long each ; 4 of thefe points muft be ftraight
and 4 flaming : thefe points being joined on very
ftrong, and even with the furface of the block, nail
tin or pafteboard on their edges, from the block to the
end of each, where they muft be joined : this tin muft
projedl in front 8 inches, and be joined where they
meet at the block; round the front of the block fix 4
pieces of thick iron wire, 8 inches long each, equally
diftant from each other: this being done, cut a piece
of pafteboard round, 2 feet diameter, and draw on it
a ftar, as may be feen in fig. 10. Cut out this ftar,
and on the back of it pafte oiled paper ; then paint
each point half red and half yellow, lengthwife ; but
the body of the ftar muft be left open, wherein muft
run a brilliant wheel, made thus: Have a light block
turned 9 inches long : at each end of it fix 6 fpokes ;
at the end of each fpoke put a 2-oz. cafe of brilliant
fire: thelength of thefe cafes muft be in proportion tothe
wheel, and the diameter of the wheel when the cafes are
on muft be a little lefs than the diameter of the body of
the fmall ftar; the cafes on the fpokes in front muft have
their mouths incline outwards, and thofe on the infide
fpokes muft be placed fo as to form a vertical circle of fire.
When you place your leaders, carry the firft pipe from the
tail of i of the cafes in front to the mouth of X of the
infide cafes, and from the tail of that to another in
front, and fo on to all the cafes. Your wheel being
made, put it on a fpindle, in tjie centre of the ftar ;
this fpindle muft have a fhoulder at bottom, to keep
the wheel at a little diftance from the block. " This
wheel muft be kept on the fpindle by a nut at the end;
having fixed on the wheel, fallen the tranfparent ftar
E C H N Y. 6573
to the 4 pieces of wire: when you fire it, you will Of Wheels,
only fee a common horizontal wheel ; but when the '
firft cafe is burnt out, it will fire one of the vertical
cafes, which will Ihow the tranfparent ftar, and fill
the large flames and points with fire ; then it will
again appear like a common wheel, and fo on for 12
changes.
105. Projeftcd regulated Piece of nine Mutations.
A regulated piece, if well executed, is as cu¬
rious as any in fire-works: it confifts of fixed and
moveable pieces on one fpindle, reprefenting various
figures, which take fire fucceffively one from another,
without any afliftance after lighting the firft muta¬
tion. See fig.11.
I. Names of the mutations, with the colour of fire
and fizeof the cafe belonging to each.
Firjl mutation is a hexagon vertical wheel,- il¬
luminated in front with fmall port-fires tied on the
fpokes.; this wheel muft be clothed with 2-oz. cafes,
filled with black charge ; the length of thefe cafes is
determined by the fize of the wheel, but muft burn
fingly.
Second mutation is a fixed piece, called a golden
glory, by reafon of the cafes being filled with fpur-fire.
The cafes muft ftand perpendicular to the block on
which they are fixed, fo that, when burning, they may
reprefent a glory of five. This mutation is generally
compofed of five or feven 2-oz. cafes.
Third mutation is moveable ; and is only an ofta-
gon vertical wheel, clothed with 4-oz. cafes, filled
with brilliant charge: 2 of thefe cafes muft burn at a
time. In this wheel you may make changes of fire.
Fourth mutation, is a fixed fun of brilliant fire,
confifting of 12 4-oz. cafes: the necks of thefe cafes
muft be a little larger than thofe of 4-oz. wheel-
cafes. In this mutation may be made a change of fire,
by filling the cafes half with brilliant charge, and half
with grey.
Fifth mutation, is a fixed piece,, called the porcu¬
pine's quills. This piece confifts of 12 fpokes, Hand¬
ing perpendicular to the block in which they are fix¬
ed ; on each of thefe fpokes, near the end, muft be
placed a 4-oz- cafe of brilliant fire. All thefe cafes
muft incline either to the right or left, fo that they
may all play one way.
Sixth ?nutation, is a ftanding piece, called the crofs
fire. This mutation confifts of 8 fpokes fixed in a
block ; near the end of each of thofe fpokes muft be
tied two 4-oz. cafes of white charge, one acrofs the
other, fo that the fires from the cafes on one fpoke may
interfedf the fire from the cafes on the other.
Seventh mutation, is a fixed wheel, with 2 circular
fells, on which are placed 16 8-ounce cafes of brilliant
fire, in the form of a ftar. This piece is called a fixed
far of wild-fire.
Eighth mutation. This is a beautiful piece, called
a brilliant far-piece. It confifts of 6 fpokes, which are
ftrengthened by 2 fells of a hexagon form, at fomedi-
fiance from each other : at the end pf each fpoke, in
the front, is fixed a brilliant ftar of 5 points ; and on
each fide of every ftar is placed a 4-oz. cafe of black
or grey charge: thefe .cafes muft: |ie, placed with
their mouths fidewife, fo that their fires may crofs each
other.
Ninth mutation, is a wheel-piece. This is ccmpofed
6.J74
Of Wheels, of 6 long fpokes, with a hexagon vertical wheel at the
&c' end of each; thefe wheels run on fpindles in the front
of the fpokes ; all the wheels are lighted together :
2 oz. cafe? will do for thefe wheels, and may be filled
with any coloured charge.
II. Proportions of the mutations, with themethod
of conveying the fire from one to the other, and the
difiance they Hand one from the other on the fpindle.
Firjl mutation, muft be a hexagon vertical wheel,
14 inches diameter; on one fide of the block, whofe
diameter is 2% inches, is fixed a tin barrel, A, (fee
Plate fig, ,j, no r<j This barrel muft be a little lefs india-
CCL" meter than the nave; let the length of the barrel and
block be 6 inches. Having fixed the cafes on the
wheel, carry a leader from the tail of the laft cafe in¬
to the tin barrel through a hole made on purpofe,
2 inches from the block ; at the end of this leader
let there be about 1 inch or 2 of loofe match ; but
take care to fccure well the hole wherein the pipe is
put, to prevent any fparks falling in, which would
light the iecond mutation before its time, and confufe
the whole.
Second mutation is thus made. Have a nave turned
2^- inches diameter, and 3 long; then let an inch of
that end which faces the firft wheel be turned fo as to
fit eafy into the tin barrel of the firft mutation, which
muft turn round it without touching. On the other end
of the block fix a tin barrel, B, n° 2. This barrel muft
be 6 inches long, and only half an inch of it to fit on
the block. Round the nave fix 5 fpokes, i-J- inch long
each ; the diameter of the fpokes muft be equal to a
2-oz. former. On thefe fpokes putfivey-inch 2-oz. cafes
of fpur-fire, and carry leaders from the mouth of one
to the other, that they may all light together. Then
from the mouth of one of the cafes, carry a leader thro’
a holed bored flantwife in the nave, from between the
fpokes, to the front of the block near the fpindle hole:
the end of this leader muft projeft out of the hole in¬
to the barrel of the firft mutation, fo that when the
pipe which comes from the end of the laft cafe on the
firft wheel flafhes, it may take fire, and light the 2d
mutation. To communicate the fire to the 3d muta¬
tion, bore a hole near the bottom of one of the 5 cafes
to the compofition, and from thence carry a leader in¬
to a hole made in the middle of the barrel B: this hole
muft be covered with pafted paper.
Third mutation, may be either an oftagon or
hexagon wheel, 20 inches diameter; let the nave be
3^ inches diameter, and ‘n length ; inch of the
front of the nave muft be made to fit in the bar¬
rel B. On the other end of the block fix a tin barrel,
C, N° 3. This barrel muft be 6\ inches in length, one
inch of which muft fit over the block. The cafes of
this wheel muft burn 2 at a time; and from the
mouths of the z firft cafes carry a leader, through
holes in the nave, into the barrel of the fecond muta¬
tion, after the ufual manner: but befides thefe leaders
let a pipe go acrofs the wheel from one firft cafe
to the other; than from the tail of one of the laft
.cafes carry a pipe into a hole in the middle of the
barrel C: at the end of this pipe let there be fome loofe
quick-match.
Fourth and fifth mutations. Thefe may be deferibed
under one head, as their naves are made of one piece,
which from E to F is 14 inches; E, a block 4 inches
Sea. V.
diameter, with to or t2 fhort fpokes, on which arc Of Wheels*
fixed xi-inch S-oz cafes: let the front of this block &c*
be made to fit eafy in the barrel C, and clothe the '
cafes fo that they may all light together; and let a
pipe be carried through a hole in the block into the
barrel G, in order to receive the fire from the leader
brought from the laft cafe on the wheel. G is the nave
of the 5th mutation, whofe diameter muft be 4-*- inches :
in this nave fix 10 or 12 fpokes i|- foot in length
each; thefe fpokes muft ftand 7 inches diftant from
the fpokes of the 4fh mutation ; and at the end of each
fpoke tie a 4-oz. cafe, as N° 5. All thefe cafes are to
be lighted together, by a leader brought from the end
of one of the cafes on N° 4. Let F and H be of the
fame piece of wood as E and G, but as much thinner
as poffible, to make the work light.
Sixth and feventh mutations. The blocks of thefe
2 mutations are turned out of one piece of wood, whofe
length from F to P is 15 inches. L, a block 5 inches
diameter, in which are fixed 8 fpokes, each 2 foot
4 inches long; at the end of each fpoke tie two 4-oz.
cafes, as N° 6. All thefc cafes muft be fired at the
fame time, by a pipe brought from the end of one of
the cafes on the 5th mutation. Let the diftance be¬
tween the fpokes arL, and thofe in the 5th mutation,
be 7 inches. M, the nave of the 7th mutation, whofe
diameter muft be inches: in this nave fix 8 fpokes,
and on the front of them 2 circular fells, one of 4 feet
8 inches diameter, and one of3 feet ri diameter; on
thefe fells tie 16 8-oz. or pound cafes as in N° 7. and
carry leaders from one to the other, fo that they may
be all fired together. This mutation muft be fired by
a leader brought from the tail of one of the cafes on
the 6th mutation.
Eighth and ninth mutations. The blocks of thefe
may be turned out of one piece, whofe length from P
to Dmuft be 12 inches. O, the block of the 8th muta¬
tion, which muft be 6 inches diameter ; and in it muft
be fixed 6 fpokes, each 3 feet in length, ftrengthened
by an hexagon fell within 3 or 4 inches of the ends of
the fpokes : clofe to the end of each fpoke, in the
front, fix a five-pointed brilliant ftar ; then 7 inches
below each ftar, tie two 10-inch 8 oz. cafes, fo that
the upper ends of the cafes may reft on the fells, and
their ends on the fpokes: Each of thefe cafes muft be
placed parallel to the oppofite fell: (fee N° 8.) NNN,
&c. are the cafes, and kkk, &c. the liars.
The 9th mutation is thus made. Let D be a block
7 inches diameter. In this block muft be ferewed 6
fpokes, 6 feet long each, with holes and grooves for
leaders, as thofe in the dodccaedron ; at the end of
each fpoke, in the front, fix a fpindle for a hexagon
vertical wheel, 10 inches diameter, as in N° 9. When
thefe wheels are on, carry a leader from each into the
block, fo that they may all meet; then lead a pipe
from the end of one of the cafes of the 8th mutation,
through a hole bored in the block I>, to meet the
leaders from the vertical wheels, fo that they may all
be fired together.
The fpindles for larger pieces are required to be
made very ftrong, and as exa6t as poffible : for a
piece of 9 mutations, let the fpindle be at the large
end 1 inch diameter, and continue that thicknefs as
far as the 7th mutation ; and thence to the 5th, let its
diameter be | of an inch; from the 5th to the 4th,
5-8th»
P Y R O T E C H N Y.
Sea. V. P Y R O T
.Of Wheels, 5-8th8 of an inch; from the 4th to the 2d. £.inch;
and from the 2d to the end, 3-8ths of an inch. At
*” the fmall end muft be a nut to keep on the firft ,wheel,
and at the thick end muft be a large nut, as fliown by
the figure 5 fo that the fcrew part of the fpindle being
put through a poft, and a nut fcrewed on tight, the
fpindle will be held faft and fteady ; but you are to
obferve, that that part of the fpindle on which the move-
able pieces are to run be made long enough for the
wheels to run eafy without flicking; the fixed pieces
being made on different blocks, the leaders muft be
joined, after they are fixed on the fpindle. The belt
method of preventing the fixed mutations from moving
on the fpindle is, to make that part of the fpindle
which goes through them fquare; but as it would be
difficult to make them fquare holes through fuch long
blocks as are fometimes required, it will be beft to
make them thus: Bore a hole a little larger than the
diameter of the fpindle; and at each end of the block,
over the hole, faften a piece of brafs with a fquare hole
in it to fit the fpindle.
106. Tip make an Horizontal Wheel change to a Verti¬
cal Wheel with a Sun in front.
The fudden change of this piece is very pleafing;
and gives great furprife to thofe who are not acquaint¬
ed with the contrivance. A wheel for this purpofe
fhould be about three feet diameter, and its fell circu¬
lar; on which tie 16 half-pound cafes filled with bril¬
liant charge: two of thefe cafes muft burn at a time;
and on each end of the nave muft be a tin barrel of
the fame conftru&ion as thofe on the regulated piece.
The wheel being completed, prepare the poft or (land
thus: Firft have a ftand made of any height, about
three or four inches fquare; then faw off from the top
a piece two feet long ; this piece join again at the
place where it was cut, with a hinge on one fide, fo
that it may lift up and down in the front of the ftand;
then fix on the top of the bottom-part of the ftand, on
each fide, a bracket; which brackets muft projed at
right angles with the ftand, one foot from the front, for
the ftiort piece to reft on. Thefe brackets muft be pla¬
ced a little above the joint of the poft, fo that when
the upper ftand falls, it may lie between them at right
angles with the bottom ftand: which may be done by
fixing a piece of wood, one foot long, between the
brackets, and even with the top of the bottom ftand;
then, as the brackets rife above the bottom ftand, they
will form a channel for the Ihort poft to lie in, and
keep it fteady without draining the hinge. On the fide
»f the fhort poft, oppofite the hinge, nail a piece of
wood, of fuch a length, that, when the poft is perpen¬
dicular, it may reach about 1.4- foot down the long poft ;
to which being tied, it will hold the fhort ftand up¬
right. The ftand being thus prepared, in the top of it
fix a fpindle 10 inches long : on this fpindle put the
wheel: then fix on a brilliant fun with a fingle glory;
the diameter of this fun muft be 6 inches lefs than that
of the wheel. When you fire this piece, light the wheel
firft, and let it run horizontally till four cafes are con-
fumed: then from the end of the fourth cafe carry
a leader into the tin barrel that turns over the end of
the ftand: this leader muft be met by another brought
through the top of the poft, from a cafe filled with a
ftrong port-fire charge, and tied to the bottom poft,
with its mouth facing the pack-thread which holds up
E C H N Y.
the ftand ; fo that when this cafe is lighted, it will <
burn the pack-thread, and let the wheel fall forward,,
by which means it will become vertical: then from the
laft cafe of the wheel, carry a leader into the barrel next
the fun, which will begin as foon as the wheel is burnt
out.
107. Grand Volute illuminated with a projefied Wheel
in front.
First have two hoops made of ftrong iron wire, one
of 6 feet diameter, and one of 4 feet 2 inches ; thefe
hoops muft be joined to fcrolls A, A, A, &c. as in
fig. 1. Thefe fcrolls muft be made of the fame fort
of wire as the hoops ; on thefe fcrolls tie, with iron¬
binding wire, as many illuminating port-fires as they
will hold, at two inches diftance; clothe thefe port-fires
with leaders, fo that they may all take fire together.
Then let C be a circular wheel of four fpokes, 3 feet 6
inches diameter; and on its fell tie as many 4-oz. cafes.,
head to tail, as will complete the circle, only allowing
a fufficient diftance between the cafes, that the fire may
pafs free; which maybe done by cutting the upper part
of the end of each cafe a little /helving: on each fpoke
fix a 4-oz. cafe, about three inches from the fell of the
wheel: thefe cafes are to burn one at a time, and the firft
of them to begin with thofe on the fell, of which four
are to burn at a time; fo that the wheel will laft no lon¬
ger than £ of the cafes on the fell, which in number
fhould be 16 or 20. On the front of the wheel form a
fpiral line with ftrong wire, on which tie port-fires,
placing them on a flant, with their mouths to face the
fame way as the cafes on the wheel : all thefe port-fires
muft be fired with the fecond cafes of wheel. Let
D, D, D, &c. be fpokes of wood, all made to fcrew
into a block in the centre ; each of thefe fpokes may
be in length about 4 feet 6 inches; in the top of each
fix a fpindle, and on each fpindle put a fpiral wheel of
8 fpokes, fuch as.E, E, E, &c. The blocks of thefe
wheels muft have a hole at top for the centre cafes,
and the fpindle muft have nuts fcrewed on their ends;
which nuts ftiould fit in the holes at top of the blocks,
fo that all the wheels muft be put on before you fix in
the centre cafes: as fome of thefe wheels, by reafon of
their fituaiion, will not bear on the nut, it will be ne-
ceffary to have fmooth fhoulders made on the fpindles
for the blocks to run on. The cafes of thefe wheels are
to burn double; and the method of firing them is, by
carrying a leader from each down the fpokes into the
block in the centre, as in the dodecaedron, but the
centre cafe of each wheel muft begin with the two laft
cafes as ufual. It is to be obferved, that the large cir¬
cular wheel in front muft have a tin barrel on its block,
into which a pipe muft be carried from one of the fe¬
cond cafes on the wheel; this pipe being met by ano¬
ther from the large block, in which the 8 fpokes are
fcrewed, will fire all the fpiral wheels and the illumi¬
nating port-fires at the Came time. The cafes of the
proje&ed wheel may be filled with a white charge, and
thofe of the fpiral wheels with a grey.
1.08. Moon and Seven Stars.
Let fig. 2. be a fmooth circular board 6 feet dia¬
meter: out of the middle of it cut a circular piece 12
or 14 inches diameter; and over the vacancy put white
Perfian filk, on which paint a moon’s face: then let
I, J, I, &c. be ftars, each 4 or 5 inches diameter, cut
out with five points, and covered with oiled filk: on
6$ 75
3f Wheels,
&c.
Plate
CCLh
65?6
Of Wheels, the front of the large circular board: draw a 7 pointed
   ftar, as large as the circle will allow; then on the lines
which form this (tar, bore holes, wherein fix pointed
ftars. When this cafe is to be fired, it muil be fixed
upon the front of a poft, on a fpindle, with a wheel of
brilliant fire behind the face of the moon : fo that,
while the wheel burns, the moon and ftars will appear
tranfparent; and when the wheel has burnt out, they
will difappcar, and the large ftar in front, which is
formed of pointed ftars, will begin, being lighted by a
pipe of communication from the laft cafe of the verti¬
cal wheel, behind the moon; this pipe muft be mana¬
ged in the fame manner as thofe in regulated pieces.
109. Double Cone- Wheel illuminatedi
Plate This piece is reprefented by fig. 3. Let A be a
CCLJ. ftrong decagon wheel, 2 feet 6 inches diameter; then
on each fide of it fix a cone B and C: theft cones are
to confift of a number of hoops, fupported by 3 or 4
pieces of wood, in the manner of the fpiral wheels. Let
the height of each cone be 3 feet 6 inches; and on all
the hoops tie port-fires horizontally, with their mouths
outwards, and clothe the wheel with S-oz. cafes, all to
play horizontally, two at a time: the cones may be
fired with the firft or fecond cafes. The fpindle for
this piece muft go through both the cones, and rife
three feet above the point of the cone at top; fo that
its length will be 10 feet 4 inches from the top of the
poft H, in which it is fixed, allowing four inches for
•the thicknefs of the block of the wheel. The whole
weight of the wheel and cones muft bear on a (houlder
in the fpindle, on which the block of the wheel muft
turn. Near the top of the fpindle muft be a hole in the
front., into which (crew a fmall fpindle, after the cones
are on : then on this fmall fpindle fix a fun, D, compo-
fed of fixteen 9-inch 4-oz. cafes of brilliant fire ; which
cafes muft not be placed on a fell, but only ftuck into
a block of 6 inches diameter : then in the front of this
fun muft be a circular vertical wheel, 16 inches diame¬
ter ; on the front of this wheel form with iron-wire a
fpiral line, and clothe it with illuminations after the
ttfual method. As this wheel is not to be fired till the
cones are burnt out, the method of firing it is thus:
Let the hole in the block, at the top of the uppermoft
cone, be a little larger than the fpindle which paffes
thro* it. Then, from the firft cafe of the vertical wheel
before the fun, carry a leader down the fide of the
fpindle to the top of the block of the horizontal wheel,
on which muft be a tin barrel: then this leader being
met by another brought from the end of the laft cafe
of the horizontal wheel, will give fire to the vertical
wheel fo foon as the cones are extinguiftred: but the
fun, D, muft not be fired till the vertical wheel is quite
burnt out.
110. Fire-Pumps.
Cases for fire-pumps are made as thofe for tourbil-
lons; only they are pafted, inftead of being rolled dry.
Having rolled and dried your cafes, fill them: firft put
in a little meal-powder, and then a ftar; on which ram
lightly a ladle or two of compofition, then a little
meal-powder, and on that a ftar, then again compofi¬
tion; and fo on till you have filled the cafe. Stars for
fire-pumps (hould not be round; but muft be made ei¬
ther fquare, or flat and circular, with a hole through
the middle: the quantity of powder for throwing the
$?irs piuft increafe as you come near the top of the
Sea. v.
cafe; for, if much powder be put at the bottom, it will Of Wheel*
burft the cafe. The ftars muft differ in fize in this &c*
manner: Let the ftar which you put in firft be about ""
£ lefs than the bore of the cafe; but let the next ftar
be a little larger, and the third ftar a little larger than
the fecond, and fo on : let them increafe in diameter
till within two of the top of the cafe, which two muft;
fit in tight. As the loading of fire-pumps is fomewhat
difficult, it will be neceffary to make two or three trials
before you depend on their performance: when you fill
a number of pumps, take care not to put in each an
equal quantity of charge between the ftars, fo that when
they are fired they may not throw up too many ftars
together. Cafes for fire-pumps fhould be made very
ftrong, and rolled on 4 or S oz. formers, lo or ifc.
inches long each.
in. V‘.rtical Scroll Wheel.
This wheel may be made of any diameter, but muft
be conftru&td as in fig. 4. to do which proceed thus:
Have a block made oY a moderate fize, in which fix
four flat fpokes, and on them fix a flat circular fell of
wood; round the front of this fell place port-fires;
then on the front of the' fpokes form a fcroll, either
with a hoop or ftrong iron wire ; on this fcroll tie cafes
of brilliant fire, in proportion to the wheel, head to
tail, as in the figure. When you fire this wheel, light
the firft cafe near the fell; then, as the cafes fire fuc-
ceffnely, you will fee the circle of fire gradually dimi-
nifh : but whether the illuminations on the fell begin
with the fcroll or not, is immaterial, that being left en¬
tirely to the maker.
N. B. This wheel may be put in the front of a re¬
gulated piece, or fired by itfelf, occafionally.
112. Pin-Wheels.
First roll fome paper pipes, about 14 inches long
each ; thefe pipes muft not be made thick of paper,
two or three rounds of elephant paper being fufficient.
When your pipes are thoroughly dried, you muft have
a tin tube 12 inches long, to fit eafy into the pipes;
at one end of this tube fix a fmall conical cup, which
cone is called a funnel; then bend one end of one of
the pipes, and put the funnel in at the other as far as
it will reach, and fill the cup with compofition : then
draw out the funnel by a little at a time, [baking it up
and down, and it will fill the pipe as it comes out. Ha¬
ving filled fome pipes, have fome fmall blocks made
about one inch diameter and half an inch thick : round
one of thefe blocks wind and pafte a pipe, and to the
end of this pipe join another ; which muft be done by
twitting the end of one pipe to a point, and putting it
into the end of the other with a little pafte: in this
manner join four or five pipes, winding them one upon
the other fo as to form a fpiral. line. Having wound
on your pipes, pafte two flips of paper acrofs them to
hold them together: befides thefe flips of paper, the
pipes muft be pafted together.
There is another method of making thefe wheels,
viz. by winding on the pipes without pafte, and
flicking them together with fealing-wax at every
half turn; fo that when they are fired, the end will
fall loofe every time the fire paffes the wax, by which
means the circle of fire will be confiderably increafed.
The formers for thefe pipes are made from i-y to
4-i6ths of an inch diameter; and the compofition for
then) is as follows: Meal-powder 8 oz. faltpetre zpz.
PYROTECHNY.
cr'/B?//‘ Icu^i '
Sea. V. P Y R O T
Different and fulphur I: among thefe ingredients may be mixed
Fireworks a ftcel*fi^ngs or the duft of caft iron: this com-
■ ■.ir_!0IJ5:poiition fhould be very dry, and not made too fine, or it
will (lick in the funnel. Thefe wheels may be fired on
a large pin, and held in the hand with fafety.
113. Fire-Globes.
There are two forts of fire-globes; one with pro-
jefted cafes; the other with the cafes concealed, thus:
Have a globe made of wood, of any diameter you
choofe, and divide the furface of it into 14 equal parts,
and at each divifion bore a hole perpendicular to the
centre: thefe holes muft be in proportion to the cafes
intended to be ufed: in every hole except one, put a
cafe filled with brilliant, or any other charge, and let
the mouths of the cafes be even with the furface of the
globe; then cut in the globe a groove, from the mouth
of one cafe to the other, for leaders, which muft be
carried from cafe to cafe, fo that they may all be fired
together; this done, cover the globe with a fingle pa¬
per, and paint it. Thefe globes may be ufed to or¬
nament a bulling.
Fire-globes with proje&ed cafes are made thus:
Your globe being made with 14 holes bored in it as
ufual, fix in every hole except one, a cafe, and let each
cafe projeft from the globe two thirds of its length ;
then clothe all the cafes with leaders, fo that they may
all take fire at the fame time. Fire-globes are fup-
ported by a pintle, made to fit the hole in which there
is no cafe.
j 14. To thread and join Leaders, and place them on
different •works.
Joining and placing leaders is a very eflential part
of fire-works, as it is on the leaders that the perform¬
ance of all complex works depends; for which reafon
the method of condufting pipes of communication
fhall be here explained in as plain a manner as
poffible. Your works being ready to be clothed,
proceed thus: Cut your pipes of a fufficient length to
reach from one cafe to the other; then put in the
quick-match, which muft always be made to go in very
eafy: when the match is in, cut it off within about an
inch of the end of the pipe, and let it projedt as much
at the other end; then faften the pipe to the mouth of
each cafe with a pin, and put the loofe ends of the
match into the mouths of the cafes, with a little meal-
powder: this done to all the cafes, pafte over the
mouth of each two or three bits of paper. The pre¬
ceding method is ufed for large cafes, and the follow¬
ing for fmall, and for illuminations: Firft thread a long
pipe ; then lay it on the tops of the cafes, and cCit a
bit of the under fide, over the mouth of each cafe, fo
that the match may appear: then pin the pipe to every
other cafe; but before you put on the pipes, put a little
meal-powder in the mouth of each cafe. If the cafes
thus clothed are port-fires on illuminated works, cover
the mouth of each cafe with a fingle paper; but if they
are choaked cafes, fituated fo that a number of fparks
from other works may fall on them before they are fi¬
red, fecure them with three or four papers, which muft
be palled on very fmooth, that there maybe no creafes
for the fparks to lodge in, which oft fet fire to the
works before their time. Avoid as much as poffible
placing the leaders too near, or one acrofs the other fo
as to touch, as it may happen that the flalh of one will
fire the other; therefore if your works ftvould be fo
Voi<° IX. 2
E C H N Y.
formed that the leaders muft crofs or touch, be fure to
make them very ftrong, and fecure at the joints, and at
every opening.
When a great length of pipe is required, it muft be
made by joining feveral pipes in this manner: Having
put on one length of match as many pipes as it will
hold, pafte paper over every joint; but, if a {till greater
length is required, more pipes muft be joined, by cut¬
ting about an inch off one fide of each pipe near the end,
and laying the quick-match together, and tying them
fall with fmall twine ; after which, cover the joining
with palled paper.
115. Placing Fire-works to be exhibited.
Nothing adds more to the appearance of fire-works
than the placing them properly ; though the manner
of placing them chiefly depends on the judgment of
the maker. The following are the rules gene¬
rally obferved, whether the works are to be fired
on a building or on Hands: If they are a double
fet, place one wheel of a fort on each fide of the
building J and next to each of them, towards the cen¬
tre, place a fixed piece, then wheels, and fo on; lea¬
ving a fufficient dillance between them for the fire to
play from one without burning the other. Having fix¬
ed fome of your works thus in front, place the reft be¬
hind them, in the centre of their intervals: The largell:
piece, which is generally a regulated or tranfparent
piece, muft be placed in the centre of the building, and
behind it a fun, which muft always Hand above all the
other works : A little before the building, or Hands,
place your large gerbes; and at the back of the works
fix your marron batteries, pots des aigrettes, pots dci
brins, pots des fauciffons, air-balloons, and flights of
rockets: The rocket Hands may be fixed behind, or any
where elfe, fo as not to be in the way of the works.
Single colleftions art fired on Hands; which Hands
are made in the fame manner as theodolite Hands, only
the top part muft be long or (hort occafionally: thefe
Hands may be fixed up very foon without much trou¬
ble.
13-
14.
15-
id.
17-
116. Order of Firing.
Two fignal
TioiLorarJ-k-
Four caduceus 3
?T»o5fpirTl},'h"1,illumi"at'd
j t tranfparent ftars
A line rocket of five changes
Four tourbillons
horizontal wheels
air balloons illuminated
■Two>i Chinefe fountains
regulating pieces of four mutations each
Lpots des aigrettes
Three large gerbes
A flight of rockets
7 rp C balloon wheels
5 WO 7cafca<ie8 °f bnffiant firc
Twelve flcy-rockets
7 T C illuminated yew trees
5 A wo 7 air balloons of ferpents, and 2 compound
Four tourbillons
• 7 rp C Fruiloni wheels
illuminated globes with horizontalwheels
}6 Z *5-
Different
Pieces of
Fireworks.
6578
Different
Pieces of
Pife works.
PYROTECHNY.
25'. One pot des fauciflbns
26. Two plural wheels
.27. Marron battery
28. Two chandeliei-s illuminated-
29. Range of pots des brina
30. Twelve flcy-rockets
31. Two yew-trees of fire
32. Neft. of ferpents
33. Two double cones illuminated
34. Regulating piece of feven mutations, ws..
1. Vertical wheel illuminated
2. Golden glory
3. Odlagou vertical wheel
4. Porcupine’s quills
5. Crofs fires
6. Star-piece with brilliant rays
7. Six vertical wheels
35. Brilliant fun
36. Large flight of rockets.
When water-works are to be exhibited, divide them
into feveral fets, and fire one. fet after every fifth or
fixth change of land and air-works. Obferve this rule in
firing a double fet.of works: Always begin with flty-
rockets, then two moveable pieces, then two fixed
pieces, and fo on; ending with a large flight of roc¬
kets, or a marron battery: if a fingle colleftion, fire a
fixed piece after every wheel or two, and now and then
fome air and water works.
117. Fountain of Sky-rockets.
Plate CCL. fig. 5. reprefents a fountain of 30
rockets. Let A be a perpendicular poll, 16 feet
high from the ground, and 4 inches fquare. Let the
rail, or crofs piece C, be 1 foot 6 inches long, 3 inches
broad, and 1 thick. The rail D, at bottom, mull be
6 feet long, 1 foot broad, and 1 inch thick. F and
G are the two fides which ferve to fupply the rails
D,E,H,I,C: thefe fides are 1 foot broad at bottom,
and cut in the front with a regular Hope, to 3 inches
at top ; but their back edges mull be parallel with the
front of the pots A. The breadth of the railsE,H,I,
will be determined by the breadth of.the fides: all the
rails mud be fixed at 2 feet diftance from each other,
and at right angles with the pots. Having placed the
rails thus, bore in the bottom rail 10 holes, at equal
diftances, large enough to receive the flick of a one-
pbund rocket: in the back edge of this rail cut a
groove from one end to the other, fit to contain a
quick-match ; then cut a groove in the top of the rail,
from the edge of each hole,. into the groove in the
back : in the fame manner cut is the fecond rail, E,
8 holes and grooves; in the third rail, H, 6 holes and
grooves; in the fourth rail, I, 4 holes and grooves ;
and in the top rail, 2 holes and grooves. B, a rail
v/ith holes in it to guide the ends of the rocket-flicks:
this rail mud be fixed 6 feet from the rail D, The
fountain frame being thus made, prepare your rockets
thus: Tie round the mouth of each a piece of thin
paper, large enough to go twice round, and to pro-
jeft about 1^ inch from the mouth of the rocket,
which muft be rubbed with wet mtal: powde-r; in the
mouth of each rocket put a leader, which fecure well
with the paper that projedts from the mouth of the
cafe : thefe leaders muft be carried into the grooves in
the back of the rails, in which lay a quick-match from
one end to the other, and cover it with palled paper;
Sea. V.
boles muft be made in the rail D, to receive the ends Different
of the flicks of the rockets, in the rail E, and fo on
to the fourth rail ; fo that the flicks of the rockets at„ 1
top will go through all the rails. The rockets being
fo prepared, fix a gerbe, or white flower-pot, on each
rail, before the poll, with their mouths inclining a
little forwards : thefe gerbes mud be lighted all at
once. Behind or before each gerbe, fix a cafe of bril¬
liant or flow fire: thefe cafes muft be filled fo that
they may burn out one after the other, to regulate
the fountain; which may be done by carrying a leader
from the end of each flow or brilliant fire, into the
groove in the back of each rail. Different fixed roc¬
kets may be ufed in thefe fountains: but it will be bed
to fill the heads of the rockets on each rail with diffe¬
rent forts of things, in this maner; thofe at top with
crackers, the next with rains, the third with ferpents,
the fourth with tailed ftars, and the laft flight with-
common or brilliant ftars.
118. Palm free.
This piece, tho’ made of common fires, and of a
fimple conftruftion, has a very pleafing effedt y owing
to the fires interfering fo often, that they refemblc
the branches of trees. Let A (fig. 6.) be a perpen¬
dicular poll, of any thicknefs, fo that it is fufficiently
ftrong to hold the cafes ; let the diftance from B to G
be 2 feet 6 inches, and C.to D 2 feet flinches, and
let the length of each crofs piece be 2 feet; on each
end of each fix a five-pointed ftar; then fix, on pegs
made on purpofe, ladnch half-pound cafes of brilliant
fire, as in the figure. All the cafes and ftars muft be
fired at once.. This piece fhould be fixed high from
the ground..
119. Illuminated Pyramid, 'with Archimedian Screwst
a Globe and vertical Sun,
May be of any fize. One made according tcv
the dimenfions of fig. 7. will be a good proportion,
whofe height is 21 feet; from C to D, 6 feet; from
E to F, 9 feet: the fpace between the rails muft be
6 inches, and the rails as thin as poflible : in all the
rails flick port-fires at 4 inches diftance. The Archi¬
median ferews, G,K, are nothing more than double
fpiral wheels, with the cafes placed on their wheels ho¬
rizontally inftead of obliquely. The vertical fun, I,
need not confift of more than 12 rays, fo form a fingle
glory. The globe at top muft be made in proportion
to the pyramid; which being prepared according to
the. preceding dire&ions, place your leaders fo that all
the illuminating portfires, ferews, globe, and fun, may
take fire together. The pyramid muft be fupported
by the two fides, and by a fupport brought from a pole,
which muft be placed two.feet from the back.of the
pyramid, that the wheels may run free.
120. Rofe-piece and Sun.
A rofe-piece may be ufed for a mutation of a regu¬
lated piece, or fired by itfelf: it makes the bell ap¬
pearance when made large ; if its exterior diameter be
6 feet, it will be a good fize. Fig. 8. (hows the man¬
ner it appears in before it is fired. Let the exterior,
fell be made of wood, and fupported by.4 wooden
fpokes: all the.other parts, on which the illuminations
are fixed, muft be made of ftrong iron wire : on the
exterior fell place as many half-pound cafes of brilliant
charge as you think proper, but the more the better;
for the nearer the cafes are placed, the ftronger will be
Sea. V. P Y R O T
Different the rays of the fun : the illuminations ihould be placed
Pieces of within 3 inches of each other: they muft all be fired
irewor together, and burn fome time before the fun is light¬
ed ; which may be done by carrying a leader from the
middle of one of the illuminations, to the mouth of one
of the fun cafes.
121. Tranfparent Stars ’with illuminated rays.
Plate CCLI. fig. 9. reprefents an illuminated ftar.
^X.et the diameter from A to B be 2 feet, and from C
to D 7 feet. Firft make a llrong circular back or bo¬
dy of the ftar, 2 feet diameter, to which you fix the
illuminated rays : in the centre of the front of the
body fix a fpindle, on which put a double triangular
wheel, 6 inches diameter, clothed with 2-ounce cafes
of brilliant charge ; the cafes on this wheel muft burn
but one at a time. Round the edge of the body nail a
hoop made of thin wood or tin : this hoop muft pro¬
ject in front 6 or 7 inches : in this hoop cut 3 or 4
holes to let out the fcnoke from the wheel. The flar
and garter may be cut out of ftrong pafteboard or tin,*
made in this manner: Cut a round piece of pafteboard,
or tin, 2 feet diameter, on which draw a ftar, and cut
it out } then over the vacancy pafte Perfian filk; paint
the letters yellow ; 4 of the rays yellow, and 4 red ;
the crofs in the middle may be painted half red and
half yellow, or yellow and blue. This tranfparent
ftar muft be faftened to the wooden hoop by a fcrew,
to take off and on; the illuminated rays are made of
thin wood, with tin fockets fixed on their fides with¬
in 4 inches of each other ; in thefe fockets flick illu¬
minating port-fires; behind the point of each ray fix
a half-pound cafe of grey, black, or Chinefe fire.
N. B. The illuminated rays to be lighted at the
fame time as the triangular wheel, or after it is burnt
out; which maybe done by a tin barrel being fixed to
the wheel, after the manner of tbofe in the regulated
pieces. Into this barrel carry a leader from the illu¬
minated rays, thro’ the back of the ftar; which leader
muft be met by another, brought from the tail of the
iaft'cafe on the wheel.
122. Tranfparent Talk Star illuminated.
Plate Fig. 1. reprefents a table ftar, whofe diameter, from
tCUI. £ to F, is 12 feet ; and from E to I, 4 feet. This
proportion, obferved on each fids, will make the centre
frame 4 feet fquare : in this fquare fix a tranfparent
ftar, as in the figure. This ftar may be painted blue,
and its rays made as thofe of the flaming ftars defcri-
bed before. The wheel for this ftar may be compofed
of different coloured fires, with a charge or two of flow
fire: the wheels a, a, a, a, may be cloathed with
any number of cafes, fo’that the ftar-wheel confift of
the fame; the illuminating port-fires, which muft be
placed very near each other on the frames, muft be fo
managed as to burn as long as the wheels, and lighted
at the fame time.
123. The regulated illuminated Spiral Piece, with a pro¬
jected Star- wheel illuminated.
This piece is reprefented by fig. 2, and is thus
made. Have a block made 8 inches diameter; in this
block fcrew 6 iron fpokes, which muft ferve for
fpindles for the fpiral wheels: thefe wheels are made
as ufual,each i\- foot diameter, and 3 feet in height :
the fpindles muft be long enough to keep thewheels.4
or 5 inches from one another : at the end of each
fpindle muft b.e a fcnew-nut, on which the wheels that
E C H N Y. 6579
hang downwards will run 5 and on the fpindles which Different
ftand upwards muft be a fhoulder, for the blocks of the Plcce$
wheels to run on. ^reworks.
The projected ftar-Vvheel muff turn on the fame
fpindle on which the large block is fixed : this fpindle
muft be long enough to allow the ftar-wheelto projedt
a little before the fpiral wheels : the exterior diame¬
ter of the ftar-wheel muft be 3 feet 5. On this wheel
fix 3 circles of non wire, and on them port-fires ; on
the block place a tranfparent ftar, or a large 5-point-
ed brilliant ftar. The cafes on this wheel may burn 4
at once, as it will contain near twice the number of
one of the fpiral wheels: the cafes on the fpiral wheels
muft be placed parallel to their fells, and burn two a
a time.
125. A Figure-piece illuminated with five-pointed
Stars.
The conftru&ion of this piece is very eafy, as fhown
by fig. 3. whofe diameter from B to C is 8 feet, and
■from D to F 2 feet: the vertical wheel in the centre
muft be 1 foot diameter, and confift of 6 four-ounce
cafes of different-coloured charge, which cafes muft:
burn double: on the frames fix 5-pointed brilliant or
blue ftars, rammed 4 inches with compofition: let
the fpace between each ftar be 8 inches; at each point
fix a gerbe, or cafe of Chinefe fire. When to be fi¬
red, let the gerbe, ftars, and wheel, be lighted at the
fame time.
125. The Star-wheel illuminated.
This beautiful piece is fhown by fig. 4. Its exte¬
rior fell is made of wood, 3 feet 6, or 4 feet diameter;
within this fell, form with iron wire 3 circles, one lefs
than the other, fo that the diameter of the leaft may be
about 10 inches: place the port-fires on thefe fells with
their mouths inclining outwards, and the port-fires on
the points of the ftar with their mouths projedting in
front: let the exterior fell be clothed with 4-ounce
cafes of grey charge : thefe cafes muft burn 4 at a
time, and be lighted atthefametimeastheilluminations.
126. Pyramid of Flower-pots.
Fig. 5. reprefents this curious piece, which muft
be made thus. Let the diftance from A to B be 6
feet; and from on^ rail to the other, 2 : on the bot¬
tom rail fix 5 paper mortars, each 3!- inches diame¬
ter ; thefe mortars load with ferpents, crackers, ftars,
&c.
In the centre of each mortar fix a cafe of fpur-fire:
on the fecond rail fix 4 mortars, fo as to ftand exadfly
in the middle of the intervals of them on the bottom
rail; on the third rail place 3 mortars; on the fourth,
2 ; and on the top of the pofts, 1 : the bottom rail
muft be 6 feet long: all the mortars muft incline a
little forwards, that they may eafily difeharge ; and
the fpur-fires- rammed cxadtly alike, that the mor¬
tars may all be fired at the fame time. Having pre¬
pared your pyramid according to the preceding direc¬
tions, carry pipes of communication from one fpur-fire
to the other.
127. The illurninated-Rcgulating Piece.
: Fig. 6. reprefents one half of this piece. A,A,
A,A, are flat wooden fpokes, each 5 feet long: at the
end of each place a vertical wheel, to inches diame¬
ter, -cloihed with 6 four-ounce cafes, of brilliant fire :
thefe cafes muft burn but t at a time : on two of the
fpokes of each wheel place 2 port fires, which muft be
^ 36 Z 2 lighted
6580 P Y R O T
Aquatic lighted with the ffrfl: cafe of the wheel; oa each fpoke
Birewflrks. A, A, &c. behiad the wheels, place 6 cafes of the
fame fize with thofeon the wheels: thefe cafes tnuft be
tied acrofs the fpokes with theip mouths all one way,,
and be made to take fire fuccefiively one after the
other, fothat they may affilt the whole pieces to turn
round.
The diameter of the wheel B muft be 24- feet} and
its fell made of wood, which muft be fixed to the large
fpokes : on this wheel place 24 cafes of the fame fort
with thofeon the fmall wheels; thefe cafes muft burn 4
at a time : in this wheel make 3 circles with iron wire,
and on them place illuminating port-fires, as in the fi¬
gure : the ftar-points on the large fpokes may be made
of thin a(h-hoops ; the diameter of thefe points clofe
to the centre-wheel muft be 11 inches: on thefe
points place port-fires, at 34 inches dittance one from
the other.
Fig. 7. reprefents the blocks of this piece. The
diameters of thefe blocks, at A and B, muft be 8
inches; and C and D, 44 inches : the length of each
of thefe blocks muft be <5 inches : at the fmall ends of
thefe blocks fix an iron wheel 5 inches diameter, which
wheels muft have teeth, to turn the wheel E : this
wheel is fixed on a fmall fpindle fcrewed into the large
fpindle, which goes thro’ the two blocks, and on which
they run.
Suppofing fig. 8. to be on the block A, in fig. 7.
and to turn to the right, and another piece of the
fame conftru&ion on the block B, with its fires placed
fo as to turn it to the left; you will find them move
very true and fall, by the help of the 3 iron wheels,
which ferve to regulate their motions, as well as to
alfift them in turning: let the iron circles in the front
of the great wheels be of different diameters, fo that
when fired there may appear 6 circles. When this
piece is fired, all the wheels and illuminations muft be
lighted at one time.
Sect. VI. Aquatic Fire-works.
Works that fport in the water are much efteemed
by moft admirers of fire-works, particularly water roc¬
kets ; and as they feem of a very extraordinary nature
to thofe who are unacquainted with this art, they me¬
rit a particular explanation.
128. Water Rockets.
May be made from 4 oz. to 2 lb. If larger, they are
, too heavy ; fo that it will be difficult to make them
keep above water without a cork float, which muft be
tied to the neck of the cafe; but the rockets will not
dive fo well with, as without floats.
Cafes for thefe are made in the fame manner and
proportion as flcy-rockets, only a little thicker of pa¬
per. When you fill thofe which are drove folid, put
in firft 1 ladle-full of flow fire, then 2 of the proper
charge, and on that 1 or 2 ladles of finking charge,
then the proper charge, then the finking charge again,
and fo on, till you have filled the cafe within 3 dia¬
meters ; then drive on the compofition 1 ladle-full of
clay ; through which make a fmall hole to the charge;
then fill the cafe, within 4 a diameter, with corn-
powder, on which turn down 2 or 3 rounds of the
cafe in the infide ; then pinch and tie the end very
tight; having filled your rocket*, (according to the
E C H N Y. Sed.
above dire&ions), dip their ends in melted rofin or Aquatic
fealing wax, or elfe fecure them well with greafe. ^reworks
When you fire thefe rockets, throw in 6 or 8 at a
time ; but, if you would have them all fink, or fwim,
at the fame time, you muft drive them with an equal
quantity of compofition, and fire them all together.
129. TV make Pipes of Communication^ <wich may be
ufed under Water.
Pipes for this purpofe inuft be a little thicker of
parper than thofe for land. Having rolled a fufficient
number of pipes, and kept them till dry, wa(h them
over with drying oil, and fet them to dry ; but when
you oil them, leave about 14 inch at each end dry,
for joints ; if they were oiled all over, when you come
to join them, the pafte would not flick where the
paper is greafy : after the leaders are joined, and the
paite dry, oil the joints. Thefepipes will lie many hours
under water, without receiving any damage.
130. Horizontal Wheels for the Water.
First get a large wooden bowl without a handle ;
than have an otftagon wheel made of a flat board
18 inches diameter, fo that the length of each fide
will be near 7 inches: in all the fides cut a groove'for
the cafes to lie in. This wheel being made, nail it
on the top of the bowl; than take 8 4 oz. cafes, filled
with a proper charge, each about 6 inches in length.
Now, to clothe the wheel with thefe cafes, get fome
whittilh-brown paper, and cut it into flips 4 or 5:
inches broad, and 7 or 8 long : thefe flips being parted
all over on one fide, take one of the cafes, and roll one
of the flips of paper about 14 inch on its end, fo that
there will remain about 24 inches of the paper hollow
from the end of the cafe: this cafe tie on one of the
fides of the wheel, near the corners of which muft be
holes bored, through which you put the packthread
to tie the cafes: having tied on the firft; cafe at the
neck and end, put a little meal powder in the hollow
paper ; then pafte a flip of paper on the end of another
cafe, the head of which put into the hollow paper on
the firft, allowing a fufficient diftance from the tail
of one to the head of the other for the parted paper
to bend without tearing : the fecond cafe tie on as you
did the firft : and fo on with the reft, except the laft,
which muft be clofed at the end, unlefs it is to com¬
municate to any thing on the top of the wheel, fuch
as fire-pumps or brilliant fires, fixed in holes cut in
the wheel, and fired by the laft or fecond cafe, as the
fancy diredis : 6, 8, or any number, may be placed
on the top of the wheel, provided they be not too
heavy for the bowl.
Before you tie on the cafes, cut the upper part of
all their ends, except the laft, a little fhelving, that
the fire from one may play over the other, without
being obftrudled by the cafe. Wheel-cafes have no
clay drove in their ends, nor pinched, but are always
left open, only the laft, or thofe which are not to lead
fire, which muft be well fecured.
131. Water Mines.
For thefe mines you muft: have a bowl with a wheel
on it, made in the fame manner as the water-wheel;
only in its middle there muft be a hole, of the fame
diameter you defign to have the mine. Thefe mines
are tin pots, with ftrong bottoms, and a little more
than 2 diameters it) length ; your mine muft be fixed
sa. vr. P Y R G T
Aquatic in the hole ifl the wheel, with its bottom refting on
Fireworks. tjje |j0wl; then loaded with ferpents, crackers, liars,
* fmall water-rockets, &c. in the fame manner as pots
of aigrettes ; but in their centre fix a cafe of Chinefe
fire, or a fmall gerbe, which mull be lighted at the
beginning of the laft cafe on the wheel. Thefe wheels
are to be clothed as ufual.
132. Fire-Globes fir the Water.
Bowls for water-globes mull be very large, and the
wheels on them of a decagon form: on each fide of
which nail a piece of wood 4 inches long ; and on the
outfide of each piece cut a groove, wide enough to
receive about £ of the thicknefs of a 4-oz. cafe :
thefe pieces of wood mull be nailed in the middle of
each face of the wheel, and fixed in an oblique direc¬
tion, fo that the fire from the cafes may incline up¬
wards : the wheel being thus prepared, tie in each
groove a 4-oz. cafe, filled with a grey charge ; than
carry a leader from the tail of one cafe to the mouth
©f the other.
Globes for thefe wheels are made of 2 tin hoops,,
with their edges outwards, fixed one within the other,
at right angles. The diameter of thefe hoops muft be
fomewhat lefs than that of the wheel. Having made
a globe, drive in the centre of a wheel an iron fpindle,
which muft Hand perpendicular, and its length 4 or 6
inches more than the diameter of the globe.
This fpindle ferves for an axis, on which the globe
is fixed, which, when done, muft Hand 4 or 6 inches
from the wheel: round one fide of each hoop muft be
fbldered little bits of tin, 2-^ inches difiance from each
other; which pieces muft be 2 inches in length each,
and only fattened at one end, the other ends being left
loofe, to turn round, the fmall port fires, and hold
them on : thefe port-fires muft be made of fuch a
length, as will laft out the cafes on the wheel. You
are to obferve, that there need not be any port-fires
at the bottom of the globe within 4 inches of the
fpindle ; for, if there were, they would have no effedl,
but only burn the wheel: all the port-fires muft be
placed perpendicular from the centre of the globe,
with their mouths outwards ; and muft all be clothed
with leaders, fo as all to take fire with the fecond cafe
of the wheel; which cafes muft burn two at a time,
one oppofite the other. When two cafes of a wheel be¬
gin together, two will end together; therefore the two
oppofite end cafes muft have their ends pinched and
fccured from fire. The method of firing fuch wheels
is, by carrying a leader from the mouth of one of the firft
cafes to that of the other; which leader being burnt
through the middle, will give fire to both at the fame
time.
133. Odoriferous IVater Balloons.
These balloons are made in the fame manner as
air-balloons, but very thin of paper, and in diameter
inch, with a vent of -J-inch diameter. The fliells
being made, and quite dry, fill them with any of the
following compofitions, which muft be rammed in
tight: tbefe balloons mull be firedat the vent, and
put into a bowl of water. Odoriferous works are
generally fired in rooms.
Compojition I. Saltpetre 2 Oz, flour of fulphur Toz.
camphor \oz. yellow amber cbarcoal-duft ^oz.
flour of benjamin or affa odoraU i oz. all powdered
very fine and well mixed.
E C H N Y. 6581
II. Saltpetre 12 oz. meal-powder 3 02; frankin- Aquatic
cenfe 1 oz. myrrh ^oz. camphor 4-oz. charcoal 3 oz. Fireworkf\
all moiftened with the oil of fpike.
III. Saltpetre 2 oz. fulphur 4-oz. antimony 4 oz.
amber 4<>z. cedar rafpings^oz* all mixed with the
oil of rofes and a few drops of bergamot.
IV. Saltpetre 4 oz. fulphur 1 oz. faw-duft of ju¬
niper 4 oz. faw-duft of cyprefs 1 oz. camphor 4 oz,
myrrh zdrams, driedrofemary 4-oz. cortex elaterii4oZ.
all moiftened a little with the oil of roles.
N. B. Water rockets may be made with any of the
above compofitions, with a little alteration, to make
them weaker or ftronger, according to the fize of the
cafes.
134. Water Balloons.
Having made fome thin paper-fhells, of what diame-
ter you pleafe, fill fome with the compofition for water
balloons, and fome after this manner: Having made
the vent of the {hells pretty large, fill them almoft full
with water rockets, marrons, fquibs, &c. Then putin
fome blowing powder, fufficient to burft the (hells; and
afterwards fix in: the vent a water-rocket, long enough
to' reach the bottom of the fhell, dnd its neck to pro¬
ject a little out of the vent; this rocket muft be opeit
at the end, to fire the powder in the fhell, which will
burft the fhell, and difperfe the fmall rockets, &c. in the
water. When you have well fecured the large rocket
in the vent of the fhell, take a cork float with a hole
in its middle, which fit o*er the head of the rocket, and
fallen it to the fhell: this float muft be large enough
to keeep the balloon above water.
135. Water Squibs,
Are generally made of i-oz. ferpent cafes 7 or S
inches long, filled two thirds with charge, and the re¬
mainder bounced. The common method of firing them-
is this: Take a water-wheel, with a tin mortar in its
centre, which load with fquibs after the ufual method ;
but the powder in the mortar muft be no more than
will juft throw the fquibs out (eafily into the water) :-
you may place the cafes on the wheel cither obliquely
or horizontally; and on the top of the wheel, round
the mortar, fix fix cafes of brilliant fire, perpendicular
to the wheel: thefe cafes mnft be fired at the beginning
of the iaft cafe of the wheel, and the mortar at the
eonclufion of the fame.
136. A Sea Fight 'with fmall Ships, and to prepare a
Fire Jhip fir it.
Having procured'four or five fmall fhips, of two or
three feet in length, (or as many as you defign to fight),
make a number of fmall reports, which are to ferve for
guns. Of thefe range as many as you pleafe on each
fide of the upper decks; then at the head and flern of
each (hip fix a z oz. cafe, 8 inches long, filled with a
flow port fire receipt; but take care to place it in fuch
a manner that the fire may fall in the water, and not
burn the rigging: in thefe cafes bore holes at unequal
diftances from one another, but make as many in each
cafe as half the number of reports, fo that om- cafe may
fire the guns on one fide, and the other thofe on the
oppofite. The method of firing the guns is, by car¬
rying a leader from the holes in the cafes to the re¬
ports on the decks; you muft make thefe leaders very
fmall, and be careful in calculating the burning of the
flow-fire in the regulating cafes, that more than two^
giuw be not fited at a time.- When you would have a
broad-
6582 P Y R O T
Aquatic broadfide given, let a leader be carried to a cracker,
Fireworks. p]acec] on the outfide of the fliip; which cracker muft
be tied loofe, or the reports will be too flow: in all
the fliips put artificial guns at the port-holes.
Having filled and bored holes in two port-fires for
regulating the guns in one fhip, make all the reft ex-
aftly the'fame; then, when you begin the engagement,
light one fliip firft, and fet it a failing, and fo on with
the reft, fending them out fingly, which will make them
fire regularly, at different times, without confufion j
for the time between the firing of each gun will be
equal to that of lighting the flow fires.
The fire-ftiip may be of any fize ; and need not be
very good, for it is always loft in the atftion. To pre¬
pare a fliip for this purpofe, make a port-fire equal in
fize with thofe in the other fhips, and place it at the
iiern; in every port place a large port-fire, filled with
a very ftrong compofition, and painted in imitation of
a gun, and let them all be fired at cnee by a leader
from the flow fire, within two or three diameters of its
bottom ; all along both fides, on the top of the upper
deck, lay ftar-compofition about half an inch thick
and one broad, which muft be wetted with thin fize,
then primed with meal-powder, and fecured from fire
by palling paper over it; in the place where you lay
this cpmpofitton, drive fome little tacks with flat heads,
to hold it faft to the deck : this muft be fired juft after
the fham guns, and when burning will fhow a flame all
round the ftiip.: at the head take up the decks, and
put in a .tin mortar loaded with crackers, which mor¬
tar muft be fped by a pipe from the end of the flow
fire; the firing of this mortar will fink the fhip, and
make a pretty conclufion. The regulating port-fire of
this fhip muft be lighted at the fame time with the firft
'fighting fhip.
Having prepared all the fliips for fighting, we fhall
next proceed with the management of them when on
the water. At one end of the pond, juft under the futL*
face of the water, fix two running blocks, at what di-
itance you choofe the fhips fhould fight; and at the
other end of the pond, oppofite to each of thefe blocks,
under the water, fix a double block; then on the land,
by each of the double blocks, place two fmall wind-
laffes; round one of them turn one end of a fmall cord,
and the other end put through one of the blocks; then
carry it through the Angle one at the oppofite end of
the pond, and bring it back through the double block
again, and round the other windlafs: to this cord, near
the double block, tie as many fmall firings as half the
number of the fliips, at what diftance you think pro¬
per; but thefe firings muft not be more than two feet
each : make faft the loofe end of each to a fhip, juft
under- her bow-fprit ; but if tied to the'keel, or too
near the water, it will overfet the fliip. H ilf the fhips
being thus prepared, near the other double block fix
two more windlafles, to which fallen a cord, and to it
tie the other half of the fliips as before: when you fire
the fliips, pull in the cord with one of the windlafles,
to get all the fliips together; and when you have fet
fire to the firft, turn that windlafs which draws them out,
and fo on with the reft, till they are all out in the
middle of the pond; then by turning the other wind-,
lafs, you will draw them back again; by which method
you may make them change fides, and tack about
backwards and forwards at pleafure. For the fire-fhip}
E C H N Y. Sea. VI,
fix the blocks and windlafles between the others, fo Aquatic
that when fhe fails out, (he will be between the other Flrcwork?* f
. ftiips: you muft not let this ftiip advance till the guns 1
at her ports take fire.
137. To fire Sky-rockets under rvater.
You muft have ftands made as ufual, only the rails
muft be placed flat inftead of edgewife, and have holes
in them for the rocket flicks to go through ; for if
they were hung upon hooks, the motion of the water
would throw them off: the Hands being made, if the
pond is deep enough, fink them at the fides, fo deep,
that, when the rockets are in, their heads may juft ap¬
pear above the furface of the water; to the mouth of j
each rocket fix a leader, which put through the hole
with the flick; then a little above the water muft be a
board, fupported by the fland, and placed along one
fide of the rockets ; then the ends of the leaders are
' turned up through holes made in this board, exadtly
oppofite the rockets. By this means you may fire them
fingly or all at once. Rockets may be fired by this
method in the middle of a pond, by a Neptune, a fwan,
a water-wheel, or any thing elfe you ehoofe.
138. To reprefent Neptune in his Chariot.
To do this to perfe&ion, you muft have a Neptune
made (made of wood, or bafket work) as big as life,
fixed on a float large enough to bear his weight ; on
which muft b« two horfes heads and necks, fo as to
feem fwimming, as ftiown by fig. 11. For the wheels Plate i
of the chariot, there muft be two vertical wheels
black fire, and on Neptune’s head a horizontal wheel
of brilliant fire, with all its cafes, to play upwards.
When this wheel is made, cover it with paper or pafte-
board, cut and painted like Neptune’s coronet; then
let the trident be made without prongs, but inftead of
them, fix three cafes of a weak grey charge, and on
each horfe’s head put an 8-oz. cafe of brilliant fire,
and on the mouth of each fix a fhort cafe, of the fame
diameter, filled with the white-flame receipt, enough to
laft out all the cafes on the wheels: thefe fhort cafes
muft be open at bottom, that they may light the bril¬
liant fires; for the horfes eyes, put fmall port-fires, and
in each noftril put a fmall cafe filled half with grey
charge, and the reft with port-fire compofition.
If Neptune is to give fire to any building on the
water; at his firft fetting out, the wheels of the chariot,
and that on his head, with the white flames on the
horfes heads, and the port-fires in their eyes and no-
flrils, muft all be lighted at once; then from the bot¬
tom of the white flames carry a leader to the trident.
As Neptune is to advance by the help of a block and
cord, you muft manage it fo as not to let him turn
about, till the brilliant fires on the horfes and the tri¬
dent begin ; for it is by the fire from the horfes,
(which plays almoft upright) that the building, or
work, is lighted; which muft be thus prepared. From
the mouth of cafe which is to be firil fired, hang fome
loofe quick-match to receive the fire from the horfes.
When Neptune is only to be fhown by himfslf, with¬
out fetting fire to any other works; let the white flames
on the. horfes be very (hort, and not to laft Ipnger than
one cafe of each wheel, and let two cafes of each wheel
burn at a time.
139. Sivans and Ducks in nuater.
If you would have the fwans or ducks difcharge
rockets into the water, they muft be made hollow, and
of
Sea. VI, P Y R O T
Aquatic of paper, and filled with ftnall water rockets, with fome
Fireworks, blowing powder to throw them out: but if this is not
done, they may be made of wood, which will laft many
times. Having made and painted fome fwans, fix them
on floats : then in the places where their eyes fhould
be, bore holes two inches deep, inclining downwards,
and wide enough to receive a fmall port-fire ; the port¬
fire cafes for this purpofe muft be made of brafs, two
inches long, and filled with a flow bright charge. In
the middle of one of thefe cafes make a little hole;
then put the port-fire in the eye-hole of the fwan, lea¬
ving about half an inch to projed out; and in the other
eye put another port-fire, with a hole made in it: then
in the neck of the fwan, within two inches of one of
the eyes, bore a hole flantwife, to meet that in the
port-fire; in this hole put a leader, and carry it to a
water-rocket, that muft be fixed under the tail with its
mouth upwards. On the top of the head place two
i-oz. cafes, 4 inches long each, drove with brilliant
fire; one of thefe cafes muft incline forwards, and the
other backwards: thefe muft be lighted at the fame
time as the water-rocket; to do which, bore a hole be¬
tween them in the top of the fwan’s head, down
to the hole in the port-fire, to which carry a lead¬
er: if the fwan is filled with rockets, they muft be fi¬
red by a pipe from the end of the water-rocket under
p Y R
PYROTICS, in medicine, cauftics, or remedies ei¬
ther a&ually or potentially hot; and which accordingly
will burn theflefli,and raife an efchar. See Caustics.
PYRRHICHA, in antiquity, a kind of exercife on
horfe-back, or a feigned combat, for the exercife of
the cavalry.
It was thus called from its inventor Pyrrhichus, or
Pyrrhus of Cydonia, who firft taught the Cretans to
march in meafure and cadence to battle, and to ob-
ftrve the pace of the Pyrrhic foot.—Others derive the
name from Pyrrhus the fon of Achilles, who in-ftitu-
ted this exercife at the obfequies of his father.. Ari-
ftotle fays, that it was Achilles himfelf who invented it.
The Romans alfo called it Indus Trojanus, the
“ Trojan game;” and Aulus Gellius, decurfus.—It
is doubtlefs this exercife that we fee reprefented on me¬
dals by two cavaliers in front running with lances, and
the word dscurfio in the exergum.
PYRRHICHIUS, in the Greek and Latin poetry,
a foot confifting of ; two fyllables, both fliort;—as,
Deus.—Among the ancients this foot is alfo called pe-
riambus ; by others, , kegemona.
PYRRHO, a Greek philofopher, born at Elis in
Peloponnefus, flourilhed about 300 B. C. He was the
difciple of Anaxarchus, whom he accompanied as far
as India. He had made painting his profeffion, before
be devoted himfelf to the ftudy of philofophy. He
eftablifhed. a fetV whofe fundamental principle was,
That there is nothing true or falfe, right or wrong,
honeft or diflioneft, juft or unjuft; or that there is no
ftandard of any thing beyond law or cuftom, and that
uncertainty and doubt belong to every thing. From
this continual feeking after truth and never finding it,
the fed! obtained the name of Sceptics or Pyrrhoni*nsr
from the founder.
PYRRHUS, the name of two kings of Epirus.
S:ee that article.
E C H N Y. 6583
the tail. When you fet the fwan a fwimming, light Aquatic
the two eyes, Fireworks-
140. Water Fire-fountains.
To make a fire-fountain, you muft firft have a float
made of wood, three feet diameter; then in the middle
fix a round perpendicular poll, four feet high, and two
inches diameter; round this poll fi* three circular
wheels made of thin wood, without any fpokes. The
largeft of thefe wheels muft be placed within two or
three inches of the float, and muft -be nearly of the fame
diameter. The fecond wheel muft be 2 feet 2 inches
diameter, and fixed at two feet diftance from the firft.
The third wheel muft be 1 foot 4 inches diameter, and
fixed within fix inches of the top of the poll: the
wheels being fixed, take 18 four or eight oz. cafes of
brilliant fire, and place them round the firft wheel with
their mouths outwards, and inclining downwards; on
the fecond wheel place 13 cafes of the fame, and in the
the fame manner as thofe on the firft; on the third,
place 8 more of thefe cafes, in the fame manner as be¬
fore, and on the top of the poft fix a gerbe; then
clothe all the cafes with leaders, fo that both they and
the gerbe may take fire at the fame time. Before you
fire this work, try it in the water to fee if the float is
properly made, fo as to keep the fountain upright.
P Y R
PYRRHONIANS, a fed of ancient philofophersj
the followers of the dodrines of Pyrrho. See the
preceding article.
PYRUS, the pear-tree ; a genus of the penta-
gynia order, belonging to the icofandria. clafs of
plants. To this genus Linnaeus has joined the apple
and quince ; but, on account of the remarkable diffe¬
rence between the fruits, the laft is treated under the
article Cydonia. The other fpecies are,
1. The communis, or common pear-tree, rifes with
an upright large trunk, branching 30 or 40 feet high, .
in fome widely around, in others more eredly, and
forming a conical head ; oval, lanceolated, ferrated
leaves, and corymbous clufters of white flowers from-
the fides of the branches, fucceeded by large fruit ex¬
tended at the bafe. Under this fpecies are compre¬
hended almoft endlefs varieties, all bearing the above
defcription. They bear their flowers and fruit upoa
fpurs, arifing from the fides of the branches from two
or three years old and upwards; the fame branches
and fpurs continuing fruitful for a great number of
years. The different varieties furnilh fruit for ufe from
the beginning of July till the months of May and June
next year ; which, according to their times of ripening,
may be divided into three claflcs, fummer-pears, au¬
tumn pears, and winter pears. The fummer pears
ripen in different forts from the beginning of July un¬
til the middle or end of September, and are generally
fit to eat from the tree, oral leaft do not keep a week
or two before they rot. The autumn pears come to
their perfection in October, November, and Decem¬
ber ; fome ripening nearly on the tree in October and
the beginning of November, others requiring to lie
fome time in the fruitery, while fome will keep two-
months: but all the winter-pears, though they attain
their full growth on the tree by the end of October
and in November, yet they do not acquire perfection
P Y R [ 6584 ] P Y R
Pyrus. for eating till from the end of November to April and
May. Thofe of each clafs have different properties ;
fome being melting, others breaking, fome mealy, and
fome hard and aullere fit only for kitchen ufes. As
many of the fineft forts were firft obtained from France,
they are ftill continued in moft catalogues by French
names.
2. The mains, or common apple-tree, grows 20 or
30 feet high, having oval ferrated leaves, and feffile
Umbels of whitifh red flowers, fucceeded by large,
roundifh, and oblong fruit, concave at the bafe. The
varieties of this fpecies are amazingly great with re-
fpe& to the difi'erences of the fruit. The botanifts
contend, that the wilding, or crab-apple of the woods
and hedges, is the original kind, and from the feeds
of which the cultivated apple was firft obtained. The
varieties of this laft no doubt are multiplied to fome
hundreds in different places, having been all firft acci¬
dentally obtained from the feed or kernels of the
fruit, and the approved forts continued and increafed
by grafting upon rtabs or any kind of apple-docks :
but although the number of varieties is very confider-
able, there are not above 40 or 50 forts retained in the
nurferymens catalogue. Thefe varieties arrive at full
growth in fucceflive order from July to the end of Oc¬
tober, improve in perfeff ion after being gathered, and
feveral of the winter kinds in particular keep good for
many months, even till the arrival of apples next fum-
mer.
3. The coronaria, or fweet-fcented crab of Virgi¬
nia, grows 12 or 15 feet high, having angular, ferra¬
ted leaves, pedunculated umbels of whitifh-red, fweet-
fcented flowers, fucceeded by fmall round crabs, re¬
markably four and auftere. There is one variety, call¬
ed the evergreen Virginian crab-tree.
Culture. All the varieties of the pear-tree are
hardy, and will fucceed in any common foil of a gar¬
den or orchard. They are propagated by grafting
and budding upon any kind of pear-ftocks; alfo oc-
cafionally upon quince-ftocks, and fometimes upon
, white-thorn flocks ; but pear-ftocks are greatly prefe¬
rable to all others for general ufe.—All kinds of
apples are propagated in the fame manner; ufing
apple-ftocks inftead of pear-ftocks. They will fucceed
in any common foil of a garden or orchard, and in
any free fituation except in a low and very moift
foil, in which they are apt to canker, and very foon go
off. In a liable loam they are generally very fuccefsful.
PYTHAGORAS, a moft celebrated philofopher
of Samos, was born about 590 years before Chrift, and
flourifhed in the time of Tarquin the laft king of
Rome. He travelled for knowledge to Egypt, Ba¬
bylon, and various parts of Greece; but fettled at
Croton in Italy, where he opened a fchool that was
frequented from all parts. After the manner of the
Egyptians, he inculcated his do&rines by fymbols. He
forbad the eating of flelh, taught the tranfmigration
of fouls, made confiderable difcoveries in arts and
fciences, and delivered a great variety of precepts for
civil and political conduft. His maxims of morality
were admirable ; for he was for having the ftudy of
philofophy folely tend to elevate man to a refemblancc
of the Deity. He believed that God is a foul diffufed
through all nature, and that from him human fouls are
derived ; that they are immortal, and that men need Pyrus
only take pains to purge themfelves of their vices, in II.
order to be united to the Deity. He made unity the Pythian’
principle of all things; and believed, that between
God and man there are various orders of fpiritual be¬
ings, who are the minifters of the Supreme Being. He
condemned all images of the Deity, and would have
him worfhipped with as few ceremonies as pofEble.
His difciples brought all their goods into a common VV
flock, contemned the pleafures of fenfe, abftained from
fwearing, eat nothing that had life, and believed in the
dodrine of a metempfychofis. See the article Metemp-
syc hosts.
' Pythagoras made his fcholars undergo a fevere no¬
viciate of filence for at leaft two years ; and it is faid,
that, where he difcerned too great an itch for talking,
he extended it to five : his difciples were therefore di¬
vided into two claffes, of which the firft were Ample
hearers, and the laft fuch as were allowed to propofe
their difficulties, and learn the reafons of all that was
taught there. The Pythagoreans, it is faid, on their
rifing from bed, roufed the mind with the found of the
lyre, in order to make them more fit for the aftionsof
the day ; and at night refumed the lyre, in order to
prepare themfelves for fleep, by calming all their tu¬
multuous thoughts. The figurative manner in which
he gave his inftru&ions, was borrowed from the He¬
brews, Egyptians, and other orientals. Some think
he derived his philofophy from the books of Mofes,
and that he converfed with Ezekiel and Daniel at Ba¬
bylon : but this is mere conjefture.
The circumftances of his death are varioufly related.
Some fay that he was burnt at Milo’s houfe at Groto-
na, together with his difciples. Others fay that he
efcaped from the flames; and, being purfued out of . -
the city, flopped in a field of beans, and chofe rather
to be killed than open his mouth. Dicaearchus fays,
that he fted to the temple of the Mufes at Metapontus,
where he died of hunger. Others affert that he was
killed, with all his difciples, by the Agrigentines. Ar-
nobius affirms, that he was burnt alive in a temple,
&c. But Juftin feems to infinuate, that after his ha¬
ving lived 20 years at Crotona, he died in peace in a
very advanced age at Metapontum, to which city he
had retired. His memory was held in fuch veneration,
that his houfe wa» converted into a temple, and he was
honoured as a god.
Some authors fay, that he left nothing in writing ;
but Laertius and others attribute feveral treatifes to
him. His golden verfes, attributed by fome to one
of his difciples, are allowed to be an exaft copy of
the fentiments of that divine philofopher, from whofe
fchool proceeded the greateft philofophers and legi-
flators.
PYTHAGOREANS, a fe& of ancient philofo¬
phers, fo called from being the followers of Pythago¬
ras. See the preceding article.
PYTHIA, in antiquity, the prieftefs of the temple
of Apollo at Delphos, who delivered the oracles. See
Oracle.
PYTHIAN games, in Grecian antiquity, fports
inftituted near Delphos in honour of Apollo, on ac¬
count of his flaying the ferpent Python. See Apol-
10.—Thefe game?, at their firft inftitution, were ce¬
lebrated
Python
Quaflrans.
P Y T [ 6585 1 P Y T
lebrated only once in nine years; but afterwards
every fifth year, from the number of the Parnaffian
nymphs who came to congratulate Apollo, and to make
him prefents on his vi&ory. The viftor was crowned
with garlands,
PYTHON, in fabulous hiftory, a monftrous fer-
pent, produced by the earth after Deucalion’s deluge.
Juno being exafperated at Latona, who was beloved
by Jupiter, commanded this ferpent to deitroy her;
but flying from the purfuit of the monfier, fhe efcaped
to Delos, where (he was delivered of Diana and A-
pollo, the latter of whom at length deftroyed Python
with his arrows, in memory of which vi&ory the Py¬
thian games were inftituted. See Apollo.
CL
, or q, the 16th letter and 12th confonant of
V^^dur alphabet; but is not to be found either in
the Greek, old Latin, or Saxon alphabets ; and in¬
deed fome would entirely exclude it, pretending that
k ought to be ufed wherever this occurs. However, as
it is formed in the voice in a different manner, it is
undoubtedly a diftinft letter: for, in expreffing this
found, the cheeks are contracted; and the lips, particu¬
larly the under one, are put into a cannular form, for
the paffage of the breath.
The q is never founded alone, but in conjunction
with u, as in quality, quejiion, quite, quote, &c. and
never ends any Engliih word.
As a numeral, QJlands for 500; and with a dafh
over it, thus for 500,000.
Ufed as an abbreviature, q fignifies quantity, or quan¬
tum. Thus, among phyficians, q. pi. is quantum pla¬
cet, i. e. “ as much as you pleafe” of a thing ; and
q. f. is quantum fufficit, i. e. “ as much as is necef-
fary.” E. D. among mathematicians, is quod
erat demonjlrandum, i. e. “ which was to be demon-
ftrated and Q^E. F. is quod erat faciendum, i. e.
“ which was to be done.” among gramma¬
rians, is quaft diflunt, i. e. “ as if it were faid or,
“ as who fliould fay.” In the notes of the ancients,
Q. ftands for Quintus, or Qu inti us; Q. B. V. for
quod bene vert at; Q^S. S. S. for qua Jupra fcripta
funt; Q^M. for Quintus Mutius, or quomodo; Qmnt.
for Quintilius ; and Qusef. for quafor.
QUACK, among phyficians, the fame with empi¬
ric. See the article Empiric.
QUADI, (Tacitus) ; a people of Germany, fi-
tuated to the fouth-eaft of the mountains of Bohe¬
mia, on the banks of the Danube, and extending as
far as the river Marus, or March, running by Mora¬
via, which country they occupied.
QUADRAGESIMA, a denomination given to
lent, from its confiding of 40 days. See Lent.
QUADRANGLE, in geometry, the fame with a
quadrilateral figure, or one confiding of four fides
and four angles.
QUADRANS, the quarter or fourth part of any
thing, particularly the as, or pound.
Quadrans, in Englidi money, the fourth part of a
penny. Before the reign of Edward I. the fmalled
coin was a flerling, or penny, marked with a crofs;
by the guidance of which a penny might be cut into
halves *£or a halfpenny, or into quarters or four parts
for farthings; till, to avoid the fraud of unequal cut-
Vol. IX.
tings, that king coined halfpence and farthings in di-
ftin& round pieces.
QUADRANT, in geometry, the arch of a circle,
containing 90°, or the fourth part of the entire peri¬
phery.
Sometimes alfo the fpace or area, included betweea
this arch and two radii drawn from the centre to each
extremity thereof, is called a quadrant, or, more pro¬
perly, a quadrantal fpace, as being a quarter of an
entire circle.
Quadrant, alfo denotes a mathematical indru-
ment of great ufe in adronomy and navigation, for ta¬
king the altitudes of the fun and dars, as alfo for ta¬
king angles in furveying, &c.
This indrument is varioufly contrived, and furnifli-
ed with different apparatus, according to the various
ufes it is intended for; but they all have this in com¬
mon, that they confid of a quarter of a circle, whofe
limb is divided into 90°. Some have a plummet fuf-
pended from the centre, and are furnifhed with fights
to look through.
The principal and mod ufeful quadrants are the
common furveying quadrant, adronomical quadrant,
Adams’s quadrant, Cole’s quadrant, Gunter’s qua¬
drant, Hadley’s quadrant, horodidical quadradrant,
Sutton’s or Collins’s quadrant, and the finical qua¬
drant, &c. of each of which in order.
1. The common furveying quadrant, ABC, fig. 1.
is made ofbrafs, wood, or any other folid fubdance;
the limb of which BC is divided into 90°, and each
of thefe farther divided into as many equal parts as the
fpace will allow, either diagonally or otherwife. On
one of the femi-diameters AC, are fitted two move-
able fights ; and to the centre is fometimcs alfo fixed
a label, or moveable index AD, bearing two other
fights; but in lieu of thefe lad fights there is fome-
times fitted a telefcope: alfo from the centre there is
hung a thread with a plummet; and on the under
fide or face of the indrument is fitted a ball and foc-
ket, by means of which it may be put into any pofi-
tion. The general ufe of it is for taking angles in a
vertical plane, comprehended under right lines going
from the centre of the indrument, one of which is ho¬
rizontal, and the other is dire&ed to fome vifible
point. But befides the parts already defcribed, there
is frequently added on the face, near the centre, a kind
of compartment, EF, called the quadrat, or geome¬
trical fquare. See Quadrat.
This quadrant may be ufed in different fituations;
37 A for
Python,
Quadrant.
Plate
CCLIII,
QUA [ 6586 ] U A
Qjiadrant. for obfervlng heights or depths, its plane muft be dif*
pofed perpendicularly to the horizon; but to take ho¬
rizontal dtftances, its plane i* difpofed parallel there¬
to. Again, heights and diftances may be taken two
ways, viz. by means of the fixed fights and plummet,
or by the label: As to which, and the manner of
meafuring angles, fee Geometry, p. [12.] [13.3
2. The aftronomical quadrantis a large one, ufually
made of brafs, or wooden bars faced with iron plates;
Mate having its limb, FE, (fig. 2.) nicely divided, either
CCLIII. diagonally or otherwife, into degrees, minutes, and
feconds; and furnilhed with two telefcopes, one fixed
on the fide of the quadrant, at AB; and the other,
CD, moveable about the centre, by means of the
ferew G. The dented wheels I, H, ferve to di-
reft the inftrument to any objeft or phaenomenon 
The ufe of this curious inftrument, in taking obferva-
tions of the fun, planets, and fixed ftars, is obvious ;
for being turned horizontally upon its axis, by means
of the tdefcope AB, till the objeft is feen thro’ the
moveable telefcope, then the degrees, &c. cut by
the index give the altitude required. See Astro¬
nomy, n° 177, 182, ike.
3. Cole;s quadrant is a very ufeful inftrument in¬
vented by Mr Benjamin Cole. It confifts of fix parts,
viz. the tiaff AB, (fig. 3.); the quadrantal-arch DE ;
three vanes A,B,C ; and the vernier, FG. The ftaff
is a bar of wood about two feet long, an inch and
a quarter broad, and of a fufficient thicknefs to
prevent it from bending or warping. The qua-
drantal arch is alfo of wood; and is divided into
degrees, and third-parts of a degree, to a radius of
about nine inches; to its extremities are fitted two ra¬
dii, which meet in the centre of the quadrant by a
pin, round which it eafily moves. The fight-vane A
is a thin piece of brafs, almoft two inches in height,
and one broad, placed perpendicularly on the end of
the ftaff A, by the help of two ferews paffing through
its foot. Through the middle of this vane is drilled a
fmall hole, thro’ which the coincidence or meeting of
the horizon and folar fpot is to be viewed. The ho¬
rizon vane B is about an inch broad, and two inches
and a half high, having a flit cut thro’ it of near an
inch long and a quarter of an inch broad ; this vane
is fixed in the centre-pin of the inftrument, in a per¬
pendicular pofition, by the help of two ferews paffing
thro’ its foot, whereby its pofition with refpeft to the
fight-vane is always the fame, their angles of incli¬
nation being equal to 45 degrees. The fhade-vane
G is compofed of two brafs plates. The one, which
ferves as an arm, is about four inches and a half long,
and three quarters of an inch broad, being pinned, at
one end, to the upper limb of the quadrant by a
ferew, about which it has a fmall motion ; the other
end lies in the arch, and the lower edge of the arm is
directed to the middle of the centre-pin : the other
plate, which is properly the vane, is about two inches
long, being fixed perpendicularly to the other plate,
at about half an inch diftance from that end next the
arch; this vane may. be ufed either by its fliade, or
by the folar fpot call by, a convex lens placed therein.
And, becaufe the wood-work is often apt to warp or
twill, therefore this vane may be re&ified by the help
oFa ferew, fo that the warping of the inftrument may
oscafion, no error in the obfervation, which is per¬
formed in tlie following manner: Set the line G o» Quadrant..!
the vernier againft a degree on the upper limb of the " ]['
quadrant, and turn the ferew on the backfide of the
limb forward or backward, till the hole in the fight-
vane, the centre of theglafs, and the funk fpot in the
horizon-vane, lie in a right line.
To find the fun’s altitude by this inftrument: Turn
your back to the fun, holding the inftrument by the
ftaff, with your right hand, fothat it be in a vertical
plane paffing thro’ the fun; apply your eye to the
fight-vane, looking through that and the horizon-
vane till you fee the horizon ; with the left hand Aide
the quadrantal arch upwards, until the folar fpot or
fliade, call by the ftiade-vane, fall diredly on the fpot
or flit in the horizon-vane ; then will that part of,the
quadrantal arch, which is raifed above G or S (accord¬
ing as the obfervation refpe&ed either the folar fpot
or (hade) (how the altitude of the fun at that time.
But, if the meridian altitude be required, the obfer#
vation muft be continued, and, as the fun approaches
the meridian, the fea will appear through the horizon-
vane, and then is the. obfervation finifhed ; and the de¬
grees and minutes, counted as before, will give the
fun’s meridian altitude: or the degrees counted from
the lower limb upwards will give the zenith-diftance.
4. Adams’s quadrant differs only frotn Cole’s qua¬
drant, in having an horizontal vane, with the upper
part of the limb lengthened ; fo that the glafs, which
cafts the folar fpot on the horizon-vane, is at the fame
diftance from the horizon-vane as the fight-vane at the
end of the index.
5. Gunter’s quadrant, fo called from its inventor
Edmund Gunter, is reptefented by fig. 4; and, befides
the apparatus ofLother quadrants, has a ftereographi^-
cal projection of the fphere on the plane of the equi-
noftial. It has alfo a calendar of the months,
next to the divifions of the limb.—Ufe of Gunter's
quadrant, l. To find the fun’s meridian altitude for
any given day, or the day of the month for any given
meridian altitude. Lay the thread to the day of the
month in the fcale next the limb ; and the degree it
cuts in the limb, is the fun’s meridian altitude. Thus
the thread, being laid on the 15th of May, cuts 590
30’, the altitude fought; and, contrarily, the thready
being fet to the meridian altitude, (hows the day of the
month. 2. To find the hour of the day. Having
put the bead, which Aides on the thread, to the fun’s
place in the ecliptic, obferve the fun’s altitude by the
quadrant; then, if the thread be laid over the fame
in the limb, the bead will fall upon the hour required.
Thus fuppofe on the 10th of April, the fun being
then in the beginning of Taurus, I obferve the fun’s
altitude by the quadrant to be 36°; I place the bead
to the beginning of Taurus in the ecliptic, and lay
the thread over 36° of the limb ; and find the bead to
fall on the hour-line marked 3 and 9; accordingly the
hour is either 9 in the morning, or 3 in the after¬
noon. Again, laying the bead on the hour given,
having firft re&ifxed or put it to the fun’s place, the
degree cut by the thread on the limb gives the alti¬
tude. Note, the bead may be re&ified otherwife, by
bringing the thread to the day of the month, and the
bead to the hour-line of 12. 3. To find the fun’ade-
clination from his place given, and cohtrariwife. Set,
the. bead to the fuu’s place in the ecliptic, move the
thtead.
U A [ 6587 J O U A
Quadrant, thread to the line of declination ET, and the bead will objeft are received on the fpecui^„. an(j froni thence Quadrant*
  cut the degree of declination required. Contrarily, refle&ed on one of the horizon-glafles, r,o. which '  
the bead being adjufted to a given declination, and the are two ftnall pieces of looking-glafs placed on one of
thread moved to the ecliptic, the bead will cut the
fun’s place. 4. The fun’s place being given, to find
his right afcenfion, or contrarily. Lay the thread on
the fun’s place in the ecliptic, and the degree it cuts
on the limb is the right afcenfion fought. Contrarily
the limbs, their faces being turned obliquely to the
fpeculum, from whence they receive the reflected rays
of obferved obje&s. This gfefs, F, has only its lower
part quickfilvered, and fet in brafs-work; the upper
part being left tranfparent to view the horizon. The
laying the thread on the right afcenfion, it cuts the glafs G has in its middle a tranfparent flit, thro’which
 c. 5. The fun’s altitude the horizon is to be feen. And becaufe the warping
fun’s place in the eclipi
being given, to find his azimuth, and. contrariwife.
Re£lify the bead for the time, as in the fecond article,
and obferve the fun’s altitude ; bring the thread to the
compliment of that altitude ; thus the bead will give
the azimuth fought, among the azimuth-lines. 6. To
find the hour of the night from fome of the five ftars
laid down on the quadrant. (1.) Put the bead to the
ftar you would obferve, and find how many hours it
is off the meridian, by article 2. (2.) Then, from the
right afcenfion of the ftar, fubtrad the fun’s right
afcenfion converted into hours, and mark the diffe¬
rence ; which difference, added to the oblerved hour
of the ftar from the meridian, fliews how many hours
the fun is gone from the meridian, which is the hour
of the night. Suppofe on the 15th of May the funis
in the 4th degree of Gemini, I fet the bead to Arc-
turus ; and, obferving his altitude, find him to be in
the weft about 520 high, and the bead to fall on the
hour-line of 2 in the afternoon ; then will the hour be
11 hours 50 min. paft noon, or 10 min. fhort of mid¬
night: for 62°, the fun’s right afcenfion, converted
into time, makes 4 hours 8 minutes; which, fubftrac-
of the wood-work, and other accidents, may diftend
them from their true fituation, there are three fcrews
palling thro’ their feet, whereby they may be eafily
replaced. The fcreens are two pieces of coloured
glafs, fet in two fquare brafs-frames K,K, which
ferve as fcreens to take off the glare of the fun’s rays,
which would be otherwife too ftrong for the eye ; the
one is tinged much deeper than the other, and, as both
of them move on the fame centre, they may be both
or either of them ufed : in the fitaation they appear in
the figure, they ferve for the horizon-glafs F; but,
when they are wanted for the horizon-glafs G, they
mull be taken from their prefent fituation, and pla¬
ced on the quadrant above G.
The fight-vanes are two pins, H and I, Handing at
right angles to the plane of the inftrument; that at H
has one hole in it, oppofite to the tranfparent flit in
the horizon-glafs G ; the other, at I, has two holes
in it, the one oppofite to the middle of the tranfpa¬
rent part of the horizon-glafs F, the other rather
lower than the quickfilvered part: this vane has a
piece of brafs on the back of it, which moves round a
ted from 13 hours 58 minutes, the right afcenfion of centre, and ferves to cover either of the holes.
Ar&urus, the remainder will be 9 hours 50 minutes:
which added to 2 hours, the obferved diftance of
Ardlurus from the meridian, fhows the hour of the
night to be 11 hours 50 minutes.
6. Hadley’s quadrant, (fig. 5.) fo called from its
inventor J. Hadley, Efq. confifts of the following par¬
ticulars: 1. An oftant, or ^ part of a circle, ABC.
2. An index D. 3. The fpeculum E. 4. Two ho¬
rizontal glaffes, F,G. 5. Two fcreens, K,K. 6. Two
fight-vanes, H,I.
The o&ant confifts of two radii, AB, AC, which
are ftrengthened by the braces L,M, and the arch
BC ; which, tho’ containing only 450, is neverthelefs
divided into 90 primary divifions, each of which Hands
for degrees, and are numbered o, 10, 20, 30, &c. to
90 ; beginning at each end of the arch for the conve¬
nience of numbering both ways; either for altitudes or
zenith-diftances. Again, each degree is fubdivided in¬
to minutes.
The index D, is a flat bar, moveable round the
centre of the inftrument ; and that part of it which
Aides over the graduated arch, BC, is open in the
middle, with Vernier’s fcale on the lower part of it;
and underneath is a fcrew, ferving to faften the index
againft any divifion.
The fpeculum E, is a piece of flat glafs, quickfil¬
vered on one fide, fet in a brafs box, and placed per¬
pendicular to the plane of the inftrument, the middle
There are two forts of obfervations to be made with
this inftrument: the one, when the back of the ob-
ferver is turned towards the objeft, and therefore call¬
ed the lack obfervation; the other, when the face of the
obferver is turned towards the objed, which is called
the fore-obfervation.
To reftify the inftrument for the fore-obfervation :
Slacken the fcrew in the middle of the handle behind
the glafs F; bring the index clofe to the button h{
hold the inftrument in a vertical pofition, with the arch
downwards; look thro’ the right-hand hole in the
vane I, and thro’ the tranfparent part of the glafs F,
for the horizon ; and if it lies in the fame right line
with the image of the horizon feen on the quickfil-
vered part, the glafs Fis rightly adjufted; but,if the
two horizontal-lines difagree, turn the fcrew at the
end of the handle backwards or forwards, until thofe
lines coincide ; then faften the middle fcrew of the
handle, and the glafs is rightly adjufted.
To take the fun’s altitude by the fore-obfervation.
Having fixed the fcreens above the horizon-glafs F, and
fuited them proportionally to the ftrength ofthe fun’s
rays, turn your face towards the fun, bolding the in¬
ftrument with your right hand, by the braces L,M,
in a vertical pofition, with the arch downwards; put
your eye clofe to the right-hand hole in the van^ I,
and view the horizon thro’ the tranfparent part of the
horizon-glafs F, moving at the fame time the index
part of the former coinciding with the centre of the D with your left hand, till the reflex folar fpot co-
latter. And, becaufe the fpeculum is fixed to the in- incides with the line of the horizon ; then the degrees
dex, the pofition of it will be altered by the moving counted from C, or that end next your body, will give
©f the index along tine arch. The rays of an obferved the altitude of the fun at that time, obferviog to add
j 37 A 2 of
1
(1 n n [ 6588 ] U A
Quadrant. or fubtra<^ noinutes, according as the upper or
~]0„er edge of the fun’s reflex image is made ufe of.
But to obtain the fun’s meridian altitude, which is
the thing wanted, in order to find the latitude ; the
obfe'rvations mult be continued, and, as the fun ap¬
proaches the meridian, the index D mull be continual¬
ly moved towards B, in order to maintain the coinci¬
dence between the reflex folar fpot and the horizon ;
and confequently, as long as this motion can maintain
the fame coincidence, the obfervation mud be conti¬
nued, and when the fun has attained the meridian, and
begins to defeend, the coincidence will require a re¬
trograde motion of the index, or towards C; and then
is the obfervation finilhed, and the degrees counted,
as before, will give the fun’s meridian altitude, or
thofe from B the zenith-diftance ; obferving to add
16—femidiam. ©, if the fun’s lower edge is brought
to the horizon; or to fubtraA 16’, when the horizon
and upper edge coincide.
To take the altitude of a liar by the fore-obferva-
tion: Through the vane H, and the tranfparent flit in
the glafs G, look dire&ly to the ftar; and at the fame
time move the index, till the image of the horizon be¬
hind you being refle&ed by the great fpeculum, is feen
in the quickfilvered part of G, and meets the ftar;
then will the index Ihow the degrees of the ftar’s alti¬
tude.
To reftify the inftrument for the back-obfervation:
Slacken the ferew in the middle of the handle, behind
the glafs G; turn the button h on one fide, and bring
the index as many degrees before 0, as is twice the drip
of the horizon at your height above the water; hold
the inftrument vertical, with the arch downwards; look
through the hole of the vane H; and if the horizon,
feen through the tranfparent flit in the glafs G, coin¬
cides with the image of the horizon feen in the quick¬
filvered part of the fame glafs, then the glafs G is in
its proper pofition; but, if not, fet it by the handle,
and fatten the ferew as before.
To take the fun’s altitude by the back obfervation:
Put the ftem of the fereens K, K, into the hole r, and,
in proportion to the ftrength or faintnefs of the fun’s
rays, let one, both, or neither of the frames of thofe
glafies be turned clofe to the face of the limb ; hold
the inftrument in a vertical pofition, with the arch
downwards, by the braces L, M, with your left hand;
turn your back towards the fun, and put your eye clofe
to the hole in the vane H, obferving the horizon thro’
the tranfparent flit in the horizon-giafs G; with your
right-hand move the index D, till the reflefted image
of the fun be feen in the quickfilvered part of the glafs
G, and in a right line with the horizon ; fwing your
body to and fro, and if the obfervation be well made,
the fun’s image will be obferved to brulh the horizon,
and the degrees reckoned from C,.or that part of the
arch fariheft from your body, will give the fun’s alti¬
tude at the time of obfervation; obferving to add 16'
= the fun’s femidiameter, if the fun’s upper edge be
ufed; and fubtraA 16'from the altitude, if the obfer¬
vation refpeAed the lower edge.
The direAions here given for taking of altitudes at
fea, would be fufficient, were there not two correAions
neceffary to be made before the altitude can be accu¬
rately afligned, viz. one on account the obferver’s eye
being raifed above the level of the fea, and the other
on account of the refraftion occafioned in fmall alti- Quadrant, f
tudes by the hazinefs of the atmofphere.     r
We fliall therefore give a table, (hewing the correc¬
tions neceflary to be made to altitudes on both thefe
accounts.
General rules for ufing this table of correAions.
1. In the fore-obfervations, add the fum of the cor¬
reAions to the obferved zenith-diftance, for the true
zenith-diftance ; or, take the fum of the correAions
from the obferved altitude, and the remainder will be
the altitude, 2. In the back-obfervations, add the
dips, or correAions for the height of the eye, and fub¬
traA the refraAions for altitudes ; and for zenith-
diftances, fubtraA the dips, and add the refraAions.
Example: By a back-obfervation, the altitude of the
fun’s lower edge'was found by Hadley’s quadrant to
be 250 12'; the eye being 30 feet above the horizon-
By the table, the dip on 30 feet is 6', and the refrac¬
tion on 250 is 2'; therefore 250 12'—16'(=femidiam.
©) = 240 56', and 240 56' + 6' (by rule 2) = 250 2',
and laftly 250 2'—2' (by rule 2) = 25° = the true or
correAed altitude.
A confiderable improvement has been made in the
conftruAion of this quadrant by Mr Peter Dollond,
famous for his invention of achromatic telefcopes. The
glaffes of the quadrants (hould be perfeA planes, and
have their fufaces perfeAly parallel to one another. By
a praAice of feveral years, Mr Dollond found out me¬
thods of grinding them of this form to great exaA-
nefs; but the advantage which fhould have arifen from
the goodnefs of the glafles was often defeated by the
index glafs being bent by the frame w’hich contains it.
To prevent this, Mr Dollond contrived the frame fo
that the glafs lies on three points, and the part that
preffes on the front of the glafs has alfo three points op-
pofite to the former. Thefe points are made to confine
the glafs by three ferews at the back aAing direAly
oppofite to the points between which the glafs is pla¬
ced. The principal improvements, however, are in the
methods of adjufting the glades, particularly for the
back-obfervation. The method formerly praAifed for
adjufting that part of the inftrument by means of the
oppofite horizons at fea was attended with fo many
difficulties that it was fcarce ever ufed: for fo little de¬
pendence could be placed on the obfervations taken
this way, that the bed Hadley’s fextants made for the
purpofe of obferving the diftances of the moon from the
U A [ 6589 ] U A
Quadrant. fun or fixed ftars have been always made without the
horizon-glafs for the back-obfervation ; for want of
which, many valuable obfervations of the fun and moon
have been loft, when their diftance exceeded 120 de¬
grees. To make the adjuftment of the back-obferva¬
tion eafy and exaft, he applied an index to the back
horizon-glafs, by which it may be moved in a parallel
pofition to the index glafs in order to give it the two ad-
juftments in the fame manner as the fore horizon-glafs
is adjufted. Then, by moving the index to which the
back horizon-glafs is fixed exadfly 90 degrees (which
is known by the divifions made for that purpofe), the
glafs will be thereby fet at right angles to the index
glafs, and will be properly adjufted for ufe j and the
obfervations may be made with the fame accuracy by
this as by the fore obfervation. Toadjuft the horizon-
giaffes in the perpendicular pofition to the plane of the
inftrument, he contrived to move each of them by a
fingle fcrew, which goes through the frame of the qua¬
drant, and is turned by means of a milled head at the
back; which may be done by the obferver while he is
looking at the object. To thefe improvements alfo
he added a method invented by Mr Mafkelyne, of pla-
' eing darkening-glaifes behind the horizon-glaffes.
Thefe, which ferve for darkening the objeft feen by
direft vifion, in adjufting the inftrument by the fun or
moon, he placed in fuch a manner as to be turned be¬
hind the fore horizon-glafs, or behind the back hori-
zon-glafs: there are three of thefe glafies of different
degrees of darknefs.
We have been the more particular in our defcription
and ufe of Hadley’s quadrant, as it is undoubtedly the
beft hitherto invented.
7. Horodidical quadrant, a pretty commodious in-
flrument, fo called from its ufe in telling the hour of
the day.—Its confttu&ion is this: From the centre of
Plate the quadrant, C, fig. 6. whofe limb AB is divided into
CCLIII. po0, defcribe feven concentric circles at intervals at
pleafure; and to thefe add the figns of the zodiac, in
the order reprefented in the figure. Then, applying a
ruler to the centre C and the limb AB, mark upon
the feveral parallels the degrees correfponding to the
altitude of the fun when therein, for the given hours;
conned the points belonging to the fame hour with a
curve line, to which add the number of the hour. To
the radius CA fit a couple of fights, and to the centre
of the quadrant C tie a thread with a plummet, and
upon the thread a bead to Aide. If now the head be
brought to the parallel wherein the fun is, and the qua¬
drant direded to the fun, till a vifual ray pafs through
the fights, the bead will fhow the hour. For the plum¬
met, in this fituation, cuts all the parallels in the de¬
grees correfponding to the fun’s altitude. Since then
the bead is in the parallel which the fun defcribes, and
through the degrees of altitude to which the fun is ele¬
vated every hour there pafs hour-lines, the bead muft
fhow the prefent hour. Some reprefent the hour-lines
by arches of circles, or even by ftraight lines, and that
without any fenfible error.
8. Sutton’s or Collins’s quadrant (fig. 7.) is a fte-
reographic projedion of one quarter of the fphere be¬
tween the tropics, upon the plane of the ecliptic, the
eye being in its north-pole: it is fitted to the latitude
of London. The lines running from the right hand
to the left, are parallels of altitude j and thofe croffing
them are azimuths. The lefler of the two circles, Quadrafir,
bounding the projedion, is one fourth of the tropic of
Capricorn; the greater is one fourth of that of Cancer.
The two ecliptics are drawn from a point on the left
edge of the quadrant, with the charaders of the figns
upon them; and the two horizons are drawn from the
fame point. The limb is divided both into degrees and
time ; and, by having the fun’s altitude, the hour of
the day may be found here to a minute. The qua-
drantal arches next the centre contain the calendar of
months; and under them, in another arch, is the fun’s
declination. On the projedion are placed feveral of
the moft noted fixed ftars between the tropics; and the
next below the projedion is the quadrant and line of
fhadows.—^To find the time of the fun’s rifing or fel¬
ting, his amplitude, his azimuth, hour of the day, &c,
by this quadrant: lay the thread over the day and the
month, and bring the bead to the proper ecliptic, ei¬
ther of fummer or winter, according to the feafon,
which is called reftifying; then, moving the thread,
bring the bead to the horizon, in which cafe the thread
will cut the limb in the time of the fun’s rifing or fel¬
ting before or after fix; and at the fame time the bead
will cut the horizon in the degrees of the fun’s ampli¬
tude.—Again, obferving the fun’s altitude with the
quadrant, and fuppofing it found 450 on the fifth of
May, lay the thread over the fifth of May, bring the
bead to the fummer ecliptic, and carry it to the pa¬
rallel of altitude 450 ; in which cafe the thread will
cut the limb at 550 15', and the hour will be feen
among the hour-lines to be either 41' paft nine in the
morning, or 19' paft two in the afternoon.—Laftly,
the bead among the azimuths (hows the fun’s diftance
from the fouth 50° 41’. But note, that if the fun’s al¬
titude be lefs that what it is at fix o’clock, the opera¬
tion muft be performed among thofe parallels above
the upper horizon ; the bead being redifiedtothe win¬
ter ecliptic.
9. Sinical quadrant (fig. 8.) confifts of feveral con¬
centric quadranta! arches, divided into eight equal parts
by radii, with parallel right lines crofling each other
at right angles. Now any one of the arches, as BC,
may reprefent a quadrant of any great circle of the
fphere, but is chiefly ufed for the horizon or meridian.
If then BC be taken for a quadrant of the horizon*
either of the fides, as AB, may reprefent the meridian ;
and the other fide, AC, will reprefent a parallel, or
line of eaft and weft: and all the other lines, parallel
to AB, will be alfo meridians; and all thofe parallel
to AG, eaft and weft lines, or parallels.—Again, the
eight fpaces into which the arches are divided by the
radii, reprefent the eight points of the compafs in a
quarter of the horizon; each containing it® 15'. The
arch BC is likewife divided into 90°, and each degree
fubdivided into 12', diagonal-wife. To the centre is
fixed a thread, which, being laid over any degree of the
quadrant, ferves to divide the horizon.
If the finical quadrant to be taken for a fourth part
of the meridian, one fide thereof, AB, may be taken
for the common radius of the meridian and equator ;
and then the other, AC, will be half the axis of the
world. The degrees of the circumference, BC, will
reprefent degrees of latitude ; and the parallels to the
fide AB, affumed from every point of latitude to the
axis AC, will be radii «f the parallels of latitude, as
CL U A
%a<Jrant. Hkewlfe the fine complement of thofe latitudes.
*" Suppofe, then, it be required to find the degrees of
longitude contained in 83 of the lefier leagues in the
parallel of 48° ; lay the thread over 48° of latitude on
the circumference, and count thence the 83 leagues on
AB, beginning at A; this will terminate in H, allow¬
ing every fmall interval four leagues. Then tracing
out the parallel HE, from the point H to the thread ;
the part AE of the thread fhows that 125 greater or
equinoftial leagues make 6° 15'; and therefore that
the 83 leffer leagues AH, which make the difference
of longitude of the courfe, and are equal to the radius
of the parallel HE, make 6° 15' of the faid parallel.
If the fhip fails an oblique courfe, fuch courfe, be-
fides the north and fouth greater leagues, gives leffer
leagues eafterly and wefterly, to be reduced to de¬
grees of longitude of the equator. But thefe leagues
being made neither on the parallel of departure, nor
on that of arrival, but in all the intermediate ones, we
muff find a mean proportional paaallel between them.
To find this, we have on the inftrument a fcale of crofs
latitudes. Suppofe then it were required to find a
mean parallel between the parallels of 40°and 6o°;
with your compaffes take the middle between the 40th
and 60th degree on the fcale: this middle point will
terminate againfl the 51ft degree, which is the mean
parallel required.
The principal ufe of the finical quadrant is to form
triangles upon, fimilar to thofe made by a fhip’s way
with the meridians and parallels; the fides of which
triangles are meafured by the equal intervals between
the concentric quadrants and the lines N and S, E and
W: and every fifth line and arch is made deeper than
the reft. Now, fuppofe a fhip to have failed 150 leagues
north-eaft, one fourth north, which is the third point,
and makes an angle of 330 44' with the north-part of
the meridian : here are given the courfe and diftance
failed, by which a triangle may be formed on the in-
tlrument fimilar to that made by the fhip’s courfe; and
hence the unknown parts of the triangle may be found.
Thus, fuppofing the centre A to reprefent the place
of departure; count, by means of the concentric circles
along the point the fhip failed on, viz. AD, 150
leagues: then in the triangle AED, fimilar to that of
the fhip’s courfe, find AE =: difference of latitude, and
DE = difference of longitude, which muft be reduced
according to the parallel of latitude come to.
Plate jo. Gunner’s quadrant, (fig. 9.) fometimes called
CCL1II. gUnner’s Jquare, is that ufed for elevating and pointing
cannon, mortars, &c. and confifts of two branches ei¬
ther of brafs or wood, between which is a quadran-
tal arch divided into 90 degrees, beginning from
the fhorler branch, and furnifhed with a thread and
plummet, as reprefented in the figure The ufe
of the gunner’s quadrant is extremely eafy; for if the
longed branch be placed in the mouth of the piece,
and it be elevated till the plummet cut the degree ne-
ceffary to hit a propofed objed, the thing is done.
Sometimes on one of the furfaces of the long branch,
are noted the divifion of diameters and weights of iron
bullets, as alfo the bores of pieces.
Quadrant of Altitude (fig. 10.) is an appendage
of the artificial globe, confiding of a lamina, or flip of
brafs, the length of a quadrant of one of the great circles
, of the globe, and graduated. At the end, where the
(L U A
divifion terminates, is a nut rivetted on, and furnifhed Quadrat
with a ferew, by means whereof the indrument is fit- II „
ted on the meridian, and moveable round upon the rt- ^a‘ *.
vet to all points of the horizon, as reprefented in the
figure referred to. Its ufe is to ferve as a fcale in
meafuring of altitudes, amplitudes, azimuths, &c. See
Astronomy, n° 320, &c.
QUADRAT, a mathematical indrument, called
alfo a Geometrical Square, and Line of Shadows: it is
frequently an additional member on the face of the
common quadrant, as alfo on thofe of Gunter’s and
Sutton’s quadrants. See Geometry, [p. io.J and
Plate CXXXVIII. fig. 1—5.
Quadrat, in adrology, the fame with quartile. See
Quartile.
Quadrat, in printing, a piece of metal ufed to fill
up the void fpaces between words, &c. There are qua¬
drats of different fizes; asm-quadrats, n-quadrats, &c.
which are refpeftively of the dimenfions of thefe let¬
ters, only lower, that they may not receive the ink.
QUADRATIC equations, in algebra, thofe
wherein the unknown quantity is of two dimenfions,
or raifed to the fecond power.
QUADRATRIX, in geometry, a mechanical line,
by means whereof we can find right lines equal to the
circumference of circles, or other curves, and their fe-
veral parts.
QUADRATURE, in geometry, denotes the fqua-
ring, or reducing a figure to a fquare. Thus, the find¬
ing of a fquare, which fliall contain juft as much fur-
face or area as a circle, an ellipfis, a triangle, &c. is
the quadrature of a circle, ellipfis, &c. See Geometry.
Quadrature, in aftronomy, that afpeft of the moon
when flie is 90° diftant from the fun ; or when flic is
in a middle point of her orbit, between the points of
conjun&ion and oppofition, namely, in the firft and
third quarters.
QUADRATUS, in anatomy, a name given to fe-
veral mufcles on account of their fquare figure. See
Anatomy, Table of the Mufcles.
QUADREL, in building, a kind of artificial ftone,
fo called from its being perfe&ly fquare. The qua-
drels are made of a chalky earth, &c. and dried in the
fhade for two years. Thefe were formerly in great re-
queft among the Italian architefts.
QUADRIGA, in antiquity, a car or chariot drawn
by four horfes. On the reverfes of medals, we fre¬
quently fee the emperor or Vi&ory in a quadriga, hold¬
ing the reins of the horfes; whence thefe coins are,
among the curious, called mmmi quadrigati, and vie-
toriati.
QUADRILATERAL, in geometry, a figure
whole perimeter confifts of four angles; whence it is
alfo called a quadrangular figure.
QUADRILLE, a little troop or company of cava¬
liers, pompoufly dreffed, and mounted for, the perform¬
ance of cafoufals, jufts, tournaments, runnings at the
ring, and other gallant divertifements.
Quadrille, is alfo the name of a game at cards,
to be learned only by practice.
QUADRUPEDS, in zoology; thofe animals which
have four limbs or legs proceeding from the trunk of
their body. See Zoology.
QUAIL, in zoology. See Tetrao.
Quails are to be taken by means of the call, during
their
[ 6590 ]
U A [ 6501 ] CL U A
their whole wooing time, which lads from April to
<^i‘ike''5, Anguft. The proper times for ufang the call are at
fun-rifing, at nine'o’clock in the morning, at three in
the afternoon, and at fun-fet; for thefe are the na¬
tural times of the quail’s calling. The notes of the
cock and hen quail are very different, and the fportf-
tnan who experts to fucceed in the taking them muff be
expert in both : for when the cock calls, the anfwer
is to be made in the hen’s note ; and when the hen
calls, the anfwer is to be made in the cock’s. By
this means, they will come up to the perfon fa that
he may, with great eafe, throw the net over them and
take them. If a cock-quail be fingie, on hearing the
hen’s note he will immediately come; but if be have
a'hen already with him, he will not forfake her. Some¬
times, though only one quail anfwers to the call,
there will three or four come up; and then it is bed
to have patience, and not run to take up the firft, but
ilay till they are all entangled, as they will foon be.
The quail is a neat cleanly bird, and will not run
much into dirty or wet places: in dewy mornings,
they will often fly inftead of running to the call; and
in this cafe, it is heft to let them go over the net, if
it fo happens that they fly higher than its top, and the
fportfman then changing fides, and calling again, the
bird will come back, and then will probably be taken
in the net.
The calls are to be made of a fmall leather ptirfe,
about two fingers wide, and four fingers long, and
made in the ffiape of a pear; this is to be fluffed half¬
full of horfe-hair, and at the end of it is to be placed a
fmall whiffle, made of the bone of a rabbit’s leg, or
Tome other fuch bone : this is to be about two inches
long, and the end formed like a flageolet, with a little
foft wax. This is to be the end fattened into the
purfe ; the other is tobeclofed up with the fame wax,
only that a hole is to be opened with a pin, to make
it give a diftinft and clear found. To make this
found, it is to be held full in the palm of the hand,
with one of the fingers placed over the top of the wax,
then the purfe is to be preffed, and the finger is to
ffiake over the middle of it, to modulate the found it
gives into a fort of ttiake. This is the moft ufeful
call ; for it imitates the note of the hen-quail, and
feldom fails to bring a cock to the net, if there be one
near the place.
The call that imitates the note of the cock, and is
ufed to bring to the hen to him, is to be about four
. inches long, and above an inch thick ; it is to be
made of a piece of wire turned round and curled, and
covered with leather; and one end of it muff be clofed
up with a piece of flat wood, about the middle of
which there muff be a fmall thread or ftrap of leather,
and at the other end is to be placed the fame fort of
p;pe, made of bone, as is ufed in the other call.
The noife is made by opening and doling the fpiral,
and gives the fame found that the cock does when he
gives the hen a fignal that he is near her.
QUAKERS, a religious fociety that began to be
diftinguiffied by this name in England, where it firft
took its rife, about the middle of the laft century.
Its founder was Qeorge Fox, an illiterate perfon, and
fey trade a ffioemaker. See the article (George) Fo*.
'William Sewel, a Dutchman, publiflhed, in the
year 1717, the hiftory of this people. He was one
of their perfuafton, a man of learning, and known to Quakers,
the public by bis Di&ionary of the Dutch and Englilh
laguages. He had accefs to all their records, corre-
fponded with the mott eminent, lived at the time
when the fads he recorded were recent, and we have
not heard that any part of his hiftory has been con¬
troverted ; and as we are informed that it has been
pnbliftied by the approbation of the Quakers, we may
therefore confider it as an authentic hiftory of their rife,
progrefs, and principal opinions.
The name of Quaker was affixed to this people
early, by way of reproach. In their affemblies it
fometimes happened, that fome were fo far (truck with
the remembrance of their paft follies aid forgetfulnefs
of their condition, others fo deeply affedled with a
fenfe of God’s mercies to them, that they adtually
trembled and quaked. The nickname fo fuited the
vulgar tafte, that it immediately became general.
Friends, or The friends of truth, was the name they
were commonly known by to one another ; but the
epithet above-mentioned was ftamped upon them by
their adverfaries, and perhaps indelibly.
The following abftraft from the propofitions of our
countryman, the eminent Barclay, will perhaps ex¬
hibit as clear a fummary of their opinions as can well
be comprifed within the limits allowed to this article.
1. The height of all happinefs is placed in the true
knowledge of God. 2. The true knowledge of God
is alone to be obtained by the revelation of the Spirit
of God. 3. The revelation of the Spirit of God
to the faints has produced the feriptures of truth.
4. From whence it appears, that mankind in general
is fallen and degenerated. 5. That God out of his
infinite love hath offered univerfal redemption by
Chrift, who tafted death for every man. 6. That
there is an evangelical and faving light and grace in
all. 7. That as many as refill not this light, but re¬
ceive the fame, in them are produced holinefs, righ-
teonfnefs, purity, and the fruits which are acceptable
to Gods 8. Even fo as to arrive at a (late of freedom
from a&ual finning and tranfgreffing the law of God ;
9. Yet with a poffiblity of finning. 10. That as all
true knowledge in things fpirituai is received by the
Spirit of God, fo by it every true minifter of the
gofpel is ordained and prepared for the miniftry ; and
as they have freely received, fo are they freely to give.
XI. That the true worfnip of God is in fpirit and in
truth; not limited to place or time, or fubjeft to
the intervention of any perfon ; but is to be performed
under the moving of the Holy Spirit in our hearts,
yet without derogating from the neceffity and utility
of public united worfhip, (in which their fnfferings
and conftancy have been moft remarkable). 12. That
baptifm is a pure and fpirituai thing, the baptifm
of the fpirit and fire. 13. That the communion
of the body and blood of Ghrift is inward and fpiri¬
tuai. 14. That it is not lawful for any human au¬
thority to force the confluences of others on account
of difference in worfhip or opinion, except fuch opi¬
nions tend to the prejudice or his neighbour in his life
or eftate, or are inconliftent with human fociety.
15. That as the end of religion is to redeem man
from the fpirit of this world, and to lead into inward
commuhion with God ; therefore all vain cuftoms
and habits are to be rejected, which tend to divert'
QUA [ 6592 1 U A
Quakers, the mind from a fenfe of the fear of God, and that
evangelical fpirit wherewith Chriftians ought to be
leavened.
Such are the fentiments of this people as propofed
to the public by their apologift, who has largely com¬
mented on thefe topics in a work that has paffed thro’
many editions in Englifh, and has been printed in
mod of the modern languages.
Their particularities of addrefs, language, and be¬
haviour ; their declining the ufe of arms, even in their
own defence} their refufing to pay tithes or contri¬
bute to the fupport of minifters in any fhape ; likewife
their refufing to fwear or take an oath on any occafion
whatever; have fubjefted them to much obloquy,
and many fufferings. On what principles, and by
what arguments, they vindicate themfelyes from the
objeftions raifed againft them by their adverfaries,
may be feen in this elaborate performance. Govern¬
ment has, however, in many inftances, extended to
this people great indulgences ; convinced, no doubt,
by their patient fuffering, that their profeffions ofcon-
fcientious fcruples were fincere, and that nothing dan¬
gerous to fociety could be apprehended from a people
who difclaimed the ufe of arms both offenfive and
defenfive. The ccconomy of this fociety likewife de-
fcrves our notice. It appears by their hiftory, that
foon after the preaching of George Fox had drawn
together in many parts of England confiderable bodies
of people profelfing the fame opinions, he found it ex¬
pedient for their better government to cftablifii regular
meetings for difcipline. The following is, as nearly
as we can colleft, the plan that is eftablifhed amongft
them.
Where there are any Quakers, they meet together
every month, to confider of the necefiities of their
poor, and to provide for their relief; to hear and de¬
termine complaints arifing among themfelves; to in¬
quire into the converfation of their refpedtive members
in regard to morality and conformity to their religious
fentiments; to allow the paffing of marriages; and to
enjoin a ftri& regard to the peace and good order of
the fociety, the proper education of their young peo¬
ple, and a general attention to the principles and
pra&ices of their profeflions. In every country where
there are monthly meetings, a meeting of the like
kind is held, and for fimilar purpofes, every quarter.
This meeting confifts of deputies fent from the feveral
monthly meetings, who are charged with anfwers in
writing to queries propofed to them refpe&ing the
good order of the fociety. At thefe meetings appeals
are received, in cafe of any difputes ; and differences
fettled, if poffible. Advices are given as occafions
offer; and affiftance is afforded to any of the monthly
meetings, in cafe of a larger proportion of poor, or
any fimilar expences. As there are Quakers in mofl
parts of England, there are few counties which have
not thefe quarterly meetings. And from thefe are
deputed 4, 6 or 8 of their members once a-year to their
annual affembly at London.
The annual meeting is commonly held in Whitfun-
vveek, not from any fuperftitious reference, as they
fay, to the effufion of the Holy Ghoft at the time of
pentecoft, but merely as it is a feafon moft generally
convenient to the body. At this anniverfary meeting,
confiding of deputies from every quarterly meeting, Quakers,
and a number of the moft judicious of their perfuafion ~ '
in London, fele&ed for the purpofe of a&ing on all
emergencies for the good of the fociety, accounts are
received of the date of the fociety in every part of the
world where it exifts. The deputies bring with them
accounts figned by order of the refpeftive quarterly
meetings, informingrfhe yearly meeting, If any dif-
union appears; if there is any negledf in regard to the
religious education of their youth ; if the poor are well
provided for ; if they keep to their teftimony againil
paying tithes, and againft bearing arms ; if they pay
the king his duties, cuftoms, and excife, and forbear to
deal in goods fufpe&ed to be run. Appeals are here
received, and finally determined; propofutons received,
and coniidered ; and rules formed on particular emer¬
gencies : And, laftly, fuch advices are fent to the
fubordinate meetings as the particular or general ftate
of the fociety requires.
Perhaps this is the only fociety in the world that
have allowed any (hare in the management of their af¬
fairs to the female fex ; which they do upon the prin¬
ciple that male and female are one in Chrift. Accord¬
ingly we find them in every department of their infti-
tution. They have women-preachers, for whom the
celebrated Locke made an excellent apology. Thefe
have alfo their meetings of difcipline ; in which the
like care is taken in regard to the female youth, and
the good order of their fex, as is done by the men in
refpeft to their own. And when we refleft what a num¬
ber of individuals of both fexes are kept in good order
by the police of this fociety, how few of them are
brought into courts of juftice as delinquents, how
peaceable their behaviour, and how exemplary their
condudd, we cannot but think their principles deferve a
more accurate examination than has hitherto been at¬
tempted, owing perhaps to the vulgar prejudices cir¬
culated againft them. We (hall clofe this article with
obferving, that, according to the belt of our informa¬
tion, neither their minifters, nor thofe who have the
principal care of the fociety, enjoy any pecuniary emo¬
lument or advantages. A few clerks only receive fa-
laries for keeping their records; fo that perhaps there
is not a religious fociety now exifting, where principle
has greater influence in promoting the ends of their in-
ftitution.
It is remarkable, that all the fettlcments of the Eu¬
ropeans in America, except the Quaker fettlement of
Penfilvania, were made by force of arme, with very little
regard to any prior title in the natives. The kings of
Spain, Portugal, France, and Britain, together with
the States of Holland, then the only maritime powers,
gave grants of fuch parts of America as their people
could lay hold on, ftudying only to avoid interference
with their European neighbours. But Mr Penn, being .
a Quaker, did not think his powers from king Cha. II.
a fufflcient title to the country fince called Penfilvania:
He therefore affembled the fachems or princes then in
that country, and purchafed from them the extent of
land that he wanted. The government of this province
is moftly in the hands of the Quakers, who never have
any quarrels with the natives. When they defire to
extend their fettlements, they purchafe new lands of
the fachems, never taking any thing from them by
force.
U A
Quality force. How unlike is this conduft to that of the Spa¬
ll niards, who murdered millions of the natives of Mexico,
^rantine.Terra Firma> peru> Chili9 &c>
' QUALITY, is defined by Mr Locke to be the
power in a fubjeA of producing any idea in the mind.
Primary and Secondary Qualities. See Metaphy¬
sics, n° 31—35- , r ... . - „ .
Chemical Qualities, thofe qualities principally in¬
troduced by means of chemical experiments, as fumi¬
gation, amalgamation, cupellation, volatilization, pre¬
cipitation, &c.
QUALITY, is alfo ufed for a kind of title given
to certain perfons, in regard of their territories, fig-
, niories, or other pretenfions.
QUANGST, a province of China, bounded on the
norUT by Koe-Tcheau and Hu-Quang; on the eaft,
by Yunan and Quantong ; on the fouth, by the fame
and Ton-quin; and on the weft, by Yun-nan. It pro¬
duces great plenty of rice, being watered by feveral
large rivers. The fouthern part is a flat country, and
well cultivated; but the northern is full of mountains
covered with trees. It contains mines of all forts; and
there is a gold-mine lately opened. Among other ani¬
mals there are porcupines and rhinocerofes. The capi¬
tal town is Quie-ling.
QUANG-tong, a province of China, bounded on
the eaft by Kiang-Si and Fokien ; on the fouth, by
the ocean; and on the weft, by Tonquin. This pro¬
vince is diverfified by valleys and mountains; and yields
two crops of corn in a year. It abounds in gold,
jewels, filk, pearls, tin, quick-filver, fugar, brafs, iron,
fteel, falt-petre, ebony, and feveral forts of odoriferous
wood; befides fruits of all forts proper to the climate.
They have a prodigious number of ducks, whofe
eggs they hatch in ovens ; and a tree, whofe wood
is remarkably hard and heavy, and thence called iron-
•wood. The mountains are covered with a fort of ofiers
which creep along the ground, and of which they make
bafkets, hurdles, matts, and ropes. Canton is the ca¬
pital town.
QUANTITY, any thing capable of eftimation or
menfuration; or which, being compared with another
thing of the fame kind, may be faid to be greater or
lefs than it, equal or unequal to it.
Quantity, in grammar, an affeftion of a fyllable,
whereby its meafure, or the time wherein it is pronoun¬
ced, is afeertained; or that which determines the fyl¬
lable to be long or fliort.
Quantity is alfo the objeft of profody, and diftin-
guifhes verfe from profe ; and the oeconomy and ar¬
rangement of quantities, that is, the diftribution of
long and fhort fyllables, makes what we call the num¬
ber. See Poetry, Part III.
The quantities are ufed to be diftinguilhed, among
grammarians, by the chara£lers“, ftiort, as per; and—,
long, as ros. There is alfo a common, variable, or du¬
bious quantity; that is, fyllables that are one time ta¬
ken for fhort ones and at another time for long ones;
as the firft fyllable in Atlas, patres, &c.
QUARANTINE, is a trial which fhips muft un¬
dergo when fufpefted of a peftilential infe&ion. It
may be ordered by the king, with advice of the privy-
council, at fuch times, and under fuch regulations, as
he judges proper. Ships ordered on quarantine muft
Vol. IX. 2
U A
repair to the place appointed, and muft continue there Qeariti
during the time preferibed, (generally fix weeks); and *
muft have no. intercourfe with the fhore, except for ^-arry'
neceflary provifions, which are conveyed with every
pofiible precaution. When the time is expired, and
the goods opened and expofed to the air as dire&ed,
if there be no appearance of infe&ion they are admit¬
ted to port.
Ships infe&ed with the peftilence muft proceed to
St Helen’s Pool in the Scilly iflands, and give notice
of their fituation to the cuftom-houfe officers, and wait
till the king’s pleafure be known.
Perfons giving falfe information to avoid perform¬
ing quarantine, or refufing to go to the place ap¬
pointed, or efcaping, alfo officers appointed to fee
quarantine performed, deferting their office, neglecting
their duty, or giving a falfe certificate, fuffer death as
felons.
Goods from Turkey, or the Levant, may not be land¬
ed without licenfe from the king, or certificate that
they have been landed and aired at fome foreign
port.
QUARLES (Francis), the fon of James Quarles
clerk to the board of green cloth and purveyor to
queen Elifabeth, was born in 1592. He was educated
at Cambridge; became a member of Lincoln’s inn; and
was for fome time cup-bearer to the queen of Bohe¬
mia, and chronologer to the city of London. It was
probably on the ruin of her affairs that he went to Ire¬
land as fecretary to archbifhop Ulher; but the troubles
in that kingdom forcing him to return, and not find¬
ing affairs more at peace in England, fome difquiets
he met with were thought to have haftened his death,
which happened in 1644. ■^'8 works both in profe
and verfe are numerous, and were formerly in great
efteem, particularly his Divine Emblems: but the
obfolete quaintnefs of his ftyle has caufed them to fall
into negleft, excepting among particular claffes of
readers.
QUARRY, a place under ground, out of which
are got marble, free-ftone, flate, limeftone, or other
matters proper for building. See Strata.
Some lime-ftone quarries in Fife are highly worthy
the attention of the curious, on account of an amazing
mixture of fea-bodies found in them. One of this
kind was opened, about the year 1759, at a farm called
Enderteel, in the neighbourhood of Kirkaldy, belong¬
ing to General St Clair.
The flakes of the ftone, which are of unequal think-
nefs, moft of them from eight to ten inches, lie hori¬
zontally dipping towards the fea. Each of thefe
flakes, when broken, prefents to our view an amazing
collection of petrified fea bodies, as the bones of fifties,
(talks of fea-weed, vaft quantities of (hells, fuch a*
are commonly found on thofe coafts, befides feveral
others of very uncommon figures. In fome places
the (hells are fo numerous, that little elfe is to be feen
but prodigious clutters or concretions of them. In
the uppermoft ftratum the (hells are fo entire, that the
outer cruft or plate may be feraped off with the fingar;
and the (talks of the fea-weed have a darkifti colour,
not that gloffy whitenefs which they have in the heart
of the quarry. The fmalleft rays or veins of the (hells
are deeply indented on the (tone, like the impreffion
37 B
( 6593 ]
Quarry
■H
Quarter.
CL t? A [ 6594 ] CL U A
of a feal upon wax. In fiiort, no fpot at the bottom and fo to third and fourth ; always changing hands) Quarts*)
of the ocean could exhibit a greater quantity of fea- and obferving the fame order.
bodies than are to be found in this folid rock 5 for we Quarters, with refpeft to the parts of a horfe,
■ have the flieletons of fevfcral fifhes, the antenna or is ufed in various fenfes : thus the (houlders and fore¬
feelers of lobfters, the roots and ftalks of fea-weeds, legs are called the fote^quatterst and the hips and
with’the very cdpfula which contain the feed. The hinder-legs the bind-quarters. The quarters of a
place where all thefe curiofities are found, is on an horfe’s foot, are the fides of the coffin, comprehend-
eminence about an Engliih mile from the Tea; and as ing between the toe and the heel: the inner quar-
. the ground is pretty deep the whole way, it may be ters, are thofe oppoftte to one another, facing from
200 feet higher at lead* One foot to the other; and thefe are always weaker
There are two or three things to be remarked here, than the outfide quarters, which lie on the external
1. That among all the bodies we have mentioned, fideS of the coffin. Falfe quarters, are a cleft in the
there are none but what are fpecifically heavier than horn of a horfe’s hoof, extending from the coronet to
water. This holds fo condantly true, that the fea- the dioe. A horfe is faid to be quarter-cad, when
weed, which floats in water when the plant is entire, for any diforder in the coffin we are obliged to cut .
-has been dripped of the broad leaves, which make it One of the quarters of the hoof.
buoyant, before it has been lodged here. 2. The (hells QuARtER, in aftronomy, the fourth part of the
have been all empty ; for the double ones, as thofe of moon’s period : thus, from the new moon to the qua-
the flat kind, are always found Angle, or with one drature is the fird quarter ; from this to full moon, the
fide only. 3. The rock feems to have been gradually fecond quarter, &c.
deferted by the fea, and, for a long time, wafhed with Quarter, in heraldry, is applied to the parts or
the tides; for the upper furface is all eaten, and rttemoers of the flrd divifion of a coat that is quarter-
hollowed in many places like an honey-comb, jud as ed, or divided into four quarters..
We obferve in flat rocks expofed every tide to the accefs .Frrfftr-QuARTER, in heraldry, is a quarter (Ihgre or
and recefsof the waters. See the article Sea. alone ; which is to poflefs one fourth part of the field.
Quarry, or Qnafrel, among glaziers, a pane Of It makes one of the honourable ordinaries of a coat,
glafscut in a diamond form. Quarter of a Ship, that part of the (hip’s fide
Quarries are of two kinds, fquare and longe ; each of which lies towards the flern; or which is compre-
which are of different fizes, expreffed by the number bended between the aftmod end of the main chains
of the pieces that make a foot of glafe, viz. eighths, and the fides of the dern, where it is terminated by
tenths, eighteenths, and twentieths: but all the fizes the quarter-pieces.
are cut to the fame angles, the acute angle in the Although the lines by which the quarter and bow
fquare quarrels being 77° 19', and 67° 21’ in the of a (hip, with refpeft to her length, are only imagi-
long ones. nary, yet experience appears fufficiently to have afcer-
Quarry, among hunters, is fometimes ufed for a tained their limits: fo that if we were to divide the
part of the entrails of the bead taken, given by way of (hip’s tides into five equal portions, the names of each
reward to the hounds. - fpace would be readily enough expreffed. Thus the
Quarry, in falconry, is the game which the hawk fird, from the dern, would be the quarter; the fe-
is in purfuit of, or has killed. cond, abaft the midffiips ; the third, the midffiips;
QUARTAN, a meafure containing the fourth part the fourth, before the midfliips; and the fifth, the
of fome other meafure. bow. Whether thefe divifions, which in reality are
Quartan, a fpecies of intermitting fever. See Me- fomewhat arbitrary, are altogether improper, may be
DlctNE, n° 134. 263—270^ readily difcovefed by referring to the mutual fituation
QUARTATION, is an operation by which the or approach of two adjacent veffeb. The enemy board-
quantity of one thing is made equal to a fourth part ed us on the larboard fide! Whereabouts? Abaft the
of the quantity Of another thing. Thus when gold midffiips, before the midffiips, &c.
allayed with filver is to be parted, we are obliged to Plate CCLIV. fig. 1. reprefents a geometrical ele-
facilitate the aftion of the aquafortis, by reducing the vation of a quarter of a 74 gun ffiip. A the keel, with
quantity of the former of thefe metals to one fourth a the falfe keel beneath it. B the dern-pod. DU
part of the whole mafs; which is done by fufficiently the quarter-gallery, with its ballullrades and wirt-
increafing the quantity of the filver, if it be neceffary. dows. EE the quarter-pieces, which limit and form
This operation is called and is preparatory the outlines of the dern* F the taffarel, or upper
to the parting; and even many authors extend this name pieces of the dern. F G the profile of the dern, with
to the operation of parting. See the article Parting, its galleries. H the gun-ports of the lower-deck;
QUARTER, the fourth part of any thing, the b the gun-ports of the upper and quarter deck. I the
fraftional expreffion for which is after-part of the mizen-channel. K the wing-tranfom.
Quarter, in weights, is generally ufed for the K G the lower counter. L B the dation of the deck-
fourth part of an hundred weight averdupois, or tranfom. L Qthe after-part of the main-wale. DR
28 lb. the after-part of the channel-wale, parallel to the main-
Ufed as the name of a dry meafure, quarter Is the wale. SU the ffieer-raii, parallel to both Wales,
fourth part of a ton in weight, or eight bufhels. T t the rudder. A / F the rake of the dern. P i i the
Quarter, a term in the manege. To work frotn drift*raiis.. TU die after-part of the load 'water-line z:
quarter to quarter, is to ride a horfe three times in upon kk l the-curve of the feveral decks cotrefponding to
the fird of the four lines of a fquare ; then changing thofe reprefented in the head. See the article Head.
your hand, to ride him three times upon the fecondAs the marks, by which veffels of different eon-
ftruQions
"   - • • - - JU    ' - ||1|r   - - m|| ■ • y*
'Quarter.
O. U A _ [ 6585 ] CLU A
ftruftions are diftinguiftted from each other, are gene- ting the winter-quarters and cantonments.. Quarter,,
rally more confpicuous on the (tern or quarter, than Q^uARTER-iV<fW/%, a fort of net-work, extended QH3rte|ls'
any other part, we have reprefented fome of the quar- along the rails on the upper part of a (hip’s quarter,
ters, which affume the mod different (hapes, and form In a (hip of war thefe are always double, being fup-
the greateft contrail with each other. Fig. 2. (hows
the (tern and quarter of a Dutch flight. Fig. 3. the
(fern and quarter of a cat. Fig. 4. is the (tern and
quarter of a common galley. Fig. 5. exhibits the
quarter of a firfl-rate galley, otherwife called a gal-
leajfe* Fig. 6. the quarter of a Dutch dogger, or
galliot. Fig. 7. reprefents the (tern and quarter of a
floop of war.
The quarters of all other (hips have a near affinity
to thofe above exhibited. Thus all (hips of the line,
and Eaft-Indiamen, are formed with a quarter little
differing from the principal figure in this plate. Xe-
hecs have quarters nearly refembling thofe of galeaf-
fes, only fomewhat higher. Hagboats and pinks ap¬
proach the figure of cats, the former being a little
broader in the ftern, and the latter a little narrower ;
and the fterns and quarters of cats feem to be derived
from thofe of fly-boats. The fterns of Dench dog¬
gers and galliots are indeed Angular, and like thofe of
no other modem veflel; they have neverthelefs a
great refemblance to the fhips of the ancient Grecians,
as reprefented in medals and other monuments of anti¬
quity.
On the Quarter, may be defined an arch of the
horizon, contained between the line prolonged from
the fhip’s ftern and any diftant pbjedf, as land, (hips,
fee. Thus if the (hip’s keel lies on an call and weft
line, the flern being weftward, any diftant objeft per¬
ceived on the north-weft or fouth-weft, is faid to be
on the larboard or (larboard quarter.
Quarter-^///, a roll, or lift, containing the dif¬
ferent ftations, to which all the officers and crew of
the fhip are quartered in the time of battle, and
the names of all the perfons appointed to thofe fta¬
tions.
QuARTER-ilfa/?^, is an officer, generally a lieute¬
nant, whofe principal bufinefs is to look after the
quarters of the. foldiers, their cloathing, bread, am¬
munition, firing, &c. Every regiment of foot and
artillery has a quarter-mafter, and every troop of
horfe one, who are only warrant-officers, except in the
Blues.
QvAKTE.R-MaJler-General, is a confiderable officer
in the army; and fhould be a man of great judgment
and experience, and well fkilled in geography. His
duty is to mark the marches and encampments of an
array : he (hould know the country perfedly well,
with its rivers, plains, marfties, woods, mountains,
defiles, paffages, &c. even to the fmallefl brook.
Prior to a march, he receives the order and route
from the commanding general, and appoints a place
for the quartex-mafters of the army to meet him next
morning, with whom he marches to the next camp ;
where being come, and having viewed the ground, he
marks out to the regimental quarter- mailers the ground
allowed each regiment for their camp : he choofes the
head quarters, and appoints the villages for the gene¬
rals of the army’s quarters: he appoints a proper
place for the encampment of ?he train of artillery : he
condu&s foraging parties, as likewife the troops to
cover them again ft affaulu, and has a (hare in regula-
ported by iron crantes, placed at proper diftances.
The interval is fonaetimes filled with cork, or old fails;
but chiefly with the hammocs of the Tailors, fo as to
form a parapet to prevent the execution of the ene¬
my’s fmall arms in battle. y
QuARTER-^'e^'c/jx, a general court held quarterly
by the juftices of peace of each county.
QuAR.TER-5/a^j a long (laff borne by forefters,
park-keepers, &c. as a badge 6f their office ; and oc-
cafionally ufed as a weapon.
QUARTERS, a name given at fea to the feveral
ftations where the officers and crew of a (hip of war!
are polled in adtion. See Naval Tadics, P'S325> $5’
The number of men appointed to manage the ar¬
tillery is always in proportion to the nature of the
guns, and the number and condition of the (hip’s
crew. They are, in general, as follow, when the
(hip is well manned, fo as to fight both fides at once
occafionally:
Pounder. No. of men. Pounder.
To a 42 - 15 To a 9
32-13 6
No. of m
6
5
4
3
This number, to which is often added a boy to
bring powder to every gun, may be occafionally redu¬
ced, and the guns neverthelefs well managed. The
number of men appointed to the fmall arms, on board
his Majefty’s (hips and floops of war, by order of the
admiralty, are.
Rate of the (hip.
lit
2d
3d of 80 guns
— of 70 guns
4th of 60 guns
4th of 50 guns
5th
6th
Sloops of war
No. of men to the fmall arms
150
120
IOO
80
5°
40
3°
The lieutenants are ufually ftatipned to command
the different batteries, and direft their efforts againft
the enemy. The mafter fuperintends the movements
of the (hip, and whatever relates to the fails. The
boatfwain, and a fufficient number of men, is ftation-
ed to repair the damaged rigging ; and the gunner
and carpenter, wherever neceffary, according to their
refpe£tive offices.
The marines are generally quartered on the poop
and forecaftle, or gang-way, under the diredfion of
their officers; although, on fome occafions, they af-
fift at the great guns, particularly in diftant cannon¬
ading.
Quarters, at a fiege, the encampment upon one
of the moft principal paffages found a place befieged,
to prevent relief and convoys.
lie ad Quarters of an Army, the place where the
commander in chief has his quarters. The quarters of
generals of horfe are, if poffihle, in villages behind the
tight and left wings, and the generals of foot are of-
37 B 2
U E
[ 6j96 ]
U E
Quarters ten in the fame place: but the commander in chief fortified: but it cannot be eafily taken; for the harbour
fhould be near the centre of the army.
Quarters of Refrejhment, the place or places
is flanked with two baftions, which at high tides are
almoft level with the water. A little above one of the
where troops that have been much harafled are put to baftions is a demi-baftion, partly taken out of the rock;
recover themfelves during fome part of the cam-  ca-..r .u-_„n„ f r--‘ --
paign.
Intrenched Quarters, a place fortified with a ditch
and parapet to fecure a body of troops.
Winter Quarters, fometimes means the fpace of
and above it, on the fide of the gallery of the fort, is .
a battery of 25 pieces of cannon: ftill above this is a
fquare fort, called the citadel, and the ways from one
fortification to another are difficult to pafs. To the
left of the harbour, on the fide of the road, there are
time included between leaving the camp and taking the large batteries of cannon and fome mortars; befides
field; but more properly, the places where the troops
are quartered during the winter.
The firft bufinefs, after the army is in winter-
thefe, there are feveral other fortifications not very eafy
to be defcribed. In 1711, the Britifb fitted out a fleet
with a defign to conquer Canada, which failed 0
quarters, is to form the chain of troops to cover the count of the rafhnefs of the admiral, who, contrary to
quarters well: which is done either behind a river, un-  * a :n~
der cover of a range of ftrong polls, or under the pro-
tedlion of fortified towns. Huflars are very ufeful on
this fervice.
It fhould be obferved, as an invariable maxim, in
winter-quarters, that your regiments be difpofed in
brigades, to be always under the eye of a general offi¬
cer; and, if polfible, let the regiments be fo diftri-
buted, as to be each under the command of its own
chief.
QUARTERING, in heraldry, is dividing a coat
into tour or more quarters, or quarterings, by part¬
ing, couping, &c. that is, by perpendicular and hori¬
zontal lines, &c.
QUATUORVIR, in antiquity, formerly written
II1I. Vir, a Roman magiftrate, who had three col¬
leagues joined with him in the fame adminiftration, and
had the care of conducing and fettling the colonies
lent into the provinces. There were alfo quatuorviri
appointed to infpeft and take care of repairs, &c.
QUAVER, in mufic, a meafure of time equal to
half a crotchet, or an eighth part of a femibreve.
QUAY. See Key.
QUEBEC, a handfome and large town of Ame¬
rica, and capital of Canada. The firft place taken no¬
tice of upon landing here, is a fquare of an irregular
figure, with well-built houfes on each fide; on the back
of which is a rock; on the left it is bounded by a fmall
church; and on the right are two rows of houfes, pa¬
rallel to each other. There is another between the
church and the harbour; as alfo another long row on
the fide of the bay. This may be looked upon as a
kind of fuburb; and between this and the great ftreet
is a very fteep afcent, in which they have made fteps
for the foot-paflengers to go up. This may be called
the U/>f>er Town, wherein is the bifhop’s palace; and
between two large fquares is a fort where the gover¬
nor lodges. The Recolets have handfome houfes over-
againft it, and on the right is the cathedral church:
over-againft this is the Jefuits college, and between
them are well-built houfes ; from the fort runs two
ilreets, which are croffed by a third, and between thefe
is a church and a convent. In the fecond fquare are
two defcents to the river of St Charles. The Hotel
Dieu is in the midway; and from thence are fmall
houfes, which reach to the houfe of the intendant. On
the other fide of the Jefuits college, where the church
Hands, is a pretty long ftreet in which is a nunnery.
the advice of his pilot, went too near the Seven ifles,
and fo loft his largeft Ihips and 3000 of his bed fol-
diers. It is about 300 miles north-weft of Bofton in
New-England. On O&ober i8, 1759, it was taken
by the Britifh, under the command of general Wolfe,
who loft his life in the battle, after he had the fatis-
fa&ion to know that our troops were victorious. Ad¬
miral Saunders commanded a fquadron of men of war,
and did immenfe fervice in reducing this place; there
being not a man in the navy but what was aftive on
this occafion, not excepting the failors belonging to
the tranfport veffels. After this valuable acquifition,
all Canada came under the jurifdidtion of the crown of
Great Britain. W. Long. 69. 48. N. Lat. 46. 55.
QUEDLINGBURG, a town of Germany, in the
circle of Upper Saxony, and on the confines of the
duchy of Brunfwick, Here is a famous abbey, whofe
abbefs is a princefs of the empire, and who fends de¬
puties to the diets. Her contingent is one horfeman
and ten footmen. E. Long. 11. 31. N. Lat. 51.58.
QUEEN, a woman who holds a crown fingly.
The title of queen is alfo given by way of courtefy^
to her that is married to a king, who is called by way
of diftinClion queen~confort; the former being termed
queen-regent. The widow of a king is alfo called queen,
but with the addition of dowager. See Royal Fa¬
mily.
Queen-GW, is a royal duty or revenue belong'-
ing to every queen of England during her marriage to
the king, payable by perfons in this kingdom and Ire¬
land, on divers grants of the king by way of fine or
oblation, &c. being one foil tenth part above the entire
fines, on pardons, contrafts or agreements, which be¬
comes a real debt to the queen, by the name of aurum
regime, upon the party’s bare agreement with the king
for his fine and recording the fame.
Queen’s-GW//;', a divifion of the province ofLein-
fter in Ireland; fo called from the Popilh queen Mary,
in whofe reign it was firft made a county by the earl
of Suffex then lord-deputy. It is bounded on the
fouth by Kilkenny and Catherlogh; by King’s coun¬
ty on the north and weft; part of Kildare and Cather¬
logh on the eaft; and part of Tipperary on the weft.
Its greateft length from north to fouth is 35 miles, and
its breadth near as much; but it is unequal both ways.
This county was anciently full of bogs and woods,
though now pretty well inclofed, cultivated, and in¬
habited. The baronies contained in it are feven; and
Almoft all the houfes are built of (tone, and there are it fends eight members to parliament,
about 7000 inhabitants; the fort is a handfome build- QUEENBOROUGH, a town of the ifleof Shep-
ing, but not quite finifhed. Quebec is not regularly pey in Kent, which fends two members to parliament,
though
O U E [ 6597 ] Q U E
Qnecn’s though confiding only of about 100 low brick houfes,
(! and fcarce 350 inhabitants. The chief employment of
Qiiereiis. ^ pe0pie here is oyder drudging; oyders being very
plentiful and of a fine flavour. £. Long. o. 50. N.
Lat. 51. 25.
QUEENS-ferry, a town of Scotland, in the fhire'
of Lothian, feated on the fouth fide of the river Forth,
9 miles wed of Edinburgh.
QUINTIN (St), an ancient, famous, and drong
town of France, in Picardy, and capital of Verman-
dois. The church is thought to be one of the fined
in France. A famous battle was fought here in 1557,
between the French and Spaniards. It is feated on an
eminence by the river Somme. E. Long. 3. 22. N.
Lat. 49. 50.
QUERCI, a province of Guiennein France; boun-
ed on the north by Limofin, on the ead by Rouergue
and Auvergne, on the fouth by Upper Languedoc,
and on the wed by Agenois and Perigord. It is di¬
vided into Upper and Lower; and is fertile in corn,
wine, and fruits. Cahors is the capital town.
QUERCUS, the oak-tree; a genus of the poly-
andria order, belonging to the monoecia clafs of plants.
Species. I. The robur, or common Englifli oak,
grows from about 60 or 70 to too feet high, with a
prodigious large trunk, and mondrous fpreading head;
oblong leaves, broaded towards the top, the edges
acutely finuated, having the angles obtufe. There is
a variety, having the leaves finely firiped with white.
This fpecies grows in great abundance all over Eng¬
land in woods, forefis, and hedge-rows; is naturally
of an amazing large growth; there being accounts of
fome above 100 feet dature, with wonderful large
trunks and fpreading heads; and is fuppofed to con¬
tinue its growth many centuries.
2. The prinus, or chefnut-leaved American oak,
grows 50 or 60 feet high; having large oblong-oval
fmooth leaves pointed both ways, the edges finuated-
ferrated, with the finufes uniformly round.
3. The phellos, or willow-leaved American oak,
grows 40 or 50 high, having long narrow fmooth
entire leaves like thofe of the willow. There is a va¬
riety called the dwarf willow-leaved oak.
4. The alba, or white Virginian oak, grows 30 or
40 feet high, having a whitifli bark, with long ob¬
liquely-pinnatifid light-green leaves, the finufes and
angles obtufe.
5. The nigra, or black Virginian oak, grows 30
or 40 feet high, having a dark-coloured bark, large
wedge-fliaped flightly-trilobated leaves.
6. The rubra, or red Virginian oak, grows about
60 feet high, having a dark-greyi(h bark, long obtufe-
ly finuated leaves, with the finufes terminated by briftly
points, and have fometimes red fpotted veins, but ge¬
nerally dying in autumn to a reddifh colour, remain¬
ing on the trees late in the feafon.
7. The efculus of Pliny, er cut-leaved Italian oak,
grows about 30 feet high, having a purplifh bark, ob¬
long deeply-finuated fmooth leaves, and long flender
clofe-fitting acorns in very large cups.
8. iEgilops, or large prickly-cupped Spanifli oak,
grows 70 or So feet high or more, with a very large
trunk and widely-fpeading head, having a whitifli
bark,large oblong-oval deeply-ferrated fmooth leaves,
the ferratures bowed backward, and large acorns pla- Quercus.
ced in Angularly large prickly cups. This is a noble ■
fpecies, almoft equal in growth to our common Englifli
oak.
9. Cerris, or fmaller prickly-cupped Spanifli oak,
grows 30 or 40 feet high, and has oblong lyre-fliaped
pinnatifid tranfverfely-jagged leaves, downy underneath,
and fmall acorns placed in prickly cups.
10. The ilex, or common evergreen oak, grows 40
or 50 feet high, having a fmooth bark, oval and ob¬
long undivided ferrated petiolated leaves, downy and
whitifli underneath. The varieties are, broad-leaved,
narrow leaved, and fometimes both forts and other dif¬
ferent fliaped leaves on the fame tree, alfo fometimes
with fawed and prickly leaves.
11. The gramuntia, or Montpelier holly-leaved
evergreen oak, grows 40 or 50 feet high; and has ob¬
long-oval, clofe-fitting finuated fpinous leaves, downy
underneath, bearing a refemblance to the leaves of
holly.
12. The fuber, or cork-tree, grows 30 or 40 feet
high, having a thick rough fungous cleft bark, and
oblong-oval undivided ferrated leaves, downy under¬
neath. This fpecies furniflies thatufeful material cork j
it being the bark of the tree, which becoming of a
think fungous nature, under which, at the fame time,
is formed a new bark, and the old being detached for
ufe, the tree ftill lives, and the fucceeding young bark
becomes alfo of the fame thick fpongy nature in fix or
feven years, fit for barking, having likewife another
frefh bark forming under it, becoming cork like the
others in the like period of time; and in this manner
thefe trees wonderfully furnifh the cork for our ufe,
and of which is made the corks for bottles, bungs for
barrels, and numerous other ufeful articles. The tree
grows in great plenty in Spain and Portugal, and from
which countries we receive the cork.
13. The coccifera, fcarlet or kermes oak, grows
but 14 or 15 feet high, branching all the way, and of
bufliy growth ; with large oval undivided indented fpi¬
nous leaves; and producing fmall glandularexcrefcen-
cies, called kermes or fcarlet grain, ufed by the dyers.
The fmall fcarlet glands found on this tree, is the ef-
feft of certain infefls depofiting their eggs betwixt the
bark of the branches and leaves, caufes an extravafa-
tion of the fap, and forms the excrefcence or fubftance
in queftion, which being dried is the kermes or fcarleb
paftel.
14. The Molucca, Moluccan oak, commonly called
American live oak, grows about 40 feet high, having
oval fpear (haped fmooth entire leaves, and fmall ob¬
long eatable acorns.
All the above 14-fpecies of quercus produce flowers
annually in the fpring, about April or May, of a yel-
lowiftt colour, but make no ornamental appearance,
and are males and females feparated in the iame tree j
the males being in loofe amentums, and the females
fitting clofe to the buds in thick leathery hemifpheri-
cal calixes, fucceeded by the fruit or acorns, which are
oval nuts fixed by their bafe into rough permanent
cups, and moftly fit quite clofe, and fome on fhort foot-
ftalks, ripening in autumn, which in the common Eng-
lifh oak is in great abundance, and often in tolerable
plenty on fome of the other forts; thofe of all the kinds-
ferve
QU E [ 6598 ] U E
Qwerais. ferve for propagating their refpedive fpecies; they are
■ alfo excellent food for fwine and deer, the common oak
in particular.
Ufes, &c. Oak-trees, of all the above forts, may
be employed in gardening to diverfify large ornamen¬
tal plantations in out grounds, and in forming clumps
in fpacious lawns, parks, and other extenfive opens;
the evergreen kinds in particular have great merit for
all ornamental purpofes in gardens. But all the larger
growing kinds, both deciduous and evergreens, demand
efteem principally as firft-rate foreft-trees for their
timber. The Englifh oak, however, claims precedence
as a timber-tree, for its prodigious height and bulk,
and fuperior worth of its wood. Every pofleffor
of confiderable eftates ought therefore to be parti-
-cularly afliduous in raifing woods of them, which
is effe&ed by fowing the acorns either in a nur-
fery and the plants tranfplanted where they are to
remain, or fowed at once in the places where they
are always to Hand. All the forts will profper in any
middling foil and open fituation, though in a loamy
foil they are generally more profperous: however,
there are'but few.foils in which oaks will not grow;
they will even thrive tolerably in gravelly, fandy, and
clayey land, as may be obferved in many parts of this
country of the common oak.
The propagation of the ftriped-leaved varieties of
the common oak, and any particular variety of the
other fpecies, muft be efftded by grafting, as they
will not continue the fame from feed: the grafting may
be performed upon any kind of oakling-ftocks raifed
from the acorns, and train them for ftandards like the
•others.
The oak is remarkable for its flownefs of growth,
bulk, and longevity. It has been remarked that the
trunk has attained to the fize only of 14 inches in dia¬
meter, and of fome to 20, in the fpace of fourfcore years.
As to bulk, we have an account of an oak belonging
to Lord Powis, growing in Broomfield wood, near
Ludlow in Shropfhire, in the year 1764, the trunk of
which meafured 68 feet in girth, 23 in length, and
which, reckoning 90 feet for the larger branches, con¬
tained in the whole 1455 feet of timber round mea-
fure, or 29 loads and five feet, at 50 feet to a load.
And, with refpetSf to longevity, Linnseus gives account
*0.f an oak 260 years old ; but we have had fome tradi¬
tions of fome in England (how far to be depended up¬
on we know not) that have attained to more than
double that age. Befides the grand purpofes to which
the timber is applied in navigation and architefture,
and the bark in tanning of leather, there are other ufes
of lefs confequence, to which the different parts of this
tree have been referred. The Highlanders ufe the
bark to dye their yarn of a brown colour, or, mixed
with copperas, of a black colour. They call the oak
■the king of all the trees in the forejl; and the herdf-
man would think himfelf and his flock unfortunate
if he had not a ftaff of if. The faw-duft from the tim¬
ber, and even the leaves of the tree, have been found
capable of tanning, though much inferior to the bark
for that purpofe. The bark, alfo, after being ufed for
tanning, are employed In gardening for making bark-
beds, forming the moft eligible kind of hot-beds for the
culture of the pine-apple and all other tender exotics of
the hot-houfe temperature. So great is the aftringency
of the bark, that in a larger dofo, like the Peruvian kind, Quefne
it has been known to cure the ague. The expreffed juice II
of the galls or oak-apples (excrefcences occafioned by <^evedli>-
a fmall infedf called cynips) mixed with vitriol and "
gum-arabic, will make ink. The leaves of the oak
are very fubjedl to be covered with a fweet vifeous
juice called honey-dew, which bees and other infedlsare
very fond of. The acorns are a good food to fat¬
ten fwine and turkies; and, after the fevere winter of
the year 1709, the poor people in France were mife-
rably conftrained to eat them themfelves. There are,
however, acorns produced from another fpecies of oak,
which are eaten to this day in Spain and Greece, with
as much pleafure as chefnuts, without the dreadful com-
pulfion of hunger.
QUESNE (Abraham du), marquis of Quefne, ad¬
miral of the naval forces of France, and one of the
greateft men of the laft age, was born in Normandy in
1610. He contributed to the defeating of the naval
power of Spain before Gattari; was dangeroufly
wounded before Barcelona in 1642, and on other oc-
cafions: he went into the fervice of the Swedes, and
became vice-admiral; gave the Danes an entire defeat,
killed their admiral, and took his fhip. He was re¬
called into France in 1647, and commanded the fqua-
dron fent to Naples. The fea-affairs of France being
much fallen, he fitted out divers (hips for the relief of
the royal army that blocked upBourdeaux; which was
the principal caufe of the furrender of the town. He
was very fortunate in the laft wars of Sicily, where he
beat the Dutch thrice, and De Ruyter was killed. He
alfo obliged the Algerines to fue for peace from France
in a very humble manner. In ihort, Alia, Africa, and
Europe, felt the eff'edls of his valour. He was a Pro-
teftant; yet the king bellowed on him the land of Bou-
chet, and to immortalize his memory gave it the name
of that great man. He died in 1688.
QUESTION, in logic, a propofition Hated by way
of interrogation.
Question, or Tortures See Rack.
.QUESTOR, or Qujestor, in Roman antiquity,
an officer who had the management of the public trea-
fure.
The queftorfhip was the firft office any perfon could
bear in the commonwealth, and gave a right to fit in
the fenate.
At firft there were only two ; but afterwards two
others were created, to take care of the payment of
the armies abroad, of felling the plunder, booty, &c.
for which purpofe they generally accompanied the
canfuls- in their expeditions; on which account they
were called peregrins, as the firft and principal two were
called urbani.
The number of queftors was afterwards greatly in-
creafed. They had the keeping of the decrees of the
fenate: and hence came the two offices of quejlor prin-
cipis, or augujli, fometimes called candidatus principis,
whofe office relembled in moft refpefts that of our fe-
cretaries of Hate; and the quejlorpalatii, anfwering in
a great meafure to our lord chancellor.
QUEUE, in heraldry, fignifies the tail of a beaft:
thus if a lion be borne with a forked tail, he is blazon¬
ed double-queued.
QUEVEDO de Villegas (Francisco), a celebra¬
ted Spaniffi poet, born at Madrid in 1570. He was
defeended
cl u i [ 6599 ] <L u 1
Quick, defcended frop a noble family, and was made a knight
Quicklime. 0f gt James; but was thrown into prifon by order of
'count Olivarez, whofe adminiftration he fatirized in
his verfes, and was not fet at liberty till after that mi-
nifter’s difgaace. Quevedo wrote fome heroic, lyric,
and facetious poems. He alfo compofed feveral trea-
tifes on religious fubje&s, and has tranflated fome au¬
thors into Spanifh. He died in 1645. The moft known
of his works are, 1. The Spanifh ParnafTus. 2. The
Adventurer Bufcon. 3. Vilions of Hell Reformed,
&c.
QUICK, or Quickset Hedge, among gardeners,
denotes all five hedges, of whatever fort of plants they
are compofed, to diftinguilh them from dead hedges;
but in a more ftrift ftnfe of the word, it is retrained
to thofe planted with the hawthorn, under which name
thofe young plants or fets are fold by the nurfery gar¬
deners who raife them for fale. See the article
Hedge.
QUICKLIME, a general name for all calcareous
fubftances when deprived of their fixed air; fuch as
chalk, limeftone, oyfler-fhells, &c. calcined.
Qmcklime has the following properties. I. It is
entirely foluble in water, with which it unites fo ra¬
pidly as to occafion confiderable heat. When expo-
fed to air, it imbibes moifture from thence. When
united with as much water as isfufficient to make it a
fluid pafte, it is called flaked lime. Water faturated
with quicklime is called lime nuater. According to
Brandt, lime-water contains about one part of quick¬
lime to 700 or 800 parts of water. Slaked lime, or
lime-water, being expofed to the atmofphere, attradl
from thence particles of fixable air which float in it,
by which means the quicklime is rendered mild, info-
luble in water, and therefore appears on the fnrface of
the lime-water, or of the flaked lime where this com¬
bination happens, in the ftate of mild or combined
calcareous earth, convertible by a fecond calcination
into quicklime, and is called cream of lime.
If the earth diflblved in lime-water be precipitated
from thence by any fubftance containing fixable air,
by mild alkalies or magnefia, it will unite with
this air, become mild, and refume its former weight
and properties which it poflefled before calcination.
But if it be precipitated from the water by means of
fome fubftance which does not contain fixable air, but
which is more ftrongly difpofed than the earth to unite
with the water, for inftance, fpirit of wine, the earth
thus precipitated will be in the ftate of quicklime, that
is, cauftic, and foluble in water.
2. Quicklime unites with acids without efferve-
fcence, which is nothing elfe than an extrication of
the fixable air, of which quicklime has been already
deprived. It neverthelefs faturates as much acid as it
would have done if it had not been calcined.
3. Quicklime is more powerfully difpofed to unite
with fixable air than fixed or volatile alkalis, or mag¬
nefia. Hence, when treated with thefe fubftances, it
takes from them their fixable air, and is itfelf render¬
ed mild, and reftored to its original weight and pro¬
perties. Thus two drams of chalk, having been by.
calcination reduced to one dram and eight grains of
quicklime, were thrown into a filtrated folution of an
Ounce of mild fixed alkali in two ounces of water, and
digefted during fome time; by which the calcareous
earth became mild* and weighed one dram and ^SQu'Alime.
grains. By means of magnefia, the calcareous earth" '
may be precipitated from lime-water; and this earth is
found to be mild, and to have deprived the magnefxa
of its fixable air. By depriving alkalies of their fix-
able air, quicklime renders them more cauftic and fol-
vent, for the fame reafon that itfelf is by this priva¬
tion of air rendered more cauftic and powerfully fol-
vent. This increafe of caufticity and diflblving power
is confiftent with a general rule, namely, that the
more fimple or lefs compounded any body is, that is,
the lefs its general tendency to union is fatisfied,
the more difpofed it is to unite with or diffolve other
fubftances.
4. Quicklime has a difpofnion to unite with ful-
phur, with which it forms a hepar of fulphur, fimilar
to that made by fulphur united with an alkali, and,
like this, foluble in water. It is alfo difpofed to unite
with oils and with animal and vegetable matters, with
refpeft to, which it difcovers a cauftic and corrofive
property.
4. Quicklime mixed with fand forms a mafs which
hardens, and is ufed as a cement or mortar.
All thefe properties of quicklime have been the ob-
jedlsof confideration to the chemifis andphilofophers;
who have, as ufual, been divided in their opinions on
the fubject. The evident refemblance of the aftion
of quicklime to fire, has given occafion for one party
to derive all the a&ive properties of this fubftance from
fire; while, on the other hand,its want of heat,andinca-
pacity of fetting bodies on fire, unlefs by an acctffion of
water, were objeftions altogether infurmountable. On
the other hand, thofe who denied the materiality of fire,
and affirmed thatitconfiftsonly in amotion mechanically
produced among the particles of bodies, were altogether
at a lofs to fhow a reafon why this motion, or any thing
refembling it, fhould continue perhaps for months af¬
ter the exciting caufe is taken away. To remove this
difficulty, fome have had recourfe to the aftion of ala-
tent acid communicated to the quicklime by the fire ;
anxl which one chemift (Mr Meyer) has diftingui/hed
by the name of acidum pingue But on this hypo-* Se^
thefis it may be remarked in the firft place, that then°
aftion of acids is as difficult to be explained as that of
fire; and, in the fecond place, that as all fubftances, by
calcination into quicklime, lofe confiderably of their
weight, it feems very improbable that they fhould ac¬
quire an acid or any other fubftance which could in¬
creafe their wqight. Befides, from the experiments
of Dr Black, it appears, that the diminution of weight
in calcareous fubftances, is owing to their parting
with a quantity of fixed air, the weight of which is
much more confiderable than that of any moifture or
fatty matter they contain. The lofs of this fixed air is
now alfo univerfally allowed to be the reafon of the.
caufticit^of the quicklime, as its fuperior attraftion for
fixed air is looked upon to be the reafon why it ren¬
ders fixed and volatile alkalies cauftic like itfelf. The
only queftion therefore can be, By what means are
the calcareous earths deprived of their fixed air? Td
this queftion the anfwer is evident, namely, that the
aftion of the fire expels the fixed air; and if this
is the cafe, it is evident, that to this aftion of fire, ,
continued, the cauftic properties of the lime are ow¬
ing-
We-
cl u i
Quicklime. We come now to the difcuffion of ttie queftion,
Whether quicklime is to be confidered as a pure earth,
or a combination of it with fomething elfe ?—Mod of
the chemifts, fince the difcovery of fixed air, have been
inclined to think, that quicklime is a pure earth un¬
combined with any thing elfe, and that it approaches
more nearly to the ftate of elementary earth than any
other. But this opinion teems not to have a folid
foundation ; for there are other earths, fuch as the
bafis of alum, which, as far as they can bs examined
by us, are equally pure with quicklime, and yet dif-
cover not the fmalled caufticity, even after the mod
violent calcination. Befides, from the property which
quicklime has of depriving alkaline .falts of their fixed
air, we may learn, that there exifts in it, when kept by
itfelf, a certain principle which prevents it from ab-
forbing again the fixed air, with which it was once fo
clofely united, except in certain circumdances. It is
well known, that fixed alkalies, as well as thofe which
are volatile, will abforb fixed air from the common at-
mofphere : and hence, tho’ they are prepared in the
mod caudic date, they will in a very fhort time become
mild, by an expofure to the atmofphere ; nay, it re¬
quires no fmall degree of care to prevent the atmo¬
fphere from having as much accefs to them as is necef-
fary to change them from a caudic to a mild date.
Now, as thefe fubdances thus attraft the fixed air
from the atraofphere, it thence appears that the at¬
mofphere parts very readily with the fixed air which
it contains. The quicklime, however, though it has
a greater attra&ion for fixed air than the alkalies, yet
does not become near fo foon mild from expofure to
the air as the alkalies which have lefs attraflion than
itfelf. Hence the neceffary inference mud be, that
quicklime, after being once calcined, indead of at-
trafting, repels fixed air, unlefs it is placed in certain
circumdances, wherein the repelling power is dedroy-
ed, and the attraftive power again manifeds itfelf.
Now it is manifed, that the power which originally
repelled the fixed air was the aftion of fire ; and con-
fequently, while th£ quicklime refufes to attraft fixed
air, we mud conclude that it is the fame aftion which
prevents the union. Quicklime, therefore, is not a
pure earth, but a combination of a pure earth with fire;
jud as chalk, or limedone uncalcined, is not a pure
earth, but a combination of a pure earth with fixed
air. In all chemical trials, then, where quicklime is
ufed, the double eleftive attraftion will manifed itfelf
as much as in a combination of different falts, metals,
and acids. Thus, when water is poured on quick¬
lime, the attraftion between that element and earth is
dronger than the attraftion between earth and fire.
The confequence is, that the water expels the fire, jud
as vitriolic acid poured upon fea-falt expels the ma¬
rine acid. The fire then, having nothing with which
it can form a chemical combination, becomes fenfible
to the touch, fird making the lime very hot, and then
gradually difiipating in the atmofphere. However, as
the water combines with the earth but in very fmall
quantity, it can only expel the fire from that quantity
with which it does combine ; and confequently the
lime dill retains its caudic quality, though in a degree
fomewhat milder than what it was originally. We
mud alfo confider, that water itfelf has a confiderable
attraftion for fire as well as for earth} and the confe-
cl u i
quence of this mud be, that part of the lime will be Quicklime,
diffolved in the water, if more of that element is ad-
ded than what the earth can abforb without lofing
the form of a dry powder. Hence the origin of lime-
water, which is only a fmall quantity of lime in its
caudic date diffolved in a large quantity of water.
This diffolution is owing to the double attraftion of
fire to earth and water ; for as long as the water can
admit the calcined earth to that intimate union with
itfelf which is called a chemical cojnbination, the earth
mud dill retain all the caudicity which the fire gives
it, and diffolve in the water. When the earth is in
too large quantity to be thus combined with the wa¬
ter, the latter is only abforbed into the pores of the
earth, where by its bulk it fplits the done or calcined
matter all to pieces, and reduces it to an impalpable
powder, expelling a proportional quantity of fire from
thofe pores which it now occupies. The water, how¬
ever, is capable of radically diffolving but a very fmall
portion of calcined earth : and therefore, the fame
quantity of quicklime will ferve for preparing lime-
water a great number of times over ; but at lad a large
quantity is left, which feems to be quite inert, and has
lod the properties of quicklime. Thofe who have
tried the experiment of lixiviating lime with frefh
quantities of water till it ceafes to be foluble, have
fixed the proportion of foluble matter in the lime at
about one-third of the whole; but from Dr BiackV
experiments it appears that quicklime may all be dif¬
folved in water at once, provided the water is in fuffi-
cient quantity. Its inaftivity, therefore, after re¬
peated affufions of water, mud be owing to fome
change produced by the water; but whether this is
owing to an abforption of all the fire it contained by
the great quantity of water, or to a fupply of fixed
air given by the water, has not yet been determined
by any experiment.
If, inltead of pouring cold water upon quick¬
lime, we pour that which is already heated, the ab¬
forption is much lefs complete; becaufe the water,
having already a fuperfluous quantity of heat, is refid-
ed by that which is contained in the quicklime in a la¬
tent date ; and hence it is a general obfervation, that
hot water is lefs proper for flaking lime than cold.
But if we pour on any acid upon quicklime which con¬
tains a great quantity of fire in a latent ftate, and has
likewife a violent attraftion for the earth, a much
greater degree of heat is produced than with Ample
water. With the vitriolic acid, indeed, this is not fo
well perceived, if the common calcareous earths are
made ufe of; becaufe their infolubility in this acid di-
minifties its effeft : but if, indead of thefe earths, we
take magnefia newly calcined, the heat is fo great,
that the aqueous vapour, not having time to evaporate
flowly, is driven off with a confiderable explofion. If
the common calcareous earths, well calcined, are dif¬
folved in the nitrous acid, a moft violent degree of heat
is produced ; more indeed than in any other cafe
where a liquid is concerned : for the nitrous acid itfelf
contains a great deal of latent heat; the quicklime
does the fame; and by the intimate union of the earth
with the acid, all this latent heat, at lead a great part
of it, both in the quicklime and fpirit of nitre, is dif-
placed, and attacks the aqueous fluid as being near¬
ed to it ; from whence it is difiipated in the air, or
[ 6600 ]
Q_ U I
Quicklime, abforbed by the neighbouring fubftanees.
Quickfilver.jjjjpg happens, only in a lefs degree, when the marine
” *^acid is employed.
When quicklime is mixed with a folution of mild
alkali, a double decompofnion, and two new compo-
fitions, take place. The quicklime may be confidered
as a combination of earth and fire, while the alkali in
the prefent cafe afts as a combination of fait and air.
Thefe two fubftances, therefore, are no fooner put in¬
to fuch circumltances as enable jthem to adt on each
other, than the quicklime attradis the air from the al¬
kali, and gives its own fire in exchange, which the al¬
kali takes up, and thus is rendered cauftic, while the
quicklime becomes mild. Neverthelefs, though the
alkali here feems to have the greater attradlion for fire,
and the quicklime for air; yet it appears, that the al¬
kali is by no means capable of keeping the fire which
it has imbibed for any length of time ; for no fooner
[ 6601 ] U I
The fame Pharmacy, n° 479, 751, 754, 755, 756, 757, 758, Quickfilve^
759, 760, 761, 762, 763.
Mercury may eafily be cleanfed from thofe extra- pr-
neons matters which adhere only flightly to it, by ma- „„
king it pafs through a new, clean, and clofe cloth, vol. iv.
and afterwards by heating it. When mercury has P-'S*!
been thus purified, and is free from all metallic allay,
it is confiderably fluid. A phofphoric light is produ¬
ced by (baking in the dark fuch mercury contained in
a barometer. Its integrant parts, like thofe of melt¬
ed metals, feem mutually to attradf each other, and
always acquire a convex or fpherical form when they
touch bodies with which they have no tendency to
unite.
Anew method of purifying quickfilver from lead has
been difcovered by Dr Prieftley; of which he gives
the following account.
“ I take a glafs phial with a ground ftopper (fuch
is it expofed to the a&ion of the air, than it parts being generally pretty ftrong) containing 10 or 12
with the fire which it had imbibed, regains its air, and ounces of water, and fill about one-fourth of it with
becomes mild. This, however, in all probability is the foul quickfilver ; then, putting in the ftopper, I
owing to its extreme folubility in water while in a hold it inverted with both my hands, and (hake it
cauftic ftate ; for quicklime itfelf when diflblved in violently, generally ftriking the band that fupports it
water very eafily regains its fixed air, nay, even more againft my thigh. When I have given it 20 or 30
than it contains in a natural ftate. See the article ftrokes in this manner, I take out the ftopper, and
Salt.
On the whole, then, the properties of quicklime
may be explained in a very eafy manner on Dr Black’s
principle of latent heat. That heat confifts in a latent
ftate in quicklime, as well as in vapour, we have in-
conteftible proofs; becaufe, in all cafes where quick¬
lime changes its nature and becomes more mild, a de¬
gree of heat is produced, and which is always propor¬
tionable to the change made on the quicklime. In the
making of quicklime, therefore, the air is expelled,
and a proportional quantity of fire enters; in diffol-
ving it in an acid, flaking, &c. an acid, air, or wa¬
ter, expels part of the heat, which then becomes fen-
fible. By long expofure to the air, the heat gradual¬
ly evaporates; the fixed air refuraes its place; and the
quicklime, beitig thus increafed in bulk, embraces thofe
bodies very clofely which lie neareft to it, infomuch,
that, when mixed with fand and (tones, it will harden
with them almoft into the folidity of a rock. See Ce¬
ment and Mortar. When mixed with animal or ve¬
getable fubftances, it deftroys or decompounds them
both by the adion of its internal heat, and by its at-
tradion for a certain acid contained in the animal fub¬
ftances, and an oily matter in the vegetables; and
hence its property of burning cloth, though its attrac¬
tion for the oily matter juft mentioned makes it an
■excellentwhitener when properly applied. SeeBcEACH-
ING.
QUICKSILVER, or Mercury, a metallic fub-
ftance, fluid, except in extreme degrees of cold, of a
(hining white appearance, very much refembling fil-
ver; its fpecific gravity the greateft of all metals
next to gold and platina. For the method of ex¬
trading this metal from its ore, fee Metallur¬
gy, p. 4957. For the various preparations from
it, fee Chemistry, n° 153, 205, 250, 414. and
Vol. IX. 1
blow into the phial with a pair of bellows; which I do
in order to change the air that has become in part
phlogifticated, and knowing that the purer the air is
the falter the procefs advances.
“ After a fhort time, if the mercury be very foul,
the furface will not only become black, but a great
quantity of the upper part of it will be, as it were,
coagulated, fo as to be eafily feparated from the reft.
I therefore invert the phial; and covering the mouth
of it with my finger, let out all the mercury that will
flow eafily, and put the black coagulated part into a
cup by itfclf. This I prefs repeatedly with the end
of my finger, till I make a complete feparation of the
running mercury from the black powder; and putting
the powder by itfelf, I pour back the mercury to the
reft of the mafs out of which it was taken, in order to
be agitated with it again.
“ This procefs I repeat till I find that no more
black matter can be feparated ; and it is not a little
remarkable, that the operator will be at no lofs to
know when the procefs is completed. For the fame
quantity of lead feems to come out of it in equal times
of agitation, and confequently the whole becomes pure
at once. Alfo, whereas, while the lead was in the
mercury, it felt, as I may fay, like fcrft clay, the mo¬
ment the lead is feparated from it, it begins to rattle
as it is (haken, fo that any perfon in the room may
perceive when it has been agitated enough (a).
“ That the mercury is made quite pure by this pre-
cefs I afcertained by diftillation. For having diftilled
in a glafs veffel a large quantity of quickfilver, in
which both lead and tin had been purpofely diffolved,
and which had only been agitated in this manner af¬
terwards, I found nothing more than a light whitiflt
ftain on the bottom of the retort.
“ When a quantity of the black powder is procured,
37 C
(a) Pure mercury may alfo be diftinguiftied from that which is very impure, by this circumftance, viz. that a
mixture of lead or tin, at leaft, very much diminifhes its attradtion of cohefion. For, when pure mercury
is contained in a glafe or earthen veflel, there will be a hollow fpace between the metal and the veflel; where¬
as, if there be lead or tin it, the whole furfacq, even to the place of contact with the velfel, will be perfectly
ievel.
U I [ 6602 ] U I
Qulckfilver. It is very eafy, by diftillation, to feparate the mercury
from the calx; and I do not know a readier method of
procuring the calx of lead, or tin, and perhaps the
calx of other metals alfo. The quantity of black
mercurial powder is very confiderable in proportion to
the lead or tin mixed with it; though it is not eafy to
afcertain this with exa&nefs, becaufe, in endeavouring
to feparate the powder from the running mercury, a
good deal of it is, by mere trituration, converted in*
to running mercury ; and I do not know but that, in
time, the whole might be reftored by this means, and
the calx of lead, See. be got quite pure. However,
from the following experiments it will be feen what
proportion they generally bear to each other, after a
tolerably careful feparation. It will be feen alfo, that
when all the quickfilver that was converted into black
powder is expelled from lead or tin by heat, there will
remain more weight of the calx than there was of the
metal; as might be expe&ed. But as I applied more
heat than was neceffary to feparate the quickfilver, a
good deal of the air, and whatever elfe contributes to
the additional weight of the calx, is, no doubt, expel¬
led with it.
“ Having mixed x dwt. of lead with about five
pounds of quickfilver, I expelled it all by agitation,
in the method deferibed above ; when, weighing the
black powder, it was found to be 1 oz. 10 dwt. 5 gr.
fome particles of the running mercury being, how¬
ever, (till vifible in it. When the quickfilver was
expelled by heat, the calx of the lead appeared in
the form of a brownifix powder, and weighed x dwt.
5 Zr' . .
“ Having mixed 1 dwt. of tin with the abovemen-
tioned quantity of quickfilver, and having expelled it
again by agitation, the black powder, with fome
fmall globules of quickfilver mixed with it, weighed
2 oz. 1 dwt. 5 gr. and the calx, which was a tolerably
white powder, weighed 1 dwt. 7 gr.
“ The feparation of tin from quickfilver by agita-
tation is not eff'e&ed near fo foon as lead. It re¬
quires at lead four times the labour. It alfo re¬
quires proportionably more time to feparate the black
powder from the thick amalgam, in the manner de-
icribed above.
“ Qmckfilver is feparated from lead or tin when the
rnafs is agitated in water, as well as in air; but it feems
to require more time. In this procefs it is alfo eafily
perceived when all the bafe metal is expelled; the phe¬
nomena of the agitation of this amalgam and of pure
mercury in water being very remarkably different. It
is even eafy to perceive, by this means, in a moment,
whether the quickfilver be pure or not. For if it be
impure, the water becomes opake the moment the
•x agitation commences ; which is by no means the cafe
with pure quickfilver, efpecially if the water in
which it is agitated has not been ufed for this pur-
pofe before. Alfo, the black matter fufpended in
the water in which pure quickfilver has been agitated
is (except in a cafe that will be deferibed hereafter)
prefently depofited; whereas the water in which the
amalgram bas been agitated does not become clear in
feveral days. It may alfo be perceived how the quick¬
filver approaches towards purity, by this depofit being
made more or lefs readily.
“ Alfo, the phenomena during the agitation in Quickfilver
thefe two cafes are ftrikingly different, tho’ not eafily J
deferibed in words. More efpecially, the mixture of
quickfilver with lead or tin does not feem to ad¬
mit the water tc mix wi h it; whereas pure quick¬
filver, by violent agitation, may be fo thoroughly
mixed with the water, that it will fometimes be feveral
feconds after the agitation is difeontinued, before it
have entirely difengaged itfelf from the water; and
in doing this it exhibits a very pleafing fpedtacle. By
this means, as in the procefs without water, it may be
perceived at once when the feparation of the bafe me¬
tal and the mercury is completely effe&ed.
“ Having a large quantity of water made very
black with the agitation of a mixture of quickfilver
and lead, I agitated a quantity of common air in it a
long time, and let it (land feveral days; but the air
was not feofibly injured by this means; fo that though
this water and the calcined amalgam fufpended in it
do contain phlogifton, it is not by this means impart¬
ed to the air.
“ I evaporated a pint of the diftilled water in
which quickfilver and tin had been agitated, and
which had flood till it was quite tranfparent, when a
white fediment remained, but it did not weigh more
than a few grains.”
By long agitation in water, the pureft quickfilver
will be converted into a black powder. The procefs
fucceeds beft when as much water is ufed as is three
or four times the bulk of quickfilver. This black mat¬
ter, however, is not permanent, but becomes running
mercury by being merely expoftd to the air, without
trituration, or any other kind of operation. Spi¬
rit of wine anfwers the purpofe as well as water ;
and the appearance feems to be occafioned by a fmall
quantity of fuperfluous phlogifton adhering to the
metal.
QUICK-match, among artillery men, a kind of
•combuftible preparation formed of three cotton ftrands
drawn into length, and dipped in a boiling compofi-
tion of white-wine vinegar, faltpetre, and mealed pow¬
der. After this immerfion it is taken out hot, and
laid in a trough where fome mealed powder, moiften-
ed with fpirits of wine, is thoroughly incorporated in¬
to the twifts of the cotton, by rolling it about there¬
in. Thus prepared, they are taken out feparately,
and drawn through mealed powder; then hung upon
a line till dried, by which they are fit for immediate
fervice.
QU ID pro quo, in law, 7. d. “ what for what,” de¬
notes the giving one thing of value for another; or the
mutual confideration and performance of both parties
to a contraft.
Quin/fn? quo, or Qui pro quo, is alfo ufed in phyfic
to exprefs a miftake in the phyfician’s bill, where quid
is wrote for i. e. one thing for another; or of the
apothecary in reading quidiox quo, and giving the patient
the wrong medicine. Hence the term is in the gene¬
ral extended to all blunders or miftakes committed in
medicine, either in the prefeription, the preparation,
or application of remedies.
QUIDDITY, quxdditas, a barbarous term ufed
in the fchools for cjj'ence. The name is derived hence,
that it is by the efience of a thing that it is tak quid,
fuck
U I [ 6603 ] CL U I
Quietifts fuch a quid, or thing, and not another. Hence what
f| is effential to a thing is faid to be jwV/i/rfifzi'e.
<^in‘ QUIETISTS, a religious fed, famous towards
the clofe of the laft century.
They were fo called from a kind abfolute rdl and in-
aftion, which they fuppofed the foul to be in when
arrived at that date of perfection which they called the
unitive life; in which date, they imagined the foul
wholly employed in contemplating its God, to whofc
influence it was entirely fubmiffive, fo that he could
turn and drive it where and how he would. In this
date, the foul no longer needs prayers, hymns, &c.
being laid, as it were, in the bofom and between the
arms of its God, in whom it is in a manner fwallow-
ed up.
The Mahometans feem to be no drangers to quie-
tifm. They expound a paflage in the feventieth
chapter of the Koran, viz. “ O thou foul, which
art at red, return unto thy Lord, See.” of a foul,
which, having, by purfuing the concatenation of na¬
tural caufes, raifed itfelf to the knowledge of that be¬
ing which produced them and exids of neceflity, reds
fully contented, and acquiefces in the knowledge, &c.
of him, and in the contemplation of his perfection.
QUILLET (Claude), an eminent Latin poet of
the 17th century, was born at Chinon, in Touraine,
and praCtifed phyfic there with reputation : but ha¬
ving declared againd the pretended poffeffion of the
nuns of Loudun, in a manufeript treatife, the original
of which is now in the library of the Sorbonne, he
was obliged to retire into Italy, where he became fe-
cretary to the marfhal d’Edrees, the French ambaflador
at Rome. In 1655 Quillet having publifhed in Holland
a Latin poem, entitled Callipxdia, under the name of
Calvidius Latus, he there inferted fome verfes agairid
the cardinal Mazarine and his family; but that cardi¬
nal making him fome gentle reproaches, he retrenched
what related to the cardinal, in another edition, and
dedicated it to him, Mazarine having, before it
was printed, gave him an abbey. He died in 1661,
aged 59, after having given Menage all his writings,
and 500 crowns to pay the expence of printing
them ; but the abbe took the money and papers, and
publifhed none of them. His CaMpadia, or the Art
of getting beautiful Children, has been tranflated into
Englifh verfe.
QUILLS, the large feathers taken out of the end
of the wing of a goofe, crow, &c.
Quills are denominated from the order in which
they are fixed in the wing, the fecond and third quills
being the beft for writing, as they have the largeft
and roundeft barrels.
Crow-quills are chiefly ufed for drawing. In order
to harden a quill that is foft, thruft the barrel into
hot afhes, ftirring it till it is foft, and then taking it
out, prefs it almoft flat upon your knee with the
back of a penknife, and afterwards reduce it to a
roundnefs with your fingers. If you have a number
to harden, fet water and alum over the fire, and while
it is boiling put in a handful of quills, the barrels
only, for a minute, and then lay them by.
QUIN (James), a celebrated performer on the Eng¬
lifh Itage, was born at London in 1693. He was in¬
tended for the bar ; but preferring Shakefpear to the
flames at large, he on the death of his father, when
it was neceflary for him to do fomething with himfelf, Qs’;a
appeared on the ftage at Drury-lane. In 1720, he n Jl .
firfl difplayed his comic powers in the character of (^mar“1S'
Falftaff, and foon after appeared to as great advantage
in Sir John Btute ; but it was upon Booth’s quitting
the ftage, that'Quin appeared to full advantage, in
the part of Cato. He continued a favourite perfor¬
mer until the year 1748, when on fome difguft be¬
tween him and Mr Rich the manager, he retired to1
Bath, and only came up annually to aft for the be¬
nefit of his friend Ryan ; until the lofs of two frontr
teeth fpoilt his utterance for the ftage. While Mr
Quin continued upon the ftage, he conftantly kept
company with the greateft geniufes of the age. He'
was well known to Pope and Swift; and the earl of
Chefterfield frequently invited him to his table: but
there was none for whom heentertaineda higher efteem,
than for the ingenious Mr Thomfon, to whom he-
made himfelf known by an aft of generofity, that
does the greateft honour to his charafter, and of
which we have given a particular account in Mr
Thomfon’s life. Mr Quin’s judgment in the Englifli
language recommended him to his royal highnefs Fre¬
derick prince of Wales, who appointed him to inftruft
his children in fpeaking and reading with a graceful
propriety ; and Quin being informed of the elegant
manner in which his prefent majefly delivered his firft
gracious fpeech from the throne, he cried out in a
kind of eeftafy, “ Ay—I taught the boy to fpeak!”
Nor did his majefty forget his old tutor; for, foon
after his acceffion to the throne, he gave orders, with¬
out any application being made to him, that a genteel
penfion fhould be paid to Mr Quin during his life.
Mr Quin, indeed, was not in abfolute need of this'
royal benefaftion ; for as he was never married, and-
had none but diftant relations, he funk 20001. which
was half his fortune, in an annuity, for which he ob¬
tained 2001. a-year ; and with about 20001. more in
the funds, lived in a decent manner during the latter
part of his life at Bath, from whence he carried on a
regular correfpondence with Mr Garrick, and gene¬
rally paid a vifit to his friends in the metropolis once
a-year, when he conftantly pafied a week or two at
Mr Garrick’s villa at Hampton. He died of a fever
in 1766.
QUINAUT (Philip), a celebrated French poet,
born of a good family at Paris in i<>35. He cultivated
poetry from his infancy, and 16 dramatic pieces of his
were afted between the year 1653 and 1666. In the
mean time Quinaut was not fo much devoted to poetry,
but that he applied himfclf to the ftudy of the !aw;‘
and made his fortune by marrying the widow of a rich
merchant to whom he had been ufeful in his profefikm.
Quinaut afterwards turned his attention to the com-
poling of operas, which were fet to mufic by the fa¬
mous Lully; and Lully was charmed with a poet
whofe verfes were not too nervous to yield to the ca¬
pricious airs of mufic. He died in 1688, after having
enjoyed a handfome penfion from Lewis XIV. for
many years: and we are told he was extremely peni¬
tent in his laft illnefs, for all thofe of his compofitions
which tended to infpire love and pleafure.
QUINARIUS, in antiquity, a little Roman coin,
equal to half the denarius. It was properly the Ro¬
man halfpenny.
37 C 2 QUINCE,
CL u i [ 6604 ] cl u 1
Quince QUINCE, in botany. See Cidonia.
.!!. QUINCUNX, in Roman antiquity, denotes any
Quuit! e. that confillsof five-tweliths of another ; but par¬
ticularly of the as.
Quincunx Order, in gardening, is a plantation of
trees, difpofed originally in a fquare confilling of five
trees, one at each corner, and a fifth in the middle;
which difpofition, repeated again and again, forms a
regular grove, wood, or wildernefs.
QUINDECAGON, in geometry, a plain figure
with 15 fides and 15 angles.
QUINDECEMVIRI, in Roman antiquity, a col¬
lege of ty magiftrates, whofe bufinefs it was to pre-
fide over the facrifices. They were alfo the interpreters
of the Sibyl’s books; which, however, they never con-
fulted but by an exprefs order of the fenate.
QUINQUAGENARIUS, in Roman antiquity,
an officer who had the command of 50 men.
QUINQUAGESIMA Sunday, Shrove Sunday,
fo called as being about the 50th day before Eafter.
QUINQUATRIA, in Roman antiquity, feftivals
celebrated in honour of Minerva, with much the fame
ceremonies as the Panathenaea were at Athens.
QUINQUENNALIS, .in Roman antiquity, a
magittrate in the colonies and municipal cities of that
empire, who had much the fame office as the aedile at
Rome.
QUINQUEREMIS, in the naval architefture of
the ancients, a name given to a galley which had five
rows of oars. They divided their veffels in general into
monocrota and polycrota. The former had only one tire
of rowers: the latter had feveral tires of them, from two
or three, up to 20, 30, or even 40 ; for fuch a veffel
we have an account of in the time of Philopater, which
required no lefs that 4000 men to row it.
Meibom has taken off from the imaginary improba¬
bility of there ever having been fuch a veffel, by redu¬
cing the enormous height fuppofed neceffary for fuch a
number of rows of oars and men to work them, by
finding a better way of placing the men than others
had thought of. The quinqueremes of the ancients
had 420 men in each; 300 of which,were rowers, and
the reft foldiers. The Roman fleet at Meffina confid¬
ed of 330 of thefe fhips; and the Carthaginian, at Li-
lybceum, of 350 of the fame fize. Each veffel was 150
feet long. Thus 130,000 men were contained in the
one, and 150,000 in the other, with the apparatus and
provifions neceffary for fuch expeditions as they were
intended for. This gives fo grand an idea of the an¬
cient naval armaments, that fome have queftioned the
truth of the hiftory; but we find it related by Poly¬
bius, an hiftorian too authentic to be queftioned, and
who expreffes his wonder at it while he relates it.
QUINQUEVIRI, in Roman antiquity, an order
of five prierts, peculiarly appointed for the facrifices to
the dead, or celebrating the rites of Erebus.
QUINQUINA. See Cinchona.
QUINS Y,or Quin zy. SeeMEDiciNE,n,,285—2S8.
QUINTESSENCE, in chemiftry, a preparation
confifting of the effential oil of fome vegetable fubftance,
mixed and incorporated with fpirit of wine.
Quintessence, in alchemy, is a myfterious term,
fignifying the fifth or laft and higheft effence of power
in a natural body.
QUINTILE, in aftronomy, an afpett of the pla¬
nets when they are 72 degrees diftant from one ano- Quin ti¬
the r, or a fifth part of the zodiac. harms.
QUINTILIANUS (Marcus Fabius), a celebrated _
Latin orator, and the mod judicious critic of his time, ^-‘n
was a native of Calagurris, or Calahorra, in Spain ;
and was the difciple of Domitius Afer, who died in the
year 59. He taught rhetoric at Rome for 20 years,
with great applaufe; and not only laid down rules for
fpeaking, but exhibited his eloquence at the bar. Some
authors imagine, but with little foundation, that he ar¬
rived to the confulfhip; but it is more certain, that he
was preceptor to the grandfons of the emperor Domi-
tian’s After. There is ftill extant his excellent work
entitled Infiitutianes Oratorise, which is a treatife of rhe¬
toric in 12 books; where his precepts, judgment, and
tafte, are juftly admired. Thefe inftitutions were found
entire by Poggius, in an old tower of the abbey of St
Gal, and not in a grocer’s fhop in Germany as fome
authors have imagined. There, is alfo attributed to
Quintilian a dialogue De caujis corrupt# eloquent ice;
but it is more commonly afcribed to Tacitus. The bed
editions of Quintilian’s works are thofe of Mr Obreight,
publifhed at Strafhurg in 2 vols 410, in 1698, and of
M. Capperonier, in folio. There is an Engliih tranfla-
tion by Mr Guthrie.
Quintilian had a fon of the fame name, on whom he
beftows great praifes. This fon ought not to be con¬
founded with Quintilian, the father, or rather the
grandfather, of him who is the fubjedt of this article,
and who wrote 145 declamations. Ugolin of Parma
publifhed the firft 136 in the 15th century; the nine
others were publifhed in 1563 by Peter Ayrault, and
afterwards by Peter Pithou in 1580. There have alfo
been 19 other declamations, printed under the name of
Quintilian the Orator; but, in the opinion of Voffius,
they were written neither by that orator nor his grand¬
father.
QUINTILIANS, a fe& of ancient heretics, thus
called from their prophetefs Quintilia. In this fetft the
women were admitted to perform the facerdotal and
epifcopal fun&ions. They attributed extraordinary
gifts to Eve for having firft eaten of the tree of know¬
ledge; told great things of Mary the fitter of Mofes,
as having been a prophetefs, &e. They added, that
Philip the deacon had four daughters who were all
propheteffes and were of their feft. In thefe affemblies
it was ufual to fee the virgins entering in white robes,
perfonating propheteffes.
QUINTIN, a confiderable town of France, in Brit¬
tany, with the title of a duchy, and a fine caftle. It
is feated in a valley on the river Goy, near a large foreft
of the fame name. W. Long. 1. 51. N. Lat. 48. 26.
QUINTIN matsys, alfo called the Farrier of Ant¬
werp, famous for being transformed, by the force of
love, from a blackfmith to a painter. He had followed
the trade of a blackfmith and farrier near 20 years;
when falling in love with a painter’s daughter, who
was very handfome, and difliked nothing but his trade,
he quitted it, and oetook himfelf to painting, in which
he made a very uncommon progrefs. He was a dili¬
gent and careful imitator of ordinary life, and fucceed-
ed better in reprefenting the defe&s than the beauties
of nature. Some hiftorical performances of this ma¬
tter deferve commendation, particularly a Defcent from
the Crofs, in the cathedral at Antwerp: but his beft
known
Qwnt'nie
Q.'''
CL U I
known pi'&ure is that of the twoMifers in the gallery
at Windfor. He died in 1529.
QUINTINIE (John de la), a celebrated French
gardener, born at Poidh’ers in 1626. He was brought
up to the lawj and acquitted himfelf fo well at the bar,
as to acquire the elteem of the chief magiftrate. M.
Tamboneau, prefident of the chamber of accounts, en¬
gaged him to undertake the preceptorfliip of his only
fon, which Quintinie executed entirely to his fatisfac-
tion; applying his leifure hours to the ftudy of writers
on agriculture, ancient and modern, to which he had
a ftrong inclination. He gained new lights by attend¬
ing his pupil to Italy; for all the gardens about Rome
being open to him, he failed not to add pra&ice to his
theory. On his return to Paris, M. Tamboneau gave
up the management of his garden entirely to him; and
(L'nt>n'e applied fo clofely to it, that he became fa¬
mous all over France. Lewis XIV. erefted a new of¬
fice purpofely for him, that of dire&orof the royal fruit
and kitchen gardens ; and thefe gardens, while he li¬
ved, were the admiration of the curious. He lived to
a good old age, though we learn not the time of his
death; his DiredHons for the Management of Fruit and
Kitchen Gardens, are efteemed all over Europe.
[ 6605 ]
CL u 1
a dart, and a warlike deity armed with a dart. It is Quiik
uncertain whether the god gave name to the dart, or I!
the dart to the god. But be that as it will, this Qui- Q"otien '
rii, or ^uirinus, was either Mars, or fome other god of
war; and the worfhip of Quiris continued in Rome all
Romulus’s reign: but after his death, he was honoured
with the name ^uirinus, and took the place of the god
ghtiris.
QUIRK, in a general fenfe, denotes a fubtilty or
artful ditlin&ion.
Quirk, in building, a piece of ground taken out of
any regular ground-plot, or floor : thus, if the ground-
plot were oblong or fquare, a piece taken out of a
corner to make a court or yard, &c. is called a quirk.
QUITTER-bone, in farriery. Sec there, § xl. 4.
QUIT-rent, (Quietus Redditus, i. e. “ quiet
rent,”) is a certain fmall rent payable by the tenants
of manors, in token of fubjeftion, and by which the
tenant goes quiet and free. In ancient records it is call¬
ed white rent, becaufe paid in filver money, to diftin-
guifh it from rent corn, &c.
QUOIN, or Coin, on board a fliip, a wedge fa¬
ttened on the deck clofe to the breach of the carriage
of a gun, to keep it firm up to the (hip’s fide. Cantic
QUIN PUS calaber, a Greek poet, who wrote a quoins are (hort three-legged quoins put between calks
large Supplement to Homer’s Iliad, in 14 books, in to keep them fteady.
which a relation is given of the Trojan war from the
death of Hedtor to the deftrudlion of Troy. It iscon-
je&ured, from his ftyle and manner, that he lived in
the fifth century. Nothing certain can be collefted ei¬
ther concerning his perfon ar country. His poem was
firft made known by cardinal Beflarion, who difeover-
ed it in St Nicholas’s church, near Otranto in Cala¬
bria; from whence the author was named Quintus Ca¬
laber. He was firft publilhed at Venice by Aldus, but
it is not faid in what year.
QUINTUS curtius. See Curtius.
QUIRE c/’Paper, the quantity of 24 or 25 Iheets.
QLJIRINALIA, in antiquity, a feaft celebrated
among the Romans in honour of Romulus.
QUIRITES, in Roman antiquity. In confe-
quence of the agreement entered into by Romulus
and Tatius king of the Sabines, Rome was to re¬
tain its name, taken from Romulus ; and the peo¬
ple were to be called Quirites, from Cures, the prin¬
cipal town of the Sabines, a name ufed in all pub¬
lic addrefles to the Roman people. Dion. Hal.
fays, that each particular citizen was to be called Ro-
manus, and the colledfive body of them Quirites; yet
it appears by this ancient form of words ufed at fune¬
rals, Ollus Quirts letho datus ejl, that each private ci¬
tizen was alfo called Quirts.
The origin of the word Quirites, which was at
firft peculiar to the Sabines, and became, in Ro¬
mulus’s time, the general name of the inhabitants
of Rome, has been much fought for; and the moft
probable account antiquity gives us of them, is this.
The word Quiris, according to Plutarch (p. 36.)
and fome others, fignilkd in the Sabine language, both
Quoins, in architefture, denote the corners of brick
or (tone walls. The word is particularly ufed for the
ftones in the corners of brick buildings. When thefa
ftand out beyond the brick-work, their edges being
chamfred off, they are called ru/iic quoins.
QUOTIDIAN, anything which happens every day.
Hence, when the paroxyfms of an ague recur every day,
it is called a quotidian ague.
QUOAD hoc, is a term ufed in the pleadings and-
arguments of lawyers; being as much as to fay, As to
this thing the law is fo and fo.
QUORUM, a word frequently mentioned in our fta-
tutes, and in commiflions both of juftices of the peace
and others. It is thus called from the words of the
commiflion, quorum A. B. unum ejfe volumus. For an
example, where a commiffion is direfted to feven per-
fons, or to any three of them, whereof A. B. and C D.
are to be two; in this cafe, they are faid to be of the
quorum, becaufe the reft cannot proceed without them:
fo a juftice of jhe peace and quorum is one without
whom the reft of the juftices in fome cafes cannot pro¬
ceed.
QUOTIENT, in arithmetic, the number refulting
from the divifion of a greater number by a fmaller ;
and which (hows how often the fmaller is contained in
the greater, or how often the divifor is contained in
the dividend. The word is formed from the Latin,
quoties; q- d. How often is fuch a number contained in
fuch another?
In divifion, as the divifor is to the dividend, fo is*
unity to the quotient.—Thus the quotient of 12 divi¬
ded by 3 is 4 ; which is thus difpofed, 3) 12 (4 quo--
tient.
Rt
R A B
[ 6606 ]
R A B
R.
R or r, a liquid confonant, being the 17th letter of
II -tV> our alphabet. Its found is formed by a guttu-
Rabiiats. ral extrufion of the breath vibrated through the mouth,
 with a fort of quivering motion of the tongue drawn
from the teeth, and cannulated with the tip a little ele¬
vated towards the palate. In Greek words it is fre¬
quently afpirated with an h after it, as in rhapfody, rhe¬
toric, &c. otherwife it is always followed by a vowel,
at the beginning of words and fyllables.
In the notes of the ancients, R. or RO. fignifies
Roma; R. C. Romana civitas; R. G. C. ret gerenda
caufa ; R. F. E. D. rede fadum & didum; R. G. F.
regis jilius; R. P. res publica, Or Romani principes; and
R. R. R. F. F. F. res Rotnana ruet ferro, fame, flam-,
ma.
Ufed as a numeral, R anciently flood for 80; and
with a dalh over it, thus r, for 80,000; but the Greek
r, or p, fignified 100.
In the prefcriptions of phyficians, R or & ftands for
recipe, i. e. “ take."
RABBETTING, in carpentry, the- planning, or
cutting of channels or grooves in boards, &c.
In (hip-carpentry, it fignifies the letting in of the
planks of the (hip into the keel; which, in the rake and
run of a (hip is hollowed away, that the planks may
join the clofer.
RABBI, or Rabbins, a title which the Pharifees
and doftors of the law among the Jews affumed, and
literally fignifies maflers or excellents.
There were feveral gradations before they arrived at
the dignity of a rabbin; which was not conferred till
they had acquired the profoundeft knowledge of the
law and the traditions. It does not however appear
that there was any fixed age or previous examination
neceffary ; but when a man had diftinguiflied himfelf
by his (kill in the written and oral law, and palled thro*
the fubordinate degrees, he was faluted a rabbin by the
public voice.
Among the modern Jews, for nea* 700 years part,
the learned men retain no other titk than that of rabbi,
or rabbins: they have great refpeS paid them, have
the firll places or feats in their fynagogu/s, determine
all matters of controverfy, and frequently pronounce
upon civil affairs; they have even a power to excom¬
municate the difobedient.
RABBINISTS, among the modern Jews, an ap¬
pellation given to the do&rine of the rabbins concern¬
ing traditions, in oppofition to the Caraites; who rejeft
all traditions. See Caraite.
RABELAIS (Francis), a French writer famous
for his facetioufnefs, was born at Chinon in Touraine,
about the year 1483. He was firft a Francifcan friar;
but quitting his religious habit, ftudied phyfic at Mont¬
pelier, where he took his dodor’s degree. It is faid,
that the chancellor du Pratt having aboliflied the pri¬
vileges of the faculty of phyfic at Montpelier by a de¬
cree of the parliament, Rabelais had the addrefs to
»ake him revoke what he had done ; and that thofe
who were made doftors of that univerfity wear Rabe- R^behls, ll
lais’s robe, which is there held in great veneration. Rabbit. ;jj
Some time after, he came to Rome, in quality of phy-' ff
fician in ordinary to cardinal John du Bellay bifliop
of Paris. Rabelais is faid to have ufed the freedom to
jeer pope Paul III. to his face. He had quitted his
religious connedions for the fake of leading a life more ' ,j
agreeable to his tafte; but renewed them on a fe-
cond journey to Rome, when he obtained, in 1536, a
brief to qualify him for holding ecclefiaftical benefices;
and, by the intereft of his friend cardinal John du Bel-
lay, he was received as a fecuiar canon in the abbey of
St Maur near Paris. His profound knowledge in phy¬
fic rendered him doubly ufeful; he being as ready, and
at lead as well qualified, to prefcribe for the body as
for the foul: but as he was a man of wit and humour,
many ridiculous things are laid to his charge, of which
he was quite innocent. He publifhed feveral things;
but his chief performance is a (Irange incoherent ro¬
mance, called the Hiftory of Gargantua and Pantagruel;
being a fatire upon prielts, popes, fools, and knaves
of all kinds. This work contains a wild irregular pro-
fufion of wit, learning, obfcenity, low conceits, and
arrant nonfenfe : hence the (hrcwdnefs of his fatire,
in fome places where he is to be underftood, gains him
credit for as good meanings where no meaning is dif-
coverable. Some allufions may undoubtedly have been
fo temporary and local as to be now quite loft, but it
is too much to conclude thus in favour.of every un¬
intelligible rhapfody: for we are not without Enghfh
writers of great talents, whofe fportive geniufes have
betrayed them into puerilities, no lefs incoherent at
the times of writing, than thofe of Rabelais appear
above two centuries after. He died about 1953.
RABBIT, in zoology.. See Lepus.
The buck rabbits, like our boar cats, will kill the
young ones if they can get at them; and the does in
the warrens prevent this, by covering their flocks, or
nefts, with gravel or earth, which they clofe fo artifi¬
cially up with the hinder part of their bodies, that it
is hard to find them out. They never fuckle their
young ones at any other time than early in the morn¬
ing and late at night; and always, for eight or ten
days, clofe up the hole at the mouth of the neft, in this
careful manner, when they go out. After this they
begin to leave a fmall opening, which they increafe by
degrees; till at length, when they are about three weeks
old, the mouth of the hole is left wholly open that
they may go out; for they are at that time grown big
enough to take care of themfelves, and to feed on grals.
People who keep rabbits tame for profit, breed them
in hutches; but thefe muft be kept very neat and clean,
elfe they will be always fubjedt to difeafes. Care muft
be taken alfo to keep the bucks and does apart till the
latter have juft kindled; then they are to be turned to
the bucks again, and to remain with them till they (hun
and run from them.
The general dire&ion for the choofing of tame rab¬
bits
R A B [ 6607 ] R A B
bits is, to pick the largeft and faireftj but the breeder
fhould remember that the fkins of the filver-haired ones
fell better than, any other. The food of the tame rab¬
bits may be colewort and cabbage-leaves, carrots, parf-
neps, apple-rinds, green corn, and vetches, in the time
of the year; alfo vine-leaves, grafs, fruits, oats, and
oatmeal, milk-thiftles, fow-thiftles, and the like: but
with thcfc moift foods they muft always have a pro¬
portionable quantity of the dry foods, as hay, bread,
oats, bran, and the like, otherwife they will grow pot¬
bellied, and die. Bran and grains mixed together have
been alfo found to be very good food. In winter they
will eat hay, oats, and chaff, and thefe may be given
them three times a-day; but when they eat green
things, it muft be obferved that they are not to drink
at all, for it would throw them into a dropfy. At all
other times a very little drink ferves their turn, but
that muft always be frefh. When any green herbs, or
grafs, are cut for their food, care muft be taken that
there be no hemlock among it; for though they will eat
this greedily among other things when offered to them,
yet it is fudden poifon to them.
Rabbits are fubjeft to two principal infirmities.
Firft, the rot, which is caufed by giving them too
large a quantity of greens, or from giving them frefh
gathered with the dew or rain hanging in drops upon
them. It is over-moifture that always caufes this dif-
eafe. The greens therefore are always to be given dry ;
and a fufficient quantity of hay, or other dry food, in¬
termixed with them, to take up the abundant moifture
of their juices. On this account the very beft food that
can be given them, is the fhorteft and fweeteft hay that
can be got, of which one load will ferve 200 couples a
year ; and out of this ftock" of 200, 200 may be eat
in the family, 200 fold to the markets, and a fufficient
number kep in cafe of accidents.
The other general difeafe of thefe creatures is a fort
of madnefs: this may be known by their wallowing
and tumbling about with their heels upwards, and hop¬
ping in an odd manner into their boxes. This diltem-
per is fuppofed to be owing to the ranknefs of their
feeding; and the general cure is the keeping them low,
and giving them the prickly herb called tare-thijile to
eat.
The general computation of males and females is,
that one buck-rabbit will ferve for nine does: fome al¬
low 10 to one buck ; but tbofe who go beyond this,
always fuffer for it in their breed.
The wild rabbits are either to be taken by fmall cur-
dogs, or by fpaniels bred up to the fport j and the
places of hunting thofe who ftraggle from their bur¬
rows, is under clofe hedges or bullies, or among corn¬
fields and frelh paftures. The owners ufe.tocourfe
them with fmall grehounds; and though they are fel-
dom killed this way, yet they are driven back to their
burrows, and are prevented from being a prey to others.
The common method is by nets called purfe-ncts, and
ferrets. The ferret is fent into the hole to fetch them
out; and the purfe-net being fpread over the hole, takes
them as they come out. The ferrets mouths muft be
muffled, and then the rabbit gets no harm. For the
more certain taking of them, it may not be improper
to pitch up a hay-net or two, at a fmall diftance from
the burrows that are intended to be hunted: thus very
few of the number that are attempted will efcape.
Some who have not ferrets fmoke the rabbits out of
their holes with burning brimftone and orpiment. This
certainly brings them out into the nets: but then it is.
a very troublefome and offenfive method; and is very
detrimental to the place, as no rabbit will, of a long
time, afterwards come near the burrows which have
been fumed with thofe Sinking ingredients.
The tefticle of a rabbit is a very good objeft for ex¬
amining the ftrudture of this part of generation in ani¬
mals. The whole fubftance of the tefticle in this ani¬
mal is made up of vefftls, which lie in round folds in
the manner of the fmaller rnteftines: but then both ends
of each roll meet at their infertion, which feems to be
made into the duclus nervo/usf. and every one of thefe
little rolls is curioufly embroidered with other veffels,
which, from their red colour, appear to be arteries and
veins. The feveral little rolls lie in ranges, difpofetl
with an uniformity which is very agreeable to the eye.
Every one of thefe rolls is not a fingle and entire tube,
but each confifts of feveral tubes, befide the veins and
arteries which embroider it. This is beft diftingnifhed
by the cutting one of the rolls tranfverfely, and then
examining the cut end with a glafs, which will ap¬
pear to be made up of the cut and open ends of four,
five, or more parallel tubes, which together form the
roll, or fingle tube, as it appears to the eye, being all
wrapped up in one common and very thin membrane.
Thefe are l‘o tender that they cannot be explicated and
viewed diftinft, as De Graeff tells us thofe of the te-
fticles of a rat and of fome other animals may. Thefe
however, as well as the others, are only made up of a
congeries of veffels, and the liquors, which are their
contents, without any intermediate fubftance, or any
thing of that parenchyma which many authors have
talked of. The tefticles of a bull have the greateft ap¬
pearance of a flcfhy texture of thofe of any known ani¬
mal; yet even thefe afford no particle of parenchyma,
or flelh, when examined by glaffes in any fort of pre¬
paration, whether boiled, raw, foaked in-fpii its, or in
whatever other ftate. The tefticles of various aninaala
are very varioufly compofed, but all in this general
manner of veffels varioufly rolled and folded together:
and even the human tefticles are of the fame fort; be¬
ing compofed folely of rolls of veffels, without any in¬
termediate fubftance, be it called by whatever name,
but only confiding of veffels and their liquors..
RACE, in general, fignities running with others in
order to obtain a prize, either on foot, or by riding on
horfeback, in chariots, &c.
The race was one of the exercifes among the an¬
cient Grecian games, which was performed in a courfe
containing 125 paces; and thofe who contended in
tbefe foot-races were frequently clothed iti armour.
Chariot and horfe races alfo made a part of thefe an¬
cient games.
Races were known in England in very early time?.
Fitz-Stephen, who wrote in the days of Henry II.
mentions the great delight that the citizens of Lon¬
don took in the diverfion. But by his words, it ap¬
pears not to have been defigned for the purpofea of
gaming, but merely to have fprung from a generous
emulation of fhowing a fuperior (kill in horfemanfhip.
Races appear to have been in vogue in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, and to have been carried t:o fuch
exccfs as to injure the fortunes of the nobility. The
famous
Rabbit
II
Raced
RAC [ 6608 ] RAC
lUcine. famous George earl of Cumberland Is recorded to have
wafted more of hie eftate than any of his anceftors ;
and chiefly by his extreme love to horfe-races, tiltings,
and other expenfive diverfions. It is probable that
the parfimonious queen did not approve of it; for
races are not among the diverfions exhibited at Ken-
nelworth by her favourite Leicefter. In the following
reign, were places allotted for the fport: Croydon in
the fouth, and Garterly in Yorkfhire, were celebrated
courfes. Camden alfo fays, that in 1607 there were
races near York, and the prize was a little golden
bell.
Race, in genealogy, a lineage or extradion con¬
tinued from father to fon. See Descent.
RACINE (John) oftbe French academy, treafurerof
France in the generality of Moulins, and fecretary to his
majefty, was born at Ferre-Milon in 1639. He had
a fine genius for the Belles Lettres^ and became one
of the firft poets of the age. He produced his The-
laide when but very young ; and afterwards other
pieces, which met with great fuccefs, though they
appeared when Corneille was in his higheft reputation.
In his career, however, he did not fail to meet with
all that oppofition which envy and cabal are ever ready
to fet up again ft a fuperior genius. It was partly
owing to a chagrin from this circumftance that he
took a refolution to quit the theatre for ever; al¬
though his genius was ftill in full vigour, being not
more than 38 years of age. But he had alfo imbibed
in his infancy a deep fenfe of religion ; and this, though
it had been fmothered for a while by his connedions
with the theatre, and particularly with the famous
adrefs Champmele, whom he greatly loved, and by
whom he had a fon, now at length broke out, and
bore down all before it. In the firft place, he refolved
not only to write no more plays, but to do a rigorous
penance for thofe he had written ; and he adually
formed a defign of becoming a Carthufian friar. His
religious diredor however, a good deal wifer than he,
advifed him to think more moderately, and to take
meafures more fuitable to his charader. He put him
upon marrying, and fettling in the world: with which
propofal this humble and tradable penitent complied;
and immediately took to wife the daughter of a trea-
furer of France for Amiens, by whom he had feven
children.
He had been admitted a member of the French
academy in 1673, *n ^ room of La Mothe le Vayer
deceafed ; but fpoiled the fpeech he had made upon
that occafion, by pronouncing it with too much timi¬
dity. In 1677, he was nominated with Boileau,
with whom he was ever in Arid friendftiip, to write
the hiftory of Lewis XIV.; and the public expeded
great things from two writers of their diftindion, but
were difappointed. Boileau and Racine, after having
for fome time laboured at this work, perceived that it
was entirely oppofite to their genius.
He fpent the latter years of his life in compofing a
hiftory of the houfe of Port-Royal, the place of his
education ; which however, though finely drawn up,
as many have aflerted, has not been publiftied. Too
great fenfibility, fay his friends, but more properly
an impotence of fpirit, fhortened the days of this poet.
Though he had converfed much with the court, he
kad not learned the wifdom, which is ufually learned
there, of difguifmg his real fentiments. Having drawn Racing.' >
up a well reafoned and well-written memorial upon “
the miferies of the people, and the means of relieving
them, he one day lent it to Madam de Maintenon to
read ; when the king coming in, and demanding what
and whofe it was, commended the zeal of Racine,
but difapproved of his meddling with things that did
not concern him : and fa id with an angry tone, “ Be-
caufe he knows how to make good verfes, does he
think he knows every thing? And would he be a
minifter of (late, becaufehe is a great poet ?” Thefe
words hurt Racine greatly : he conceived dreadful
ideas of the king’s difpleafure ; and his chagrin and
fears brought on a fever, of which he died the zzd
of April 1699.
The king, who was fenfible of his great merit, and
always loved him, fent often to him in his illnefs;
and finding after his death that he had more glory
than riches, fettled a haudfome penfion upon his family.
There is nothing in the French language written with
more wit and elegance than his pieces in profe. Be-
fides his plays feveral of his letters have been publifh-
ed ; he alfo wrote fpiritual fongs, epigrams, &c. Ra¬
cine’s works were printed at Arafterdam in 1722, in
2 vols i2mo. and the next year a pompous edition was
printed in 2 vols quarto.
Racing, the riding heats for a plate or other
premium.
The firft thing to be confidered in this fort of
gaming is the choofing a rider; for it is not only ne-
ceflary that he fliould be very expert and able, but he
muft alfo be very honeft.
He muft have a very clofe feat, his knees being
turned dofe to the faddle fkirts, and held firmly there,
and the toes turned inwards, fo that the fpurs may be
turned outward from the horfe’s belly ; his left-hand
governing the horfe’s mouth, and his right the whip.
During the whole time of the race, he muft take care
to fit firm in the faddle, without waving or (landing
up in the (lirrups. Some jockeys fancy this is a be¬
coming feat; but it is certain, that all motions of
this kind do really incommode the horfe. In fpurring
the horfe, it is not to be done by (licking the calves
of the legs clofe to the horfe’s fides, as if it were in¬
tended to prefs the wind out of his body ; but, on the
contrary, the toes are to be turned a little outwards;
that the heels being brought in, the fpurs may juft be
brought to touch the fides. A (harp touch of this kind
will be of more fervice toward the quickening a horfe’s
pace, and will fooner draw blood, than one of the
common coarfe kicks. The expert jockey will never
fpur is borfe until there is great occafion; and then he
will avoid ftriking him under the fore bowels between
the (boulders and girth; this is the tendered part of a
horfe, and a touch there is to be referred for the
greateft extremity.
As to whipping the horfe, it ought always to be
done over the (houlder on the near fide, except in very
hard running and on the point of viftory; then the
horfe is to be (truck on the flank with a (Irong jerk ;
for the (kin is mod tender of all there, and moft fen¬
fible of the la(h.
When a horfe is whipped and fpurred, and is at
the top of his fpeed ; if he claps his ears in his pole,
or whilks his tail, it is a proof that the jockey heats
him
RAC [ 6609 ] RAC
Racing, him hard, and then he ought to give him as much
comfort as he can, by fawing the fnaffle backwards and
forwards in his mouth; and by that means forcing
him to open his mouth, which will give him wind,
and be of great fervice. If there be any high wind
ftirring in the time of riding, the artful jockey will
let his adverfary lead, holding hard behind him, till he
fees an opportunity of giving a loofe: yet, in this
cafe, he muft keep fo clofe behind, that the other
horfe may keep the wind from him ; and that he, fit¬
ting low, may at once fhelter himfelf under him, and
afiift the ftrength of the horfe. If the wind happen
to be in their back, quite a contrary method is to be
taken with it; the expert jockey is to keep direftly
behind the adverfary, that he may have all the advan¬
tage of the wind to blow his horfe along, as it were,
and at the fame time intercept it in regard to his ad¬
verfary.
When running on a level carpet ground, thejockey
is to bear his horfe as much as the adverfary will give
him leave, becaufe the horfe is naturally more inclined
to fpend himfelf on this ground ; on the contrary, on
deep earths, he may have more liberty, as he will there
fpare himfelf.
In riding up-hill the horfe is always to be favour¬
ed, by bearing him hard, for fear of running him out
of wind ; but, in running down-hill, if the horfe’s
feet and fhoulders will bear it, and the rider dares
venture his neck, he may have a full loofe. If the
horfe have the heels of the reft, thejockey muft always
fpare him a little, that he may havea referve of ftrength,
to make a pufh at thelaft poft.
A great deal depends on the jockey’s knowing the
nature of the horfe that is to run againft him ; for by
managing accordingly, great advantages are to be ob¬
tained : thus, if the oppofite horfe is of a hot and
fiery difpofition, the jockey is either to run juft behind
him, or cheek by joul with him, making a noife with
the whip, and by that means forcing him on fafter than
his rider would have him, and confequently fpending
him fo much the fooner : or elfe keep juft before him,
in fuch a flow gallop, that he may either over-reach,
or by treading on the heels of the fore horfe endanger
tumbling over.
Whatever be the ground that the adverfary’s horfe
runs worft on, the cunning jockey is to ride the moft
violently over 4 that by this means it will often happen,
that in following he either ftumbles or claps on the
back finews.
The feveral correAions of the hand, the whip, and
the fpur, are alfo to be obferved in the adverfary, and
in what manner he makes ufe of them ; and when it
is perceived, by any of the fymptoms, of holding
down the ears, or whilking the tail, or ftretching out
the nofe like a pig, that the horfe is almoft blown ;
the bufinefs is to keep him on to this fpeed, and he
will be foon thrown out or diftanced. If the horfe of
the opponent looks dull, it is a fign his ftrength fails
him ; and if his flanks beat much, it is a fign that his
wind begins to fail him, and his ttrength will foon do
fo too.
After every heat for a plate, there muft be dry
ftraw, and dry cloths both linen and woollen, ready
to rub him down all over, after taking off the fweat
with what is called a pweat knife $ that is, a piece of
Vol. IX. 1
an old fword blade, or fome fuch thing. Some ad- Racing
vife the fteeping the cloths in urine and faltpetre the #
day before, and letting them be dried in the fun for ac '
this occafion. After the horfe has been well rubbed
with thefe, he fhould be chafed all over, with cloths
wetted in common water till the time of ftarting again.
When it is certainly known that the horfe is good at
the bottom, and will ftick at the mark, he (hould be
rid every heat to the belt of his performance ; and the
jockey is, as much as poflible, to avoid riding at any
particular horfe, or flaying for any, but to ride out
the whole heat with the beft fpeed he can. If, on
the contrary, he has a fiery horfe to ride, and one
that is hard to manage, hard-mouthed, and difficult
to be held, he is to be ftarted behind the reft of the
horfes with all imaginable coolnefs and gentlenefs; and
when he begins to ride at fome command, then the
jockey is to put up to the other horfes ; and if they
ride at their eafe, and are hard held, they are to be
drawn on fafter; and if it be perceived that their
wind begins to rake hot, and they want a fob, the
bufinefs is to keep them up to that fpeed: and when
they all are come within three quarters of a mile of
the poft, then is the time to pufh for it, and ufe the
utmoft fpeed in the creature’s power.
When the race is over, the horfe is to be
clothed up and rode home; and immediately on
his coming into the ftable, the following drink is to
be given him. Beat up the yolks of three eggs, and
put them into a pint and half of new milk made
warm ; let there be added to this three pennyworth
of faffron, and three fpoonfuls of falad oil, and let the
whole be given with a horn. After this he is to be
rubbed well down, and the fadle place rubbed over
with warm fack, and the places where the fpurs have
touched, with a mixture of urine and fait, and after¬
wards with a mixture of powder of jet and Venice tur¬
pentine; after this he fhould have a feed of rye-bread,
then a good mafh, and at fome time after thefe as
much hay and oats as he will eat. His legs after this
fhould be bathed fometimes with a mixture of urine and
faltpetre.
RACHITIS, the Rickets. See Medicine, ^445,,
RACK, an engine of torture, furnifhed with pul-
lies, cords, &c. for extorting confeffion from cri¬
minals.
Rack, a fpirituous liquor made by the Tartars of
Tongufla. This kind of rack is made of mare’s milk,
which is left to be four, and afterwards diftilled twice
or thrice between two earthen pots clofely flopped;
whence the liquor runs through a fmall wooden pipe.
This liquor is more intoxicating than brandy diftil¬
led from wine.
Rack, or Arack. See Arack,
Various and contradidlory accounts have been deli¬
vered as to the real fubjeft that gives origin to this fine
fpirit. The vulgar fuppofe it to be rice; fome, the
juice of the Eall Indian fugar-canes ; and others, a
mixture of the juice of this cane and of the cocoa
tree; finally, fome affirm, that it is prepared from
the flefh of animals, and other more coftly ingre¬
dients.
The juice of the cocoa-trees and palm-trees is
what affords us the finett arracks; but there are many
other juices diftilled into the fame kind of hquors,
37 D though
RAC [ 6610 ] RAC
Rack, though wanting the fine flavour of what is made from
thefe.
The manner of making the arrack is this. The
juice of the trees is not procured in the way of tapping
the trees, as we do: but the operator provides him-
felf with a parcel of earthen pots, with bellies and
necks, like our ordinary bird bottles ; he makes fall a
parcel of thefe to his girdle, and any way elfe that he
commodioufly can about him. Thus equipped, he
fwarms up the trunk of a cocoa tree ; and when he
comes to the boughs, he takes out his knife, and cut¬
ting off one of the fmall knots or buttons, he applies
the mouth of the bottle to the wound, faftening it to
the bough with a bandage ; in the fame manner he
cuts off the other buttons, and faftens on his pots, till
the whole number is ufed : this is done in the evening;
and defeending from the tree, he leaves things to
themfelves till the next morning, when climbing up
again he takes off the bottles which are moftly filled,
and empties the juice into the proper receptacle. This
is repeated every night, till there is a fulficient quan¬
tity produced; and the whole being then put together,
is left to ferment, which it foon does.
When the fermentation is over, and the liquor,
or wafli, is grown a little tart, it is put into the ftill ;
and a fire being made, the ftill is fuffered to work
as long as what comes over has any confiderable tafte
of fpirit.
The liquor thus procured is the low wine of arrack;
and this is fo poor a liquor, that it will foon corrupt
and fpoil, if not diftilled again, to feparate fome of its
phlegm : they therefore immediately after pour back
this low wine into the ftill, and re&ify it to that very
weak kind of proof-fpirit, in which ftate we find it.
The arrack wc meet with, notwithllanding its being
of a proof left, according to the way of judging by
the crown of bubbles, holds but a fixth, and fume-
times but an eighth part of alcohol, or pure fpi¬
rit ; whereas our other fpirits, when they fttow that
proof, are generally efteemed to hold one half pure
fpirit.
This fhowi how very uncertain a way of judging of
the ftrength of fpirits, this by the bead or bubble
is. And we may from this learn, that it would be
much better to have the arrack re&ificd to the pure
alcohol in the Eaft Indies, in which cafe it would be
brought over in one fixth or one eighth part of the
room, and might be lowered to its ftandard with com¬
mon water here; all that it contains, befides this
fixth or eighth part of fpirit, being only a poor
phlegm, or an acidulated water, valuable only for ha¬
ving been brought from Goa or Batavia. It may ap¬
pear ftrange to fome, that this fpirit fhould be proof
according to the way of judging by the bead or
bubble, and yet be fo far below the ftrength which
we ufually underftand to be in proof-fpirit. But the
truth is, that this Sanding crown of bubbles may be
owing only to the tenacity of the oil that is held in the
fpirit. Our malt-diftillers know very well, that the
more oil they work over with the fpirit, the ftronger
proof it will hold, at a fomewhat weaker ftandard of
ftrength than it ought to have; and this cafe of the ar¬
rack Ihows the fallacy of the other. The finer and
snore fubtle any oil is, the lefs it refufes, to mix with
any aqueous menftruum : thus we fee that the effential Rack-,
oils of fome vegetables, or at leaft fome portion of them, ^
is fo fine and fubtle, as to mix without turning milky,
even with water itfelf, which is the cafe in many of our
fimple diftilled waters. Hence, it is no wonder, that
fo fubtle an oil as is contained in that thin and dilute
vegetable juice of which arrack is made, fhould rea¬
dily mix with fuch a mixture as that of one part al¬
cohol and fix or eight of water, which, though weak
confidered as a fpirit, is much more likely to retain
and embody an oil than fimple water alone. The oil of
the cocoa is thus fufpended imperceptibly in the fpirit;
and that in fuch quantity as to give tenacity to the
whole, and thereby difpofe it to form a froth or lather
at the top when fhook, and the bubbles of that froth
to hang well together. Sometimes indeed there come
over into England, and more frequently into Hol¬
land, arracks that are of the ftrength of brandy and
rum : thefe chiefly come from the Dutch fettlements,
and are a piece of frugality of the Dutch to fave
freight : it is a wonder the faving fpirit had not gone
a little farther, and the method of reducing rack to al¬
cohol been found out on the fame plan.
Befides the common fdrts of Goa and Batavia ar¬
racks, there are two others lefs generally known; thefe
are the bitter arrack, and the black arrack. The bit¬
ter arrack is fuppofed to have been impregnated with
fome kind of bezoar, as that of t he porcupine or mon¬
key ; whiah being not generated in the ftomachs, as
thofe of other animals, but in the gall-bladder, are of
a very ftrongly bitter tafte, and very readily communi¬
cate it to other things. Some, on the contrary,
are of opinion that there is nothing added to this,
but that the tafte is owing to the juice of the trees
from which the arrack is made; and many think that
it is obtained from the juice of that tree which bears
the fruit whofe infpiffated juice is what we call terra
Japonica.
The black arrack is a very coarfe fpirit ; and is
ufually drawn higher than any of the finer kinds are,
being not drank like them, but employed for coarfer
purpofes. The Turkilh arrack, or, as it is ufually
called, rackee, feems to be of this kind. The finer and
better kinds of arrack, tho’ ever fo good when put oa
board, are apt to grow foul and black in the car¬
riage ; if the leager or calk in which they are
brought over be decayed on the infide, or the liquor
come to touch any nails or rufty iron of any kind :
for the fpirit prefently diflblves part of the ferrugine^
ous matter ; and thence, upon account of the tin&urc
of the oak, which it had before obtained from the
wood of the calk, it will appear inky. Arrack, that
is thus accidentally tinged black, is not to be con¬
founded with fuch arrack as is originally black, and of
the coarfe kind named before. This, which has ob¬
tained the colour by accident, is not the worfe in tafte
for it; and the tinge may be taken off, and the liquor
recovered, by putting into the calk a large quantity of
new or Ikimmed milk ; and working it well about* as
the vintners do in order to whiten their brown wines.
When the bottoms are large, they are to be commit¬
ted to a conical filtre of flannel, through which the
arrack runs fine. This art of purifying foul arracks
with milk, would be very pardonable, if our dealers
only
RAD r 6611 1 RAD
Rack only impofed that upon us: but they have a fhameful
- II way of lowering this fpirit with water, and that to
Radc 1 ‘ fuch a degree as is fcarce credible.
The weaknefsof fome genuine arracks greatly con¬
tributes to the countenancing this cheat. This is the
principal deceit ufed in regard to this commodity; for
it is not eafy to find any other fpirit taftelefs enough
to mix with it, without difcovering the cheat with us;
and in Holland they are not only more deftitute of
clean fpirits than here, but the price of arrack itfelf is
fo low there, that it is hardly worth while to do it if
they had proper materials.
The extravagant price that arrack bears in Eng¬
land, has given great occafion to the diftillers to en¬
deavour the counterfeiting it. All the attempts which,
for cheapnefs fake, have been made with malt fpirit,
have naturally proved unfuccefsful: but the thing is
not impracticable, though thefe methods have failed.
The firll requifite muft be the making a perfectly tafte-
lefs fpirit; and the next the treating the juices of ve¬
getables, fo as to obtain their flavour, to add to it; or
elfe the obtaining a pulverable dry fubftance, which
would at once mix with the fpirit, and prevent the
trouble of a fecond procefs of diftillation. It is pof-
fible, alfo, that the Englifh juices of trees which will
bleed freely, fuch as the birch, maple, fycamore, and
the like, may, on proper trials, be found to afford this
fort of fpirit in fome degree of perfection.
To Rack Wims, &c. To draw them off from their
lees, after having flood long enough to ebb and
fettle. Hence, rack-vintage is frequently ufed for the
fecond voyage our wine-merchants ufe to make into
France for racked wines.
RACKOON, in zoology, a fpecies of Ursus.
RADCLIFF (Dr John), an Englifh phyfician of
great eminence in his time, born at Wakefield in
Yorkfhire in 1650. He was educated at Oxford, and
enrolled himfelf upon the phyfical line ; but it was re¬
markable that he recommended himfelf more by his
ready wit and vivacity, than by any extraordinary ac-
quifitions in learning. He began to pradife at Ox¬
ford in 1675 : but never any regard to eftablifh-
ed rules, which he cenfurtd whenever he thought fit,
with great freedom and acrimony ; and as this drew
all the old practitioners upon him, he lived in a con¬
tinual ftate of hoftility with them. Neverthelefs, his
reputation increafed with his experience; fo that be¬
fore he had been two years in bufinefs, his praflice wa*
very extenfive among perfons of high rank. In 1684,
he removed to London, and fettled in Bow-ftreet Con¬
vent Garden, where in lefs than a year he got into
prime bufinefs. In 1687, the princefs Anne of Den¬
mark made him her phyfician: yet when her hufband
and fhe joined the prince of Orange, Radcliffe, either
not choofing to declare himfelf, or unwilling to favour
the meafures then in agitation, excufed himfelf from
attending them, on the plea of the multitude of his
patients. Neverthelefs, he was often fent for to king
William and other great perfonages, though he did
not incline to be a courtier. He incurred fomecenfure
for his treatment of Queen Mary, who died of the
fmall-pox; and foon after loft his place about the
princefs Anne, by his attachment to his bottle. He
alfo totally loft the favour of king William by his un-
courtly freedom; for, in 1699, when the king (hewed
2
him his fwollen ankles, while the reft of his body was Radialis
emaciated, and alked him what he thought of them ? II
“ Why truly I would not have your majefty’s two a ^
legs for your three kingdoms,” replied Radcliffe. He
continued increafing in bufinefs and infolence as long
as he lived, continually at war with his brethren the
phyficians; who confidered him in no other light than
that of an aCtive ingenious empiric, whom conftant
pradice had at length brought to fome degree of (kill
in his profeflion. He died in 1714; and if he never
attempted to write any thing himfelf, has perpetuated
his memory by founding a fine library at Oxford to
preferve the writings of other men.
RADIALIS, the name of two mufclesin the arm.
See Anatomy, Table of the Mufcks.
RADIANT, in optics, is any point of a vifible
objeCt from whence rays proceed.
RADIATED flowers, in botany, are fuch as
have feveral fetniflofcules fet round a di(k, in form of
a radiant (tar; thofe which have no fuch rays are call¬
ed difeous flowers.
RADIATION, the aCt of a body emitting or dif-
fufing rays of light all round as from a centre.
RADICAL, in general, fomething that ferves as
a bafinefs or foundation. Hence phyficians talk much
of a radical moifture. In grammar, we give the ap¬
pellation radical to primitives, in contradiftinCtion to
compounds and derivatives. Algebraifts alfo fpeak of
the radical fign of quantities, which is the character
exprefiing their roots.
RADICLE, that part of the feeds of all plants
which upon vegetating becomes their root, and is dif-
coverable by the microfcope. See Plant.
RADISH, in botany. See Raphanus.
RADIUS, in geometry, the femidiameter of a
circle, or a right line drawn from the centre to the
circumference.
In trigonometry, the radius is termed the whole fine,
or fine of 90°. See Sine.
Radius, in anatomy, the exterior bone of the arm,
defeending along with the ulna from the elbow to the
wrift.
RADNOR, the county-town of Radnorfliire, in
South Wales, feated near the fpring head of the river
Somergil, in a pleafant valley, at the foot of a hill
which feeds abundance of (heep and cattle ; and on
the top of it was feated a caftle, long fince in ruins.
This town is governed by a capital council, confiding
of 25 perfons and the recorder, out of whom are cho-
fen yearly a bailiff and two aldermen. It fends one
member to parliament.
RADNORSHIRE, a county of South Wales; its
air is very lharp and piercing, and the foil barren
without great cultivation, it being mountainous and
rocky, efpecially in the north and weft parts, which
are only fit for feeding cattle. Its extent from eaft to
weft is 24 miles, and from north to fouth about 22.
It has feveral rivers, the chief of which is the Wye.
It is bounded on the eaft by Herefordihire, on the
fouth and weft by Brecknockftiire, and on the north
by Montgomeryshire. It has 52 parifhes and four
market-towns ; the principal oi which is Radnor, the
county-town.
RADIX. See Root.
RAFT, a fort of float, farmed by an affemblage
37 D 2 of
Rafters
4-
RAJ [ 66t
of various planks, or pieces of timber, faftened toge¬
ther fide by fide, fo as to be conveyed more commo-
dioufly to any fhort diftance in a harbour or road,
'than if they were feparate. The timber and plank,
with which merchant-fliips are laden, in the different
parts of the Baltic fea, are attached together in this
manner, in order to float them off to the fhipping.
RAFTERS, in building, are pieces of timber,
which flapding by pairs on the reafon or railing piece,
meet in an angle at the top, and form the roof of a
building. See Architecture.
RAGMAN’s roll, Re&ius Ragimund’s. roll, fo
called from one Ragimund a legate in Scotland, who
calling before him all the beneficed clergymen in that
kingdom, caufed them on oath to given in the true
value of their benefices; according to which they were
afterwards taxed by the court of Rome : and this roll,,
among other records, being taken from the Scots by
Edward I. was re-delivered to them in the beginning
©f the reign of Edward III.
RAGOUT, or Ragoo, a fauce, or feafoning,
intended to roufe the appetite when, loft or languilh-
ing*
This term is alfo ufed for any high-feafoned difh
prepared of flefh, fifh, greens, or the like: by (tew¬
ing them with bacon, fait, pepper, cloves, and the
like ingredients. We have ragouts of celery, of en¬
dive, afparagus, cock’s-combs, giblets, cray-filh, &c.
The antients had a ragout called garum, made of
the putrified guts of a certain fifh kept till it diffolved
into a mere fanies, which was thought fuch a dainty,
that, according to Pliny, its price equalled that of the
richeft perfumes.
RAGSTONE, a name given by our artificers to
a kind of ftone, which they ufe for fetting an edge
upon knives, chifels, and other tools. It is a greyifh
coloured ftone, containing a large quantity of talcky
particles, and fplits eafily into thin flakes. It is a foft
ftone, and ufed only to finifh the fetting an inftru-
raent after the edge has been prepared by grinding or
rubbing the tool upon fome other ftone of a coarfer
texture. We have this from Newcaftle, and many
other parts in the north of England, where there are
large rocks of it in the hills.
RAGULED, or Ragged, in heraldry, jagged
or knotted. This term is applied to a crofs formed of
the trunks of two trees without their branches, of
which they fhow only the flumps. Raguled differs
from indented^ in that the latter is regular, the for¬
mer not.
RAJA, the title of the Indian black princes, the
remains of thofe who ruled there before the Moguls.
Some of the rajas are faid to preferve their indepen¬
dency, efpecially in the mountainous parts ; but moft
of them pay an annual tribute to the Mogul. The In¬
dians call them rat} the Perfians raian, in the plural;
and our travellers rajas, or ragias.
Raja, the Ray-Fijh, in ichthyology; a genus be¬
longing to the order of amphibia nantes. There are
five fpiracula below towards the peak; the body com-
preffed; and the mouth is fituated under the head. The^
moft remarkable fpecies are,
i. The batis, or fkate: this fpecies is the thinned
in proportion to its bulk of any of the genus, and alfo
the largeft, fome weighing near 200 pounds. The
2 ] RAJ
nofe,though not long, is fharp pointed; above the eyes Rdj3‘
is a fet of fhort fpines: the upper part is of a pale 1  
brown, fometimes ftreaked with black: the lower part
is white, marked with great numbers of minute black
black fpots. The jaws are covered with fmall gra¬
nulated but fharp-pointed teeth. The tail is of a mo¬
derate length : near the end are two fins: along the
top of it is one row of fpints, and on the edges are ir¬
regularly difperfed a few others, which makes us ima¬
gine with Mr Ray, that in this refpeft thefe fifh vary,
fome having one, others more orders of fpines on the
tail. It is remarked, that in the males of this fpe¬
cies the fins are full of fpines. Skates generate
in March and A.pril; at which time they fwim near
the furface of the water, feveral of the males pui filing
one female. They adhere fo faft together in coition,
that the fifhermen frequently draw up both together,
though only one has taken the bait. The females be¬
gin to call finzupurfes, as the fifhermen call them (the
bags in which the young are included) in May, and
continue doing it till September. In Oftober they are
exceedingly poor and thin; but in November they be¬
gin to improve, and grow gradually better till May,
when they are in the higheft perfe<ftion. The males go
fooner out of feafon than the females.
2. The oxyrinchus,orfharp-nofed ray, in length near
feven feet, and breadth five feet two inches; when juft
brought on fhore, it makes a remarkable fnorting noife.
The nofe is very long, narrow, and (harp-pointed, not
unlike the end of a fpontoon. The body is fmooth,
and very thin in proportion to the fize; the upper part
afh-coloured, fpotted with numerous white fpots, and
a few black ones. The tail is thick ; towards the
end are two fmall fins; on each fide is a row of fmall
fpines, with another row in the middle, which run
fome way up the back. The lower part of the fifh
is quite white. The mouth very large, and furnifhed
with numbers of fmall fharp teeth bending inwards.
This fifh has been fuppofed to be the bos of the anci¬
ents ; which was certainly fome enormous fpecies of
ray, though we cannot pretend to determine the par¬
ticular kind. Oppian ftyles it, the broadejl among fijhes:
he adds an account of its fondnefs of human fle(h, and
the method it takes of deftroying men, by over-laying
and keeping them down by its vaft weight till they are
drowned. Phile (De propriet. anim. p. 85.) gives
much the fame relation. We are inclined to give them
credit, fince a modern writer, of undoubted autho-
rity f, gives the very fame account of a fi(h found in f Ulloa'i,
the South Seas, the terror of thofe employed in the V°yaget
pearl-fiftiery. It is a fpecies of ray, called there man- **
ta, or the quilt, from its furrounding and wrapping
up the unhappy divers, till they are fuffocated; there¬
fore the negroes never go down, without a fharp knife
to defend themfelves againft the affaultsof this terrible
enemy.
3. The afpera, or rough ray, is found in Loch-
Broom in Scotland. The length from the nofe to the
tip of the tail is two feet nine. The tail is almoft
of the fame length with the body. Nofe very fhort.
Before each eye is a large hooked fpine; and behind
each another, befet with Idler. The upper part of the
body is of a cinereous brown mixed with white, and
fpotted with black; and entirely covered with fmall;
fpines. On the tail are three rows of great fpines: alt
tha
RAT [ 6613 ] RAJ
Raja, the reft of the tail is irregularly befet with leffer. The
fins and under fide of the body are equally rough
with the upper. The teeth are fiat, and rhomboidal.
4. The fulloniea, or fuller, derives its Latin name
from the infirument fullers make ufe of in fmoothing
cloth, the back being rough and fpiney. The nofe is
fhort and (harp. At the corner of each eye are a few
fpines. The membrane of ni&itation is fringed. Teeth
fmall, and fharp. On the upper part of the peftoral
fins are three rows of fpines pointing towards the back,
crooked like thofe on a fuller’s inftrument. On the tail
are three rows of ftrong fpines: the middle row reaches
up part of the back. The tail is (lender, and rather
longer than the body. The colour of the upper part
of the body is cinereous, marked ufually with nume¬
rous black fpots: the lower part is white. This, as
well as mod other fpecies of rays, vary a little in co¬
lour, according to age. This grows to a fize equal to
the fleate. It is common at Scarborough, where it is
callfcd the "‘white hanst or gullet.
5. The (hagreen ray increafes to the fize of the
(kate; is fond of launces or fand-eels, which it takes
generally as a bait. The form is narrower than
that of the common kinds; the nofe long and very
fharp ; pupil of the eye fapphirine ; on the nofe are
two (hort rows of fpines ; on the corner of the eyes
another of a femicircular form ; on the tail are two
rows, continued a little up the back, fmall, (lender,
and very (harp: along the fides of the tail is a row of
minute fpines, intermixed with innumerable little fpi-
culae. The upper part of the body is of a cinereous
brown, covered elofely with (hagreen-like tubercles,
refembling the (kin of the dog-fi(h: the under fide of
the body is white; from the nofe to the beginning of
the peroral fins is a tuberculated fpace. The teeth
flender, and (harp as needles.
6. The torpedo,' cramp-filh, or ele&ric ray, is fre¬
quently taken in Torbay ; has been once caught off
Pembroke, and fometimes near Waterford in Ireland.
It is generally taken, like other flat fi(h, with the trawl;
but there is an inftance of its taking the bait. It com¬
monly lies in water of about 40 fathoms depth ; and
in company with the congenerous rays. The torpedo
brings forth its young at the autumnal equinox, as af¬
firmed by Ariftotle. A gentleman of la Rochelle, on
difledting certain females of this fpecies, the 10th of
September, found in the matrices feveral of thefeetufes
quite formed, and nine eggs in no ftate of forward-
nefs : fuperfeetation feems therefore to be a property
of this fi(h. The food of the torpedo is filh; a fur-
mullet and a plaife have been found in the ftomach of
two of them. The furmullet is a firti of that fwiftnefs,
that it was impofiible for the torpedo to take it by
purfuit. It is probable, that by their ele&ric ftroke
they ftupefy their prey; yet the crab and fea-leech will
venture to annoy them. They will live 24 hours out
of the fea; and but very little longer if placed in fre(h
water. They inhabit fandy places; and will bury
themfelves fuperficially in it, by flinging the fand over,
by a quick flapping of all the extremities. It is in this
fituation that the torpedo gives his moft forcible (hock,
which throws down the aftonifhed pafienger who inad¬
vertently treads upon him. In our feas it grows to a
great fize, and above 80 pounds weight. The tail is
thick and round; the caudal fin broad and abrupt. Raja.
The head and body, which are indiftinfl, are nearly
round ; attenuating to extreme thinnefs on the edges;
below the body, the ventral fins form on each fide a
quarter of a circle. The two dorfal fins are placed^on
a trunk of the tail. The eyes are fmall, placed near
each other: behind each is a round fpiracle, wih fix
fmall-cutaneous rags on their inner circumference.
Mouth fmall; teeth minute, fpicular. Five openings
to the gills, as in others of this genus. The (kin every
where fmooth ; cinereous brown above, white beneath.
See further the article Torpedo.
7. The clavata, or thornback, is eafily diflinguiflied
from the others by the rows of ftrong (harp fpines dif-
pofed along the back and tail. In a large one feen by
Mr Pennant, were three rows on the back, and five on
the tail, all inclining towards its end. On the nofe,
and on the inner fide of the forehead, near the eyes,
were a few fpines, and others were fcattered without
any order on the upper part of the pe&oral fins. The
mouth was fmall, and filled with granulated teeth.
The upper part of the body was of a pale a(h colour,
marked with (hort ftreaks of black, and the (kin rough,
with fmall tubercles like (hagreen. The belly white,
crofled with a ftrong femilunar cartilage beneath the
(kin: in general, the lower part was fmooth, having
only a few fpines on each fide. The young fi(h have
very few fpines on them; and their backs are often
fpotted with white, and each fpot is encircled with
black. This fpecies frequents our fandy (bores; are
very voracious, and feed on all forts of flat fifh;
are particularly fond of herrings and fand-eels; and
fometimes eat cruftaceous animals, fuch as crabs.
Thefe fometimes weigh 14 or 15 pounds, but with us
feldom exceed that weight. They begin to generate
in June, and bring forth their young in July and Au-
guft, which (as well as thofe of the (kate) before they
are old enough to breed, are called maids. The thorn-
back begins to be in feafon in November, and conti¬
nues fo later than the (kate, but the young of both are
good at all times of the year.
8. The paftinaca, or" (ling ray, does not grow to
the bulk of the others : The body is quite fmooth, of
(hape almoft round, and is of a much greater thicknefs
and more elevated form in the middle than any other
rays, but grows thin towards the edges. The nofe is
very (harp pointed, but (hort; the mouth fmall, and
filled with granulated teeth. The irides are of a gold
colour: behind each eye the orifice is very large. The
tail is very thick at the beginning: the fpine is placed
about a third the length of the former from the body;
is about five inches long, flat on the top and bottom,
very hard, (harp pointed, and the two fides thin, and
elofely and (harply bearded the whole way. The tail
extends four inches beyond the end of this fpine, and
grows very flender at the extremity. Thefe filh are ob-
ferved to (hed their fpine, and renew them annually ;
fometimes the new fpine appears before the old one
drops off; and the.Cornilh call this fpecies cardinaltri-
loJU or three-tailed, when fo circumftanced. The co¬
lour of the upper part of the body is a dirty yellow,
the middle part of an obfeure blue : the lower fide
white, the tail and fpine dulky. The weapon with
which nature has armed this fi(h, hath fupplied the an¬
cients..
R A I [ 6614 1 R A I
Raja cients with many tremendous fables relating to it.
RJn PHny, iEIian, and Oppian, have given it a venom that
 L_ affefls even the inanimate creation: trees that are ftruck
by it inftantly lofe their verdure and perifli, and rocks
themfelves are incapable of refilling the potent poifon.
The enchantrefs Circe armed her fon with a fpear
headed with the fpine of the trygon, as the moil irre-
fifiible weapon (he could furnifli him with; and with
which he afterwards committed parricide, uninten¬
tionally, on his father Ulyffes. That fpears and darts
might, in very early times, have been headed with this
bone inftead of iron, we have no kind of doubt; that
of another fpecies of this fi(h being Hill ufed to point
the arrows of fome of the South American Indians,
and is,from its hardnefs, (harpnefs, and beards, a moll
dreadful weapon. But in refpedl to its venomous qua¬
lities, there is not the lead credit to be given to the
opinion, though it was believed (as far as it affe£fed
the animal world) by Rondeletius, Aldrovand, and
others, and even to this day by the fifiiermeh in feve-
ral parts of the kingdom. It is in faft the Weapon of
offence belonging to the fi(h, capable of giving a very
bad wound, and which is attended with dangerous
fymptoms when it falls on a tendinous part or on a
perfon in a bad habit of body. As to any fi(h having
a fpine charged with adlual poifon, it feems very du¬
bious, though the report is fan&ified by the name of
Linnasus. He inflances the fajittiaca, the torpedo, and
the tetrodon lineatus. The firit is incapable of Con¬
veying a greater injury than what refults from the mere
wound ; the fecond, from its ele&ric effluvia; and
the third, by imparting a pungent pain like the ding
of nettles, occafioned by the minute fpines on its ab¬
domen.
.RAIETEA, one of the South Sea iflands, named
alfo Ulietea.
RAIL, in ornithology. See Rallus.
RAIN, the defcent of water from the atmofphcre
in the form of drops of a confiderable fize. By this
circumftance it is diftinguiffled from dew and fog: in
the former of which the drops are fo fmall that they
are quite invifible; and in the latter, though their fize
is larger, they feem to have very little more fpecific
gravity than the atmofphere itfelf, and may therefore
be reckoned hollow fpherules rather than drops.
It is univerfally agreed, that rain is produced by the
water previoufly abforbed by the heat of the fun, or
other wife, from the terraqueous globe, into the atmo¬
fphere ; but very great difficulties occur when we begin
to explain why the water, once fo clofely united with
the atmofphere, begins to feparate from it. We cannot
afcribe this feparation to cold, fince rain often takes
place in very warm weather ; and though we fhould
fuppofe the condenfation owing to the fuperior cold of
the higher regions, ye$ there is a remarkable faft which
will not allow us to have recourfe to this fuppofition.
It is certain, that the drops of rain increafein fizecon-
fiderably as they defcend. On the top of a hill, for in-
ftance, they will be fmall and inconfiderable, forming
only a drizzling (bower; but at the bottom of the fame
hill the drops will be exceffively large, defcending in
an Impetuous rain ; which (hows that the atmofphere
is difpofed to condenfe the vapours, and a&ually does
fo, as well where it is warm as where it is cold.
;For fome time the Aippofitions concerning the caufe
of rain were exceedingly infufficient and unfatisfac-
tory. It was imagined, that when various conge- '
rics of clouds were driven together by the agitation
of the winds, they mixed, and run into one body, by
which means they were condenfed into water. The
coldnefs of the upper parts of the air alfo was thought
to be a great means of collefling and condenfing the
clouds into water; which, being heavier than the air,
muff neceffarily fall down through it in the form of
rain. The reafon why it falls in drops, and not in
large quantities, was faid to be the refi(lance of the air J
whereby being broken, and divided into fmaller and
fmaller parts, it at lad arrives to us in fmall drops. But
this hypothefis is entirely contrary to almoft all the
phenomena: for the weather, when coldeft, that is, in
the time of fevere froft, is generally the mod ferene;
the mod violent rains alfo happen where there is little
or no rain to Condenfe the clouds; and the drops of
rain, indead of being divided into fmaller and fmaller
ones as they approach the earth, are plainly increafed
in fize as they defcend.
Mr Derhamaccounted for the precipitation of the drops
of rain from the veficulae being full of air, and meeting
with an air colder than they contained, the air they con¬
tained was of cofifequence Contracted intoa fmallerfpace;
and confequently the watery (hell rendered thicker, and
thus fpecifically heavier, than the common atmofphere.
Bdt, under the article Evaporation it has been (hown,
that the veficulse, if fuch they are, of vapour, are hot
filled with air, but with fire, or heat; and confequent¬
ly, till they part with this latent heat, the vapour can¬
not be condenfed. Now, cold is not always fufficient
to effeft this, fince in the mod fevere frods the air is
very often ferene, and parts with little or none of its va¬
pour for a very confiderabie time. Neither can we admit
the winds to have any confiderable agency in this mat¬
ter, fince we find that blowing upon vapour is fo far
from condenfing it, that it unites it more clofely with
the air, and wind is found to be a great promoter of
evaporation.
According to Rohault, the great caufe of rain is the
heat of the air; which, after continuing for fome time
near the earth, is raifed on high by a wind, and there
thawing the fnowy villi or flocks of half-frozen vefi-
culse, reduces them to drops; which, coalefcing, de¬
fcend. Here, however, we ought to be informed by
what means thefe veficulas are fufpended in their half-
frozen date; fince the thawing of them can make but
little difference in their fpecific gravity, and it is cer¬
tain that they afeended through the air not in a fro¬
zen but in an aqueous date.
Dr Clarke and others afcribe this defcent of the rain
rather to an alteration of the atmofphere than of the
veficulse; and fuppofe it to arife from a diminution of
the eladic force of the air. This eladicity, which,
they fay, depends chiefly or wholly upon terrene ex¬
halations, being weakened, the atmofphere finks un¬
der its burden, and the clouds fall. Now, the little
veficles being once upon the defcent will continue there¬
in, notwithdanding the increafe of refidance they
every moment meet with- For, as they all tend to the
centre of the earth, the farther they fall, the more
coalitions they will make; and the more coalitions,
the more matter will there be under the fame fur-
face; the furface increafing only as the fquares, but
Rain.
R A I f 66ic 1 R A I
Rain, the folidity as the cubes; and the more matter under
  - ■ the fame furface, the lefs refiftance will there be to the
fame matter. Thu? if the cold, wind, &c. aft early
enough to precipitate the afcending veficles before they
are arrived at any confiderable height, the coalitions
being but few, the drops will be proportionably fmall;
and thus is formed a dew. If the vapours be more co¬
pious, and rife a little higher, we have a mill or fog.
A little higher ftill, and they produce a fmall rain; if
they neither meet with cold nor wind, they form a
heavy thick dark flcy. This hypothefis is equally un-
fatisfaftory with the others; for, granting that the de-
fcent and condenfation of the vapours are owing to a di¬
minution of the atmofphere’s elafticity, by what is this
diminution occafioned? To fay that it is owing to ter¬
rene exhalations, is only folving one difficulty by ano¬
ther; fince we are totally unacquainted both with the
nature and operation of thefe exhalations. Befides,
let us fuppofe the caufe to be what it will, if it afts
equally and at once upon all the vapour in the air, then
all that vapour muft be precipitated at once; and thus,
inftead of gentle {bowers continuing for a conliderable
length of time, we would have the moll violent water-
fpouts, continuing only for a few minutes, or perhaps
feconds, which, inllead of refrefhing the earth, would
drown and lay wafle every thing before them.
Since philofophers have admitted the cleftric fluid
to fuch a large {hare in the operations of nature, al-
moft all the natural phenomena have been accounted
for by the aft ion of that fluid ; and rain, among others,
has been reckoned an effeft of eleftricity. But this
word, unlefs it is explained, makes us no wifer than
we were before ; the phenomena of artificial eleftricity
having been explained on principles which could fcarce
apply in any degree to the eleftricity of nature : and
therefore all the folution we can obtain of the natural
appearances of which we fpeak comes to this, that
rain is oceafioncd by a moderate eleftrification, hail
and fnow by one more violent, and thunder by the
moll violent of all ; but in. what manner this ekftri-
fkation is occafioned, hath not yet been explained.—
Thoughout the various parts of this work where
eleftricity hath been oceafionatiy mentioned, the prin¬
ciples of artificial eleftricity, laid down in the treatife
appropriated to that fubjeft, have been applied to the
folution-of the phenomena of nature; tbofe which are
necefiary to be attended to here, are the following.
1. The eleftric fluid and folar light are the fame
fubftance in two different modifications.
2. Eleftricityis the motion of the fluid when running,
or attempting to run, in a continued ftream from one
place to another : heat is when the fluid has no ten¬
dency but to vibrate outwards and inwards to and from
a centre; or at leaft when its ftreams converge to a
point or focus.
3. The fluid afting as eleftricity, like water, or
any other fluid, always tends to the place where there
is leaft refiftance.
On thefe three principles may the phenomena of
atmofphericsl eleftricity, and the defeent of rain by its
means, be explained as follows.
1. The light or heat of the fun, afting in that pe¬
culiar manner which we call heat, unites itfelf with
the moifture of the. earth, and forms it into vapour,
which thus becomes fpecifically lighter than air, and Rain,
of confequence afeends in the atmofphere to a certain "
height.
2. Befides the quantity of light which is thus uni¬
ted to the water, and forms it into vapour, a very con-
fiderable quantity enters the earth, where it aflumes
the nature of eleftric fluid.
3. As the earth is always full of that fluid, every
quantity which enters muft difplace an equal quantity
which is already there.
4. This quantity which is difplaced muft efcape ei¬
ther at a diftance from the place where the other en¬
ters, or very near it.
5. At whatever place a quantity of eleftric matter
efcapes, it muft eleftrify the air above that place
where it has efcaped ; and as a confiderable quantity
of light muft always be reflefted from the earth into
the atmofphere, where it does not combine with the
aqueous vapour, we have thence another fource of
eleftricity to the air; as this quantity muft undoubt¬
edly affume the aftion of eleftric fluid, efpecially af¬
ter the aftion of the fun has ceafed. Hence the rea-
fon why in ferene weather the atmofpherical eleftrici¬
ty is always ftrongeft, and rather more fo in the night
than in the day.
6. From thefe confiderations, we fee an evident rea-
fon why there muft commonly be a difference between
the eleftricity of the earth, and that of the atmo¬
fphere, excepting when an earthquake is about to en-
fue. The confequence of this muft be, that as the
aftion of the folar light continues to bring down the
eleftric matter, and the earth continues to difeharge an
equal quantity of it into the atmofphere, fome part of
the atmofphere muft at laft become overloaded with it,
and attempt to throw it back into the earth. This
attempt will be vain, until a vent is found for the elec¬
tricity at fome other place ; and as foon as this hap¬
pens, the eieftrified atmofphere begins to throw off its
fnperfiuous eleftricity, and the earth to receive it. As
the atmofphere itfelf is a bad conduftor, and the more
fo the drier it is, the eleftric matter attacks the fmall
aqueous particles which are detained in it by means of
the latent heat. Thefe, being unable to bear the im¬
petus of the fluid, throw out their latent heat, which
eafily efcapes, and thus makes a kind of vacuum in
the eleftrified part of the atmofphere. The confe-
quences of this are, that the aqueous particles being
driven together in large quantity, at lait become vi-
fible, and the flty is covered with clouds; at the
fame time a wind blows againft thefe clouds, and, if
there is no refiftance in the atmofphere, will drive them
away.
7. But if the atmofphere all round the cloud is ex¬
ceedingly eleftrified, and the earth is in no condition
to receive the fuperfluous fluid excepting in that
place which is direftly under the cloud ; then the
whole eleftricity of the atmofphere for a vaft way
round will tend to that part only, and the cloud will
be eleftrified to an extreme degree. A wind will now
blow againft the cloud from all quarters, more and
more of the vapour will be extricated from the air
by the eleftric matter, and the cloud will become
darker and thicker, at the fame time that it is in a
manner ftationary, as being afted upon by oppofite
winds;
R A I r 6616 1 R A I
Rain, winds ; though its fize is enlarged with great rapid!-
' ty by the continual fupplies of vapour brought by the
winds.
8. The vapours which were formerly fufpended in-
vifibly by means of the latent heat, are now fufpended
•vifibly by the eleftric fluid which will not let them
fall to the earth, until it is in a condition to re¬
ceive the elettric matter defcending with the rain.
It is eafy to fee, however, that thus every thing is
prepared for a violent ftorm of thunder and lightning
as well as rain. The furface of the earth becomes
eledrified from the atmofphcre: but when this has
continued for fome time, a zone of earth confi-
derably below the furface acquires an eleftricity op-
pofite to that of the clouds and atmofphere; of con-
fequence the eleftricity in the the cloud being violently
preffed on all fides will at laft burft out towards that
zone where the refiftance is lead, as explained under
the article Lightning.—The vapours now having loft
that which fupported them, will fall down in rain,
if there is not a fufficient quantity of ele&ric matter
to keep them in the fame Hate in which they were
before : but if this happens to be the cafe, the cloud
will inftantly be charged again, while little or no rain
will fall $ and hence very violent thunder fometimes
takes place without any rain at al],t>r fuch as is quite
inconfiderahle in quantity.
9. When the ele&ricity is lefs violent, the rain will
defcend in vaft quantity, efpecially after every flalh of
lightning ; and great quantities of eledric matter will
thus be conveyed to the earth, infomuch that fometimes
the drops have been obferved to fliine as if they were
on fire, which has given occafion to the reports of
fiery rain have fallen on certain occafions. If the
quantity of eledric matter is fmaller, fo that the rain
can convey it all gradually to the ground, there will
be rain without any thunder ; and the greater the
quantity of eledricity, the more violent will be the
rain.
From this account of the caufes of rain, we may
fee the reafon why in warm climates the rains are
exceflive, and for the moft part accompanied with
thunder ; for there the eledricity of the atmofphere is
immenfely greater than it is with us. We may alfo
fee why in certain places, according to the fituation
of mountains, feas, &c. the rains will be greater than
in others, and likewife why fome parts of the world
are exempted from rain altogether; but as a particu¬
lar difcuffion of thefe would neceflarily include an ex¬
planation of the caufes and phenomena of Thunder,
we fhall for this reafon refer the whole to be treated of
under that article.
Preternatural Rains. We have numerous accounts,
in the hiftorians of onr own as well as other countries,
of preternatural rains; fuch as the raining of (tones, of
duit, of blood, nay, and of living animals, as young
frogs, and the like. We are not to doubt the truth
of what thofe who are authors of veracity and credit
relates to us of this kind, fo far as to fuppofe that the
falling of (tones and duft never happened ; the whole
miftaKe is, the fuppofing them to have fallen from the
clouds: but as to the blood and frogs, it is very certain
that they never fell at all, but the opinion has been a
mere deception of the eyes. Men are extremely fond
of the marvellous in their relations; bat the judicious
reader is to examine ftridtly whatever is reported of this Rain,
kind, and is not to fuffer himfelf to be deceived. “
There are two natural methods by which quantities
of (tones and duft may fall in certain places, without
their having been generated in the clouds or fallen as
rain. The one is by means of hurricanes; the wind
which we frequently fee tearing off the tiles of houfes,
and carrying them to confiderable diftances, being
equally able to take up a quantity of (tones, and drop
them again at fome other place. But the other,
which is much the moft powerful, and probably the
moft ufual way, is for the eruptions of volcanoes and
burning mountains to tofs up, as they frequently do,
a vaft quantity of (tones, afties, and cinders, to an
immenfe height in the air: and thefe, being hurried
away by the hurricanes and impetuous winds which
ufually accompany thofe eruptions, and being in
themfelves much lighter than common (tones as being
half calcined, may eafily be thus carried to vaft di¬
ftances ; and there falling in places where the inhabi¬
tants know nothing of the occafion, they cannot but
be fuppofed by the vulgar to fall on them from the
clouds. It is well known, that, in the great eruptions
of iEtna and Vefuvius, fhowers of afties, duft, and
fmall cinders, have been feen to obfcure the air, and
overfpread the furface of the fea for a great way, and
cover the decks of (hips; and this at fuch a diftance,
as it (hould appear fcarce conceivable that they (hould
have been carried to : and probably, if the accounts,
of all the (bowers of thefe fubftances mentioned by
authors be collefted, they will all be found to have
fallen within fuch diftances of vulcanoes ; and, if com¬
pared as to the time of their falling, will be found to
correfpond in that alfo with the eruptions of thofe
moutains. We have known inftances of the afhes from
Vefuvius having been carried thirty, nay, forty leagues,
and peculiar acidents may have carried them yet far¬
ther. It is not to be fuppofed that thefe (bowers of
(tones and duft fall for a continuance in the manner
of (howers of rain, or that the fragments or pieces are
as frequent as drops of water; it is fufficient that a
number of (tones, or a quantity of duft, fall at once
on a place, where the inhabitants can have no know¬
ledge of the part from whence they came, and the
vulgar will not doubt their droppmg from the clouds.
Nay, in the canton of Berne in Swifferland, the inha¬
bitants accounted it a miracle that it rained earth and
fulphur upon them, at a time that a fmall volcano
terrified them ; and even while the wind was fo boif-
terous, and hurricanes fo frequent, that they faw almoft
every moment the duft, fand, and little ftones torn up
from the furface of the earth in whirlwinds, and car¬
ried to a confiderable height in the air, they never
confidered, that both the fulphur thrown up by the
vulcano, and the duft, &c. carried from their feet muft
fall foon after fomewhere. It is very certain that in
fome of the terrible ftorms of large hail, where the
hail-ftones have been of many inches round, that on
breaking them there have been found what people
have called Jlones in their middle; but thefe obfervers
needed only to have waited the diffolving of one of
thefe hail ftones, to have feen the (lone in its centre
difunite alfo, it being only formed of the particles of
loofe earthy matter, which the water, exhaled by the
fun’s heat, had taken up in extremely fmall moleculse
with
R A I [66
Rain, with it; and this only having ferved to give an opake
1 —hue to the inner part of the congelation, to which the
freezing of the water alone gave the apparent hardnefs
of ftone.
The raining of blaod)\z% been ever accounted a more
terrible fight and a more fatal omen than the other pre¬
ternatural rains already mentioned. It is very certain
that nature forms blood no where but in the veffels of
animals, and therefore (bowers of it from the clouds are
by no means to be credited. Thofe who fuppofe that
what has been taken for blood has been aftualiy feen
falling through the air, have had recourfe to flying in¬
fects for its origin, and fuppofe it the eggs or dungs
of certain butterflies difcharged from them as they
were high up. in the air. But it feems a very wild
conjecture, as we know of no butterfly whofe excre¬
ments, or eggs, are of fuch a colour, or whofe abode
is fo high, or their flocks fo numerous, as to be the
occafion of this.
It is moft probable that thefe bloody waters were
never feen falling; but that people feeing the (tanding
waters blood-Coloured, were aflured, from their not
knowing how it (hould elfe happen, that it had rained
blood into them. A very memorable inftance of this
there was at the Hague in the year 1670. Swammer¬
dam, who relates it, tells us, that one morning the
whole town was in an uproar on finding their lakes
and ditches full of blood, as they thought; and ha¬
ving been certainly full of water the night before,
they agreed it rouft have rained blood in the night:
but a certain phyfician went down to one of the ca¬
nals, and taking home a quantity of this blood-coloured
water, he examined it by the microfcope, and found
that the water was water dill, and had not at all
changed its colour; but that it was full of prodigious
fwarms of fmall red animals, all alive, and very nimble
in their motions, whofe colour and prodigious num¬
ber gave a .red tinge to the whole body of the water
they lived in, on a lefs accurate infpe&ion. The cer¬
tainty that this was the cafe, did not however perfuade
the Hollanders to part with the miracle : they pru¬
dently concluded, that the fudden appearance of fuch
a number of animals was as great a prodigy as the
raining of blood would have been; and are affured to
this day, that this portent foretold the fcene of war
and dellrudion which Lewis XIV. afterwards brought
into that country, which had before enjoyed 40 years
uninterrupted peace.
The animals which thus colour the water of lakes
and ponds, are the pulices arborefcentes of Swammer¬
dam, or the water-fleas with branched horns. Thefe
creatures are of a reddifti-yellow or flame colour: they
live about the fides of ditches, under weeds, and
among the mud; and are therefore the lefs vifible, ex¬
cept at a certain time, which is in the end or begin¬
ning of June: it is at this time that thefe little ani¬
mals leave their recefles to float loofe about the water,
to meet for the propagation of their fpecies, and by
that means become vifible in the colour they give the
water. This is vifible, more or lefs, in one part or
other of almofl: all (landing waters at this feafon ; and
it is always at this feafon that the bloody waters have
alarmed the ignorant.
The raining of frogs is a thing not lefs wonderful in
the accounts of authors who love the marvellous, than
Vol. IX. 2
17 ] R A I
thofe of blood or ftones; and this is fuppofed to hap¬
pen fo often, that there are multitudes who pretend
to have been eye-witnefles of it. . Thefe rains of frogs
always happens after very dry feafons, and are much
more frequent in the hotter countries than in the cold
ones. In Italy they are very frequent; and it is not
uncommon to fee the (treets of Rome fwarming both
with young frogs and toads in an inftant, in a (howeir
of rain; they hopping every where between the
people’s legs as they walk, though there was not the
leaft appearance of them before. Nay, they have
been feen to fall through the air down upon the pave¬
ments. This feems a ftrong circumftance in favour of
their being rained down from the clouds; but, when
ftriftly examined, it comes to nothing: for thefe
frogs that are feen to fall, are always found dead,
lamed, or bruifed by the fall, and never hop about as
the reft ; and they are never feen to fall, except clofe
under the walls of houfes, from the roofs and gutters
of which they have accidentally flipped down. People,
who love to add to ftrange things yet ftranger, affirm
that people have had the young frogs fall into their
hats in the midftof an open field; but this is idle, and
wholly falfe.
People, who cannot agree to their falling from the
clouds, have tried to folve the difficulty of their fud¬
den appearance, by fuppofing them hatched out of the
egg, or fpawn, by thefe rains. Nay, fotrie have fup¬
pofed them made immediately out of the duft; but there
are unanfwerable arguments againft all thefe fuppofi-
tious. Equivocal generation, or the fpontaneous pro-
du&ion of animals out of duft, is now wholjy exploded.
The fall from the clouds muft deftroy and kill thefe
tender and foft-bodied animals: and they cannot be
at this time hatched immediately out of eggs ; becaufe
the young frog does not make its appearance from the
egg in this form, but has its hinder legs enveloped in
a (kin, and is what we call a tadpole ; and the young
frogs are at leaft too times larger at the time of their
appearance, than the egg from which they (hould be
hatched.
It is a certainty, that the frogs, which make their
appearance at this time, were hatched and in being
long before : but that the dry feafons had injured
them, and kept them fluggiftily in holes, or coverts;
and that all the rain does, is the enlivening them, gi¬
ving new fpirits, and calling them forth to feek new
habitations, and enjoy the element they were deftined
in great part to live in. Theophraftus, the greateftof
all the naturalifts of antiquity, has affirmed the fame
thing. We find that the error of fuppofing thefe crea¬
tures to fall from the clouds was as early as that au¬
thor’s time; and alfo that the truth, in regard to their
appearance, was as early known; though, in the ages
fince, authors have taken care to conceal the truth, and
to hand down to us the error. We find this venerable
fage, in a fragment of his on the generation of ani¬
mals which appear on a fudden, bantering the opi¬
nion, and afferting that they were hatched and living
long before. The World owes, however, to the accu¬
rate Signior Redi the great proof of this truth, which
Theophraftus only has affirmed : for this gentleman,
difle&ing fome of thefe new-appearing frogs, found in
their ftomachs herbs and other half-digefted food,
and, openly (howing this to his credulous countrymen,
37 E allied
R A I [ 6618 ] R A I
afked them whether they thought that nature, which
engendered, according to their opinion, thefe ani¬
mals in the clouds, had alfo been fo provident as
to engender grafs there alfo for their food and nourifh-
ment.
To the raining of frogs we ought to add the raining
ofgrafshoppers and locujif, which have fometimes ap¬
peared in prodigious uumbers, and devoured the fruits
of the earth. There has not been the lead pretence
for the fuppofing that thefe animals defcended from
the clouds, but that they appeared on a fudden in
prodigious numbers. The naturalift, who knows the
many accidents attending the eggs of thefe and other
the like animals, cannot but know that feme feafons
will prove particularly favourable to the hatching
them, and the prodigious number of eggs that many
infedts lay could not but every year bring us fuch
abundance of the young, were they not liable to many
accidents, and had not provident nature taken care, as
in many plants, to continue the fpecies by a very nu¬
merous ftock of feeds, of which perhaps not one in
.500 need take root in order to continue an equal
aumber of plants. As it is thus alfo in regard to in-
feds, it cannot but happen, that if a favourable fea-
fon encourage the hatching of all thofe eggs, a very
fmall number of which alone were neceflary to conti¬
nue the fpecies, we muft, in fuch feafons, have a pro¬
portionate abundance of them. There appeared about
40 years ago, in London, fuch a prodigious fwarm of
the little beetle we call the lady-cow, that the very
polls in the ftreets were every where covered with
them. But thanks to the progrefs of philofophy among
us, we had no body to affert that it rained cow-ladies,,
but contented ourfelves with faying that it had been a
favourable feafon for their eggs. The prodigious
number of a fort of grub which did vail mifebief about
the fame.period among the corn and grafs by eating off
their roots, might alfo have been fuppofed to proceed
from its having rained grubs by people fond of making
everything a prodigy; butour knowledge in natural hi-
ftoryaffured us, that thefe were only the hexapode worms
of the common hedge-beetle, called the cock-chafer.
The raining of fijhes has been a prodigy alfo much
talked of in France, where the flreets of a town at
feme diftance from Paris, after a terrible huricane in
the night, which tore up trees, blew down boufes, &c.
were found in a manner covered with fifhes of various
fizes. Nobody here made any doubt of thefe having
fallen from the clouds; nor did the febfurdity of filh,
of five or fix inches long, being generated in the air,
at all ftartle the people, or lhake their belief in the
miracle, till they found, upon inquiry, that a very
well-docked fidi-pond, which Rood on an eminence in
the neighbourhood, had been blown dry by the hur¬
ricane,, and only the great filh left at the bottom
of it, all the fmaller fry having been toffed into their
flreets.
Upon the whole, all the fuppofed marvellous rains;
have been owing to fubdances naturally produced on
the earth, and either never having been in the air at
all, or only-carried thither by accident.
In Silefia, after a great dearth of wheat in that
country, there happened a violent dorm of wind and
rain, and the earth was afterwards covered, in many
places, with fmall round feeds. The vulgar cried out
that Providence had fent them food, and that it had Rainbow,
rained millet: but thefe were, in reality, only the Rai(i,is-
feeds of a fpecies of veronica, or fpeed-well, very
common in that country ; and whofe feeds being jud
ripe at that time, the wind had diflodged them from
their capfules, and fcattered them about. In our own
country, we have hidories of rains of this marvellous
kind, but all fabulous. It was once faid to rain wheat
in Wiltlhire, and the people were all alarmed at it as.
a miracle; till Mr Cole diowed them, that what they
took for wheat was only the feeds or kernels of the
berries of ivy, which being then fully ripe, the wind
had didodged from the fides of houfes, and trunks of
trees, on which the ivy which produced them crept.
And we even once had a raining of fifhes near the
coad of Kent in a terrible hurricane, with thunder and
lightening. The people who faw fmall fprats drewed
all about afterwards, would have it that they had fal¬
len from the clouds ; but thofe who confidered how far
the high winds have been known to carry the fea-
water, did not wonder that they fhould be able to carry
fmall fifh with it fo fmall a part of the way.
RAINBOW. See Optics, Part III. left i. £ r.
Lunar Rainbow,, The moon fometimes alfo exhi¬
bits the phenomenon of an iris, by the refraftion of her
rays in drops of rain in the night-time.
Aridotle fays, he was the fird that ever obferved 1
it ; and adds, that it is never vifible but at the time
of full moon.
The lunar iris has all the colours of the folar, only
fainter.
Marine Rainbow, \\\o-Sea-bow, is a phenomenon
fometimes obferved in a much agitated fea, when the
wind, fweeping part of the tops of the waves, carries
them aloft; fo that the rays of the fun are refrafted,
&c. as in a common fhower.
RAISINS, grapes prepared by fuffering them to
remain on the vine till they are perfedlly ripe, and then
drying them in the fun, or by the heat of an oven.
The difference between raifins dried in the fun, and
thofe dried in ovens, is very obvious: the former are
fweat and pleafant; but the latter have a latent acidity
with the fweetnefs, that renders them much Jefs agree¬
able.
The common way of drying grapes for raifins, is t©
tie two or three bunches of them together while yet on
the vine, and dip them into a hot lixivium of wood-
afhes, with a little of the oil of olives in it. This dif-
pofes them to (brink and wrinkle, and after this they
are left on the vine three Or four days feparated on
dicks in an horizontal fituation, and then dried in the
fun at leifure, after being cut from the tree. The fined
and bed raifins are thofe called in fome places
cus and Jube raifins ; which are didinguiffied from the
others by their fize and figures: they are flat and
wrinkled on the furface, foft and juicy within, and
near an inch long; and, when frefh and growing on the.
bunch, are of the fize and (hape of a large olive.
The raifins of the fun, and jar-raifins, are all dried
by the heat of the fun; and thefe are the forts ufed in
medicine. However, all the kinds have much the
fame virtues: they are all nutritive and balfamic; they
are allowed to be attenuant, are faid to be good in
nephritic complaints, and are an ingredient in petfo-
ral decoftions; in which cafes, as alfo in all others
where
R A L [ 6619 ] R A L
itaifirt where allringency is not required of them, they flxould
II have the (tones carefully taken out.
ilal6lShl RAis.N-W»e. See Wine.
RAKKATH, (anc. geog.) a town of Upper Ga-
lilee, thought to be Tiberias, (Talmud) : but this is
denied by Reland, who fays that Rakkath was a
town of the tribe of Naphthali.
RAKE of a Ship, is all that part of her hull which
hangs over both ends of her keel. That which is be¬
fore is called the fore-rake, or rake forward ; and that
part which is at the fetting on of the (tern-poft is call¬
ed the rake aft, or afterward.
RALEIGH (Sir Walter), of Fardel in the pa-
rifh of Cornwood in Devonlhire, was born in 1552,
at Hayes, in the parifh of Budley, a farm belonging
to his father. About the year 1568, he was fent to
Oriel college in Oxford, where he continued but a fhort
time; for in the following year he embarked for France,
being one of the hundred voluntiers, commanded by
Henry Champernon, who, with other Englifh troops,
were fent by queen Eiifabeth to aflift the queen of
Navarre in defending the Proteftants. In this fer-
vice he continued for five or fix years; after which he
returned to London, and probably refided in the Middle
Temple. But his enterprifing genius would not fuffer
him to remain long in a (late of inaftivity. In 1577
or 1578, he embarked for the Low Countries with the
troops ferit by the queen to affift the Dutch againft
the Spaniards, and probably (hared the glory of the
decifive viftory over Don John of Auftria in 1578. On
his return to England, a new enterprife engaged his at¬
tention. His half-brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
having obtained a patent to plant and inhabit fome
parts of North America, Mr Raleigh embarked in this
adventure; but, meeting with a Spani(h fleet, after a
fmart engagement they returned, without fuccefs, in
*579-
The following year, the king of Spain, in conjunc¬
tion with the pope, having proje&ed a total conqueft
of the Englifti dominions, fent troops to Ireland to af¬
fift the Defmonds in the Munfter rebellion. Raleigh
obtained a captain’s commiffion under Lord Grey of
Wilton, then deputy of Ireland, and embarked for that
kingdom; where, by his conduct and refolution, he
was principally inftrumental in putting an end to the
rebellious attempt. He returned to Fngland; and at-
tra&ed the notice of queen Eiifabeth, on the following
occafion,as we are told i n Nan n t on’s Fragment a Regalia.
It feems, as the queen was one day taking a walk, be¬
ing flopped by a fplafhy place in the road, our gallant
young foldier took off his new pluih mantle, and fpread
it on the ground. Her majefty trod gently over the fair
foot-cloth, furprifed and pleafed with the adventure.
The queen employed him firft as an attendant on
the French ambafl'ador Simier on his return home, and
afterward to efcort the duke of Anjou to Antwerp.
During this excurfion he became perfonally known to
the prince of Orange; from whom, at his return, he
brought fpecial acknowledgments to the queen, who
now frequently converfed with him. But the inaftive
life of a courtier, did not fuit the enterprifing fpirit of
Mr Raleigh. In the year 1583, he embarked with his
brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, on a feconcf expedi¬
tion to Newfoundland, in a (hip called the Raleigh,
which he built at his own expence; but was obliged
to return, on account of an infedious diftomper on
board. He was, however, fo little affe&ed by this dif-
appointment, that he now laid before the queen and
council a propofal for exploring the continent of North
America, and in 1584 obtained a patent empowering
him to pofiefs fuch countries as he (hould difcover in that
part of the globe. Accordingly Mr Raleigh fitted out
two (hips at his own expence, which failed in the month
of April, and returned to England about the middle
of September, reporting that they had difcovered and
taken poffeflion of a fine country called Windangocoat
to which the queen gave the name of Virginia. About
this time he was defied knight of the (hire for the
county of Devon, and foon after received the honour
of knighthood; and to enable him to carry on his de-
figns abroad, the queen granted him a patent for li-
cenfing the venders of wine throughout the kingdom.
In 1685 he fent a fleet of feven (hips to Virginia, com¬
manded by his relation Sir Richard Greenville, who
left a colony at Roanah of 107 perfons, under the go¬
vernment of Mr Lane. In the fame year Sir Walter
Raleigh obtained a grant of 12,000 acres of the for¬
feited lands in the county of Corke in Ireland. About
the fame time he was made fenefchal of the duchy of
Cornwal, and warden of the ftannaries; and grew into
fuch favour with the queen, that even Leicefter was
jealous of his influence.
In 1587, he fent another colony of 150 men to Vir¬
ginia, with a governor, Mr John White, and 12 aflift-
ants. About this time we find our knight diftinguifti-
ed by the titles of Captain of the queen's guards, and
Lieutenant-general of Cornwal, From this period to the
year 1594, he was continually engaged in projedb'ng
new expeditions, fending fuccours to colonies abroad,
defending the kingdom from the infults of the Spani¬
ards, and tranfadling parliamentary bufinefs, with equal
ability and refolmion. Whilft thus employed, he was
publicly charged, in a libel written by the infamous
Jefuit Parfons, with being an Atheift; a groundlefs
and ridiculous imputation. In 1594, he obtained from
the queen a grant of the manor of Sherborne in Dor-
fetlhire, where he built a magnificent houfe: but Sir
Walter fell under the queen’s difpleafure on account of
an intrigue with the daughter of Sir Nicholas Throg¬
morton, one of the maids of honour; however, he mar¬
ried the lady, and lived with her in great conjugal har¬
mony. During his difgrace at court, he projeded the
conqueft of Guiana in South America, and in 1595
failed for that country; of which having taken poflef-
fion, after defeating the Spaniards who were fettled
there, he returned to England the fame year, and foon
after publiftied an account of his expedition. In the
following year he was one of the admirals in the fuc-
cefsful expedition againft Cadiz, under the command
of Howard and the earl of Eflex 5 and in J 597 he fail¬
ed with the fame commanders againft the Azores.
Soon after thefe expeditions, we find him affiduoufly
engaged in parliamentary bufinefs, and a diftinguiflied
ptrfonage in joufts and tournaments. In 1600 he was
fent on a joint embafly with Lord Cobham to Flan¬
ders, and at his return made governor of-Jerfey.
Queen Eiifabeth died in the beginning,,of the year
1603; and with her Raleigh’s glory and felicity funk,
never to rife again. Her fuceeffor James was an ene¬
my to every fpecies of virtue and heroifm. He was
37 E 2 fcarce
R A L [ 6620 ] R A L
Raleigh, fcarce feated on the throne, before this valuable fub-
Ra^us- jeft was ftripped of his preferments, tried, and con¬
demned for high treafon: but after a month’s impri-
fonment, in daily expedation of his execution, he was
reprieved, and fent to the Tower; and his eftates were
given to Car, earl of Somerfet, the king’s favourite.
During this confinement he wrote many of his moft va¬
luable pieces, particularly his Hiftory of the World. In
March 1615, after 16 years imprifoment, he obtain¬
ed his liberty, and immediately began to prepare for
another voyage to Guiana. In Auguft 1616, the king
granted him a very ample commifiion for that purpofe;
and in July, the year following, he failed from Ply¬
mouth : but, ftrange as it may appear, it is moft cer¬
tain, that the whole fcheme was revealed to the Spa¬
niards by the king himfelf, and thus neceffarily ren¬
dered abortive.
He returned to England in t6i 8; where he was foon
after feized, imprifoned, and beheaded, not for any
pretended mifdemeanor on the late expedition, but in
confequence of his former attainder. The truth of the
matter is, he was facrificed by the pufillanimous mo¬
narch to appeafe the Spaniards; who, whilft Raleigh
lived, thought every part of their dominions in danger.
He was executed in Old Palace Yard, and buried in
St Margaret’s adjoining, in the 66th year of his age.
He was a man of admirable parts, extenfive knowledge,
undaunted refolution, and drift honour and honefty.
He was the author of a great many works, fome of
which have not been printed.
RALLUS, the Rail, in ornithology ; a genus
belonging to the order of grallas. The beak is thickeft
at the bafe, compreffed, equal, acute, and fomewhat
fharp on the back near the point; the noftrils are oval;
the feet have four toes, without any web ; and the
body is comprefled. There are 10 fpecies, principally
diftinguilhed by their colour. The moil remarkable
are,
1. The aquaticus, or water-rail, is a bird of a long
flender body, with ihort concave wings. It delights
lefs in flying than running; which it does very fwiftly
along the edges of brooks covered with buihes: as it
runs, it every now and then flirts up its tail, and in
flying hangs down its legs; aftions it has in common
with the water-hen. Its weight is four ounces and a
half. The length to the end of the tail is 12 inches :
the breadth 16. The bill is flender, flightly incurva-
ted, one inch three quarters long: the upper mandible
black, edged with red ; the lower, orange-coloured :
the head, hind part of the neck, the back, and coverts
of the wings and tail, are black, edged with an olive
brown; the throat, breaft, and upper part of the belly,
are afh-coloured : the fides under the wings as far as
the rump, finely varied with black and white bars. The
tail is very ftiort, confifts of 12 black feathers; the
ends of the two middle tipt with ruft colour; the fea¬
thers immediately beneath the tail white. The legs are
placed far behind, and are of a dufky fldh-colour.
The toes very long, and divided to their very origin;
though the feet are not webbed, it takes the water ;
will fwim on it with much eafe, but is often obferved
to run along the furface.
2. The porzana, or gallinule, is not very frequent
in Great Britain, and is faid to be migratory. Inha¬
bits the fides of fmall ftreams, concealing itfelf among
the bullies. Its length is nine inches; its breadth, 15: Rallus
its weight, four ounces five drachms. The head is I!
brown, fpotted with black ; the neck a deep olive, Ramadan*
fpotted with white: the feathers of the back are black
next their fhafts, then olive-coloured, and edged with
white: the fcapulars are olive, finely marked with two
fmall white fpots on each web: the legs of a yellowifh
green.
3. The crex, crake, or corn-crek, has been fuppo-
fed by fome to be the fame with the water-rail, and
that it differs only by a change of colour at a certain
feafon of the year: this error is owing to inattention
to their charafters and nature, both which differ en¬
tirely. The bill of this fpecies is fhort, ttrong, and
thick; formed exaftly like that of the water-hen, and
makes a generical diftinftion. It never frequents wa¬
tery places; but is always found among corn, grafs,
broom, or furze. It quits the kingdom before win¬
ter; but the water-rail endures our fharpeft feafons.
They agree in their averfion to flight; and the legs,
which are remarkably long for the fize of the bird,
hang down whilft they are on the wing ; they trull
their fafety to their fwiftnefs on foot, and feldom are
fprung a fecond time but with great difficulty. The
land rail lays from 12 to 20 eggs, of a dull white co¬
lour, marked with a few yellow fpots; notwithftand-
ing this, they are very numerous in this kingdom.
Their note is Angular, refembling the word crex often
repeated. They are in greatell plenty in Anglefea,
where they appear about the 20th of April, fuppofed
to pafsover from Ireland, where they abound: at their
firft arrival it is common to (hoot feven or eight in a
morning. They are found in moft of the Hebrides,
and the Orkneys. On their arrival they are very lean,
weighing only fix ounces ; but before they leave this
ifland, grow fo fat as to weigh above eight. The fea¬
thers on the crown of the head and hind-part of the neck,
are black, edged with bay colour: the coverts of the
wings of the fame colour, but not fpotted; the tail is
fhort, and of a deep bay : the belly white ; the legs
afh-coloured.
RALPH (James), a late ingenious hiftorical and
political writer, was born, we know not when nor
where, being firft known as a fchool-maller in Phila¬
delphia in North America. He came to England about
the beginning of the reign of George I. and wrote
fome things in the dramatic way, which were not re¬
ceived with great applaufe: but though he did not fuc-
ceed as a poet, he was a very ingenious profe-writer.
He wrote A Hiftory of England, commencing with
the Stuarts, which is much eiteemed; as were his po¬
litical effays and pamphlets, fome of which were looked
upon as mailer-pieces. His laft publication, The Cafe
of Authors by profeffion, is an excellent and enter¬
taining performance. He died in 1762.
RAM, in zoology. See Ovis.
Battering Ram, in antiquity, a military engine ufed
to batter down the walls of befieged places. See Bat¬
tering Ram.
Ram’s Head, in a fhip, is a great block belonging
to the fore and main halliards. It has three fhives in
it, in which the halliards are put; and in a hole at the
end are reeved the ties.
RAMADAN, a folemn feafon of faffing among the
Mahometans. See Mahometanism.
RA-
RAM f 6621 1 RAM
Ramah RAMAH (anc. geog.), a town of Benjamin, near
I! Gibea, (Judges); called Rama of Saul (1 Sam. xxii.),
Rampant. fix mjjes from Jerufalem to the north; memorable for
the ftory of the Levite and his concubine: Taken and
fortified by Baafa king of Ifrael, in order to annoy the
kingdom of Judah. This Rama is mentioned Ifa. x.
Jer. xxxi. and Matth. ii. and is to be diftinguiihed
from Rama of Samuel, 1 Sam. xix. called alfo Rama-
tba, 1 Sam. i. tp. and Ramathaim Zophim, ibid. i. 1.
which lay a great way to the weft, towards Joppa,
near Lydda, 1 Maccab. ii. the birth-place of Samuel;
adjoining to the mountains of Ephraim, and the place
of his refidence, 1 Sam. xv. &c. (Jofephus.) Called
Ramula-\n the lower age, (Gul. Tyrins.)
RAMATH-mizfe, (Joftiua xiii.); Ramoth-Maf-
phe, (Septuagint, Vulgate); Ramoth in Gilead, or Rem-
matb Galaad, (Seventy); a town in that traft of Gi¬
lead called Mafpha, or Mizpe, one of the cities of re¬
fuge.
RAMAZZINI (Bernardin), an Italian phyfician,
born at Carpi near Modena in 1633. He was profef-
for of phyfic in the univerfity of Modena for 18 years;
and in 1700 accepted an invitation from Padua, where
he was made re&or of the college; and died in 1714.
His works were collefted and publiftied in London,
17161 of which, his treatife De Morbis Artificum, “ Of
the peculiar maladies of artificers,” will always be
eftetmed ufeful and curious.
RAMESES, (anc. geog.); a town built by the
Ifraelites during their bondage in Egypt, and from
which the exodus took place, and which muft have
been towards and not far from the Arabian Gulph,
feeing in the third ftation the Ifraelitcs arrived on its
fhore.
RAMESES, king of the Lower Egypt when Ja¬
cob went thither with his family, in the 1706th year
before the Chriftian asra. Ancient authors mention
feveral other kings of Egypt of the fame name: and it
is thought that one of thofe princes eredled in the
temple of the fun at Thebes, the magnificent obelifk
which the emperor Conftantine caufed to be removed
to Alexandria in the year 334, and that prince dying,
his fon Conftantius had the obelifk tranfported from
Alexandria to Rome in 352, where it was ere&ed in
the grand Circus. Its height was 132 feet. When the
Goths facked the city of Rome in 409, they overthrew
this obelifk, which continued buried in the fand till
the time of Sixtus V. in 1587, when it was found bro¬
ken in three pieces, which being joined together,
fet up in the fquare of St John de Lateran. On the
four fides of this wonderful obelifk are a number of fi¬
gures and hieroglyphical charadters, which, according
to the explication of Ammianus Marcellinus, contain
the praifes of Ramefes.
RAMIFICATION, the produdtton of boughs or
branches, or of figures refembling branches.
RAMMER, an inftrument ufed for driving down
ftones or piles into the ground ; or for beating the
earth, in order to render it more folid for a founda¬
tion.
Rammer c/" a Gun, the Gun-JUck; a rod ufed in
charging of a gun, to drive home the powder, as alfo
the fhot, and the wad, which keeps the fhot from roll¬
ing our.
RAMPANT, in heraldry, a term applied to a lion,
leopard, or other beaft that ftands on its hind legs, Rampart,
and rears up his fore-feet in the poflure of climbing, R-3"1?113*
fhowing only half his face, as one eye, &c. It is dif- * os' .
ferent from faliant, in which the beaft feems fpringing
forward as if making a fally.
RAMPART, in fortification, is an elevation of
earth round a place capable of refifting the cannon of
an enemy; and formed into baftions, curtins, &c.
RAMPHASTOS, in ornithology, a genus belong¬
ing to the order of picas. The bill is very large, con¬
vex, and ferrated outwardly ; the noftrils are fituated
behind the bafe of the beak ; the feet in mod fpecies
are toed. There are eight fpecies; of which the moll PI. CCL1V.
remarkable is the toucan, whofe bill is almoft as large fig. 8.
as the reft of its body. There are four or five varieties,
but we fhall only defcribe that which has a red beak.
This is about the fize of a jack-daw, and fhaped like
that bird, with a large head to fupport its monftrous
bill : this bill, from the angles of the mouth to its
point, is fix inches and an half; and its breadth, in
the thickeft part, is a little more than two. Its thick-
nefs near the head, is one inch and a quarter; and it
is a little rounded along the top of the upper chap,
the under fide being round alfo; the whole of the bill
extremely flight, and a little thicker than parchment.
The upper chap is of a bright yellow, except on each
fide, which is of a fine fcarlet colour; as is alfo the
lower chap, except at the bafe, which is purple. Be¬
tween the head and the bill there is a black line of re¬
paration all round the bafe of the bill; in the upper
part of which the noftrils are placed, and are almoft
covered with feathers; which has occafioned fome
writers to fay, that the toucan has no noftrils. Round
the eyes, on each fide of the head, is a fpace of bluifh
fkin, void of feathers; above which the head is black,
except a white fpot on each fide joining to the bafe of
the upper chap. The hinder part of the neck, the
back, wings, tail, belly, and thighs, are black. The
under fide of the head, throat, and the beginning of
the breaft, «re white. Between the white on the
breaft, and the black on the belly, is a fpace of red
feathers, in the form of a new moon, with its horns
upwards. The legs, feet, and claws, are of an afti-
colour; and the toes ftand like thofe of parrots, two-
before, and two behind.
It is reported by travellers, that this bird, though
furnilhed with fo formidable a beak, is harmlefs and
gentle, being fo eafily made tame, as to fit and hatch
its young in houfes. It feeds chiefly upon pepper,
which it devours very greedily, gorging itfelf in fuch
a manner, that it voids it crude and unconcodted.
This, however, is no objection to the natives from
ufing it again : they even prefer it before that pepper
which is frefti gathered from the tree ; and feem per-
fuaded that the ftrength and heat of the pepper is
qualified by the bird, and that all its noxious qualities
are thus exhaufted.
Whatever be the truth of this report, nothing is
more certain than that the toucan lives only upon a
vegetable diet; and, in a domeftic ftate, to which it
is frequently brought in the warm countries where it
is bred, it is feen to prefer fuch food to all other.
Pozzo, who bred one tame, afferts, that it leaped up
and down, wagged the tail, and cried with a voice
refembling that of a magpie. It fed upon the fame
things
R A M [ 6622 ] RAM
Ramph*- thinga tliat parrots do ; but was mod greedy of grapes,
ftos, ^ which, being plucked off one by one, and thrown in
Ram dens- t^e a;r< ;t moft dexteroufly catch before they
fell to the ground. Its bill, he adds, was hollow, and
upon that account very light, fo that it had but little
ftrength in fo apparently formidable a weapon; nor
could it peck or ftrike fmartly therewith. But its
tongue feemed to affilt the efforts of this unwieldy ma¬
chine : it was long, thin, and flat, not unlike one of
the feathers on the neck of a dunghill cock ; this it
moved up and down, and often extended five or fix
inches from the bill. It was of a flelh colour, and
remarkably fringed on each fide with very fmall fila¬
ments, exaftly refembling a feather.
It is probable that this long tongue has greater
ftrength than the thin hollow beak that contains it.
It is likely that the beak is only a kind of (heath for
this peculiar inftrument, ufed by the toucan, not only
in making itfelf a neft, but alfo in obtaining its pro-
vifion. Nothing is more certain, than that this bird
builds its neft in holes of trees, which have been pre-
vioufly fcooped out for this purpofe ; and it is not
very likely that fo feeble a bill could be very fervice-
able in working upon fuch hard materials.
Be this as it will, there is no bird fecures its young
better from external injury than the toucan. It has
not only birds, men, and ferpents* to guard againft;
but a numerous tribe of monkeys, ftill more prying,
mifchievous, and hungry* than all the reft. The tou¬
can, however, fcoops out its neft into the hollow of
fome tree, leaving only a hole large enough to go in
and out at. There it fits, with its great beak, guard¬
ing the entrance ; and, if the monkey ventures to
offer a vifit of curiofity, the toucan gives him fuch a
welcome, that he prefently thinks proper to pack off,
and is glad to efcape with fafety.
This bird is only found in the warm climates of
South America, where it is in great requeft, both for
the delicacy of its flefti, which is tender and nourifti-
ing, and for the beauty of its plumage, particularly
the feathers of the bread. The (kin of this part the
Indians pluck off, and, when dry, glue to their cheeks;
and this they confider as an irrcfiftible addition to
their beauty.
RAMSDEN’j Engine for Dividing Mathemati¬
cal Instruments, is a late invention by which thefedi-
vifions can be'performed with exceeding great accuracy,
fuch as would formerly have been deemed incredible.
On a difcovery of the method of conftnnfting this ma¬
chine, its inventor, Mr Ramfden of Piccadilly, re¬
ceived 615 1. from the commiffioners of longitude;
engaging himfclf to inftrudl a certain number of per-
fons, not exceeding ten, in the method of making and
nfing this machine from the 28th Oftober 1775, to
28th Odober 1777 : alfo binding himfelf to divide all
o&ants and fextants by the fame engine, at the rate
of three (hillings for each odant, and fix (hillings
for each brafs fextant, with Nonius’s divifiohs to half
minutes, for as long time as the commiflioners (hould
think proper to let the engine remain in his poffefiion.
Of this fum of 615 1. paid to Mr Ramfden, 300 1. was
given him as a reward for the improvement made by
him in difcovering the engine, and the remaining 315!.
for his giving up the property of it to the commif-
■fioners. The following defcription of the engine, is
that given upon oath by Mr Ramfden himfelf. Ramfderfs
“ This engine confifts of a large wheel of bell-metal, Engine.
fupported on a mahogany (land, having three legs, _i"
which are ftrongly conneded together by braces, fo
as to make it perfedly fteady. On each leg of the
(land is placed a conical fridion-pully, whereon the
dividing-wheel refts ! to prevent the wheel from Aid¬
ing off the fridiotr-pullies, the bell-metal centre under
it turns in a focket on the top of the ftand.
“ The circumference of the wheel is ratched or cut
(by a method which will be defcribed hereafter)' into
2160 teeth, in which an endlefs fcrew ads. Six re¬
volutions of the fcrew will move the wheel a fpace
equal to one degree.
“ Now a circle of brafs being fixed on the fcrew ar¬
bor, having its circumference divided into 60 parts,
each divifion- will confequently anfwer to a motion of
the wheel of 10 feconds, fix of them will be equal to
a minute, &c.
“ Several different arbors of tempered fteel are truly
ground into the fockct in the centre of the wheel. The
upper parts of the arbors that ftand above the plane
are turned of various fizes, to fuit the centres of dif¬
ferent pieces of work to be divided.
“ When any inftrument is to be divided, the centre
of it is very exadly fitted on one of thefe arbors; and
the inftrument is fixed down to the plane of the divid¬
ing wheel by means of fcrews, which fit into holes
made in the radii of the wheel for that purpofe.
“ The inftrument being thus fitted on the plane of
the wheel, the frame which carries the dividing-point
is conne&ed at one end by finger-fcrews with*the frame
which carries the endlefs fcrew ; while the other end
embraces that part of the fteel arbor, which Hands
above the inftrument to be divided, by an angular
notch in a piece of hardened fteel: by this means both
ends of the frame are kept perfe&ly tteady and free
from any (hake.
“ The frame carrying the dividing-point or tracer, is
made to Aide on the frame which carries the endlefs
fcrew to any diftance from the centre of the wheel as
the radius of the inftrument to be divided may require,
and may be there faftened by tightening two clamps ;
and the dividing-point or tracer being connefted with
the clamps by the double jointed frame, admits a free
and eafy motion towards or from the centre for cut¬
ting the divifions, without any lateral (hake.
“ From what has been faid, it appears, that an in¬
ftrument thus fitted on the dividing-wheel may be
moved to any angle by the fcrew and divided circle on
its arbor, and that this angle may be marked on the
limb of the inftrument with the greateft exa&nefs by
the dividing-point or tracer, which can only move in
a diredt line tending to the centre, and is altogether
freed from thofe inconveniences that attend cutting by
means of a ftraight edge. This method of drawing
lines will alfo prevent any error that might arife from
an expanfion or contradiion of the metal during the
time of dividing.
“ The fcrew-frame is fixed on the top of a conical
pillar, which turns freely round its axi?, and alfo moves
freely towards or from the centre of the wheel, fo
that the fcrew-frame may be entirely guided by the
frame which conne&s it with the centre : by this means
any cxctntricity of the wheel and the arbor would.not
pro*
Ylatp COIi, Y
liAMSDBNS ICadame
JU
Plate TOLFI
Plate CCI/VH.
Ramfden
Engine
i Plate
CCLV.
Plate
: ccxvr.;
; cclvii.
:f;s. 3.
% i-
Pig. 4.
% 4-
?»g. 4-
RAM [ 6623 ] RAM
'* produce any error in the dividing ; and, by a parti-
• cular contrivance, (which will be defcribed hereafter,)
the fcrew when preffed againft the teeth of the wheel
always moves parallel to itfelf; fo that a line joining
the centre of the arbor and the tracer continued, will
always make equal angles with the fcrew.
Figure r. reprefents a perfpeftive view of the engine.
“ Fig. 2. is a plan, of which fig. 3. reprefents a fec-
Sc tlon on the line nA.
“ The large wheel A is 45 inches in diameter, and
has ten radii, each being fupported by edge-bars, as
reprefented in fig. 3. Thefe bars and radii are con-
nefted by the circular ring B, 24 inches in diameter,
and 3 deep ; and, for greater ftrength, the whole i&
cad in one piece in bell-metal.
“ As the whole weight of the wheel A refts on its
ring B, the edge-bars are deeped where they join it;
and from thence their depth diminiflies, both towards
the centre and the circumference, as reprefented in
% 3;
“ The furface of the wheel A was worked very even
and flat, and its circumference turned true. The
ring C, of fine brafs, was fitted very exa&ly on the
circumference of the wheel; and was faftened thereon
with ferews, which, after being ferewed as tight as
offible, were well riveted. The face of a large chuck
eing turned very true and flat in the lath, the flat¬
tened furface A of the wheel was faftened againft it
with hold-fads: and the two furfaces and circum¬
ference of the ring C, a hole through the centre and
the plane part round (b) it, and the lower edge of the
ring B, were turned at the fame time.
“ D is a piece of hard bell-metal, having the hole,
which receives the deel-arbor (d), made very draight
and true. This bell-metal was turned very true on
an arbor; and the face, wich reds on the wheel at (b),
was turned very flat, fo that the fleel arbor (d) might
Hand perpendicular to the plane of the wheel: this bell-
metpl was fadened to the wheel by fix fleel ferews (1).
“ A brafs focket Z is fadened on the centre of the
mahogany fiand, and receives the lower part of the.
bell-metal piece Dr being made to touch the bell-
metal in a narrow part near the mouth, to prevent any
obliquity of the wheel from bending the arbor : good
fitting is by no means neceffary here ; fince any fhake
in this focket will produce no bad effedl, as will ap¬
pear hereafter when we deferibe the cutting frame.
“ The wheel was then put on its fland, the lower
edge of the ring B reding on the circumfernce of
three conical fri&ion-pullies W, to facilitate its. mo¬
tion round its centre. The axis of one of thefe pullies
is in a line joining the centre of the wheel and the
middle of the endlefs fcrew, and the other two placed
fo as to be at eqijal diflances from each other.
“ F is a block of woodflrongly fadened to one of the
legs of the fland; the piece (g) is ferewed to the upper
fide of the block, and has half holes,.. in which the
tranfverfe axis (h) turns: the half holes are kept toge¬
ther by the ferews (i).
“ The lower extremity of the conical pillar P termi¬
nates in a cylindric fled pin (k), which pafies through
and turns in the tranfverfe axis (h), and is confined by
a cheek and fcrew.
“To the upper end of the conical pillar is faftened the
frame G, in which, the endlefs fcrew turns: the pivots
of the fcrew are formed in the manner of two fru drums Rani Men’s
of cones joined by a cylinder, as reprefented at X. Engine.
Thefe pivots are confined between half poles, which   ;—
prefs only on the conical parts, and do not touch the Flg's'
cylindric parts: the half holes are kept together by
ferews (a), which may be tightened at any time, to
prevent the fcrew from fhaking in the frame.
“ On the fcrew arbor is a imall wheel of brafs K, Fig. i, j.
having its outfide edge divided into 60 parts, and4, s-
numbered at every 6th divilion with 1, 2, &c. to 10.
The motion of this wheel is (hewn by the index (y) onpiz 4and s
the fcrew frame G.
“ H reprefents a part of the ftand, having a parallel Eig- r.
flit in the direftion towards the centre of the wheel,
large enough to receive the upper part of the conical
brais pillar P, which carries the fcrew and its frame :
and as the refiftance, when the wheel is moved by the
tndlefs fcrew, is againft that fide of the flit H which
is towards the left-hand, that fide of the flit is faced
with brafs, and the pillar is prefled againft it by a
fteel fpring on the oppofite fide: by this means the.
pillar is firongly fupported laterally, and yet the "
fcrew may be eafily prefied from or againft the cir¬
cumference of the wheel, and the pillar will turn freely
on its axis to take any direftion given it by the
frame L.
“ At each corner of the piece I are ferews (n) ofFig. 4^
tempered fteel, having polifhed conical points: two of
them turn in conical holes in the ferew-frame near (o),
and the points of the other two ferews turn in holes
in thepiece Q^the ferews (p) are of fteel, which being
tightened prevent the conical pointed ferews from un¬
turning when the frame is moved.
“ L is a brafs frame, which ferves to conneft the end-pj„_, a ^
lefs fcrew, its frame, &c. with the centre of the wheel: ' ‘
each arm of this frame is terminated by a fteel fcrew,
that may be paffed through any of the holes (q) in the
piece as the thicknefs of work to be divided on Fig. 4,
the wheel may require, and are fafteneAby the finger-
nulS ([)-■ , , . Fig. 1 anda*
“ At the other end of this frame is a flat piece of
tempered fteel (b), wherein is an angular notch : when Fig. «.
the endlefs fcrew is prefttd . againft the. teeth on the
circumference of the wheel, which may be done by
turning the finger-ferew S, to prefs againft theFig,i.&j,
fpring (t), this notch embraces and prtffes againft-the
fled arbor (d). This end of the frame may be raifed or Fig. x.
deprdfed by moving the prifmatic Aide (u),which may Fi t t
be fixed at any height by the four fteel-fcrews (v). ’
“ The bottom of this Hide has a notch (k), whofeFig. i.&t?, .
plane is parallel to the endlefs-fcrew; and by thepoint of
the arbor (d) refting in this notch, this end of the Fig. 3.
frame is prevented, from tilting. The ferew S is pre- Fig.
vented from unturning, by tightening the finger-
nut (w).
“ The teeth on the circumference of the wheel were
cut by the following method.
_ “ Having confidered what number of teeth on the
circumference would be moft convenient, which in this
engine is 2 160, or 360 multiplied by 6, I made two
ferews of the fame.dimenfions, of tempered fted, in
the manner hereafter defcribed, the interval between,
the threads being fuch as I knew by calculation,
would come within the limits of what might be turned .
off the circumference of the wheel; one of thtfe ferews,
which,!
RAM [ 6624 ] RAM
Ram&en’s which was intended for ratching or cutting the teeth, fixed in a tube which was attached to one of the arras Ramfden'
Engine- was notched acrofs the threads, fo that thefcrew, when L (a). Now a handle or winch being fixed on the EnSllie-
Plate prefied againfl the edge of the wheel and turned round, end of the fcrew, the divifion marked to on the circle
CCLVI. & cut *n t^e manner 0f a Then having a fegment K was fet to its index, and, by means of a clamp and
CCLVli. of a circle a little greater than 60 degrees, of about adjufting fcrew for that purpofe, the interfe&ion
the fame radius with the wheel, and the circumference marked 1 on the circle C was fet exa&ly to coincide
made true, from a very fine centre, I defcribed an arch with the fixed wire; the fcrew was then carefully
near the edge, and fet off the chord of 60 degrees on preffed againft the circumference of the wheel, by turn-
this arch. This fegment was put in the place of the ing the finger-fcrew §; then, removing the clamp, I
wheel, the edge of it was ratched, and the number of turned the fcrew by its handle 9 revolutions, till the
revolutions and parts of the fcrew confained between interfe&ion marked 240 came nearly to the wire;
the interval of the 60 degrees were counted. The then, unturning the finger-fcrew S, I releafed the
radius was corrected in the proportion of 360 revolu- fcrew from the wheel, and turned the wheel back till
lions, which ought to have been in 60 degrees, to the the interfe&ion marked 2 exadtly coincided with the
Bumber adlually found; and the radius, fo correfted, wire, and, by means of the clamp before-mentioned,
was taken in a pair of beam-compaffes : while the the divifiort to on the circle being fet to its index, the
wheel was on the lath, one foot of the compaffes was fcrew was preffed againd the edge of the wheel by the
put in the centre, and with the other a circle was de- finger-fcrew S; the clamps were removed, and the
feribed on the ring; then half the depth of the threads fcrew turned 9 revolutions till the interfeftion marked
of the fcrew being taken in dividers was fet from this 1 nearly coincided with the fixed wire ; the fcrew was
circle outwards, and another circle was deferibed cut-' releafed from the wheel by untuming the finger-fcrew
ting this point; a hollow was then turned on the edge S as before, the wheel was turned back till the inter-
of the wheel of the fame curvature as that of the fcrew feftion 3 coincided with the fixed wire ; the divifion
at the bottom of the threads: the bottom of this hoi- 10 on the circle being fet to its index, the fcrew was
low was turned to the fame radius or diftance from the preffed againft the wheel as before, and the fcrew was
.centre of the wheel, as the outward of the two circles turned 9 revolutions, till the interfedlion 2 nearly co-
before-mentioned. incided with the fixed wire, and the fcrew was relea-
“ The wheel was now taken off the lath; and the leafed ; and I proceeded in this manner till the teeth.
Fig. 3. bell-metal piece D was ferewed on as before dire&ed, were marked round the whole circumference of the
which after this ought not to be removed. wheel. This was repeated three times round, to make
“ From a very exaft centre a circle was defcribed the impreffion of the fcrew deeper. I then ratched
Fig. 1, j, 3. on the ring C, about of an inch within where the the wheel round continually in the fame dire&ion with-
bottom of the teeth would come. This circle was out ever difengaging the fcrew; and, in ratching
divided with the greateft exa&nefs I was capable of, the wheel about 300 times round, the teeth were fi-
firfl into 5 parts, and each of thefe into 3. Thefe parts nifhed.
were then bife&ed4 times : (that is to fay) fiuppofing “ Now it is evident,if the circumference of the wheel
the whole circumference of the wheel to contain 2160 was even one tooth or ten minutes greater than the
teeth, this being divided into 5 parts, each would fcrew would require, this error would in the firft in-
contain 432 teeth ; which being divided into 3 parts, ftance be reduced to part of a revolution or two
each of them would contain .144; and this fpace feconds and a half ; and thefe errors or inequalities of
bifedled 4 times would give 72, 36, 18, and .9 : there- the teeth were equally diftributed round the wheel at
fore each of the Jaft divifions would contain 9 teeth, the diftance of 9 teeth from each other. Now, as the
< But, as I was apprehenfive fome error might arife from fcrew in ratching had continually hold of feveral teeth
quinquefe&ion and trife&ion, in order to examine the at the fame time, and, thefe conftantly changing, the
accuracy of the divifions, I defcribed another circle on abovementioned inequalities foon corredled themfelves,
Fig 7. the ring C, inch within the former, and divided it' and the teeth were reduced to a perfedt equality. The
by continual bifedions, as 2160, 1080, 540, 270, piece of brafs whieh carries the wire was now taken
I35, 67^, and 33J:; and, as the fixed wire (to be de- away, and the cutting fcrew was alfo removed, and
feribed prefently) croffed both the circles, I could a plain one (hereafter defcribed) put in its place : on
examine their agreement at every 135 revolutions ; one end of the fcrew is a fmall brafs circle, having its
(after ratching, could examine it at every 33I) : but, edge divided into 60 equal parts, and numbered at
not finding any fenfible difference between the two fetts every fixth divifion, as beforementioned. On the
of dtvifions, I, for ratching, made choice of the for- other end of the fcrew is a ratchet-wheel C, having 60
mer ; and, as the coincidence of the fixed wire with an teeth, covered by the hollowed circle (rl), which carries Fig. s»
interfedion could be more exaftly determined than with two clicks that catch upon the oppofite fides of the
a dot or divifion, I therefore made ufe .of interfe&ions ratchet when the fcrew is to be moved forwards. The
in both circles before defcribed. cylinder S turns on a,ftrong fteel arbor F, which paffes
gh an(] js {irm]y ferewed to the piece Y: this
for greater firmnefs, is attached to the ferew-
G by the braces (v): a fpiral groove or thread is F
, 1 the outfide of the cylinder S, which ferves both
ter of the wheel; the coincidence of this wire with the for holding the firing, and alfo giving motion to the
interfedtions was examined by a lens ^ inch focus, lever J on its centre by means of a fteel tooth (n), that
works
1^B) The interfedUons are marked for the fake of illuffration, though properly invifible, they lying under the brafs
Ramfden’i
Engine.
PI. CCLV
Piste
CCLVI. &
CCLVII.
Fig. t.
Fig. i.
Fig. 4-
Fig. i.
Fig. t.
Fig.i.&4.
Fig. I,*, 6,
Fig. 6.
RAM [ 6625 ] RAM
! works between the threads of the fptral. To the le¬
ver is attached a ftrong (led pin(m), on which a brafs
focket (r) turns: this focket pafies thro’ a flit in the
piece (p), and may be tightened in any part of the flit
by the finger-nut (f): this piece ferves to regulate the
number of revolutions of the ferew for each tread
of the treadle R.
“ T, is a brafs box containing a fpiral fpring; a ftrong
gut is faftened and turned 3 or 4 times round the cir¬
cumference of this box ; the gut then paffes feveral
times round the cylinder S, and from thence down to
the treadle R. Now, when the treadle is prefled
down, the firing pulls the cylinder S round its axis,
and the clicks catching hold of the teeth on the
ratchet carry the ferew round with it, till, by the tooth
(n) working in the fpiral groove, the lever J is brought
near the wheel (d), and the cylinder flopped by the
ferew-head (x) ftriking on the top of the lever J; at
the fame time the fpring is wound up by the other end
of the gut palling round the box T. Now, when the
foot is taken off the treadle, the fpring unbending it-
felf pulls back the cylinder, the clicks leaving the
ratchet and ferew at reft till the piece (t) ftrikes on the
end of the piece (p) : the number of revolutions of the
ferew at each tread is limited by the number of revo¬
lutions the cylinder is allowed to turn back before the
flop ftrikes on the piece (p).
“ When the endlefs ferew was moved round it axis
with a confiderable velocity, it would continue that
motion a little after the cylinder S was flopped: to
prevent this the angular lever „ was made ; that when
the lever J comes near to flop the ferew (x), it, by a
fmall chamfer, preffes down the piece x. of the angular
lever ; this brings the other end » of the fame lever
forwards, and flops the endlefs fcreW by the fteel
pin p ftriking upon the top of it : the foot of the le¬
ver is raifed again by a fmall fpring prefling on the
brace (v).
, “ D, two clamps, conne&ed by the piece «, Aide one
on each arm of the frame L, and may be fixed at plea-
fure by the four finger-ferews f, which prefs againft fteel
fprings to avoid fpoilingthe arms: the piece (q) is made
to turn without (hake between the two conical point¬
ed ferews (f), which are preventing from unturning
by tightening the finger-nuts N.
“ The piece M is made to turn on the piece (q), by
the conical pointed ferews (f) refting in the hollow
centers (e).
“ As there is frequent occafion to cut divifions on
inclined planes, for that purpofe the piece y, in which
the tracer is fixed, has a conical axis at each end,
which turn in half holes : when the tracer is fet to any
inclination, it may be fixed there by tightening the
fteel ferews /3.
Defcription of the Engine by ’which the endlefs fcre’W
of the Dividing Engine ’was cut.
“ Fig. 9. reprefents this engine of its full dimen-
fions feen from one fide.
“ Fig. 8. the upper fide of the fame as feen from
above.
“ A, reprefents a triangular bar of fteel, to which the
triangular holes in the pieces B and C are accurately
fitted, and may be fixed on any part of the bar by the
ferews D.
“ E isa piece of fteel whereon the ferew is intended
Vox.. IX. 1
to be cut; which, after being hardened and temper- Ramfden’s
ed, has its pivots turned in the form of two fruftnms Engine»
of cones, as reprefented in the drawings of the divi- Ram%-
ding engine (fig. 5.). Thefe pivots were exactly fit¬
ted to the half holes F and T, which were kept toge¬
ther by the ferews Z.
“ H, reprefents a ferew of untempered fteel, having
a pivot I, which turns in the hole K. At the other
end of the ferew is a hollow centre, which receives the
hardened conical point of the fteel pin M. When this
point is fufficiently preffed againft the ferew, to pre¬
vent ifs fhaking, the fteel pin may be fixed by tight¬
ening the ferews Y.
“ N is a cylindric nut, moveable on the ferew H;
which, to prevent any fhake, may be tightened by
the ferews O. This nut is conne&ed with the faddle-
piece P by means of the intermediate univerfal joint
W, thro’ which the arbor of the ferew H paffes. A
front view of this piece, with a fedlion acrofs the
ferew-arbor, is reprefented at X. This joint is connec¬
ted with the nut by means of two fteel flips S, which
turn on pins between the cheeks T on the nut N. The
other ends of thefe flips S turn in like manner on pins
(a) . One axis of this joint turns in a hole in the cock
(b) , which is fixed to the faddle-piece ; and the other
turns in a hole (d), made for that purpofe in the fame
piece on which the cock (b) is fixed. By this means,
when the ferew is turned round, the faddle-piece will
Aide uniformly along the triangular bar A.
“ K is a fmall triangular bar of well-tempered fteel,
which Aides in a groove of the fame form on the
faddle-piece P. The point of this bar or cutter is
formed to the fhape of the thread intended to be cut
on the endlefs ferew. When the cutter is fet to take
proper hold of the intended ferew, it may be fixed by
tightening the ferew (e), which prefs the two pieces
of brafs G upon it.
“ Having meafured the circumference of the divi¬
ding-wheel, I found it would require a ferew about one
thread in a hundred coarfer than the guide-ferew H,
The wheels on the guide-ferew arbor H, and that on
the fteel E, on which the ferew was to be cut, werp
proportioned to each other to produce that effedb, by
giving the wheel L 198 teeth, and the wheel
200. Thefe wheels communicated with each other
by means of the intermediate wheel R, which alfofer-
ved to give the threads on the two ferews the fame di¬
rection.
“ The faddle-piece P is confined on the bar A by
means of the pieces (g), and may be made to Aide
with a proper degree of tightnefs by the ferews (n).
Ramsden’j Portable Barometer. See Barometer
in the APPENDIX.
RAMSAY (Allan), the Scots paftoral poet, was
a barber in Edinburgh in the early part of the prefent
century. His tafte in poetry, however, has juftly rai¬
fed him to a degree of fame that may in fome meafure
be confidered as a recompence for the frowns of for¬
tune. His fongs are in univerfal efteem ; as is alfo
the only dramatic performance attributed to him, viz.
Patie and Roger, or The Gentle Shepherd, a Scots pa¬
ftoral. He died in 1743 ; and was father to the in¬
genious Mr Ramfay, a celebrated painter of the pre¬
fent age, and who has likevvife diftinguifhed him-
felf by fome well-written tra&s on various branches
37 F pf
RAN [ 6626 ] RAN
Ramfay of polite literature, particularly the InvejUgatorS
II Ramsay (Andrew Michael), generally known by
ana‘ the name of the Chevalier Ramfay, was a polite Scots
writer, born of a good family at Ayre, in 1686. His
good parts and learning recommended him to be tutor
to the fon of the earl of Weems ; after which, concei¬
ving a difguft at the religion in which he had been
educated, he in the fame ill-humour reviewed other
Chriftian churches; and, finding none to his liking,
refted for a while in Deifm. While he was in this
uncertain ftate of mind, he went to Leyden ; where,
falling into the company of one Poiret a myftic divine,
he received the infeftion of myfticifm : which promp¬
ted him to confult M. Fenelon, the famed archbilhop
of Cambray, who had imbibed principles of the fame
nature ; and who gained him over to the Catholic re¬
ligion in 1709. The fubfequent courfe of his life re¬
ceived its direition from hia friendfhip and connexions
with this prelate; and, being appointed governor to the
dukede Chateau Thierry, and the prince de Turenne,
be was made a knight of the order of St Lazarus. He
was fent for to Rome by the chevalier de St George,
to undertake the education of his children; but he
found fo many intrigues and diffenfions on his arrival
there in 1724, that he obtained the Chevalier's leave
to return to Paris. He died in 1743, in the office of
intendant to the duke of Bouillon, prince de Turenne.
The moft capital work of his writing is the Tra-
vels- of Cyriy, which has been feveral times printed
in Englifli.
RAMUS, in general, denotes a branch of any
thing, as of a tree, an artery, See.
Ramus (Peter), was one of the moll famous pro-
feflbrs of the 16th century. He was born in Picardy
in 1515. A third for learning prompted him to go
to Paris when very young, and he was admitted a fer-
vant in the college of Navarre. Spending the day in
waiting on his maders, and the greated part of the
night in dudy, he made fuch furprifing progrefs, that,
when he took his mader of arts degree, he offered to
maintain a quite oppofite doXrine to that of Aridotle.
This raifed him many enemies; and the two fird
books he publifhed, Infiitutionee Dialeftica, and A-
riflotelica Animadverfiones> occafioned great didurb-
ances in the univerlity of Paris: and the oppofition
againd him was not a little heightened by his defert-
ing the Romifh religion, and profeffing that of the
Reformed. Being thus forced to retire from Paris, he
vifited the univerfities of Germany, and received great
honours wherever he came. He returned to France in
1571, and lod his life miferably in the maffacre of St
Bartholomew’s day. He was a great orator, a man
of univerfal learning, and endowed with very fine mo¬
ral qualities. He publilhed many books, which Teif-
fter enumerates.
RANA, the frog, in zoology, a genus belonging
to the order of amphibia reptilia. The body is naked,
furnilhed with four feet, and without any tail- There
are 17 fpecies. The mod remarkable are,
1. The temporaria, or common frog. This is an
animal fo well known, that it needs no defeription; but
fome of its properties are very Angular.
Its fpring, or power of taking large leaps, is re¬
markably great, and it is the bed fwimmer of all four-
kfoted animals. Nature hath finely adapted its parts
for thofe ends, the fore members of the body being Rana.
very lightly made, the hind legs and thighs very long, ——
and furnifhed with very drong mufcles.
While in a tadpole date, it is entirely a water ani¬
mal; the work of generation is performed in that de¬
ment, as may be feen in every pond during fpring,
when the female remains oppreffed by the male for a
number of days.
The work of propagation is extremely Angular, it be¬
ing certain that the frog has not a penis intrans. There
appears a drong analogy in this cafe between a cer¬
tain clafs of the vegetable kingdom and thofe animals;
for it is well known, that when the female frog depo-
fits its fpawn, the male indantaneoufly impregnates it
with what we may call a farina fecunduns, in the fame
manner as the palm tree-conveys fruXification to
the dowers of the female, which would otherwife be
barren.
As foon as the frogs are releafed from their tad¬
pole date, they immediately take to land ; and if the
weather has been hot, and there fall any refrdhing
fhowers, you may fee the ground for a confiderable
fpace perfeXly blackened by myriads of thefe animal¬
cules, feeking for fome fecure lurking places. Some
philofopbers, not giving themfelves time to examine
into this phenomenon, imagined them to have been
generated in the clouds, and diowered on the earth;
but had they, like our Derham, but traced them to
the next pool, they would have found a better folutioa
of the difficulty.
As frogs adhere "clofely to the backs of their own
fpecies, fo we know they will do the fame by fidi,
Walton mentions a drange dory of their deftroying
pike; but that they will injure, if not entirely kill Zw/.jyr,
carp, is a faX indifputable, from the following rela-ni- u.
tiejn. A very few years ago, on fifhing a pond belong¬
ing to Mr Pit, of Encomb, Dorfetihire, great num¬
bers pf the carp were found each with a frog mounted
on it, the hind legs clinging to the back, and the fore
legs fixed in the corner of each eye of the filh, which
were thin and greatly waded, teized by carrying fo dif-
agreable a load. Thefe frogs Mr Pennant fuppofes
to have been males difappointed of a mate.
The croaking of frogs is well known; and from that
in fenny countries they are dittinguidied by ludicrous
titles: thus they are dyled Dutch nightingales, and Bo-
fon 'waites.
Yet there is a time of the year when they become
mute, neither croaking nor opening their mouths for
a whole month : this happens in the hot feafon, and
that is in many places known to the country people by
the name of ihc paddock moon. It is faid, that during
that period their mouths are fo clofed, that no force
(without killing the animal) will be capable of open¬
ing them.
Thefe, as well as other reptiles, feed but a fmall
fpace of the year. The food of this genus is flies, in-
feXs, and fnails. Toads are faid to feed alfo on bees,
and to do great injury to thofe ufeful infeXs.
During winter, frogs and toads remain in a tor¬
pid date: the lad of which will dig into the earth,,
and cover themfelves with almod the fame agility as
the mole.
2. The efculenta, or edible frog, differs from the
former, in having a high protuberance in the middle
of
RAN [ 6627 ] RAN
Rana, of the back, forming a very fharp angle. Its colours
are alfo more vivid, and its marks more diftindt; the
ground colour being a pale or yellowilh green, marked
with rows of black fpots from the head to the rump.
This, and (Mr Pennant thinks) the former, are
eaten. He has feen in the markets at Paris whole
hampers full, which the venders were preparing for
the table, by flcinning and cutting off the fore-parts,
the loins and legs only being kept; but his ftrong dif-
like to thefe reptiles, prevented a clofe examination in¬
to the fpecies.
3. In the country of Penfylvania, and fome other parts
of North America, there is a very large fpecies of
frogs called the bull-frog. Thefe make a monftrous
roaring noife like a bull, only fomewhat more hoarfe.
Their fize is fuperior to that of any other of the ge¬
nus, and they can fpring forward three yards at a leap.
By this means they will equal in fpeed a very,good
horfe in its fwifteft courfe. Their places of abode are
ponds, or bogs with ftagnant water; but they never
frequent ftreams. When many of them are together,
they make fuch a horrid noife, that two people cannot
underftand each other’s fpeech. They croak all toge¬
ther, and then Hop for a little and begin again. It
feems as if they had a captain among them: for when
he begins to croak, all the others follow; and when he
flops, they alfo become filent. When this captain gives
the fignal for flopping, you hear a note like poop co¬
ming from him. In the day-time they feldom make
any great noife unlefs the Iky is covered; But in the
night-time they may be heard at the diftance of a mile
and an half. When they croak, they are commonly
near the furface of the w'ater, under the bufhes, and
have their heads out of the water. By going flowly,
therefore, one may get up almoft quite clofe to them
before they go away. As foon as they are quite un¬
der water, they think themfelves fafe, though it be
ever fo (hallow. Thefe creatures kill and eat young
ducklings and goflings, and fometimes carry off chick¬
ens that come too near the water ; when beaten, they
cry out almoft like little children. As foon as the air
begins to grow a little cool in autumn, they hide them¬
felves under the mud in the bottom of ftagnant waters,
and lie there torpid during the winter. As foon as the
weather grows mild towards fummer, they begin to get
out of their holes and croak.
4. The bufo, or toad, is the moft deformed and hi¬
deous of all animals. The body is broad; the back flat,
and covered with a pimply dufky hide ; the belly large,
fwagging, and fwelling out; the legs (hort, and its
pace laboured and crawling ; its retreat gloomy and
filthy : in (hort, its general appearance is fuch as to
ftrike one with difguftand horror. Yet it is faidby thofe
who have refolution to view it with attention, that its
eyes are fine : to this it feems that Shakefpeare al¬
ludes, when he makes his Juliet remark,
Some fay the iark and loathed toad change eyes :
As if they would have been better beftowed on fo
charming a fongfter than on this raucous reptile.
But the hideous appearance of the toad is fuch as to
make this one advantageous feature overlooked, and
to have rendered it in all ages an objefl of horror, and
the origin of moft tremenduous inventions. uElian
makes its venom fo potent, that bafilifli-like, it con¬
veyed death by its very look and breath ; but Juve¬
nal is content with making the Roman ladies who were Rana.
weary of their hufbands, form a potion from its en-
trails, in order to get rid of the good man. This opi¬
nion begat others of a more dreadful nature; for in
after-times fuperftition gave it preternatural powers,
and made it a principal ingredient in the incantations
of nodturnal hags.
This animal was believed by fome old writers to
have a (lone in its head, fraught with great virtues
medical and magical: it was diftinguifhed by the name
of the reptile, and called the toad-Jlone., lufonties. cra-
paudinet krottenjlein; but all its fancied powers va-
nifhed on the difcovery of its being nothing but the
foflil tooth of the fea-wolf#, or of fome other flat-* See.-4'
toothed fifli, not unfrequent in our ifland as well as narr^ca1,
feveral other countries.
But thefe fables have been long exploded. And as
to the notion of its being a poifonous animal, it is
probable, that its exceflive deformity, joined to the
faculty it has of emitting a juice from its pimples, and
a duflcy liquid from its hind parts, is the foundation
of the report.
That it has any noxious qualities there feem to have
been no proofs in the fmalleft degree fatisfa&ory, tho’
we have heard many ftrangc relations on that point.
On the contrary, there have been many who have taken
them in their naked hands, and held them long with¬
out receiving the lead injury: it is alfo well known that
quacks have eaten them, and have befides fqueezed
their juices into a glafs and drank them with impunity.
We may fay alfo, that thefe reptiles are a common
food to many animals; to buzzards, owls, Norfolk
plovers, ducks, and fnakes, who would not touch them
were they in any degree noxious.
So far from having venomous qualities, they have of
late been confidered as if they had beneficent ones;
particularly in the cure of the moft terrible of difeafes,
the cancer, by fuftion : (See Britijb Zoology, vol. iii.
Append, p. 389. et feq.) But, from all circumftances,
they feem only, as Mr Pennant obferves, to have ren¬
dered a horrible complaint more loathfome.
The moft full information concerning the nature
and qualities of this animal is contained in the follow¬
ing letters from Mr Arfcott and Mr Pittfield to Dr
Milles. “ It would give me great pleafure (fays Mr
Arfcott) to be able to inform you of any particulars
worthy Mr Pennant’s notice, concerning the fdad who
lived fo many years with us, and was fo great a fa¬
vourite. The greateft curiofity in it was its becoming
fo remarkably tame. It had frequented fome fteps
before the hall-door fome years before my acquaint¬
ance commenced with it, and had been admired by
my father for its fize (which was of the largeft I ever
met with), who conftantly paid it a vifit every even¬
ing. 1 knew it myfelf above 30 years; and by con¬
ftantly feeding it, brought it to be fo tame, that it al¬
ways came to the candle, and looked up as if expec¬
ting to be taken up and brought upon the table, w'here
I always fed it with infefts of all forts: it was fondeft
of fle(h maggots, which I kept in bran ; it would fol¬
low them, and, when within a proper diftance, would
fix its eye, and remain motionlefs for near a quarter of
a minute, as if preparing for the (broke, which was
an inftantaneous throwing its tongue at a great di¬
ftance upon the infeft, which ftuck to the tip by a
37 F 2 gluti-
Rans.
RAN r 6628 1 RAN
glutinous matter: the motion is quicker than the eye
can follow (a).
“ I always imagined that the root of its tongue was
placed in the forepart of its under jaw, and the tip to¬
wards its throat, by which the motion muft be a half
circle ; by which, when its tongue recovered its fituation,
the infeft at the tip would be brought to the place of
deglutition. I was confirmed in this by never obferving
any internal motion in its mouth, excepting one fwal-
low the inftant its tongue returned. Poffibly I might
be miftaken ; for I never differed one, but contented
myfelf with opening its mouth, and fiightly infpec-
ting it.
“ You may imagine, that a toad, generally detefted,
(although one of the mod inoffeniive of all animals)
fo much taken notice of and befriended, excited the
curiofity of all comers to the houfe, who all defired to
fee it fed; fothat even ladies fo far conquered the hor¬
rors inftilled into them by nurfes, as to'defireto fee it.
This produced innumerable and improbable reports,
making it as large as the crown of a hat, &c. &c.”
The following are anfwers from the fame gentle¬
man to fome queries propofed by Mr Pennant.
“ Firji, I cannot fay how long my father had been
acquainted with the toad before I knew it ; but when
I firft was acquainted with it, he ufed to mention it as
the old toad I’ve known fo many years; I can anfwer
for 36 years.
“ Secondly, No toads that I ever faw appeared in
the winter feafon. The old toad made its appearance
as foon as the warm weather came, and I always con¬
cluded it retired to fome dry bank to repofe till the
fpring. When we new-lay’d the fteps, I had two
holes made in the third ftep on each, with a hollow
of more than a yard long for it, in which I imagine
it flept,as it came from thence at its firft appearance.
Thirdly, It was feldom provokedneither that
toad (nor the multitudes I have feen tormented with
great cruelty) ever /howcd the leaft defire of revenge
by fpitting or emitting any juice from their pimples.
Sometimes, upon taking it up, it would let out a great
quantity of clear water, which, as I have often feen it
do the fame upon the fteps when quite quiet, was cer¬
tainly its urine, and no more than a natural evacuation.
Fourthly, A toad has no particular enmity for the*
fpider; he ufed to eat five or fix with his millepedes
(which I take to be its chief food) that I generally
provided for it before I found out that flefh maggots,
by their continual motion, was the moft tempting bait;
but, when offered, it eat blowing flies and humble bees
that come from the rat-tailed maggot in gutters, or in
(hort any infeft that moved. I imagine, if a bee was
to be put before a toad, it would certainly eat it toils
coft ; but as bees are feldom flirting at the fame time
that toads are, they can feldom come in their way, as
they feldom appear after fun-rifing or before fun-fet.
In the heat of the day they will come to the mouth of
their hole, I believe, for air. I once from my parlour
window obferved a large toad I had in the bank of a
bowling-green, about 12 at noon, a very hot day,
very bufy and a&ive upon the grafs ; fo uncommon an
appearance mad? me go out to fee what it was, when
I found an innumerable fwarm of winged ants had
dropped round his hole, which temptation was as ir-
refiftibie as a turtle would be to a luxurious alderman.
il Fifthly, Whether our. toad ever propagated its
fpecies, 1 know not; rather think not, as it always ap¬
peared well, and not leflened in bulk, which it muft
have done, I fhould think, if it had difcharged fo
large a quantity of fpawn as toads generally do. The
females that are to propagate in the fpring, 1 imagine,
inftead of retiring to dry holes, go into the bottom of
ponds, and lie torpid among the weeds: for to my
great furprize, in the middle of the winter, having for
amufement put a long pole into my pond, and twifted
it till it had gathered a large volume of weed, on ta¬
king it off I found many toads; and having cut fome
afunder with my knife, by accident, to get off the
weed, found them full of fpawn not thoroughly form¬
ed. I am not pofitive, but think there were a few
males in March : I know there are 30 males (b) to
one female, 12 or 14. of whom I have feen clinging
round a female : I have often difengaged her, and put
her to a folitary male, to fee with what eagernefs he
would feize her. They impregnate the fpawn as it is
drawn (c)out in long firings, like a necklace, many
yards
T?1'® rapid capture of its prey might give oceafion to the report ofits fafcinating powers, Linnteus fays, In-
fella in fauces fafcino revocat.
(b) Mr John Hunter has aflured me, that during his refidence at Belleifle, he difleded fome hundreds of toads,
yet never met with a Angle female among them.
(c) I was incredulous as to the obfetncaloffices of the male toad; but fince the end is fo well accounted for, and
the fadt eftablifhed by fuch good authority, belief muft take place.
Mr Demours, in the Memoirs of the French Academy, as tranflated by Dr Templeman, vol. i. p. 371, has been
very particular in refpedt to the male toad as adting the part of an accoucheur ; his account is curious, and claims
a place here.
^evening °f one of the long days in fummer, Mr Demours, being in the king’s garden, perceived two toads
coupled together at the edge of an hole, which was formed in part by a great ftone at the top.
‘‘ Curiofity drew him to fee what was the occafion of the motions he obferved, when two fadts equally new fur-
prized him. Thefrjl was the extreme difficulty the female had fn laying her eggs, infomuch that flte did not feem
capable of being delivered of them without fome affiftance. The Jicond was, that the male was mounted on the
back of the female, and exerted all his ftrength with his hinder feet in pulling out the eggs, whilft his fore-feet em¬
braced herbreaft.
In order to apprehend the manner of his working in the delivery of the female, the reader muft obferve, that the
paws of thefe animals, as well thofe of the fore-feet as of the hinder, are divided into feveral toes, which can perform
the office of fingers.
It muft be remarked hkewife, that the eggs of this fpecies of toads are included each in a membranous coat that
is very firm, in which is contained the embryo; and that thefe eggs, which are oblong and about two lines in length,
being fattened one to another by a fhort but very ftrong cord, form a kind of chaplet, the beads of which are di-
nant from each other about the half of their length. It is by drawing this cord with his paw that the male per¬
forms the fundtion of a midwife, and acquits himfelf in it with a dexteritv that, one would not expert from fo lumpifh
An animal.
“ The
RAN [ 6629 j RAN
Rana. yards long, not in a large quantity of jelly, like frogs
"ipawn.
“ Sixthly, Infefts being their food, I never faw any
toad fliow any liking or diflike to any plant (p).
“ Seventhly, I hardly remember any perfons ta¬
king it up except my father and myfelf: I do not
know whether it had any particular attachment to us.
“ Eighthly, In refpeft to its end, I anfwer this
laft query. Had it not been for a tame raven, I make
no doubt but it would have been now living ; who one
day feeing it at the mouth of its hole, pulled it out,
and although I refcued it, pulled out one eye, and
hurt it fo, that notwithftanding its living a twelve¬
month it never enjoyed itfelf, and had a difficulty of
taking its food, miffing the mark for want of its eye :
before that accident, it had all the appearance of per-
fedt health.’’
5. The rubeta, or natter-jack, frequents dry and
fandy places: it is found on Putney common, and alfo
near Revefby abbey, Lincolnfhire. It never leaps, nei¬
ther docs it crawl with the flow pace of a toad, but
its motion is liker to running. Several are found com¬
monly together, and, like others of the genus, they
appear in the evenings. The upper part of the body
is of a dirty yellow, clouded with brown, and covered
with porous pimples of unequal fixes: on the back is
a yellow line. The upper fide of the body is of a pa¬
ler hue, marked with black fpots, which are rather
rough. On the fore-feet are four divided toes; on the
hind five, a little webbed. The length of the body is
two inches and a quarter; the breadth, one and a quar¬
ter: the length of the fore legs, one inch one-fixth; of
the hind-legs, two inches. We are indebted to Jofeph
Banks, Efq; for this account. >
7. The pipal, or Surinam toad, is more ugly than
even the common one. The body is flat and broad;
the head fmall; the jaws, like thofe of a mole, are ex¬
tended, and evidently formed for rooting in the ground:
the flcin of the neck forms a fort of wrinkled collar:
the colour of the head is of a dark chefnut, and the
eyes are fmall: the back, which is very broad, is of a
lightilh grey, and feems covered over with a number
of fmall eyres, which are round, and placed at nearly
equal dittances. Thefe eyes are very different from
what they feem ; they are the animal’s eggs, covered
with their fhells, and placed there for hatching. Thefe
eggs are buried deep in the fkin, and in the beginning
of incubation but juft appear; and are very vifible when
the young animal is about to burft from its confine¬
ment. They are of a reddifti, fhining yellow colour;
and the fpaces between them are full of fmall warts,
refembling pearls.
This is their fituation previous to their coming forth;
but nothing fo much demands our admiration as the
manner of their produdtion. The eggs, when formed
in the ovary, are fent, by fome internal canals, which Rana
anatomifts have not hitherto defcribed, to lie and come II
to maturity under the bony fubftance of the back: in Randan1
this ftate they are impregnated by the male, whofe feed
finds its way by pores very fingularly contrived, and
pierces not only the fkin but the periofteum; the fkin,
however, is ftill apparently entire, and forms a very
thick covering over the whole brood; but as they ad¬
vance to maturity, at different intervals, one after an¬
other, the egg feems to ftart forward, and burgeons
from the back, becomes more yellow, and at laft breaks;
when the young one puts forth its head: it ftill, how¬
ever, keeps its fituation until it has acquired a proper
degree of tlrength, and then it leaves the fhtll, but
ftill continues to keep upon the back of the parent. In
this manner the pipal is feen travelling with her won-
derous family on her back, in all the different ftages of
maturity. Some of the ftrange progeny, not yet come
to fufficient perfeftion, appear quite torpid, and as yet
without life in the egg: others feem juft beginning to
rife through the flcin ; here peeping forth from the
fhell; and there, having entirely forfaken their prifon :
fome are fporting at large upon the parent’s back, and
others defcending to the ground to try their own fortune
below. The male pipal is every way larger than the fe¬
male, and has the fkin lefs tightly drawn round the body.
The whole body is covered with puftules, refembling
pearls; and the belly, which is of a bright yellow,
feems as if it were fewed up from the throat to the
vent, a feam being feen to run in that dire&ion. This
animal, like the reft of the frog kind, is moft probably
harmlefs.
RANCID, denotes a fatty fubftance that is become,
rank or mufty, or that has contrafted an ill fmell by
being kept clofe.
RANDOLPH (Thomas), an eminent Englilh poet
in the 17th century, born in Northamptonlhire 1605.
He was educated at Weftminfter and Cambridge, and
very early diftinguilhed for his excellent genius; for at:
about nine or ten years of age he wrote the Hiftory of
the Incarnation of our Saviour,,in verfe.. His fubfequent
writings eftabliflied his charafter, and gained him the
efteem and friendftiip of foqne of the greateft men of
that age; particularly of Ben Johnfon, who adopted him
one of his fons in the mufes. He died in 1634, and was
honourably interred. He wrote, 1. The Mufes Look-
ing-glafs, a comedy. 2. Amyntas, or the Impoffible
Dowry, a paftoral, a&ed before the king and queen.
3. Ariftippus, or the Jovial Philofopher. 4. The
Conceited Pedlar. 5,. The Jealous Lovers, a comedy.
6. Hey for Honefty, down with Knavery, a comedy;,
and feveral poems.
RANDOM shot, in gunnery, is a fhot made when
the muzzle of a gun is.railed above the horizontal line,
and is not defigned to fhoot direftly or point-blank.
“ The pfefence of the obferver did not a little difcompofe the male : for feme time he flopped Ihort, and threw
on the curious impertinent a fixed look that marked his difquietnefs and fear ; but he foon returned to his work with
more precipitation than before, and a moment after he appeared undetermined whether he fhould continue it or not.
The female likewife difcovered her uneaftnefs at the fight of the ftranger, by motions that interrupted fome-
times the male in his operation. At length, whether the filence and fteady pofture of the fpedtator had diflipated
their fear, or that the cafe was urgent, the male refumed his work with the fame vigour, and fuccefsfully performed
his fundion.”
(d) This queftion arofe from an affertion of Linnaeus, that.the toad delighted in filthy herbs- Delettatur.cotula,,.
allaa, ftachyde fwti'di. The unhappy deformity of the animal feems to be the only ground of this as well as another
mifreprefentation, of its conveying a poifon with its pimples, its touch, and even its breath. Verruca laftefceittCss
venenata infufe tafia, anjielitu.
RAN [ 6630 ] RAN
Range The utmoft random of any piece is about ten times
Zulus'1" 38 ^ar 38 ^ie ^u^et w*^ g° point-blank. The bullet
will go fartheft when the piece is mounted to about
450 above the level range. See Gunnery.
RANGE, in gunnery, the path of a bullet, or the
line it defcribes from the mouth of the piece to the
point where it lodges. If the piece lie in a line pa¬
rallel to the horizon, it is called the right ox level
range: if it be mounted to 450, it is faid to have the
utmoft range, all others between 00 and 450 are called
the intermediate ranges.
RANGER, a fworn officer of a foreft, appointed
by the king’s letters-patent; whofe bufinefs is to walk
through* his charge, to drive back the deer out of the
purlieus, &c. and to prefent all trefpaffes within his
jurifdi&ion at the next foreft-court.
RANK, the order or place afiigned a perfon Rat¬
able to his quality or merit.
Rank, is a ftraight line made by the foldiers of a
battalion, or fquadron, drawn up fide by fide: this or¬
der was eftablifhed for the marches, and for regulating
the different bodies of troops and officers which com- Rank,
pofe an army. Ramin
Rank and Precedence, in the army and navy, as fol- cu us‘
low:
Engineers Rank. Chief, as colonel; director, as
lieutenant-colonel ; fub-dire6tor, as major ; engineer
in ordinary, as captain ; engineer extraordinary, as
captain-lieutenant; fub-engineer, as lieutenant; prac¬
titioner-engineer, as enfign.
Navy Rank. Admiral, or commander in chief of his
majefty’s fleet, has the rank of a field-marfhal; admi¬
rals, with their flags on the main-top-maft-head, rank
with generals of horfe and foot; vice-admirals, with
lieutenant-generals; rear-admirals, as major-generals;
commodores, with broad pendants, as brigadier-gene¬
rals; captains of poft-fhips, after three years from the
date of their firft commiffion, as colonels; other cap¬
tains, as commanding poft-fhips, as lieutenant-colonels;
captains, not taking poft, as majors; lieutenants, as
captains.
Rank between the Army, Navy, and Governors.
Governors.
General in chief
Admiral in chief
Commander in chief of the forces in America
Generals of horfe
Admiral with a flag at
the main-top-maft.
Captain-general of provinces
Lieutenant-generals
Lieutenant-generals of provinces
Major-general#
Rear-admirals
Lieutenant-governors and prefidents
Colonels
Poft-captains of 3 years
Lieutenant-governors not commanding
Lieutenant-colonels
Poft-captains
Governors of charter colonies
Majoi
Captains
Deputy governors
Captains
Eftablifhed by the king, 1760
Doubling of the Ranks, is the placing two ranks in
one, frequently ufed in the manoeuvres of a regiment.
Ran ks and Files, are the horizontal and vertical lines
of loldiers when drawn up for fervice.
RANSOM, a fum of money paid for the redemp¬
tion of a (lave, or the liberty of a prifoner of war. In
our law-books, ranfom is alfo ufed for a fum paid for
the pardon of fome great offence, and to obtain the of¬
fender’s liberty.
RANULA, a tumour under a child’s tongue,
which, like a ligature, hinders it from fpeaking or
fucking.
RANUNCULUS, crowfoot ; a genus of the
polygamia order, belonging to the polyandria clafs of
plants.
Species. There are near 40 different fpecies of this
genus, fix or eight of which claim general efteem as
flowery plants for ornamenting the gardens, and a
great number are common weeds in the fields, waters,
and pafture ground, not having merit for garden cul¬
ture. Of the garden kinds, the principal fort is the
Afiatic or Turkey and Perfian ranunculus, which com-
prifes many hundred varieties of large, double, moll
beautiful flowers of various colours: but feveral other
fpecies having varieties with fine double flowers, make
a good appearance in a colleflion, though as thofe of
each fpecies confift only of one colour, fome white,
others yellow, they are inferior to the Afiatic ranun¬
culus, which is large, and diverfified a thoufand ways
in rich colours, in different varieties. However,
all the garden kinds in general, effeft a very agree¬
able diverfity in affemblage in the flower compart¬
ments, &c. and they being all very hardy, fucceed in
any open beds and borders, &c.
Culture. The Afiatic fpecies in all its varieties will
fucceed in any light, rich, garden earth ; but the flo-
rifts often prepare a particular compoft for the fine va¬
rieties, confifting of good garden-mould or pafture-
earth, fward and all, a fourth-part of rotted cow-
dung, and the like portion of fea-fand; and with this
they prepare beds four feet wide and two deep : how¬
ever, in default of fuch compoft, ufe beds of any good
light earth of your garden ; or, if neceffary, it may
be made light and rich with a portion of drift-fand
RAN f 6631 j RAP
Ramin- and rotten dung, cow-dung is moil commonly recom-
: "cuius, mended ; but they will alfo thrive in beds of well-
wrought kitchen-gar-den earth, and they often profper
well in the common flower-borders.
The feafon for planting the roots is both in autumn
and fpring ; the autumri plantings generally flower
ftrongeft and fooneft by a month at leaft, and are fuc-
ceeded by the fpring planting in May and June. Per¬
form the autumnal planting in Odtober, and early part
of November, but fome plant towards the latter end
of September in order to have a very early bloom ;
but thofe planted in that month and beginning of
October often come up with rank leaves foon after, in
winter, fo as to require protedtion in hardfrofts; thofe
however planted about the middle or latter end of
Oftober, and beginning of November, rarely {hoot
tip ftrong till towards fpring, and will not require fo
much care of covering during winter; and the fpring
planting may be performed the end of January or be¬
ginning of February, or as foon as the weather is
fettled; they will not require any-trouble of covering,
and will fucceed the autumnal plants regularly in bloom,
and will flower in good perfeftion. Thus by two or
three different plantings you may obtain a fuccellion
of thefe beautiful flowers in conftant bloom from April
till the middle of June ; but the autumnal plants, for
the general part, not only flower flrongelt, but the
roots increafe more in fize, and furni/h the bed off-
fets for propagation : it is, however, proper to plant
both in fpring and autumn.
Prepare for the choicer forts, four-feet beds of light
earth, and rake the furface fmooth : then plant the
roots in rows lengthwife the beds, either by drilling
them in two inches deep, and fix inches diftance in
the row, and the rows fix or eight afunder; or may
plant them by bedding-in, or by dibble-planting, the
fame depth and drftance.
Thofe defigned for the borders fhould be planted
generally towards the fpring, in little clumps or pat¬
ches, three, four, or five roots in each, putting them
in either with a dibble or trowrel, two or three inches
deep, and three or four afunder in each patch, and the
patches from about, three to five or ten feet diftance,
placing them rather forward in the border.
Propagation. All the varieties of the Aliatic ranun¬
culus propagate abundantly by off-fets from the root,
and new varieties are gained by feed.— 1. By off fets.
The time for feparating the off-fets is in fummer when
the flower is part, and the leaves and ftalks are wither¬
ed : then taking up all the roots in dry weather, fe-
parate the off-fets from each main root, and after dry¬
ing the whole gradually in fome fliady airy room,
put them up in bags till the autumn and fpring
feafons of planting; then plant them as before, pla¬
cing all the off-fets in feparate beds: many of them
will blow the firft year, but in the fecond they will
all flower in good perfeftion.—2. By feed. Save a
quantity of feed from the fined femi-double flowers,
and fow it either in Auguft, or in March or April,
though, to fave trouble of winter-covering, fome pre¬
fer the fpring : it fhould be flowed in light rich mould,
I* either in pots or in an eaft border, drawing very (hal¬
low flat drills five or fix inches afunder, in which fow
the feeds thinly, and cover them lightly with earth,
giving frequent refreihments of water in dry weather,
and in a month or fix. weeks the plants will rife with Rapacious,
fmall leaves; obferving to continue the light water- RaPf-
ings in dry weather, to preferve the foil moift during "
their fummer’s growth to increafe the fize of the
roots ; and in June when the leaves decay, take up
the roots and preferve them till the feafon for plant¬
ing, then plant them in common beds, as before di-
refted, and they will flower the fpring following,
when all the doubles of good properties fhould be
marked, and the Angles thrown away.
The juice of many fpecies of ranunculus is fo acrid
as to raife blifters on the fkin, and yet the roots may
be eaten with fafety when boiled.
RAPACIOUS animals, are fuch as live upon
prey.
RAPE, in law, the carnal knowledge of a woman
forcibly and againft her will. This, by the Jewifli law,
was puniflied with death, in cafe the damfel was be¬
trothed to auother man : and, in cafe Ihe was not be¬
trothed, then a heavy fine of fifty fhekels was to be
paid to the damfel’s father, and (he was to be the
wife of the ravifher all the days of his life ; without
that power of divorce, which was in general permitted
by the Mofaic law.
The civil law punifhes the crime of ravifhment with
death and confifcation of goods: under which it includes
both the offence of forcible abdu&ion, or taking away
a woman from her friends; and alfo the prefent offence
of forcibly difhonouring her; either of which, without
the other, is in that law fufficient to conftitute a capital
crime. Alfo the Healing away a woman from her pa¬
rents or guardians, and debauching her, is equally penal
by the emperor’s edi<Sf, whether (he confent or isforced.
And this, in order to take away from women every
opportunity of offending in this way ; whom the Ro¬
man laws fuppofe never to go aftray, without the fe-
dudtion and arts of the other fex; and therefore, by
reftraining and making fo highly penal the folicitn-
tions of the men, they meant to fecure tffedtualiy
the honour of the women. But our Englifh law
does not entertain quite fuch fublime ideas of the
honour of either fex, as to lay the blame of a mutual
fault upon one of the tranfgreffors only ; and therefore
makes it a neceffary ingredient in the crime of rape,
that it mult be againft the woman’s will.
Rape was pumfhed by the Saxon laws, particularly
thofe of king Athelftan, with death : which was alfo
agreeable to the old Gothic or Scandinavian conftitu-
tion. But this was afterwards thought too hard: and
in its ffead another fevere, but not capital, punifh-
ment was inflifted by William the Conqueror, viz.
caftration and lofs of eyes ; which continued till after
Bracfon.wrote, in the reign of Henry the Third. But
in order to prevent malicious accufations, it was then
the law, (and, it feems, ftill continues to be fo in ap¬
peals of rape), that the woman fhould, immediately
after, go to the next town, and there make dif-
covery to fome credible perfons of the injury flic
has fuffered ; and afterwards fhould acquaint the
high conftable of the hundred, the coroners, and
the fheriff, with the outrage. This feems to cor-
refpond in fome degree with the laws of Scotland
and Arragon, which require that complaint mult
be made within 24 hours: though afterwards by
ftatute Weftm, 1, c. 13. the time of limitation in
England*
RAP [ 6632 1 RAP
RilPc' England was extended to 40 days. At prefent there
is no time of limitation fixed: for, as it is ufually
now punifhed by indiftment at the fuit of the king,
the maxim of law takes place, that “ nullum tempus
occurrit regi:” but the jury will rarely give credit to
a ftale complaint. During the former period alfo it
was held for law, that the woman (by content of the
judge and her parents) might redeem the offender
from the execntion of his fentence, by accepting him
for her hufband ; if he alfo was willing to agree to the
exchange, but not otherwife.
In the 3 Edw. I. by the ftatute Weftm. 1. c. 13.
the punifhment of rape was much mitigated: the of¬
fence itfelf, of ravifliing a damfel within age, (that is,
twelve years old) either with her content or without,
or of any other woman againft her will, being reduced
to a trefpafs, if not profecuted by appeal within 40
days, and fubjeding the offender only to two years
imprifonment, and a fine at the king’s will. But,
this lenity being produdive of the molt terrible con-
fequencea, it was, in ten years afterwards, 13 Edw. I.
found neceffary to make the offence of forcible rape
felony by ftatute Weftm. 2. c. 34. And by ftatute
18 Eliz. c. 7. it is made felony without benefit of
clergy : as is alfo the abominable wickednefs of
carnally knowing or abufing any woman child under
the age of ten years; in which cafe the content or
non-confent is immaterial, as by reafon of her tender
years fine is incapable of judgment and difcretion.
Sir Matthew Hale is indeed of opinion, that fuch
profligate adions committed on an infant under the
age of twelve years, the age of female difcretion by
the common law, either with or without confent,
amount to rape and felony ; as well fince as before the
ftatute of queen Elizabeth : but that law has in gene¬
ral been held only to extead to infants under ten ; tho*
it fhould feem that damfels between ten and twelve are
Hill under the protedion o? the ftatute Weftm. 1. the
law with refped to their fedudion not having been al¬
tered by either of the fubfequent ftatutes.
A male infant, under the age of fourteen years,
is prefumed by law incapable to commit a rape,
and therefore it feems cannot be found guilty of it.
For though in other felonies “ malitia fupplet seta-
tern;” yet, as to this particular fpecies of felony,
the law fuppofes an imbecillity of body as well as
mind.
The civil law feems to fuppofe a proftitute or com¬
mon harlot incapable of any injuries of this kind : not
allowing any punifhment for violating the chaftity of
her, who hath indeed no chaftity at all, or at leaft
hath no regard to it. But the law of England does
not judge fo hardly of offenders, as to cut off all op¬
portunity of retreat even from common (trumpets,
and to treat them as never capable of amendment.
It. therefore holds it to be felony to force even a con¬
cubine or harlot ; becaufe the woman may have for-
faken that unlawful courfe of life : for, as Bradon
well obferves, “ licet meretrix fuerit antea, certe, tunc
temporis non fuit, cum reclamando nequitise ejus con-
fentire noluit.”
As to the material fads requifite to be given in evi¬
dence and proved upon an indidment of rape, they
are of fuch a nature, that, though neceffary to be
known and fettled, for the convidion of the guilty
and prefervation of the innocent, and therefore are to Rape,
be found in fuch criminal treatifes as difcourfe of thefe
matters in detail, yet they are highly improper to be
publicly difcuffed, except only in a court of juftice.
We (hall therefore merely add upon this head a few
remarks from Sir Matthew Hale, with regard to the
competency and credibility of witneffes; which may,
falvo pudore, be confidered.
And, firft, the party raviftied may give evidence
upon oath, and is in law a competent witnefs; but the
credibility of her teftimony, and how far forth fhe is
to be believed, muft be left to thejury upon the cir-
oumftances of fad that concur in that teftimony.
For inftance : if the witnefs be of good fame ; if (he
prefentlydifcovered the offence, andmade fearch for the
offender; if the party accufed fled for it; thefe and
the like are concurring circumftances, which give
greater probability to her evidence. But, on the
other fide, if (he be of evil fame, and ftand unfupport-
ed by others ; if (he concealed the injury for any con-
fiderable time after (he had oportunity to complain ;
if the place, where the fad was alleged to be com¬
mitted, was where it was poffible fhe might have been
heard, and fhe made no outcry : thefe and the like
circumftances carry a ftrong, but not conclufive, pre-
fumption that her teftimony is falfe or feigned.
Moreover, if the rape be charged to be committed
on an infant under 12 years of age, fhe may ftill be
a competent witnefs, if fhe hath fenfe and underftand-
ing to know the nature and obligations of an oath :
and, even if fhe hath not, it is thought by Sir Mat¬
thew Hale that fhe ought to be heard without oath,
to give the court information ; though that alone will
not be fufficient to convid the offender. And he is of
this opinion, firft, Becaufe the nature of the offence
being fecret, there may be no other poffible proof of
the adual fad ; though afterwards there may be con¬
current circumftances to corroborate it, proved by
other witneffes : and, fecondly, Becaufe the law al¬
lows what the child told her mother, or other rela¬
tions, to be given in evidence, fince the nature of the
cafe admits frequently of no better proof; and there
is much more reafon for the court to hear the narra¬
tion of the child herfelf, than to receive it at fecond-
hand from thofe who fwear they heard her fay fo.
And indeed, it feems now to be fettled, that in thefe
cafes infants of any age are to be heard ; and, if they
have any idea of an oath, to be alfo fworn : it being
found by experience, that infants of very tender years
often give the cieareft and trueft teftimony. But in
any of thefe cafes, whether the child be fworn or not,
it is to be wiflied, in order to render her evidence cre¬
dible, that there (hould be fome concurrent teftimony,
of time, place, and circumftances, in order to make
out the fad ; and that the convi&ion fhould not be
grounded fingly on the unfupported accufation of an
infant under years of difcretion. There may be there¬
fore, in many cafes of this nature, witntffes who are
competent, that is, who may be admitted to be heard ;
and yet, after being heard, may prove not to be cre¬
dible, or fuch as the jury is bound to believe. For
oue excellence of the trial by jury is, that the jury arc
triors of the credit of the witneffes, as well as of the
truth of the fad.
“ It is true, (fays this learned judge), that rape is
Raphael
II
Raphanus
RAP [ 6633 ] RAP
“ a mod deteftable crime, and therefore ought fevere-
“ ly and Impartially to be punilhed with death ; but
[ “ it mull be remembered, that It is an accufation eafy
“ to be made, hard to be proved, but harder to be
“ defended by the party accufed, though innocent.”
He then relates two very extraordinary cafes of mali¬
cious profecution for this crime, that had happened
within his own obfervation ; and concludes thus: “ I
“ mention thefe inftances, that we may be the more
“ cautious upon trials of offences of this nature, where-
“ in the court and jury may with fo much eafe be im-
“ pofed upon, without great care and vigilance ; the
“ heinoufnefs of the offence many times tranfporting
“ the judge and jury with fo much indignation, that
they are overhaftily carried to the convi&ion of the
“ perfon accufed thereof, by the confident teftimony
“ of fometimes falfe and malicious witneffes.”
RAPHAEL d’Urbino, the greateft, mod fub-
lime, and moft excellent painter that has appeared
fince the revival of the fine arts, was the fon of an in¬
different painter named Sanzio, and was born at Ur-
bino on Good Friday 1482. The popes Julius II.
and Leo X. who employed him, loaded him with
wealth and honour ; and it is faid that cardinal de St
Bibiana had fuch a value for him, that he offered him
his niece in marriage. He had Peter Perugino for
his firft mafter; but he immediately furpaffed him, and
endeavoured to improve by copying the works of Leo¬
nardo da Vinci and Michael Angelo. His genius
is admired in all his piftures; his contours are free,
his ordonnances magnificent, his defigns correft, his
figures elegant, his expreffions lively, his attitudes
natural, his heads graceful; in fine, every thing is
beautiful, grand, fublime, juft, and adorned with
graces. Thefe various perfedtions he derived not only-
from his excellent abilities, but from his ftudy of an¬
tiquity and anatomy; and from the friendfhip he con-
trafted with Ariofto, who contributed not a little to
the improvement of his tafte. His pi&ures are prin¬
cipally to be found in Italy and Paris. That of the
Transfiguration, preferved at Rome in the church of
St Peter Monterio, paffes for his mafter-piece. He
had a handfome perfon, was well proportioned, and
had great fweetnefs of temper; was polite, affable,
and modeft. He, however, lived in the utmoft fplen-
dor; moft of the eminent mafters of his time were am¬
bitious of working under him ; and he never went out
without a crowd of artifts and others, who followed
him purely through refpedf. He was ndt only the
beft painter in the world, but perhaps the beft archi-
tedf too ; on which account Leo X. charged him with
building St Peter’s church at Rome : but he was too
much addi&ed to pleafure, which occafioned his death
at 37 years of age. He left a great number of dif-
ciples; among whom were Julio Romano, and John
Francis Penni, who were his heirs. Many able en¬
gravers, as Raimondi, George Mantuan, and Bloe-
mart, engraved after Raphael.
RAPHAIM, or Rephaim, (Mofes), a name figni-
fying Giants, as they really were, and an aftual peo¬
ple too, fituated in Bafan or Batanea, beyond Jordan,
feparated from the Zanzummim by the river Jabbok.
Alfo a valley near Jerufalem, Joftsua> x.
RAPHANUS, -radish ; a genus of the filiquofa
©rder, belonging to the tetradynamia clafs of plants.
Vol. IX. i
There is only one fpecies, viz. the fativus, or common Rap’cr,
garden radifh ; of which there are feveral varieties. RaPin-
They are annual plants, which being fowed in the ~~ “
fpring, attain perfe&ion in two or three months,
and fhoot up foon after into ftalk for flower and
feed, which, ripening in autumn, the whole plant,
root and top, perlfties; fo that a frefh fupply muft
be raifed annually from feed in the fpring, perform¬
ing the fowings at feveral different times, from about
Chriftmas until May, in order to continue a regular
fucceffion of young tender radifhes throughout the
feafon : allowing only a fortnight or three weeks in¬
terval between the fowings; for one crop will not con¬
tinue good longer than that fpace of time, before they
will either run to feed, or become tough, fticky, and
too hot to eat.
RAPIER, formerly fignified a long old-fafhipned
fword, fuch as thofc worn by the common foldiers i
but it now denotes a fmall fword, as contradiftinguiftt-
ed from a back-fword.
RAPIN (Rene), a Jefuit and eminent French wri¬
ter, was born at Tours in 1621. He taught polite
literature in the fociety of the Jefuits with great ap-
plaufe, and was juftly efteemed one of the beft Latin
poets and greateft; wits of his time. He died at Pa¬
ris in 1687. He wrote, 1. A great number of Latin
poems, which have rendered him famous throughout
all Europe ; among which are his Hortorum libri
quatuor, which is reckoned his mafter-piece. 2. Re¬
flexions on Eloquence, Poetry, Hiftory, and Philo-
fophy. 3. Comparifons between Virgil and Homer,
Demofthenes and Cicero, Plato and Ariftotle, Thu¬
cydides and Titus Livius. 4. The Hiftory of Janfe-
nifra. 5. Several works on religious fubjefts. The
beft edition of his Latin poems, is that of Paris in
1723, in 3 vols i2mo.
Rapin de Thoyras (Paul de), a celebrated hiftorian,
was the fon of James de Rapin lord of Thoyras, and
was'born at Caftres in 1661. He was educated at
firft under a tutor in his father’s houfe; and afterwards
fent to Puylaurens, and thence to Saumur. In 1697
he returned to his father, with a defign to apply him-
felf to the ftudy of the law, and was admitted an ad¬
vocate : but fome time after, refleXing that his being
a Proteftant would prevent his advancement at the
bar, he refolved to quit the profeffion of the law, and
apply himfelf to that of the fword ; but his father
would not confent to it. . The revocation of the ediX
of Nantes in 1685, and the death of his father, which
happened two months after, made him refolve to come
to England ; but as he had no hopes of any fettlement
here, his ftay was but (hort. He therefore foon after
went to Holland, and lifted himfelf in the company
of French volunteers at Utrecht, commanded by M.
Rapin his coufin-german. He attended the Prince of
Orange into England in 1688 ; and the following year
the lord Kingfton made him an enfign in his regiment,
with which he went into Ireland, where he gained the
efteem of his officers at the fiege of Carrickfergus,
and had foon a lieutenant’s commiffion. He was pre-
fent at the battle of the Boyne, and was (hot through the
{boulder at the fiege of Limerick. He. was foon after
captain of the company in which he had been enfign ;
but, in 1693, refigned his company to one of his bro¬
thers, in order to be tutor to the earl of Portland’s
37 G fon.
R A S [ 6634 ] RAT
Rapb fon. In 1699, he married Marianne Teflard j but thia
II marriage neither abated his care of his pupil, nor pre-
3 a ‘ vented his accomp’.ifhing him in his travels. Having
finifhed this employment, he returned to his family,
which he had fettled at the Hague ; and here he con¬
tinued fome years. But as he found his family in-
creafe, he refolved to retire to fome cheap coun¬
try; and accordingly removed, in 1707, to Wezel,
where he wrote his Hiftory of England, and fome
other pieces. Though he was of a ftrong confuta¬
tion, yet feventeen years application (for fo long was
he in compofing the hiftory juft mentioned) entirely
ruined his health. He died in 1725. He wrote in
French, j. A Diflertation on the Whigs and Tories.
2. His Hiftory of England, printed at the Hague in
1727 and 1726, in 9 vols 410, and reprinted at
Trevoux in 1728, in 10 vols 410. This laft edition
is more complete than that of the Hague. It has
been tranflated into Englifh, and improved with Notes,
by the Rev. Mr Tindal, in 2 vols folio. This per¬
formance, though the work of a foreigner, is deser¬
vedly efteemed as the fulleft and moft impartial collec¬
tion of Englifh political tranfadbons extant. The
readers of wit and vivacity may be apt to complain
of him for being fometimes rather tedious and dull.
RAPINE, in law, the taking away another’s goods,
See. by violence.
RAPPERSWIL, a town of Swiflerland, on the
confines of the canton of Zurich, and of the territory
of Gafter, with an old caftle. It is ftrong by fitua-
tion, being feated on a neck of land which advances
into the lake of Zurich, and over which there is a
bridge 850 paces long. It is fubjedl to the cantons
of Zurich and Bern. E. long. 8. 57. N. lat. 47. 20.
RAPPOLSTEIN, a town of France in Upper
Alface, with the title of a barony. All the muficians
of Alface depend upon this baron, and are obliged to
pay him a certain tribute, without which they can¬
not play upon their inftruments. E. long. 7. 28. N.
lat. 48. 1
R A.PTURE, an eeftafy or tranfport of mind. See
Ecstasy.
RARE, in phyfic, Hands oppofed to denfe ; and
denotes a body that is very porous, whofe parts are at
a great diftance from one another, and which is fup-
pofed to contain but little matter under a large bulk.
See the following article.
RAREFACTION, in phyfics, the aft whereby a
body is rendered rare ; that is, brought to poffefs more
room, or appear under a larger bulk, without accef-
fion of any new matter.—This is very frequently the
tffeft of fire, as has long been univerfally allowed. In
many cafes, however, philofophers have attributed it
to the aftion of a repulfive principle. However, from
the many difeoveries concerning the nature and pro¬
perties of the eleftric fluid and fire, there is the great-
eft reafon to believe that this repulfive principle is no
other than elementary fire. See Repulsion.
RASOR-eill. See Alga.
Ra'sor-/7/^. See Solen.
RASTALL (John), a printer and mifcellaneous
writer, was born in London, probably about the end of
the 15th century, and educated at Oxford. Return¬
ing from the univerfity, he fettled in the metropolis,
and commenced printer, “then efteemed (fays Wood)
a profefiion fit for any fcholar or ingenious man.” He Raftat
married the After of Sir Thomas More, with whom, RjJt
we are told, he was very intimate, and whofe writings ___LL
he ftrenuoufly defended. From the title-page of one
of his books, he appears to have lived in Cheapfide,
at the fign of the mermaid. He died in the year 1536;
and left two fons, William and John: the firit of
whom became a judge in queen Mary’s reign, and the
latter a juftice of peace. This John Raftall, the fub-
jeft of the prefent article, was a zealous Papift ; but
Bale fays, that he changed his religion before his
death. He wrote, I. Natura naturata. Pits calls it
a copious (prolixa) and ingenious comedy, deferibing
Europe, Afia, and Africa ; with cuts. What fort of
a comedy this was, is not eafy to conceive. Probably
it is a cofmographical defeription, written in dialogue,
and therefore ftyled a comedy. 2. The paftyme of
the people ; (he cronycles of diverfe realmys, and moft
efpecially of the realm of England, brevely compiled
and emprinted in Cheapefyde, at the fign of the mear-
maid, next Pollyfgate, cum previlegio, fob 3. Eccle-
fta Johannis Raftall, 1542. Was one of the prohi¬
bited books in the reign of Henry VIII. 4. Legum
Anglicanarum vocabula explicata. French and Latin.
Lond. 1567, 8vo. And fome other works.
RASTAT, a town of Germany, in the circle of
Suabia and marquifate of Baden, with a handfome
caftle. It is remarkable for a treaty concluded here
between the French and Imperialifts in 1714; and is
feated on the river Merg, near the Rhine. E. long.
9. 14. N. lat. 48. 52.
RAT, in zoology. See Mus.
The following receipt is faid to have been found ef-
feftoal for the deftruftion of rats. Take of the feeds
of ftavefacre or loufewort, powdered, more or lefs as
the occafion requires, one part; of oat-meal, three
parts ; mix them well, and make them up into a patte
with honey. Lay pieces of it in the holes, and on
the places where mice and rats frequent; and it will
effeftually kill or rid the place of thofe kind of vermin
by their eating thereof.
Some time ago, the fociety for encouraging arts
propofed a premium of 50b for a preparation capable
of alluring or fafeinating rats fo that they might be
taken alive. In confequence of this, a great number
of new traps, &c. were invented ; and the following
methods of alluring the rats to a certain place were
publilhed.
One of thofe moft eafily and efficacioufly prac-
tifed is the trailing fome pieces of their moft favou¬
rite food, which (hould be of the kind that has the
ftrongeft feent, fuch as toafted cheefe or broiled
red herrings, from the holes or entrances of the
clofet to their recefles in every part of the houfe or
contiguous building. At the extremities, and in dif¬
ferent parts of the courfe of this trailed track, fraall
quantities of meal, or any other kind of their food,
(hould be laid, to bring the greater number into the
tracks, and to encourage them to purfue it to the
place where they are intended to be taken : at that
place, when time admits of it, a more plentiful repaft
is laid for them, and the trailing repeated for two or
three nights.
Befides this trailing and way-baiting, fome of the
moft expert of the rat-catchers have a (horter, and
perhaps
RAT [ 6635 ] RAT
Rat. perhaps more effe&ual, method of bringing them to-
  — gether; which is, the calling them, by making fuch
a kind of whillling noife as refembles their own call;
and by this means, with the afiiftance of the way-
baits, they call them out of their holes, and lead them
to the rtpaft prepared for them at the place defigned
for taking them. But this is much more difficult to be
pra&ifed than the art of trailing; for the learning the
exaft notes- or cries of any kind of beads or birds, fo
as to deceive them, is a peculiar talent which is feldom
attained: though fome perfons have been known who
could call together a great number of cats; and there
was a man in London who could bring nightingales,
when they were within hearing, about him, and even
allure them to perch on his hand, fo as to be taken.
In praftiling either of thofe methods, of trailing
or calling, great caution muft be ufed by the operator
to fupprefs and prevent the fcent of his feet and body
from being perceived ; which is done by overpowering
that fcent by others of a ftronger nature. In order
to this, the feet are to be covered with cloths rubbed
over with afafcetida, or other ftrong-fmelling fubftan-
ces ; and even oil of rhodium is fometimes ufed for
this purpofe, but fparingly, on account of its dear-
nefs, though it has a very alluring as well as difgui-
fing effeft. If this caution of avoiding the fcent of
the operator’s feet, near the track, and in the place
where the rats are propofed to be collefted, be not
properly obferved, it will very much obftru& the fuc-
cefs of the attempt to take them ; for they are very
fby of coming where the fcent of human feet lies very
frefh, as it intimates to their fagacious inftinft the
prefence of human creatures, whom they naturally
dread. To the abovementioned means of alluring by
trailing, way-baiting, and calling, is added another
of a very material efficacy, which is, the ufe of oil of
rhodium, which, like the raarum Syriacum in the cafe
x of cats, has a very extraordinary fafcinating power
on thefe animals. This oil is extremely dear, and
therefore fparingly ufed. It is exalted in a fmall
quantity in the place, and at the entrance of it, where
the rats are intended to be taken ; particularly at the
time when they are to be laft brought together, in or¬
der to their deftruAion ; and it is ufed alfo by fmear-
ing it on the furface of fome of the implements ufed in
taking by the method below defcribed; and the effeA
it has in taking off their caution and dread, by the
delight they appear to have in it, is very extraordinary.
It is ufual, likewife, for the operator to difguife
his figure as well as fcent, which is done by putting
on a fort of gown or cloak, of one colour, that hicks
the natural form, and makes him appear like a poll or
fome fuch inanimate thing ; which habit muft likewife
be feented as above, to overpower the fmell of his
perfon; and befides this, he is to avoid all motion
till he has fecured his point of having all the rats in
his power.
When the rats are thus enticed andcolle&ed, where
time is afforded, and the whole in any houfe and out¬
buildings are intended tp be cleared away, they are
fuffered to regale on what they moft like, which is
ready prepared for them, and then to go away quietly
for two or three nights; by which means thofe that
are not allured the lirft night are brought afterwards,
either by their fellows, or the effe&s of the trailing, &c.
and will not fail to come duly again, if they are not Rat
difturbed or molefted. But many of the rat-catchers {[
make ffiorter work, and content themfelves with what atc ets‘
can be brought together in one night or two ; but this
is never effe&ual, unlefs where the building is fmall
and entire, and the rats but few in number.
The means of taking them, when they are brought
together, are various. Some entice them into a very
large bag, the mouth of which is fufficiently capacious
to cover nearly the whole floor of the place where they
are colle&ed; which is done by fmeavitig fome veffel,
placed in the middle of the bag, with oil of rhodium,
and laying in the bag baits of food. This bag, which
before lay flat on the ground with the mouth fpread
open, is to be fuddenly clofed when the rats are all in.
Others drive or fright them, by flight noifes or mo¬
tions, into 3 bag of a long form, the mouth of which,
after all the rats are come in, is drawn up to the
opening of the place by which they entered, all other
ways of retreat being fecured. Others, again, into¬
xicate or poifon them, by mixing with the repaft pre¬
pared for them the coculus Indicus or the nux vomi¬
ca. They direft four ounces of the coculus Indicus,
with twelve ounces of oat-meal, and two ounces of
treacle or honey, made into a moift pafte with ftrong-
beer ; but if the nux vomica be ufed, a much lefs pro¬
portion will ferve than is here given of the coculus.
Any fimilar compofition of thefe drugs, with that
kind of food the rats are moft; fond of, and which has
a ftrong flavour, to hide that of thp drugs, will equally
well anfwer the end. If indeed the coculus Indicus
be well powdered, and infufed in the ftfong-beer for
fome time, at leaft half the quantity heredire&ed will
ferve as well as the quantity before-mentioned. When
the rats appear to be thoroughly intoxicated with the
coculus, or fick with the nux vomica, they may be
taken with the hand, and put into a bag or cage, the
door of the place being firft drawn to, left thofe who
have ftrength and fenfe remaining efcape.
Rat-Tails, or Arrejls. See Farriery, § xxxvi.
RATAFIA, a fine fpirituous liquor, prepared from
the kernels, &c. of feveral kinds of fruits, particu¬
larly of cherries and apricots.
Ratafia of cherries is prepared by bruifing the cher¬
ries, and putting them into a veffel wherein brandy
has been long kept; then adding to them the kernels
of cherries, with ftrawberries, fugar, cinnamon, white
pepper; nutmeg,doves; and to 20 pound of cherries,
10 quarts of brandy. The veffel is left open ten or
twelve days, and then flopped clofe for two months
before it be tapped. Ratafia of apricots is prepa¬
red two ways, viz. either by boiling the apricots in
white-wine, adding to the liquor an equal quantity
of brandy, with fugar, cinnamon, mace, and the ker¬
nels of apricots; infufing the whole for eight or ten
days; then ftraining the liquor, and putting it up for
ufe : or elfe by infufing the apricots, cut in pieces, in
brandy, for a day or two, paffing it through a drain¬
ing bag, and then putting in the ufual ingredients.
R.ATCH, or Rash, in clock-work, a fort of wheel
having twelve fangs, which ferve to lift up the detents
every hour, and make the clock ftrike. See Clock.
RATCHETS, in a watch, are the fmall teeth at
the bottom of the fufy, or barrel, which flops it in
winding up.
2 37 G 2
RATE,
RAT [ 6636 ] RAT
Rate. RATE, a ftandard or proportion, by which cither
'“the quantity or value of a thing is adjutled.
RATES, in the navy, the orders or clafTes into
which the fhips of war are divided, according to their
force and magnitude.
The regulation, which limits the rates of men of
war to the fmalleft number poffible, feems to have been
di&ated by confiderations of political ceconomy, or of
that of the fimplicity of the fervice in the royal dock¬
yards. The Britiih fleet is accordingly diftributed in¬
to fix rates, exclufive of the inferior veffels that ufu-
ally attend on naval armaments ; as Hoops of war,
armed (hips, bomb-ketches, fire-drips and cutters, or
fchooners commanded by lieutenants.
Ships of the firft rate mount too cannon, having
42-pounders on the lower deck, 24-pounders on the
middle deck, iz-pounders on the upper deck, and 6-
pounders on the quarter-deck and fore-caftle. They
are manned with 850 men, including their officers,
ftamen, marines, and fervants.
In general, the (hips of every rate, befides the cap¬
tain, have the mafler, the boatfwain, the gunner, the
chaplain, the purfer, the furgeon, and the carpenter ;
all of whom, except the chaplain, have their mates
oraffiftants, in which are comprehended the fail-maker,
the mafter at arms, the armourer, the captain’s clerk,
the gunfmith, &c.
The number of other officers are always in propor¬
tion to the rate of the (hip. Thus a firft rate has fix
lieutenants, fix mafter’s mates, twenty-four midfliip-
men, and five furgeon’s mates, who are confidered as
gentlemen: befides the following petty officers ; quar¬
ter-mafters and their mates, fourteen; boatfwain’s
mates and yeomen, eight; gunner’s mates and affift-
ants, fix ; quarter-gunners, twenty-five ; carpenter’s
mates, two, befides fourteen affiftants; with one ftew-
ard, and fteward’s mate to the purfer.
If the dimenfions of all (hips of the fame rate were
equal, it would be the fimpleft and moft perfpicuous
method to colled! them into one point of view in a
table: but as there is no invariable rule for the gene¬
ral dimenfions, it muft fuffice to remark thofe of fome
particular (hips in each ratefor which purpofe we
have feledled fome of the lateft conftru&ion.
The Yidfory, which is among the laft built of our firft
rates, is 222 feet 6 inches in length,, from the head to
the (tern; the length of her keel, 151 feet 3 inches;
that of her gun-deck, or lower deck, 186 feet; her
extreme breadth is 5.1 feet 10 inches; her depth in the
hold, 21 feet 6 inches; her burden, 2162 tons; and
her poop reaches 6 feet before the mizen-maft.
Ships of the fecond rate carry 90 guns upon three
decks, of which thofe on the lower battery are 32-
pounders; thofe on the middle, 18-pounders; on the
upper deck, 12-pounders ; and thofe on the quarter¬
deck, d-pounders, which ufually amount to four or
fix. Their complement of men is 750, in which there
are fix lieutenants, four mafter’s mates, 24 midfhip-
men, and four furgeon’s mates, 14 quarter-mafters
and their mates, eight boatfwain’s mates and yeomen,
fix gunner’s mates and yeomen, with 22 quarter-gun¬
ners, two carpenter’s mates, with 10 aififtants, and
one fteward and fteward’s mate.
Ships of the third rate carry from 64 ,(0 80 cannon,
which are 31, 18, and 9. pounders. The 8o guu
(hips however begin to grow out of repute, and to give Rate,
way to thofe of. 74, 70, &c. which have only two
whole batteries; whereas the former have three, with
2.8 guns planted on each, the cannon of their upper
deck being the fame as thofe on the quarter-deck
and fore-caftle of the latter, which are 9-pounders.
The compliment in a 74 is 650, and in a 64, 500
men ; having, in peace, four lieutenants, but in war,
five; and when an admiral is aboard, fix. They Have
three mafter’s mates, 16 middiipmen, three furgeon’s
mates, 10 quarter-mafters and their mates, fix boat¬
fwain’s mates and yeomen, four gunner’s mates and
yeomen, with 18 quarter-gunners, one carpenter’s
mate, with eight affiftants, and one fteward and
fteward’s mate under the purfer.
Ships of the fourth rate mount from 60 to yctguns,
upon two decks, and the quarter-deck.. The lower
tier is compofed of 24-pounders, the upper tier of 12-
pounders, and the cannon on the quarter-deck and
fore-caftle are fix-pounders. The complement of a 50
gun (hip is 350 men, in which there are three lieute¬
nants, two mafter’s mates, 10 midftiipmen, two fur¬
geon’s mates, eight quarter-mafters and their mates,
four boatfwain’s mates and yeomen, one gunner’s
mate and one yeoman, with 12 quarter-gunners, one
carpenter^ mate and fix affiftants, and a fteward and
fteward’s mate. .
All veflels of war, under the fourth rate, are ufuaU
ly comprehended under the general name of frigates,
and never appear in the line of battle. They are di¬
vided into the 5th and 6th rates; the former mounting
from 40 to 32 guns, and the latter from 28 to 20.
The larged of the fifth rate have two decks of cannon,,
the lower battery being of 18-pounders, and that of-
the upper deck of 9-pounders; but thofe of 36 and
32 guns have one complete deck of guns, mounting
12-pounders, befides the quarter-deck and fore-caftle*
which carry 6-pounders. The complement of a (hip
of 44 guns, is 280 men ; and that of a frigate of 36-
guns, 240 men. The firft has three, and the fecond
two, lieutenants; and both have two mafter’s mates,
fix midftiipmen, two furgeon’s mates, fix quarter-
mafters and their mates, two boatfwain’s mates and
one yeoman, one gunner’s mate and one yeoman, with-
10 or 11 quarter-gunners, and one purfer’s Ueward.
Frigates of the 6th rate carry nine-pounders, thofe
of 28 guns having three-pounders on their quarter^
deck, with 200 men for their complement^ and thofe-
of 24, 160 men : the former has two lieutenants, the
latter, one; and both have two mafter’s mates four
midthipmen, one furgeon’s mate, four quarter-maftera-
and their mates, one boatfwain’s mate and one yeo¬
man, one gunner’s mate and one yeoman, with iix or
feven quarter-gunners, and one purfer’s fteward.
The (loops of war carry from 18 to 8 cannon, the
largeft of which have fix-pounders; and the fmalleft,.
viz. thofe of 8 or 10 guns, four-pounders. Their of¬
ficers are generally the fame as in the 6th rates,
with little variation ; and their complements of men
are from 120 to 60, in proportion to their force or.
magnitude. N. B. Bomb-veflels are on the fame efta-
blifliment as (loops; but fire-ftiips and hofpital-fliips
are on that of fifth rates.
Nothing more evidently manifefts the great improve¬
ment of the marine, art, and the degree of perfeftioa.
RAT
Kate to which it has arrived in Britain, than the facility
0, of managing our firft rates; which were formerly
Ratio. efteemed incapable of government, unlefs in the moft
favourable weather of the fummer.
Ships of the fecond rate, and thofe of the third,
which have three decks, carry their fails remarkably
well, and labour very little at fea. They are excellent
in a general a&ion, or in cannonading a fortrefs.
Thofe of the third rate, which have two tiers, are fit
for the line of battle, to lead the convoys and fqua-
drons of (hips of war in a&ion, and in general to fuit
the different exigencies of the naval fervice.
The fourth-rates may be employed on the fameoc-
cafions as the third-rates, and may be alfo deftined
amongft the foreign colonies, or on expeditions of
great diftance; fince thefe ve(fels are ufually excellent
for keeping and fuftaining the fea.
Veffels of the fifth rate are too weak to fuffer the
(hock of a line of battle ; but they may be deftined to
lead the convoys of merchant (hips, to proteft the
commerce in the colonies, to cruize in different fta-
tions, to accompany fquadrons, or be fent exprefs
with neceflary intelligence and orders. The fame may
be obferved of the fixth rates.
The frigates, which mount from 28 to 38 guns
upon one deck, with the quarter-deck, are extreme¬
ly proper for cruizing againft privateers, or for (hort
expeditions, being light, long, and ofually excellent
failors.
RATEEN, or Ratten, in commerce, a thick
woollen fluff, quilled, woven on a loom with four
treddles, like ferges and other duffs that have the
whale or quilling. There are fome rateens dreffed and
prepared like cloths ; others left fimply in the hair,
and others where the hair or knap is frized. Rateens
are chiefly manufactured in France, Holland, and I-
taly, and are moftly ufed in linings. The frize is a fort
of coarfe rateen, and the drugget is a rateen half li¬
nen half woollen.
RATIFICATION, an aft approving of and
confirming fomething done by another in our name.
RATIO, in arithmetic and geometry, is that re¬
lation of homogeneous things which determines the
quantity of one from the quantity of another, with¬
out the intervention of a third.
Two numbers, lines, or quantities, A and Bj being
propofed, their relation one to another may be confi-
dered under one of thefe two heads: n How much
A exceeds B, or B exceeds A ; and this is found by
taking A from B, or B from A, and is called arith*
nutic reafon, or ratio. 2. Or how many times, and
parts of a time. A, contains B, or B contains A ; and
this is called geometric reafon or ratio ; (or, as Euclid
defines it, it is the mutual habitude, or refpeft, of two
magnitudes of the fame kind, according to quantity ;
that is, as to how often the one contains, or is con¬
tained in, the other); and is found by dividing AbyB,
or B by A: and here note, that that quantity which
is referred to another quantity, is called the antecedent
'efthe ratio ; and that to which the other is referred,
is called the confequent of the ratio; as, in the ratio
©f A to B, A is the antecedent, and B the confe¬
quent. Therefore any quantity, as antecedent, divi¬
ded by any quantity as a confequent, gives the ratio
of that antecedent to the Confequent.
I 6637 ]
RAT
Thus the ratio of A to B is^, but the ratio of B R|f10
^ Ratifbon.
to A is^-; and, in numbers, the ratio of 12 to 4 is “
^=3, or triple; but the ratio of 4 to 12 is-^=:— , or
fubtriple.
And here note, that the quantities thus compa^
red muft be of the fame kind; that is, fuch as by
multiplication may be made to exceed one the other,
or as thefe quantities are faid to have a ratio between
them, which, being multiplied, may be made to ex¬
ceed one another. Thus a line, how (hort foever, may
be multiplied, that is, produced fo long as to exceed
any given right line ; and confequently thefe may be
compared together, and the ratio expreffed : but as a
line can never, by any multiplication whatever, be
made to have breadth, that is, to be made equal to a
fuperficies, how fmall foever ; thefe can therefore ne¬
ver be compared together, and confequently have no
ratio or refpeft one to another, according to quantity^
that is, as to how often the one contains, or is con¬
tained in, the other.
RATIOCINATION, the aft of reafoning. See
Reasoning.
RATION, or Ratian, in the army, a portion of
ammunition, bread, drink, and forage, diftributed to
each foldier in the army, for his daily fubfiftence, &c.
The horfe have ratios of hay and oats when they
cannot go out to forage. The rations of bread are re¬
gulated by weight. The ordinary ration of a foot fol¬
dier is a pound and a half of bread per day. The of¬
ficers have feveral rations according to their quality
and the number of attendants they are obliged to
keep. When the ration is augmented on occafions of
rejoicings, it is called a double ration. The (hip’s crews
have alfo their rations or allowances of bifleet, pulfe, and
water, proportioned according to their flock.
RATIONALE, a folution, or account of the
principles of fome opinion, aftion, hypothefis, phe¬
nomenon, or the like.
RATIBOR, a town of Germany, in Silefia, and
capital of a duchy of the fame name, with a caftle. It
has been twice taken by the Swedes, and is fea ted on
the river Oder, in a country fertile in corn and fruits, 15
miles north-eaft of Troppaw, and 14.2 eaft of Prague.
E. Long. 22. 24. N. Lat. 50. 14.
RATISBON, an ancient, large, rich, handfome,
and ftrong city of Germany, in Bavaria, free and im¬
perial, with a bifhop’s fee, whofe bifliop is a prince of
the empire. It is full of gentry ; and there are very
handfome ftruftures, particularly three monafteries
and three abbeys. The town-houfe is very magnifi¬
cent, and in its hall the general diets of the empire
meet; only in 1740, there being a war in Germany,
the meeting of the diet was transferred to Frankfort
on the Main, till after the death of the emperor
Charles VII. It is feated on the Danube, and is pret¬
ty well fortified, over which river there is a ftone bridge
of 15 arches,^ fo that in the time of war it is a paffage
of very great confequence. The inhabitants are Pro-
teftants, and all their magiflrates muff be of that per-
fuafion ; however, the Roman Catholics have the li¬
berty of faying mafs there once a-week. The abbot,.
and i
R A V [ 6638 ] RAY
Ratlines and the two abbeffes have the rank of prelates of the driatic, in walhes or a boggy fituation, which proved
empire. Provifions are very plentiful here, and they a natural fecurity to it. The houfes all of wood,
^!!!^have a good trade in time of peace, the river on which the communication by bridges and boats, and the
it Hands being navigable, and by which it communi- town kept fweet and clean by the tides carrying
cates with a great part of Germany. E. Long. 11. away the mud and foil, (Strabo). Anciently it had
11. N. Lat. 48. 56. a port at the mouth of the Bedefis ; Auguilus ad-
RATLINES, or, as the failors call them ratlim, ded a new port, capacious to hold a fleet, for the
thofe lines which make the ladder Heps to go up fecurity of the Adriatic, between which and the city
the (hrouds ’ and puttocks, hence called the o/" lay the Via Caefaris. In the lower age it was the
theJhrouds. feat of the Oftrogoths for 72 years; but being
RATTLESNAKE. See Crotalus. recovered by Narics, Jullinian’s general, it became
Rattlesnake Rm/. See Polvgala. the refidence of the exarchs, magiftrates fent by
RATOLFZEL, a ftrong town of Germany, in the emperor from Conflantinople, for 175 years,
Suabia, near the weft end of the lake Conftance. It when it was taken by the Longobards. It is Hill
is feated on that part of it called Bodcnfee; and be- called Ravenna, capital of Romania, in the pope’s
-longs to the houfe of Aulfria, who took it from the territory. It had a very flourilhing trade till the fea
duke of Wirtemburg, after the battle of Nordlingen. withdrew two miles from it, which has been a great
It is 12 miles weft of the city of Conftance. detriment. The fortifications are of little impor-
RATZEBURG, or Ratzemburg, an ancient tance, and the citadel is gone to ruin. It is now moft
town of Germany, in the circle of Lower Saxony, and remarkable for the excellent wine produced in its
in the duchy of Lawenburgh, with a biihop’s fee and neighbourhood. The maufoleum of Theodoric is ftill
a caftle. The town depends on the duchy of Lawen- to be feen, remarkable for being covered by a Angle
burg, and the cathedral church on that of Ratzburg. ftone 28 feet in diameter and 15 thick. E. Long.
It is feated on an eminence, and almoft furronnded with 12. 15. N. Lat. 44. 22.
a lake 25 miles in length and three in breadth. This RAURICUM, (anc. geog.) a town of the Raurici,
place is noted for its excellent beer. E. Long. 10. 58. fituate over againft Abnoba, a mountain from which
N. Lat. 53. 47. the Danube takes its rife. A Roman colony led
RAVA, a town of Great Poland, and capital of a by L. Manutius Plancus the fcholar and friend of
palatinate of the fame name, with a fortified caftle, Cicero: called Colonia Rauriaca (Pliny), Raurica
where they keep ftate prifoners. The houfes are built (Infcription), Augujla Rauticorum. The town wa*
of wood, and there is a Jefuits college. It is feated deftroyed in Julian’s time. It is now commonly called
in a morafs covered with water, which proceeds from Augji, a village greatly decayed from what it formly
the river Rava, with which it is furrounded. It is 45 was. It is fituated on the Rhine, diftant about two
miles footh of Bloflto, and 50 fouth-weft of Warfaw. hours to the eaft of Bafil. The country is now the
The palatinate is bounded on the north by that of canton of Bafil.
Bloflco, on the eaft by that of Mazovia, on the RAY (John), a celebrated botanift, was the fon of
fouth by that of Sandomer, and on the weft by that Mr Roger Ray, a blackfmitb, and was born at Black
of Lencieza. Notly in Effex in 1628. He received the fiift rudi-
RAVELIN, in fortification, was anciently a flat ments of learning at the grammar fchool at Brain-
baftion placed in the middle of a curtin; but now tree; and in 1644 was admitted into Catharine hall in
a detached work compofed only of two Hces, which Cambridge, from whence he afterwards removed to
make a faliant angle without any flanks, and raifeil Trinity college in that univerfity. He was at length
before the counterfcarp of the place. See Fortifi- made one of the fenior fellows of that college, and
.cation. took the degree of matter of arts; but his intenfe
RAVEN, in ornithology. See Corvus. application to his ftudies having injured his health,
RAVENGLAS, a town of Cumberland in Eng- he was obliged at his leifqre hours to exercife himfelf
land, fituated between the rivers Irt and Elk, which, by riding or walking in the fields, which led him to
with the fea, encompafs three parts of it; it is a well the ftudy of plants. He noted from Johnfon, Parkin-
built place, and has a good road for fhipping, which fon, and the Pby.tologia Britannica, the places where
brings it fome trade. E. Long. o. 5. N. Lat. 54. 20. curious plants grew; and in 1658 rode from Cambridge
RAVENSBURG, a county of Germany, in Weft- to the city of Chefter, from whence he went into
-pbalia, bounded on the north by the bifhoprics of North Wales, vifiting many places, and among others
Ofnaburg and Minden, on the eaft by Lemgow, on the famous hill of Snowdon ; returning by Shrew-
the fouth by the bifhopric of Paderborn, and on the fbury and Gloucefter. In 1660 he publifhed his Ca*
v eft by that of Munfter. It belongs to the king of talogus Plantarum circa Cantabrigiam nafcentiam,
Pruffia, and has its name from the caftle of Ravenf- and the fame year was ordained deacon and prieft.
burg. In 1661 he accompanied Francis Willoughby, Efq;
Ravensburg, a free and imperial town of Ger- and others in fearch of plants and other natural cu-
many in Algow in the circle of Swabia. It is well riofuies, in the north of England and Scotland; and
built, and the public ftruffures are handfome. The the next year made a weftern tour from Chefter, and
inhabitants are partly Proteftants and partly Papifts. through Wales, to Cornwall, Devonfliire, Dorfetfture,
It is feated on the river Chenfs, in E. Long. 9. 46. Hamplhire, Wdtfhire, and other countries. He after-
N. Lat. 47. 44. wards travelled with Mr Willoughby and other gen-
RAVENNA, (anc. geog.), a noble city of Gal- tlemen through Holland, Germany, Italy, France,
;l‘a Cifpadana; a colony of Theffalians, on the A- &c. took feveral tours in England, and was admitted
fellow
RAY [ 6639 ] RAY
Ray. fellow of the Royal Society. In 1672, hia intimate
  “and beloved friend Mr Willoughby died in the 37th
year of hia age, at Middleton Hall, hia feat in York-
ft ire ; “ to the infinite and unfpeakable lofa and grief
(fays Mr Ray,) of myfelf, his friends, and all good
men.,> There having been the clofeft and fincereft
friendfhip between Mr Willoughby and Mr Ray,
who were men of fimilar natures and taftes, from the
time of their being fellow collegians, Mr Willoughby
not only confided in Mr Ray, in his life-time, but
alfo at his death : for he made him one of the execu¬
tors of his will, and charged him with the education
of his fons Francis and Thomas, leaving him alfo for
life 601. per annum. The eldeft of thefe young gen¬
tlemen not being four years of age, Mr Ray, as a faith¬
ful truftee, betook himfeif to the inftru&ion of them ;
and for their ufe compofed his Nomenclator Chfficus,
which was publifhed this very year 1672. Francis
the eldeft; dying before he was of age, the younger
become lord Middleton. Not many months after
the death of Mr Willoughby, Mr Ray loft ano¬
ther of his beft friends, biftiop Wilkins ; whom he
vifitcd in London the t8th of November 1672, and
found near expiring by a total fuprefiion of urine for
eight days. As it is natural for the mind, when it is
hurt in one part, to feek relief from another; fo Mr
Ray, having loft fome of his beft friends, and being
in a manner left deftitute, conceived thoughts of mar¬
riage ; and accordingly, in June 1673, did aftually
marry a gentlewoman of about 20 years of age, the
daughter of Mr Oakely of Launton in Oxfordfhire.
Towards the end of this year, came forth his “ Ob-
fervations Topographical, Moral,&c.” made in foreign
countries; to which was added his Catalogus Stirpi-
um in extern rcgionihus obfervatarum : and about the
fame time, his ColleRion of unufual or local Eng-
UJh words, which he had gathered up in his travels
through the counties of England. After having
publifhed many books on fubjeds foreign to his pro-
feffion, he at length refolvtd to publift in the charac¬
ter of a divine, as well as in that of a natural philofo-
pher: in which view he publifhed his excellent de-
monftration of the being and atributes of God, en¬
titled The nxiifdorn of God rnanifefed in the works of the
Creation, 8vo. 1697. The rudiments of this work
were laid in fome college lectures; and another col-
ledion of the fame kind he enlarged and,publifhed
under the title of Three Phyfco-theological Difcourfs,
concerning the Chaos, Deluge, and Dijfolution of the
World, 8vo. 1692. He died in 1705. He was
modett, affable, and communicative; and was di-
fiinguifhed by his probity, charity, fobriety, and
piety. He wrote a great number of works, the
principal of which, befides thofe already mentioned,
are, I. Catalogus Blantarurn Anglia* 2. Difiiona-
riolum Trilingue fecundum locos communes. 3. Hijioria
Plantarum, Species, hacienus editas, aliafiue infuper
multas noviter inventas et deferiptas ccmpletlens, 3 vols.'
4 Methodus Plantarum nova, cum Tabulis, 8vo. and
feveral other works on plants. 6. Synopfit Methodica
Animaliuni quadrupedum et fsrpentini generis, 8vo,
6. Synopfs Methodica Avium et Pifcium. 7. Hiforia
InfeClorum, opus pofihunium. 7. Methodus Infediarum.
9. Philofophical letters. &c.
Ray, in optics, a beam of light-emitted from a ra*
diant or luminous body. See Light. Rays,
bifletted Rays, thofe rays of light which, on their Rcading-
near approach to the edges of bodies, in palling by
them, are bent out of their courfe, being turned
either from the body or towards it. This property
of the rays of light is generally termed diffraftion by
foreigners, and Dr Hooke fometimes called it de-
fiettion.
Reflefted Rays, thofe rays of light, which, after
falling upon the body, do not go beyond the furface
of it, but are thrown back again.
Refrafted Rays, thofe rays of light which, after
falling upon any medium', enter its furface, being
bent either towards or from a perpendicular to the
point on which they fell.
Pencil Rays, a number of rays iffuing from a
point of an objedt, and diverging in the form of a
cone.
RAZOR, a well-known inftrument, ufed by fur-
geons, barbers, &c. for (having off the hair from va¬
rious parts of the body.
RE, in grammar, an infeparable particle added to
the beginning of words to double or otherwife mo¬
dify their meaning; as in re-adfion, re-move, re¬
export, &c.
RE ACTION, in phyfiology, the refiftance made
by all bodies to the adfion or impulfe of others that
endeavour to change its ftate whether of motion or*
reft.
READING, the art of delivering written language
with propriety, force, and elegance.
Reafon and ■ experience demonftrate, that deli- d
very in reading ought to he lefs animated than in inte- m
rcfled fpeaking. In every exercife of the faculty of ought to be
fpeech, and tbofe expreffions of countenartce and gef-lefs anima-
turc with which it is generally attended, we may be fecl than in
confidered to be always in one of the two following fi-Ynte,^,c
tuStions: Firft, delivering our bofom fentinients on cir-
cumftances which relate to ourfelves or others, or, Se¬
condly, repeating fomething that was fpoken on a cer¬
tain occafion for the amufement or information of an
auditor. Now, if we obferve the deliveries natural to
thefc two fituations, we (hall find, that the firft may
be accompanied with every degree of exprefiton which
can manifeft itfelf in us, from the loweft of fympathy
to the mott violent and energetic of the fuperior paf-
fions; while the latter, from the fpeaker’s chief bufi-
nefs being to repeat what he heard with accuracy, dif-
covers only a faint imitation of thofe figns of the emo¬
tions which we fuppofe agitated him from whom the
words were firft borrowed.—The ufe and neeeffity of
this difference of manner is evident; and if we are at¬
tentive to thefe natural figns of expreflion, we (hall find
them conforming with tfie greateft nicety to the fl'ght-
eft and moft minute movements of the bread.
This repetition of another’s words might be fuppo-
fed to pafs through the mouth of a fecond or third
perfon; and in thefe cafes, fince they were not ear and
eye witneffes of him 'vs ho firft fpoke them, their man¬
ner of delivery would want the advantage neceffariiy
arifing. from an immediate idea of the original one;
hence, on this account, be a (till lefs lively representa¬
tion than that of the repeater. But as, from a
daily obfervation of every variety of fpeech and its af-
focietcd figns of emotion, mankind foon become pretty
well :
REA [ 6640 ] REA
Reading, well acquainted with them, and this in different de-
' ”grees, according to their difcernment, fenfibility, &c.
eKperience fhows us that thefe latter repeaters (as we
call them) might conceive and ufe a manner of delivery,
which, though lefs characterJiic perhaps, would on the
whole be no way inferior to the fiilt, as to the common
natural cxpreflion proper for their fituation. It ap¬
pears therefore, that repeaters of every degree may be
efteemed upon a level as to animation, and that our
twofold dillindtion above contains accurately enough
the whole variety of .ordinary delivery;—we fay ordi¬
nary, becaufe
There is another very peculiar kind of delivery fome-
times ufed in the perfon of a repeater, of which it will
in this place be neceffary to take fome notice. What
we mean here is,mimicry; an accomplilhment, which,
when perfeflly and properly difplayed, never fails of
yielding a high degree of pleafure. But fince this
pleafure chiefly refults from the principle of imitation
refpfdling manner, and not from the purport of the
communicated; fince, comparatively fpeaking,
it is only attainable by few perfons, and praddifed only
on particular occafions;—on thefe accounts it muft be
refufed a .place among the modes of ufeful delivery
taught us by general nature, ^nd efteemed a qualifica¬
tion purely anomalous.
Thefe diftinftions with regard to a fpeaker’s fitua¬
tion of mind premifed, let us fee to which of them an
author and his reader may raoft properly be referred,
and how they are circumftanced with regard to one
another.
The matter of all books is, either what the author
fays in his own perfon, or an acknowledged recital of
the words of others; hence an author maybe efteemed
both an original fpeaker and a repeater, according as
what he writes is of the firft or fecond kind. Now a
reader muft be fuppofed either adlually to perfonate
the author, or one whofe office is barely to communi¬
cate what he has faid to an auditor. But in the firft
of thefe fuppofitions he would, in the delivery of what
is the author’s own, evidently commence mimic; which
being, as above obferved, a charafter not acknowled¬
ged by general nature in this department, ought to be
rejefted as generally improper. The other fuppofition
therefore muft be accounted right; and then, as to the
•whole matter of the book, the reader is found to be
exaftly in the fituation of a repeater, fave that he takes
what he delivers from the page before him inftead of
his memory. It follows then, in proof of our initial
propofition, that, if we are diredled by nature and pro¬
priety, the manner of our delivery in reading ought to
be inferior in warmth and energy to what we fhould
ufe, were the language before us the fpontaneous effu¬
sions of our own hearts in the circumftances of thofe
out of whofe mouths it is fuppofed to proceed.
Evident as the purport of this reafoning is, it has
not fo much as been glanced at by the writers on the
fubjeci we are now’ entered upon, or any of its kin¬
dred ones; which has occafioned a manifeft want of
accuracy in feveral of their rules and obfervations. A-
mong the reft, this precept has been long reverberated
from author to author as a perfedt ftandard for pro¬
priety in reading. “ Deliver yourfelves in the fame
manner you would do, were the matter your own ori¬
ginal fentiments uttered direftly from the heart.” As
all kinds of delivery muft have many things in com- Reading;
mon, the rule will in many articles be undoubtedly
right; but, from what has been faid above, it muft be
as certainly faulty in refpeft to feveral others; as it is
certain nature never confounds by like figns two things
fo very different, as a copy and an original, an emana¬
tion darted immediately from the fun, and its weaker
appearance in the lunar refledtion.
The precepts we have to offer for improving the
abovementioned rule, (hall be delivered under the heads
of accent-, emphafs, modulation, exprejjion, paufes, &c. * ;
I. Accent. In attending to the affedtions of theAccent* 1
voice when we fpeak, it is eafy to obferve, that, in¬
dependent of any other confideration, one part of it
differs from another, in flrefs, energy, or force of
utterance. In words we find one fyllable differing
from another with refpedl to this mode ; and in fen-
tences one or more words as frequently vary from the
reft in a fimilar manner. This ftrefs with regard to
fyllables is called accent, and contributes greatly to the
variety and harmony of language. Refpedting' words,
it is termed emphajis; and its chief office is to affift the
fenfe, force, or perfpicuity of the fentence—of which
more under the next head.
“ Accent,” as deferibed in the Ledtures on Elo¬
cution, “ is made by us two ways; either by dwell-
“ ing longer upon one fyllable than the reft, orby gi-
“ ving it a fmarter percuffion of the voice in utter-
“ ance. Of the firft of thefe we have inftances in the
“ words glory, father, holy; of the laft in bat'tie,
“ hab'it, bor’row. So that accent with us is not re-
“ ferred to tune, but to time ; to quantity, not qua-
“ lity ; to the more equable or precipitate motion
“ of the voice, not to the variation of the notes or
“ inflexions.”
In theatric declamation, in order to give it more
pomp and folemnicy, it is ufual to dwell longer than
common upon the unaccented fyllables ; and the au¬
thor now quoted, has endeavoured to prove (p. 51.
54.) the practice faulty, and to fhow (p. 55.) that
“ though it (i. e. true folemnity) may demand a flow-
“ er utterance than ufual, yet (it) requires that the
“ fame proportion in point of quantity be obferved in
the fyllables, as there is in mufical notes when the
“ fame tune is played in quicker or flower time.”
But that this deviation from ordinary fpeech is not a
fault, as our author afferts ; nay, that on the contrary
it is a real beauty when kept under proper regula¬
tion, the following obfervations it is hoped will fuffi-
ciently prove.
(I.) It is a truth of the moft obvious nature, that
thofe things which on their application to' their pro¬
per fenfes have a power of raifing in us certain ideas
and emotions, are ever differently modified in their
conftituent parts when different tffefts are produced
in the mind; and alfo (II.) that, within proper bounds,
were we to fuppofe thefe conftituent parts to be pro¬
portionally encreafed or diminifhed as to quantity,
this effedt would (till be the fame as to quality.—For
inftance : The different ideas of ftrength, fwiftnefs, &c.
which are raifed in us by the fame fpecies of animals,
is owing to the different form of their correfponding
parts; the different effefts of mufic on the paffions,
to the different airs and movements of the melody ; and
the different expreffions of human fpeech, to a dif¬
ference
REA [ 6641 ] REA
Reading, fereace in tone, fpeed, &c. of the voice. And thefe
peculiar effefts would ftill remain the fame, were we
to fuppofe the animals above alluded to, to be greater
ox leffef, within their proper bounds; the movement
of the mufic quicker or flower, provided it did not pal¬
pably interfere with that of fome other fpecies; and
the pitch of the voice higher or lower, if not carried
out of the limits in which it is obferved on fimilar oc-
cafions naturally to rove. Farther (HI.) finee, re-
fptfting the emotions more efpecially, there are no
rules to determine a priori what effedt any particu¬
lar attribute or modification of an objeft will have
upon a percipient, our knowledge of this kind mull
evidently be gained from experience. Laftly, (IV.)
In every art imitating nature we are pleafed to
fee the chara&eriftic members of the pattern height-
ened a little farther than perhaps it ever was car¬
ried in any real example, provided it be not border¬
ing upon fome ludicrous and difagreeable provinces of
excefs.
Now for the application of thefe premiffes.—To keep
pace and beconfiftent with the <//^/z;/yofthetragicmufe,
the delivery of her language (hould neceflarily be digni¬
fied ; and this it is plain from obfervation (I.) cannot be
accomplifhed otherwife than by fomething different in
the manner of it from that of ordinary fpeech ; fince
dignity is effentially different from familiarity. But
how muff we difcover this different manner? By at¬
tending to nature : and in this cafe fhe tells us* that
befides ufihg a flower delivery, and greater dijlinttnefe
of the words (which every thing merelyrequires,
and gravity is a concomitant of dignity, though not
its effence), we muft dwell a little longer upon the un¬
accented fyllables than we do in common. As to what
our author obferves in the above quotation, of digni¬
ty's only requiring a flower utterance than ordinary,
while the proportion of the fyllables as to quantity
continues the fame ; it is apprehended the remark (II.)
refpefting quicknefs and flownefs of movement, will
(how it to be not altogether true. For fince the delivery
is not altered in form, its expreffion mult be Hill of
the fame kind, and perhaps what maybe rightly fug-
gefted by the term gravely familiar.
But fomething farther may yet be faid in defence
of this artificial delivery, as our author calls it. Is not
„ the movement of any thing, of whatever fpecies, when
dignified or folemn, in genera! of an equable and deli¬
berate nature (as in the minuet, the military ftep, &c.)?
And in theatrical declamation, is not the propenfity
to introduce this equablenefs fo llrong, that it is ai¬
med impoflible to avoid it wholly, were we ever fo de¬
termine 1 to doit? If thefe two queries be anfwered
in the affirmative (as I am perfuaded they will)', while
the firft fupports our argument for the propriety of the
manner of delivery in quedion, the fecond difedvers a
kind of necefflty for it. And that this manner may be
carried a little farther in quantity on the fage than is
ufual in real life', the'principle (IV.) of heightening
nature will juftify, provided fafhion (which has ever
fbmethirJg to do in thefe articles) give it a fantdion ;
Vol. IX. I
for the precife quantity of feveral heightening® may be
varied by this great legiflator, almoft at will.
II. Emphafis. As emphafts is not a thing annexed
to particular words, as accent is to fyllables, but owes
its rife chiefly to the meaning of a paffage, and mull
therefore vary its feat according as that meaning va¬
ries, it will be neceffary to explain a little farther the
general idea given of it above.
Of man’s firfl difobedierice, and the fruit
Of that forbidderi tree, whofe mortal tafte
Brought death into the world, and ail our wo, &c.
Sing heav’nly mufe, &c.
Suppofing, in reference to the above well-known
lines, that originally other beings, befides men, had
difobeyed the commands of the Almighty, and that
the circumftance were well-known to us, there would
fall an emphafs upon the word man's in the firft; line,
and hence it would be read thus ;
Of man's firft difobedience, and the fruit, &c.
But if it were a notorious truth, that mankind had
traafgreffed in a peculiar manner more than once,
the empbafis would fall on firfl, and the line be
read,
Of man’s firfl difobedience, &c.
Again, admitting death (as was really the cafe) to
have been an unheard of and dreadful punifliment
brought upon man in confequence of his tranfgreffion;
on that fuppofition the third line would be read,
Brought into the world, &c.
But if we were to fuppofe mankind knew there was
fuch an evil as death in other regions, though the
place they inhabited had been free from it till their
tranfgreffion ; the line would run thus,
Brought death into the -world, Sec.
Now from a proper delivery of the above lines, with
regard to any one of the fuppofitions we have chofen,
out of feveral others that might in the fame manner
have been imagined, it will appear that the emphafts
they illuftrate is effe&ed by a manifeft delay in the
pronunciation, and a tone fomething fuller and louder
than is ufed in ordinary ; and that its office is folely
to determine the meaning of a fentence with reference
to fomething faid before, pre-fuppofed by the author
as general knowledge, or in order to remove an am¬
biguity where a paffage is capable of having more
fenfes given it than one.
But, fuppofing in the above example, that none of
the fenfes there pointed out were precifely the true
one, and that the meaning of the lines were no other
than what is obvioufly fuggefted by their fimple con-
ftruAion ; in that cafe it may be afleed, if in reading
them there fhould be no worddignified with the empha-
tical accompanyments abovedeferibed?—Theanfweris,
Not one with an emphafisof \\rt fame kind as that we
have juft been illuftrating ; yet it is neverthelefs true',
that on hearing thefe lines well read, we fhall find
fome words diftinguiffied from the reft, by a manner of
delivery bordering a little upon it (a). And thefe
37 H words
Reading.
3
Emphafis.
(a! The following lines will illuftrate both'thefe binds of ftreffes: For, to convey their right meaning, the word any
is evidently to be pronounced louder and fuller than thole with-the accents over them.
Get'wealrhr and place, if pofliMe willy gsace ;
If not, by any rrcan* get wealth and place. Pope.
This couplet is accented in the manner we find it in the Ifijfay on Elocution by Mafon, And if, according to the
judg-
REA [ 6642 ] REA
| Reading, words will in general be fuch as feem the moft impor-
  —tant in the fentence, or on other accounts to merit
this diftin&ion. But as at beft it only enforces, graces,
or enlivens, and not fixes the meaning of any paflage,
and even caprice and falhion (b) have often a hand in
determining its place and magnitude, it cannot pro¬
perly be reckoned an ejfential of delivery. However,
it is of too much moment to be negledted by thofe
who would wilh to be good readers ; and for the fake
of diftinftion, we may not unaptly denominate both
the kinds of energies in queftion, by the terms empha-
fis of fenfe, and emphafis of force (c).
Now from the above account of thefe two fpecies of
emphafis it will appear, “ that in reading, as in fpeak-
ing, the firft of them mud be determined entirely by
the fenfe of the paflage, and always made alike : But
as to the other, tafie alone feems to have a right of
fixing its fituation and quantity.”—Farther : Since
the more effential of thefe two energies is folely the
work of nature (as appears by its being conflantly
found in the common converfation of people of all
kinds of capacities and degrees of knowledge), and the
moft ignorant perfon never fails of ufing it rightly in
the effufions of his own heart, it happens very luckily,
and ought always to be remembered, that provided
we underftand what we read, and give way to the
di&ates of our own feeling, the emphafis of fenfe can
fcarce ever avoid falling fpontaneoufly upon its proper
place.
Here it will be neceflary to fay fomething by way
of reply to a queftion which will naturally occur to the
mind of every one.—As the rule for the emphafs of
fenfe requires we ftiould underftand what we read be¬
fore it can be properly ufed, it is incumbent upon us
never to attempt to read what we have not previoufly Reading.
ftudied for that purpofe ? In anfwer to this, it muft    “
be obferved, that though fuch a ftep will not be with¬
out its advantages ; yet, as from the fairnefs of print¬
ed types, the well-known paufes of punctuation, and
a long acquaintance with the phrafeology and con-
ftrudtion of our language, &c. experience tells us it is
pofiihle to comprehend the fenfe at the firft reading, a
previous perufal of what is to be read does not feem
necejfary to all, though, if they would wilh to appear
to advantage, it may be expedient to many; and it is
this circumftance which makes us venture upon extem¬
porary reading, and give it a place among our amufe-
ments.—Similar remarks might be made with regard
to modulation, exprefiion, &.c. did not what is here ob¬
ferved naturally anticipate them. ^
III. Modulation (d). Every perfon muft have obfer- Modulation
ved, that, in fpeaking, the voice is fubjeft to an alte¬
ration of found, which in fome meafure refembles the
movement of a tune. Thde founds, however, are evi¬
dently nothing like fo much varied as thofe that are
ftri&Iy mufical; and we have attempted to (how in the
preceding chapter, that, befides this, they have an
eflential difference in themfelves. Neverthelefs, from
the general fimilitude of thefe two articles, they pof-
fefs feveral terms in common; and the particular we
have now to examine is in both of them called modulation.-
This affedion of the voice, being totally arbitrary, is
differently charafterized in different parts of the world;
and, through the power of cuftom, every place is in¬
clined to think their own the only one natural and
agreeable, and the reft affeCted with fome barbarous
twang or ungainly variation (e). It may be obfer¬
ved, however, that though there is a general uniform
cafl
judgment of this author, the words thus diftinguifhed are to have an emphatical ftrefs, it muft be of the inferior
kind abovementioned, and which a little farther on we call emphafis offeree; while the word any in a different
type alone poffeffes the other fort of energy, and which is there contradiftinguifhed by the term emphafis of fenfe.
(b) Among a number of people who have had proper opportunities of learning to read in the beft manner it is
now taught, it would be difficult to find two, who, in a given inftance, would ufe the emphafis offeree alike, either
as to place or quantity. Nay fome fcarce ufe any at all: and others will not fcruple to carry it much beyond any
thing we have a precedent for in common difeourfe; and even now and then throw it upon words fo very trifling in
themfelves, that it is evident they do it with no other view, than for the fake of the variety it gives to the modula¬
tion This pra&ice, like the introdu&ion of difeords into mufic, may without doubt be indulged now and then;
but, were it too frequent, the capital intent of thefe energies would manifeftly either be deftroyed or rendered
dubious.
(c) The firft of thefe terms anfwers to the firnple enephafis deferibed in the Lefiures on Elocuticn, and the fecond
nearly to what is there called complex. The difference lies in this. Under complex emphafis the author feems (for
he is far from being clear in this article) to include the tones limply confidered of all the emotions of the mind ; as
well the tender and languid, as the forcible and exulting. Our term is intended to be confined to fuch modes of
expreffion alone as are marked with an apparent flrefs or increafe of the voice.
(n) The author of the Introduction to the Art of Reading, not allowing that there is any variation of tone, as
to high and loess, in the delivery of a complete period or fentence, places modulation folely in the diverfificatidn of
the key-note and the variety of fyllables, as to long ox Jhort, fessift or fioess, flrong or esseak, and loud ox foft. As
we are of a different opinion, our idea of modulation is confined purely to harmonious inflexions of voice. Thefe
qualities of words, it is true, add greatly both to the force and beauty of delivery ; yet, fince fome of them are
fixed and not arbitrary, (as long and Jhort), and the others (of fiwift and fioess, Jlrong and weak, loud and foft)
may be confidered as modes of execution which do not affe<ft the modulation as to tone, it will agree beft with our
plan to efteem thefe properties as refpeftively belonging to the eftablilhed laws of pronunciation, and the imitative
branch of expreffion mentioned in the end of the enfuing head.
(e) From what accounts we have remaining of the modulation of the ancients, it appears to have been highly or¬
namented, and apparently fomething not unlike our modern recitative ; particularly that of their theatric declama¬
tion was mufic in its ftridteft fenfe, and accompanied with inftruments. In the courfe of time and the progrefs of
refinement, this modulation became gradually more and more fimple, till it has now loft the genius of mufic, and
is entirely regulated by tafte. At home here, every one has heard the fing-fong cant, as it is called, of
Ti ti dum dutn, ti ti dnm ti dum de,
Ti dum ti dum, ti dum ti dum dum de,
which, though difguftful now to all but mere ruftics on account of its being out of fafhion, was very probably the
favourite modulation in which heroic verfes were recited by our auceftors. So fluctuating are the tafte and practices
REA [ 6643 J REA
Reading, cad or faflii'on of modulation peculiar to every coun-
try, yet it by no means follows, that there is or can
be any thing fixed in its application to particular paf-
fages; and therefore we find different people will, in
any given inftance, ufe modulations fomething differ¬
ent, and neverthelefs-be each of them equally agree¬
able.
But, quitting thefe general remarks, we fhall (as
our purpofe requires it) confider the properties of mo¬
dulation a little more minutely. «
Firft, then, we may obferve, that, in fpeaking,
there is a particular found (or key-note, as it is often
called) in which the modulation for the moft part runs,
and to which its occafional inflexions, either above or
below, may in fome refpe&s be conceived to have a
reference, like that which common mufic has to its
key-note. Yet there is this difference between the
two kinds of modulation, that whereas the firft always
concludes in the key-hote, the other frequently con¬
cludes^ little below it (f). This key-note, in fpeak-
ing, is generally the found given at the outfet of every
complete fentence or period ; and it may be obferved
on fome occafions to vary its pitch through the limits
of a mufical interval of a confiderable magnitude.^The
tones, that fall a little lower than the key at the clofe
of a fentence or period, are called cadences. Thefe
cadences, if we are accurate in our diftinCtions, will,
with refpedt to their offices, be found of two kinds;
though they meet fo frequently together, that it may
be beft to conceive them only as anfwering a double
purpofe. One of thefe offices is to affift the fenfe,
and the other to decorate the modulation. An ac¬
count of the firft may be feen in the fedion on Paufes;
and the latter will be found to (hew itfelf pretty fre¬
quently in every thing grave and plaintive, or in poe¬
tic defcription and other highly ornamented language,
where the mind is by its influence brought to feel a
placid kind of dignity and fatisfa&ion. Thefe two
cadences, therefore, may be conveniently diftinguifhed
by applying to them refpe&ively the epithets Tfgw/?-
cant and ornamental.
We have already obferved, that reading (hould in
fome things differ from fpeaking; and the particular
under confideration feems to be one which ought to
vary a little in thefe arts. For,
Modulation in reading ferves a twofold purpofe.
At the fame time that it gives pleafure to the ear on
the principles of harmony, it contributes through that
medium to preferve the attention. And fince written
language (when not purely dramatical) is in general
more elegant in its conftru&ion, and mufical in its pe¬
riods, than the oral one ; and fince many interefting
particulars are wanting in reading, which are prefent
in fpeaking, that contribute greatly to fix the regard
of the hearer ; it feems reafonable, in order to do ju-
ftice to the language, and in part to fupply the incite¬
ments of attention juft alluded to, that in the former Reading-
of thefe two articles a modulation (hould be ufed fome- 
thing more harmonious and artificial than in the lat¬
ter. Agreeably to this reafoning, it is believed, we
(hall find every reader, on a narrow examination, ad¬
opt more or lefs a modulation thus ornamented : tho%
after all, it muft be acknowledged there are better
grounds to believe, that the pradtice has been hitherto
diredted intuitively by nature, than that it was difco-
vered by the indudtions of reafon. We (hall conlude
this head with a rule for modulation in reading. “ In
every thing dramatic, colloquial, or of Ample narra¬
tive, let your modulation be the fame as in fpeaking;
but when the fubjedt is flowery, folemn, or dignified,
add fomething to its harmony, diverfify the key-note,
and increafe the frequency of cadences in proportion
to the merit of the compofition.,,
It will readily be feen, that the precepts here drawn
from a comparifon between fpeaking and reading,
would be very inadequate, were they left deftitute of
the affiftance of tajle, and the opportunity of frequently
hearing and imitating niaferly readers. And indeed
to thefe two great auxiliaries we might very properly
have referred the whole matter at once, as capable of
giving fufficient diredtions, had we not remembered
that our plan required us to found feveral of our rules
as much on the principles of a philofophical analyfis,
as on thofe more familiar ones which will be found of
greater efficacy in real pradtice.
IV. ExpreJJion. I. There is no compofition in mufic, ExpreflTcm
however perfedt as to key and melody, but, in order as to the
to do juftice to the fubjedt and ideas of the author, t01}es °f
will require, in the performing, fomething more thanvolce*
an exadt adherence to tune and time. This fomething
is of a nature too which perhaps can never be ade¬
quately pointed out by any thing graphic, and refults
entirely from the tafte and feeling of the performer.
It is that which chiefly gives mufic its power ov£r the
paffions, and charadlerifes its notes with what we mean
by the words fweet, harjh, dull, lively, plaintive, joy¬
ous, &c. for it is evident every found, confidered ab-
ftradtedly, without any regard to the movement, or high
and low, may be thus modified. In pradlical mufic,
this commanding particular is czWtA Exprefion; and
as we find certain tones analagous to it frequently coa-
lefcing with the modulation of the voice, which indi¬
cate our paffions and affedlions (thereby more particu¬
larly pointing out the meaning of what we fay), the
term is ufually applied in the fame fenfe to fpeaking
and reading.
Thefe tones are not altogether peculiar to man.
Every animal, that is not dumb, has a power of ma¬
king feveral of them. And from their being able,
unaffifted by words, to manifeft and raife their kin¬
dred emotions, they conftitute a kind of language of
themfelves. In this language of the heart man is
37 Hz eminently
of mankind ! But whether the power of language over the paffions has received any advantage from the change
juft mentioned, will appear at lead very doubtful, when we recollect the ftories of its former triumphs, and the in¬
herent charms of mufical founds.
(f) As mufical founds have always an harmonical reference to a key or fundamental note, and to which the mind
is (till fecre tly attending, no piece of mufic would appear perfect, that did not clofe in it, and fo naturally put an end
to expe&ation. But as the tones ufed in fpeech are not mufical, and therefore cannot refer harmonically to any
other found, there can be no neceffity that this terminating found (and which we immediately below term the ca¬
dence), (hould either be ufed at all, or follow any particular law as to form, &c, farther than what is impofed by
tafte and cuftom.
REA [ 6644 ] REA
Reading, eminently converfant ; for we not only underhand It
   ;Q one another, but alfo In many of the inferior crea¬
tures fubjedted by providence to pur fervice.
The expreffion here illuftrated is one of the mofl ef-
fential articles in good reading, fince it not only gives
a finifhing to the fenfe, but, on the principles of fym-
pathy and antipathy, has alfo a peculiar efficacy in in-
terefting the heart. It is like wife an article of molt
difficult attainment; as it appears from what follows,
that a mafterly reader ought not only to he able to in¬
corporate it with the modulation properly as to qua¬
lity y but in any degree as to quantity.
Every thing written being a proper imitation of
fpeech, expreffive reading muft occafionally partake
of all its tones. But from what was faid above, of
the difference between reading and (peaking, it fol¬
lows, that thefe figns of the emotions fhould be
lefs ftrongly charadlerifed in the former article than
in the latter. Again, as feveral of thefe tones of
expreffion are in themfelves agreeable to the mind,
and raife i,n us agreeable emotions (as thofe of
f>ity, benevolence, Or whatever indicates happinefs, and
goodnefs ot heart), and others ditagreeable (as thofe of
a boijlerous, malevolenf, and depraved nature, &c.) it
farther appears, fince reading is an art improving and
not imitating nature, that, ip whatever degree we abate
the expreffivenefs of the tones above alluded to in the
h.rft cafe, it would be eligible to make a greater abate¬
ment in the latter. But as to the quantities and pro-
portional magnitudes of thefe abatements, they, like
many other particulars of the fame nature, muft be left
fojely to the tafte and judgment of the reader.
To add one more remark, which may be of fervice
on more accounts than in fuggefting another reafon
for the dodtrine above. Let it be remembered, that
though in order to acquit himfelf agreeably in this ar¬
ticle of expreffion, it will be neceffary every reader
ftvould feel his fubjedt as well as mderfiandit; yet, that
be may preferve a proper cafe and mafterlinefs of deli¬
very, it is alfo neceffary he fhould guard againft difco-
vering too much emotion and perturbation,.
From this reafoning we deduce the following rule
for the tones which indicate the paffions and emo¬
tions.
“ In reading, let all your tones of expreffion be
borrowed from thofe of common fpeech, but fometlung
more faintly charafierifed. Let thofe tones, which
iignify any difagreeable paffion of the mind, be ftill
more faint than thofe which indicate their contrary ;
and preferve yourfelf fo far from being affedted with
thsfubjedt, as to be able to proceed through it with
that peculiar kind of eafe and mafterlinefs, which has
its charms in this as well as every other art.”
We {hall conclude this fedtion with the following
©bfervation, which relates to fpeaking as well as read¬
ing. When words fall in our way, whofe “ founds feem
an echo to the fenfe,” zsfquirr, buzz, hum, rattle, hifs,
jarr, &c. we ought not to pronounce them in fuch a
manner as to heighten the imitation, except in light
and ludicrous fubjedts. For inftance, they fhould not
in any other cafe be founded fquir.r.r—buzz.z z—
hum.m.m—r.r.rattle, &c. On the contrary, when the
the imitation lies in the movement, or flovo and Jlruc-
ture of a •whole paffage (which frequently happens in
poetry, the delivery may always be allowed to give a
heightening to it with the greateft propriety; as in the Reading.
following inftances, out of a number more which every 
experienced reader will quickly recoiled!.
In thefe deep folitudes and awful cells,
Where hccrv’nly-penfive Contemplation dviclls,
And ever-mufing Melancholy reigns—
Pope's Eloifa to Abelard.
With eafy courfe
The vefTels glide, uniefs their fpeed b.e flopp’d
By dead calms, that oft lie on thefe fmooth feas.
Dyer's Fleece.
Softly fweet in Lydian meafure.
Soon he footh'd her foul to pleafure.
Drydens Ode on St Cecilia's day.
Still gathering force it fmokes, and, urg’d amain,
Whirls, leaps, and thunders down impetuous to the plain.
Pope's Iliad, B. 13.
For who to dumb forgetfulnefs a prey,
This pfeafing anxious being ere refign’d,
Left the warm precinfh of the cheerful day.
Nor call one longing ling'ring look behind?
Grey's Elegy.
2. Befides the particular tones and modifications ofExpre(non
voice above defcribed, which always accompany and ex- as to the
prefs our inward agitations, nature has in thefe cafes en- face and ge-
dowed us with another language, which, inftead of the^ure*
ear, addreffes itfelf to the eye, thereby giving the com¬
munications of the heart a double advantage over thofe
of the underftanding, and us a double chance to preferve
fo ineftimable a bleffing. This language is what arifes
from the different, almoft involuntary movements and
configurations of the face and body in our emotions
and paffions, and which, like that of tones, every one
is formed to underftand by a kind of intuition.
When men arc in any violent agitation of mind, this
co-operatipg expreffion (as it is called) of face and gef-
ture is very ftrpngly marked, and totally free from the
mixture of any thing which has a regard to graceful-
nefs, or what appearance they may make in the eyes
of others. But in ordinary converfation, and where the
emotions are not fo warm, fafhionable people are per¬
petually infinuating, into their countenance and aftion,
whatever they imagine will add to the eafe and ele¬
gance of their deportment, or imprefs on the fpec-
tator an idea of their amiablenefs and breeding. Now
though the above-mentioned natural organical figns of
the emotions fhould accompany every thing fpoken, yet
from what was obferved in the introdu&ory part of this
article (like the tones we have juft treated upon) they
fbould in readjng be much lefs ftrangly expreffed, and
thofe fuffer the greateft diminution that are in themfelves
the moft ungainly. And as it was in the laft fedion re¬
commended to the reader to preferve himfelf as far
from being affeded in all paffionate fubjeds, as to be
uble to keep a temperate command over the various af-
fed.ions of the voice, &c.; fo under the fandion of
this fubordinate feeling he may accompany his deli¬
very more frequently with any eafy adion or change
of face, which will contribute to fet off his manner,,
and make it agreeable on the principles of art.
As thefe calm decorations of adion (as we may call
them) are not altogether natural, but have their rife
from a kind of inftitution, they muft be modelled by
the pradiceS of the polite. And though mankind dif¬
fer from one another fcarCe more in any particular, than
in that of talents for adopting the graceful adions of
the body, and hence nothing nothing determinate can
be faid of their, nature and frequency, yet even thofe}l
Reading.
REA [ 6645 ] REA
mod happily calculated to acquit themfelves well in
"their ufe, might profit by confidering that it is better
greatly to abridge the difplay, than to over-do it ever
fo little. For the peculiar modefty of deportment, with
,which the inhabitants of this kingdom are endowed,
makes us in common endeavour to fupprefs manyfign*
of an agitated mind; and in fuch cafes the bodily ones
in particular are very fparingly ufed. We have alfo a
natural and rooted dillike to any kind of affe&ation;
and to no fpecies, that we can recoiled!, a greater, than
to that which is feen in a perfon who pretends to.mi¬
micry and courtly gefture, without poffefling the ad¬
vantages and talents they require, and of which not
many people, comparatively fpeaking, have any re¬
markable fhare.
The inference of this is too obvious to need drawing
out, and we would particularly recommend it to the
confideration of thofe readers who think the common
occurrences of a newfpaper, &c. cannot be properly
delivered without a good deal of elbow-room.
Although it is impoffible to come to particulars in
any diredtions of this kind, yet there is one article of
our prefent fubjedl on which a ferviceable remark may
be made. In ordinary difcourfe, when we are parti¬
cularly preffing and earneft in what we fay, the eye is
naturally thrown upon thofe to whom we addrefs our-
felves: And in reading, a turn of this organ now and
then upon the hearers, when any thing very remark¬
able or interelling falls in the way, has a good effedt
in gaining it a proper attention, Sec. But this /hould
not be too frequently ufed; for if fo, befides its having
a tendency to confound the natural importance of dif¬
ferent paffages, it may not be altogether agreeable to
fome to have their own refledlions broken in upon by
a fignal, which might be interpreted to hint at their
wanting regulation.
One obfervation more, and then we (hall attempt to
recapitulate the fubftance of this fe&ion in the form
of a precept- Though it is, when llridtly examined,
inconfiftent, both in fpeaking and reading, to imitate
with adlion what we are deferibing, yet as in any thing
wme fuch a practice may fuggeft ideas that will ac-
cord with thofe of the fubjedf, it may there be now and
then indulged in either of thefe articles.
“ In a manner fimilar to that diredted with regard
to tones, moderate your bodily expreffions of the figns
of the emotions. And in order to fupply, as it were,
this deficiency, introduce into your carriage fuch au
eafy gracefijnefs, as may be confiftent with your ac¬
quirements in thefe particulars, and the nectfiary dread
which ftiould ever be prefent of falling into any kind
of affedtation or grimace.”
V. Paufes. Speech confifting of a fucceffion of di-
ftindt words, muft naturally be liable (both from a
kind of accident, and a difficulty there may be in be¬
ginning certain founds or portions of phrafes immedi¬
ately on the ending of certain others) to fcveral fmall
intermiffions of voice; of which, as they can have no
meaning, nothing farther need here be faid. There are,
however, fome paufes, which the fenfe neceffarily de¬
mands, and to thefe the fubftance of this fedtion is di-
redted.
The paufes are in part to diftinguifti the members
of fentences from one another, the terminations of com¬
plete periods, and to afford an opportunity for taking
breath. Befiaes this, they have a very graceful effedt
in the modulation, on the fame account they are fo ef-
fential in rnufic.—In both articles, like blank fpaces in
pidlures, they fet off and render more confpicuous what-
foever they disjoin or terminate.
Were language made up of nothing but fhort collo¬
quial fentences, thefe paufes, though they might do no
harm, and would generally be graceful, would however
be fuperfeded as to ufe by the completenefs and nar-
rownefs, as we may fay, of the meaning. But in more
diffufe language, compofed of feveral detached fen¬
tences, and which require fome degree of attention in
order to take in the fenfe, the intermiffions of voice
under confideration are of the greateft fervice, by fig-
nifying to the mind the progrefs and completion of the
whole paffage. Now, though in extenfive and differ¬
ently formed periods there may be members whofe
completenefs of fenfe might be conceived of various de
grees, and hence might feem to require a fet of paufes
equally numerous; yet, fincc the fenfe does not alto¬
gether depend upon thefe intermiffions, and their ra¬
tios to one another, if capable of being properly defi¬
ned, could not be accurately obferved, grammarians
have ventured to conceive the whole clafs of paufes as
reducible to the four or five kinds now in ufe, and
whofe marks and ratios are well known (g); prefu-
ming that under the eye of tafte, and with the affift-
ance of a particular to be next mentioned, they would
not fail in all cafes to fuggeft intermiffions of voice
fuitable to the fenfe. But in many of thefe extenfive
and complex periods, rounded with a kind of redundancy
of matter, where the full fenfe is long fufpended, and
the final words are not very important, there would be
fome hazard of a mifapprehenfion of ihe termination,
had we not more evident and infallible notice of it than
that which is given by the paufe. This notice is the
cadence, referred to in the fe&ion on Modulation;.
which, as is there obferved, befidea the ornamental va¬
riety it affords, appears from thefe remarks to be a very
neceffary and ferviceable article in perfpicuous deli¬
very.
As this cadence naturally accompanies the end of
every entire fenfe, circumftanced as above-mentioned,
it may fometimes fall before the femicokn, but more
generally before the colon, as well as the period: For
thefe marks are often found to terminate a complete
fenfe; and in thefe cafes, the relation what follows has
to what went before, is fignified to the mind by the re¬
lative (hortnefs of the ftop* and the form of introdu¬
cing
(g) Suppofing the comma (,) onetime, thefemicolon (;) will be two; the colon (:) three, and the period (.) as alfo
the marks oi interrogation (?) and admiration (!) four of thefe times. The blank line (— or —), and the breaks be¬
tween paragraphs, intimate kill greater times, and by the fame analogy may be reckoned a double and quadruple pe¬
riod refpetftively. Now and then thefe blank lines are placed immediately after the ordinary points, and then they
are conceived only as feparating for the eye the different natures of the matter;—as a queffiort from an anfwer,—
precept from example,—premifes from inferences, &c. in which cafe their import is evident. But of late fome au¬
thors have not fcrupled to confound thefe diftindtions; and to make a blank ferve for all the paufes univerfally, or the
mark of an indefinite reft, the quantity or which is left to the determination of the reader’s tafte. A practice, it is
imagined, too deftrudtive of the intended precifion of thefe typical notices to be much longer adopted,
Reading.
REA [ 6646 ] REA
Reading, cing the additional matter. Nor can any bad confe-
 ■T~.quence arife from thus founding diftinftions on ratios
of time, which it may be faid are too nice to be often
rightly hit upon; for if a confufion (hould happen be¬
tween that of the colon and period, there is perhaps fo
trifling a difference between the nature of the paffages
they fucceed, as to make a fmall inaccuracy of no con-
fequence. And as to the refts of the femicolon and
period, it will not be eafy to miftake about them, as
their ratio is that of two to one. Add to this the
power which the matter and introduction of the fub-
fequent paffages have to redfify any flight error here
made, and we (hall be fully fatisfied, that the paufes,
as ufually explained, with the cadence above defcribed,
and a proper knowledge of the language, will convey
fufficient information to the underftanding of the con-
flruftive nature of the paffages after which they are
found.
It may be obferved, that in natural fpeech, accord¬
ing to the warmth and agitation of the fpeaker, the
refls are often fhort and injudicioufly proportioned,
and hence that every thing thus delivered cannot be fo
graceful as it might have been from a proper attention
to their magnitude and effefts.
Paufes then, though chiefly fubje&ed to the fenfe,
are, as was remarked at the outlet, ferviceable in
beautifying the modulation, &c.—And fince books
are often inaccurately printed as to points, and peo¬
ple’s taftes differ feme little about their place and va¬
lue, it appears, that, Although in reading great at¬
tention fliould be paid to the flops, yet a greater fhould
be given to the fenfe, and their correfpondent times
occafionally lengthened beyond what is ufual in com¬
mon fpeech which obfervation contains all that
we (hall pretend to lay down by way of rule for
the management of paufes in the delivery of written
language.
As there are two or three fpecies of writing, which
have fomething Angular in them, and with regard to
the manner in which they (hould be read, a few parti¬
cular remarks feem neeeffarily required, we (hall con¬
clude this article with laying them before the reader 
1. Of Plays, and fuch like con versation-pieces.
Writings of this kind may be confidered as intended for
two different purpofes; one to unfold fubjeCl matter for
the exercife of theatric powers; and the other to convey
smufement, merely as fable replete with pleafing inci¬
dents and charadlerillic manners. Hence there appears
to be great latitude for the difplay of a conjijlent delivery
.of thefe performances: for while, on one hand, a good
reader of very inferior talents for mimicry may be
heard with a tolerable degree of pleafure; on the
other, if any perfon is qualified to give a higher de¬
gree of life and force to the dialogue and chara&ers
by delivering them as an a&or, he mud be fully at li¬
berty to Hart from the confinement of a chair to a po-
fture and area more fuited to his abilities, and, if he
be not deceived in himfelf, his hearers will be confi-
derable gainers by the change—The next article is
2. Sermons or other orations, which in like manner
may be conceived intended for a double purpofe. Firft,
as matter for the difplay of oratorical powers; and fe-
condly, as perfuafive difeourfes, &c. which may be
read like any other book. Therefore it appears (for
reafons fimilar to thofe ^bove) that according as cler¬
gymen are poffeffed of the talents of elocution, they Readinj:
may confidently either rehearfe their fermons, in the *1
manner of an extemporary harangue, or deliver them
in the more humble capacity of one who is con¬
tent to entertain and indrufl his hearers with reading
to them his own or feme other perfonis written dif-
courfe.
That either of thefe manners of delivery (or a mix¬
ture of them), in either of the cafes above-mentioned,
is agreeable, we find on a careful examination. For
this will (how us how frequently they run into one an¬
other, and that we are fo far from thinking fuch
tranfitions wrong, that, without a particular atten¬
tion that way, we fcarce ever perceive them at all.
3.. Poetry is the next and lad obje& of our prefent
remarks. This is a very peculiarkindof writing, and as
much different from the language of ordinary difeourfe
as the movements of the dance are from common walk¬
ing. Toornament and improve whatever is fubfervient to
the pleafures and amufements of life, is the delight of
human nature. We are alfo pleafed with a kind of
excefs in any thing which has a power to amufc the
fancy, infpire us with enthufiafm, or awaken the foul
to a confcioufnefs of its own importance and dignity.
Hence one pleafure, at lead, takes its rife, that we
feel in contemplating the performances of every art;
and hence the language of poetry, confiding of a
meafured rythmus, harmonious cadences, and an ele¬
vated pi&urefque di&ion, has been dudied by the in¬
genious, and found to have a powerful influence over
the human bread in every age and region. There is
fuch an affinity between this language and mufic, that
they were in the earlier ages never feparated; and
though modern refinement has in a great meafure de-
droyed this union, yet it is with fome degree of diffi¬
culty in rehearfing thefe divine compofitions we can
forget the finging of the mufe.
From thefe confiderations (and fome kindred ones
mentioned in feft. iii.) in repeating verfes, they are ge-
rally accompanied with a modulation rather more or¬
namented and mufical than is ufed in any other kind
of writing. And accordingly, as there feems to be
the greated propriety in the praftice, the rule for this
particular in the fe&ion jud referred to, will allow
any latitude in it that can gain the fan&ion of tade
and pleafure.
Rhymes in the lighter and more foothing provinces
of poetry are found to have a good effeft ; and hence
(for reafons like thofe jud fuggeded) it is certainly
abfurd to endeavour to Another them by a feeble pro¬
nunciation, and running one line precipitately into an¬
other, as is often affefted to be done by many of our
modern readers and fpeakers. By this method they
not only dedroy one fource of pleafure intended by the
compofer (which though not great is neverthelefs ge¬
nuine), but even often fupply its place with what is
really difagreeable, by making the rhymes, as they
are interruptedly perceived,appear accidental blemifhes
of a different dyle, arifing from an unmeaning recur¬
rence of fimilar founds. With regard then to reading
verfes terminated with rhyme, the common rule, which
dire&s to pronounce the final words full, and to di-
dinguifh them by a flight paufe even where is none
required by the fenfe, feems the mod rational, and con-
fequently moft worthy of being followed.
Read-
REA [ 6647 ] R E B
Reading Reading, a town of Berkfliire in England, plea-
11 fently feated on the river Kenneth, near the con-
Rei3n fluence with the Thames. It had once a fine rich
monaftery, of which there are large ruins remaining.
It had alfo a caftle built by king Henry I. but it was
afterwards levelled with the ground. It is a corpora¬
tion, enjoys feveral privileges, and fends two mem¬
bers to parliament. The two navigable rivers ren¬
der it a fit place for trade. W. Long. I. o. N. Lat.
51‘ 2S'
READINGS, or Various Readings, in criticifm,
are the different manner of reading the texts of authors
in ancient manuferipts, where a diverfityhas arifen from
the corruption of time, or the ignorance ofcopyifts. A
great part of the bufinefs of critics lies in fettling the
readings by confronting the various readings of the
feveral manuferipts, and confidering the agreement
of the words and fenfe.
Readings are alfo ufed for a fort of commentary or
glofs on a law, text, paffage, or the like, to Ihow the
fenfe an author takes it in, and the application he con¬
ceives to be made of it.
REAL (Caefar Vichard de St), a polite French
writer, fon of a counfellor to the fenate of Chamber-
ry in Savoy. He came young to France, diftinguifh-
ed himfelf at Paris by feveral ingenious produftions,
and refided there a long time without title or dignity,
intent upon literary purfuits. He died at Chamberry
in 1692, advanced in years, though not in circumftan-
ces. He was a man of great parts and penetra¬
tion, a lover of the fciences, and particularly fond of
hiltory. A complete editition of his works was
printed at Paris, in 3 vols 410. 1745, and another in
6 vols i2mo.
REALISTS, a feft of fchool-philofophers form¬
ed in oppofition to the nominalifts.
Under the Realifts are included the Scotifts, Tho-
milts,and all excepting the followers of Ocham. Their
diftinguilhing tenet is, that univerfals are realities, and
have an aftual exiftence out of an idea or imagination;
or, as they exprefs it in the fchools, a parte rei:
whereas the nominals contend, that they exift only in
the mind, and are only ideas, or manners of concei¬
ving things.
REALITY, in fhe fchools, a diminutive of res,
“ thing,” firft ufed by the Scotifts, to denote a thing
which may exift of itfelf; or which has a full andab-
folute being of itfelf, and is not confidered as a part
of any other.
REALM, a country which gives its head or go¬
vernor the denomination of a king.
REAUMUR (Rene Antoine Ferchault de), a ce¬
lebrated French philofopher, born of a good family at
Rochelle in 1683. He early difeovered a genius for ma¬
thematics and phyfics, which he went to Paris to im¬
prove ; he was admitted a member of the academy of
fciences in 1708, and juftified their choice by his many
obfervations in various branches of natural philofophy.
His capital work was his Hiftory of Infefts, 6 vols
4to. He died in 1757, in confequence of a fall ; and
left a great variety of papers and natural curiofities to
the academy of fciences. He is reprefented as a man
of moft amiable qualities.
REAR, a term frequently ufed in compofition, to
denote fomething behind, or backwards, in refpeft of
another ; in oppofition to van. Rear
Rear of an Army, fignifies, in general, the hinder- II
moft part of an army, battalion, regiment, or fqua- Rcbutle
dron ; alfo the ground behind either.
REAR-G«tfr^, is that body of an army which marches
after the main-body: for the march of an army is al¬
ways compofed of an advance-guard, a main-body,
and a rear-guard ; the firft and laft commanded by a
general. The old grand-guards of the camp, always
form the rear-guard of the army, and are to fee that
exery thing come fafe to the new camp.
Rear Halffiles, are the three hindmoft ranks of
the battalion, when it is drawn up fix deep.
Rear-Z/w, of an army encamped, is always 1200
feet at leaft from the centre line ; both of which run
parallel to the front line, as alfo to the referve.
REAR-i?«ni, is the laft rank of a battalion, when
drawn up, and generally 16 or 18 feet from the centre¬
line when drawn in open order.
REASON, a faculty or power of the mind, where¬
by it diftinguilhes good from evil, truth from falfe-
-hood. See Metaphysics, n° 266—282.
REASONING, ratiocination, the exercife of
that faculty of the mind called reafon ;■ or it is an aft
or operation of the mind, deducing fome unknown
propofuion from other previous ones that are evident
and known. See Logic, Part III.
REBATE, or Rebatement, in commerce, a term
much ufed at Amfterdam for an abatement in the price
of feveral commodities, when the buyer, inftead of
taking time, advances ready money.
Rebatement, in heraldry, a diminution or abate¬
ment of the bearings in a coat of arms. See Abate¬
ment.
REBELLION, Rebellio, among the Romans, was
where thofe who had been formerly overcome in battle,
and yielded to their fubje&ion, made a fecond re-
fiftance : But with us it is generally ufed for the
taking up of arms traiteroufly againft the king, whe¬
ther by natural fubjedls, or others when once fubdued ;
and the word rebel is fometimes applied to him who
wilfully break a law; alfo to a villein difobeying his
lord.
There is a difference between enemies and rebels.
Enemies are thofe who are out of the king's allegiance:
therefore fubje&s of the king, either in open war, or
rebellion, are not the king’s enemies, but traitors.
And David prince of Wales, who levied war againlt
Edward I. becaufe he was within the allegiance
of the king, had fentence pronounced againft him as
a traitor and rebel. Private perfons may arm them-
felves to fupprefs rebels, enemies, &c.
REBELLIOUS assembly, is a gathering toge¬
ther of twelve perfons or more, intending or going,
about to praftife or put in ufe unlawfully, of their
own authority, any thing to change thejaw or ftatutea
of the realm ; or to deftroy the inclofures of any.
ground, or banks of any fifh-pond, pool, or conduit,
to the intent the fame (hall lie wafte and void; or to
deftroy the deer in any park, or any warren of<conies,
dove-houfes, or fifh in ponds; or any houfe, barns,
mills, or bays ; or to burn ftacks of corn ; or abate
rents, or prices of vidfuals, &c.
REBUTTER, (from the Fr. bonier, i. e. repdlere,
to put back or bar) is the anfwer of defendant to
plain?
Rebus
Rechabites.
R E C [ 6648 ] R E C
plaintiff’s furrejoinder; and plaintiff’s anfwer to the
rebutter is called a fur rebutter : but it is very rare the
parties go fo far in pleading.
Rebutter is alfo where a man by deed or fine grants
tto warranty any land or hereditament to another ;
and the perfon making the warranty, or his heir, fues
him to whom the warranty is made, or his heir or
aflignee, for the fame thing ; if he who is fo fued,
plead the deed or fine with warranty, and pray
judgment, if the plaintiff fhall be received to de¬
mand the thing which he ought to warrant to the
party, againll the warranty in the deed, &c. this is
called a rebutter. And if I grant to a tenant to
hold without impeachment of wafte, and afterwards
implead him for wafte done, he may debar me of
thisaftion by (hewing my grant; which is a rebutter.
REBUS, an tenigmatical reprefentation of fome
name, &c. by ufing figures or piftures inftead of
words, or parts of words. Camden mentions an in-
ftance of this abfurd kind of wit in a gallant who ex-
preffed his love to a woman named Rofe Hill, by
painting in the border of his gown a rofe, a hill, an
eye, a loaf, and a well; which, in the ftyle of the
rebus, reads, “ Rofe Hill I love ’well.” This kind of
wit was long pra&ifed by the great, who took the
pains to find devices for their names. It was, however,
happily ridiculed by Ben Johnfon, in the humourous
defeription of Abel Drugger’s device in the Alehe-
rnift; by the Spectator, in the device of Jack of
Newbery ; at which time thu rebus, being railed to
fign-pofts, was grown out of faftiion at court.
RECAPITULATION, is a fummary, or a con-
cife and tranfient enumeration of the principal things
infifted on in the preceding difeourfe, whereby the
force of the whole is colleAed into one view. See
Oratory, n° 35, 127.
RECEIPT, or Receit, in commerce, an acquit¬
tance, or difeharge, in writing, intimating that the
party has received a certain fum of money, either in
full for the whole debt, or in part, or on account.
RECEIVER, in pneumatics, a glafs veffel for con¬
taining the thing on which an experiment in the air-
pump is to be made.
Receiver, receptor or receptator, in law, is com¬
monly underftood in a bad fenfe, and ufed for fuch as
knowingly receive ftolen goods from thieves, and con¬
ceal them. This crime is felony, and the punifhment
is tranfportation for 14 years.
RECEPTACULUM, in botany, one of the feven
parts of fruftification defined by Linnaeus to be the
bafe which conne&s or fupports the other parts.
RECEPTACULUM chyli, or Pecquet's referva-
tory, the refervoir or receptacle for the chyle, fituated
in the left fide of the upper vertebra of the loins, under
the aorta and the veflels of the left kidney.
RECHABITES, a kind of religious order among
the ancient Jews, inffituted by Jonadab the fon of
Rechab, comprehending only his own family and po-
iterity.
Their founder preferibed them three things: firft,
not to drink any wine ; fecondly, not to build any
houfes, but to dwell in tents; and thirdly, not to
fow any corn, or plant vines. Thefe rules the Recha-
bites obferved with great ftri&nefs.
RECHEAT, in hunting, a leffon which thehuotf-
man plays on the horn, when the hounds have loft Recheatiji
their game, to call them back from purfuing a coun- „ I! „ j1
t^r feent. Rec{ufefl
RECIPE, in medicine, a prefeription, or remedy,
to be taken by a patient: fo called becaufe always be¬
ginning with the word recipe, i. e. take; which is ge¬
nerally denoted by the abbreviature I$o.
RECIPROCAL, in general, fomething that is
mutual, or which is returned equally on both fides, or
that affe&s both parties alike.
Reciprocal Tefttis, among logicians, are thofe
which have the fame fignification ; and confequefltly
are convertible, or may be ufed for each other.
Reciprocal Figures, in geometry, thofe which ■
have the antecedents and confequents of the fame ratio j
in both figures.
RECITATIVO, or Recitative, in mufic, a I
kind of finging, that differs but little from ordinary j
pronunciation; fuch as that in which the feveral parts
of the liturgy are rehearfed in cathedrals; or that
wherein the aftors commonly deliver themfelves on the
theatre at the opera, when they are to exprefs fome
a&ion or paffion; to relate fome event; or reveal fome
defign.
RECKONING, or a Ship’s Reckoning, in navi¬
gation, is that account whereby at any time it may be j
known where the (hip is, and on what courfe or cour-
fes (lie is to fleer, in order to gain her port ; and that
account taken from the log-board is called the dead
reckoning. See Navigation.
RECLAIMING, or Reclaming, in our ancient
cuftoms, a lord’s purfuing, profecuting, and recalling,
his vaffal, who had gone to live in another place with¬
out his permifiion.
Reclaiming is alfo ufed for the demanding of a per¬
fon, or thing, to be delivered up to the prince or ftate
to which it properly belongs ; when, by any irregular
means, it is come into another’s poffeffion.
Reclaiming, in falconry, is taming a hawk, &c.
and making her gentle and familiar.
A partridge is faid to reclaim, when (he calls her
young ones together, upon their fcattering too much
from her.
RECLUSE, among the Papifts, a perfon (hut up
in a fmall cell of an hermitage, or monaftery, and cut
off, not only from all converfation with the world, but
even with the houfe. This is a kind of voluntary
imprifonment, from a motive either of devotion or
penance.
The word is alfo applied to incontinent wives, whom
their hufbands procure to be thus kept in perpetual
imprifonment in fome religious houfe.
Redufes were anciently very numerous. They toofc
an oath never to lift out of their retreat: and having
entered it, the bifliop fet his feal upon the door'; and
the reclufe was to have every thing neceffary for the -I
fupport of life, conveyed to him through a window.
If he was a prieft, he was allowed a fmall oratory, with
a window, which looked into the church, thro’ which
he might make his offerings at the mafs, hear the
finging, and anfwer thofe who fpoke to him; but this
window had curtains before it, fo that he could not be
feen. He was allowed a little garden, adjoining to
his cell, in which he might plant a few herbs, and
breathe a little frefli air. If he had difciples, their
cells
R E C [ 6649 ] R E C
R^cogni- cells were contiguous to his, with only a window of
tion communication, through which they conveyed necef-
Record ^aries to ant^ received his inftru&ions. If a
  |_reclufe fell fick, his door might be opened for per-
fons to come in and affift him, but he himfelf was not to
ftir out.
RECOGNITION, in law, an acknowledgment;
a word particularly ufed in our law-books for the firil
chapter of the ftatute 1 Jac. I. by which the parlia¬
ment acknowledged, that, after the death of queen
Elifabeth, the crown had rightfully defeended to king
James.
RECOGNIZANCE, in law, is an obligation of
record, which a man enters into before fome court of
record or magiftrate duly authorifed, with condition to
do fome particular aft ; as to appear at the aflizes, to
keep the peace, to pay a debt, or the like. It is in
moft refpefts like another bond : the difference being
chiefly this, that the bond is the creation of a frefh
debt or obligation de novo, the recognizance is an ac¬
knowledgment of a former debt upon record; the
form whereof is, “ that A. B. doth acknowledge to
owe to our lord the king, to the plaintiff, to C. D.
or the like, the fum of ten pounds,” with condition
to be void on performance of the thing ftipulated : in
which cafe the king, the plaintiff, C. D. &c. is call¬
ed the cognizee, is cut cognofcitur; as he that enters
into the recognizance is called the cognizor, is qui
cognofcit. This being certified to, or taken by the
officer of fome court, is witneffed only by the record
of that court, and not by the party’s feal: fo that it
is not in ftrift propriety a deed, though the effefts of
it are greater than a common obligation; being al¬
lowed a priority in point of payment, and binding
the lands of the cognizor from the time of enrolment
on record.
RECOIL, or Rebound, the darting backward of
a fire-arm after an explofion. Merfennus tells us, that
a cannon 12 feet in length, weighing 64001b. gives
a ball of 241b. an uniform velocity of 640 feet per
fecond. Putting, therefore, W=6400, au=i4,V=:640,
and u = the velocity with which the cannon recails ;
we fhall have (becaufe the monumentums of the cannon
and ball are equal) Wv='wV; and fo v=^-—
^ ' W 6400
=2, 4 ; that is, it would recoil at the rate of 2^ feet
per fecond, if free to move.
RECOLLECTION, a mode of thinking, by which
ideas fought after by the mind are found and brought
to view.
RECONNOITRE, in military affairs, implies to
view and examine the date of things, in order to make
a report thereof.
Parties ordered to reconnoitre are to obfex-ve the
country and the enemy ; to remark the routes, con¬
veniences, and inconveniences of the firft ; the pofi-
tion, march, or forces of the fecond. In either cafe,
they fhould have an expert geographer, capable of
taking plans readily: he fhould be the bed mounted
of the whole, in cafe the enemy happen to fcatter the
efcorte, that he may fave bis works and ideas. See
War.
RECORD, an authentic teftimony in writing, con¬
tained in rolls of parchment, and preferved in a court
of record. See Court.
Vol. IX. t
Tr/a/ by Record, a fpecies of trial which is ufed Record
only in one particular inflance : and that is where a ”
matter of record is pleaded in any aftion, as a fine, a ecover>f-
judgment, or the like ; and the oppofite party pleads,
nul tie! record, that there is no fuch matter of record
exifting. Upon this, iflue is tendered and joined in the
following form, “ and this he prays may be inquired
of by the record, and the other doth the like and
hereupon the party pleading the record has a day
given him to bring it in, and proclamation is made in
court for him to “ bring forth the record by him in
pleading alleged, or elfe he fliall be condemned
and, on his failure, his antagonift fliall have judgment
to recover. The trial, therefore, of this iflue, is mere¬
ly by the record : for, as Sir Edward Coke obferves,
a record or enrolment is a monument of fo high a
nature, and importeth in itfelf fuch abfolute verity,
that if it be pleaded that there is no fuch record, it
fliall not receive any trial by witnefs, jury, or other-
wife, but only by itfelf. Thus titles of nobility, as
whether earl or no earl, baron or no baron, fliall be
tried by the king’s writ or patent only, which is mat¬
ter of record. Alfo in cafe of an alien, whether alien
friend or enemy, fliall be tried by the league or treaty
between his fovereign and ours; for every league
or treaty is of record. And alfo, whether a manor
be held in ancient demefne or not, fliall be tried by
the record of domefday in the king’s exchequer.
RECORDER, a perfon whom the mayor and
other magiftrates of a city or corporation aflbeiate to
them, fdr their better direftion in matters of juttice
and proceedings in law ; on which account this per¬
fon is generally a counfellor, or other perfon well /kil¬
led in the law.
The recorder of London is chofen by the lord
mayor and aldermen ; and as he is held to be the
mouth of the city, delivers the judgment of the courts
therein, and records and certifies the city-cuftoms.
RECOVERY, or Common Recovery, in Engliflx
law, a fpecies of afluranceby matter of record; concern¬
ing the original of which it was obferved under the ar-
ticleTAiL, that common recoveries were invented by the
ecclefiaftics to elude the ftatutes of mortmain; and after¬
wards encouraged by the finefie of the courts of law in
12 Ed. IV. in order to put an end to all fettered inheri¬
tances, and bar not only eftates-tai), but alfo all remain¬
ders and reverfions expeftant thereon. We have here,
therefore, only to confider, firft, the nature of a com¬
mon recovery ; and, fecondly, its force and effett.
1. A common recovery is a fuit or aftion, either
aftual or fiftitious: and in it the lands are recovered Gwukm/.
againft the tenant of the freehold ; which recovery,
being a fuppofed abjudication of the right, binds all
perfons, and veils a free and abfolute fee-fimple in the
recoveror. To explain this as clearly and concifely as
poffible, let us, in the firft place, fuppofe David Edwards
to be tenant of the freehold, and delirous to fu/Fer a com¬
mon recovery, in order to bar all entails, remainders,
and reverfions, and to convey the fame in fee-fimple to
Francis Golding. To efleft this, Golding is to bring
an aftion againft him for the lands; and he accord¬
ingly fues out a writ called a prxeipe quod reddat, be¬
caufe thefe were its initial or molt operative words
when the law-proceedings were in Latin. In this
writ the demandant Golding alleges, that the defend-
37 1 0nt
Recovery.
REG [ 6650 ] REG
ant Edwards (here called the tenant) has no legal title
to the land; but that he came into pofl'effion of it after
one Hugh Hunt had turned the demandant out of
it. The fubfequent proceedings are made up into a
record or recovery roll, in which the writ and com¬
plaint of the demandant are firft recited : whereupon
the tenant appears, and calls upon one Jacob Mor-
land, who is fuppofed, at the original purchafe, to
have warranted the title to the tenant; and thereupon
he prays, that the faid Jacob Morland may be called
in to defend the title which he fo warranted. This is
called the tw<r/hv, “vocatio,’5 or calling of Jacob Mor¬
land to warranty; and Morland is called the vouchee.
Upon this Jacob Morland, the vouchee, appears, is im¬
pleaded, and defends the title. Whereupon Golding the
demandant defires leave of the court to imparl, or confer
with the vouchee in private ; which is (as ufual) al¬
lowed him. And foon afterwards the demandant Gol¬
ding returns to court; but Morland the vouchee dif-
appears, or makes default. Whereupon judgment is
given for the demandant Golding, now called the re¬
cover or, to recover the lands in queftion againft the
tenant Edwards, who is now the recoveree : and Ed¬
wards has judgment to recover of Jacob Morland lands
of equal value, in recompenfe for the lands fa war¬
ranted by him, and now lolt by.his default; which is
agreeable to the doftrine of warranty mentioned in
the preceding chapter. This is called the recompenfe,
or recovery in value. But Jacob Morland having no
lands of his own, being ufualiy the crier of the court,
(who, from being frequently thus vouched, is called
the common vouchee'), it is plain that Edwards has only
a nominal recompence for the lands fo recovered againft
him by Golding ; which lands are now abfolutely vett¬
ed in the faid recoveror by judgment of law, and
feifin thereof is delivered by the fheriff of the county.
So that this collufive recovery operates merely in the
nature of a conveyance in fee-fimple, from Edwards
the tenant in tail to Golding the purchafer.
The recovery here defcribed, is with a Angle vouch¬
er only; but fometimes it is with a double, treble, or
farther voucher, as the exigency of the cafe may re¬
quire. And indeed it is now ufual always to have a
recovery with double voucher at the leal!: by firft con¬
veying an eftate of freehold to any indifferent perfon,
again!! whom the preecipe is broughtt and then he
vouches the tenant in tail, who vouches over the com¬
mon vouchee. For, if a recovery be had immediately
againft tenant in tail, it bars only fnch eftate in the
premifes of which he is then atfually feifed ; whereas
if the recovery be had againft another perfon, and the
tenant in tail be vouched, it bars every latent right
and intereft which he may have in the lands recovered.
If Edwards therefore be tenant of the freehold in pof-
feffion, and John Barker be tenant in tail in remain¬
der, here Edwards doth firft vouch Barker, and then
Barker vouches Jacob Morland the common vouchee;
who is always the laft perfon vouched, and always
makes default; whereby the demandant Golding re¬
covers the land againft the tenant Edwards, and Ed¬
wards recovers a recompenfe of equal value againft
Barker the firft vouchee; who recovers the like againft
Morland the common vouchee, againft whom fuch ideal
recovery in value is always ultimately awarded.
This fuppofed recompenfe in value is the reafon why
the iffoe in tail is held to be barred by a common re¬
covery. For, if the recoveree fhould obtain a recom¬
pence in lands from the common vouchee (which there
is a poffibility in contemplation of law, though a very
improbable one, of his doing) thefe lands would fop-
ply the place of thofe fo recovered from him by collu-
fion, and would defcend to the iffue in tail. The reafon
will alfo hold with equal force as to moft remainder¬
men and reverfioners, to whom the poffibility will re¬
main and revert, as a full recompenfe for the reality
which they were olherwife entitled to: but it will not
always hold; and therefore, as Pigott fays, the judges
have been even ajluti, in inventing oth- r reafons to
maintain the authority of recoveries. And, in par¬
ticular, it hath been faid, that though the eftate-tail is
gone from the recoveree; yet it is not deftroyed, but
only transferred, and ftill fubfifts; and will ever con¬
tinue to fubfift (by conftrudfion of law) in the reco¬
veror, his heirs and affigns: and as the eftate-tarl fo
continues to fubfift for ever, the remainders or reverfions
expe&ant on the determination of fuch eftate-tail can
never take place.
To fuch aukward fhifts, fuch fubtile refinements,
and fuch ftrange reafoning, were our anceftors obliged
to have recourft, in order to get the better of that ftub-
born ftatute de donis. The defign for which thefe con¬
trivances were fet on foot, was certainly laudable; the
unrivetting the fetters of eftates-tail, which were at¬
tended with a legion of mifchiefs to the commonwealth:
but, while we applaud the end, we cannot but admire
the means. Our modern courts of juftice have indeed
adopted a more manly way of treating the fubjefl: by
confidering common recoveries in no other light than
as the formal mode of conveyance by which tenant in
tail is enabled to aliene bis lands. But, fince the ill
confequences of fettered inheritances are now generally
feen and allowed, and of courfe the utility and expe¬
dience of fetting them at liberty are apparent, it hath
often been wiftied, that the procefs of this conveyance
was fhortened, and rendered lefs fubjetS to niceties, by
either totally repealing the ftatute dedsnis; which per¬
haps, by reviving the old dofirine of conditional fees,
might give birth to many litigations: or by veiling
in every tenant in tail, of full age, the fame abfolute
fee-fimple at once, which now he may obtain whenever
he pleafes, by the collufive fidion of a common reco¬
very; though this might poffibly bear hard upon thofe
in remainder or reveriion, by abridging the chances
they would otherwife frequently have, as no recovery
can be fuffered in the intervals between term and term,
which fometimes continue for near five months toge¬
ther: or, laftly, by empowering the tenant in tail to
bar the eftate-tail by a folemn deed, to be made in
term-time, and enrolled in fome court of record; which
is liable to neither of the other objedions, and is war¬
ranted not only by the ufage of our American colo¬
nies, but by the precedent of the ftatute 21 Jac. I. c. 19.
which, in the cafe of a bankrupt tenant in tail, em¬
powers his commiffioners to fell the eftate at any time,
by deed indented and enrolled. And if, in fo national
a concern, the emoluments of the officers concerned in
paffing recoveries are thought to be worthy attention,
thofe might be provided for in the fees to be paid up¬
on each enrollment.
2.. The force and effed of common recoveries may
aB*
Recovery:
;
R E C [ 6651 ] R E C
Recovery appear, from what has been faid, to be an abfolute bar
Recruits not on ^ e^ates ta^» ^ut remainders and re-
 ecrU‘ S‘ verfions expeftant on the determination of fuch eftates.
So that a tenant in tail may, by this method of affu-
rance, convey the lands heid iff tail to the recoveror,
his heirs and afiigns, abfolutely free and difcharged of
all conditions and limitations in tail, and of all remain¬
ders and reverfrons. But, by ftatute 34 & 35 H. VIII.
c. 20. no recovery had againft tenant in tail of the
king’s gift, whereof the remainder or reverdcn is in the
king, {ball bar fuch cftate-tail, or the remainder or re-
verfion of the crown. And by the (iatute 11 H. VII.
•c. 20. no woman, after her hufband’s death, fhall fuffer
a recovery of lands fettled on her by her hufband, or
fettled on her hufband and her by any of his anceftors.
And by tiatute 14 Eliz. c. 8. no tenant for life, of
any fort, can fuffer a recovery fo as to bind them in
remainder or reverfion. For which reafon, if there be
tenant for life, with remainder in tail, and other re¬
mainders over, and the tenant for life is defirous to fuf¬
fer a valid recovery, either he, or the tenant to the prx-
cipe by him made, mutt vouch the remainder-man in
tail, otherwife the recovery is void: but if he does
vouch fuch remainder-man, and he appears and vouches
the common vouchee, it is then good ; for if a man
be vouched and appears, and fuffers the recovery to be
had, it is as effedtual to bar the eftate-tail as if he hira-
felf were the recoveree.
In all recoveries, it is neceffary that the recoveree,
or tenant to the pracipe, as he is ufually called, be ac¬
tually feifed of the freehold, elfe the recovery is void.
For all actions to recover the feifin of lands muft be
brought againft the adfual tenant of the freehold, elfe
the fuic will lofe its effcdl; fince the freehold cannot
be recovered of him who has it not. And, though thefe
recoveries are in themfelves fabulous and fidtitious, yet
it is neceffary that there be adores fsibulx, properly
qualified. But the nicety thought by fome modern
pra&itioners to be requifite in conveying the legal free¬
hold, in order to make a good tenant to the prxcipe^
is removed by the provifions of the ftatute 14 Geo. II.
c. 20. which enafts, with a retrofpedl and conformity
to the ancient rule of law, that, though the legal free¬
hold be veiled in leffees, yet thofe who are entitled to
the next freehold eftatein remainder, or reverfion, may
make a good tenant to the pracipe; and that, though
the deed or fine which creates fuch tenant be fubfe-
quent to the judgment of recovery, yet if it be in the
fame term, the recovery {hall be valid in law': and that
though the recovery itfclf do not appear to be entered,
or be not regularly entered on record, yet the deed to
to make a tenant to the pracipe, and declare the ufes
of the recovery, (hall after a poffeflion of 26 years be
fufficient evidence on behalf of a purchaferfor valuable
confideration, that fuch recovery was duly fuffered.
RECliEAN 1', Cowardly, Faint-hearted; for¬
merly a word very reproachful. See Battel.
RECREMENT, in chemiftry, fome fuptrfluous
matter feparated from fome other that is ufeful; in
which fenfe it is the fame with fcoriee, fxces, and excre¬
ments.
RECRIMINATION, in Iaw,anaccufation brought
by the accufed againft the accufer upon the fame fad!.
RECRUITS, in military affairs, new-faifed foldiers
defigned to fupply the place of thofe who have loft
their lives in the fervice, or who are difabled by age or Rectangle
wounds. II
RECTANGLE,in geometry,the fame witha right - R’ecUrrent?-
angled paralieilogram. See Geometry.
RECTIFICATION, in chemiftry, is nothing but
the repetition of a diftillation or fublimation feveral
times, in order to render the fubftance purer, finer, and
freer from aqueous and earthy parts.
Rectification of Spirits. See Distillation.
RECTIFIER, in navigation, an inftrument confift-
ing of two parts, which are two circles, either laid one
upon, or let into the other, and fo fattened together in
their centres, that they reprefent two compaffes, one
fixed, the other moveable ; each of them divided into
the 32 points of the compafs, and 360°, and numbered
both ways, from the north and the fouth, ending at
the eaft and weft, in 90°.
The fixed compafs reprefents the horizon, in which
the north and all the other points of the compafs are
fixed and immoveable.
The moveable compafs reprefents the mariners com¬
pafs ; in which the north and all other points are
liable to variation.
In the centre of the moveable compafs is fattened a
filk thread, long enough to reach the outfide of the
fixed compafs. But if the inftrument be made of wood,
there is an index inftead of the thread.
Its ufe is to find the variation of the compafs, to
re&ify the courfe at fea; having the amplitude or azi¬
muth given.
RECTIFYING the Globe. See Geography,
33—35-
RECTILINEAR, in geometry, right-lined; thus
figures whofe perimeter confifts of right lines, are faid
to be redlilinear.
RECTITUDE, in philofophy, refers either to the
aft of judging or of willing; and therefore whatever
comes under the denomination of reftitude is either
what is true or what is good, thefe being the only ob¬
jects about which the mind exercifes its two faculties
of judging and willing.
Moral reftitude, or uprightnefs, is the choofing and
purfuing thofe things which the mind, upon due inqui¬
ry and attention, clearly perceives to be good; and
avoiding thofe that are evil.
RECTOR, a term applied to feveral perfons whofe
offices are very different: as, 1. The reftor of a pa-
riih is a clergyman that has the charge and cure of a
parifh, and poffeffes all the tithes, &c. 2. The fame
name is alfo given to the chief eleftive officer in feve¬
ral foreign univerfities, particularly in that of Paris.
3. Reftor is alfo ufed in leveral convents for the fupe-
rior officer who governs the houfe: and the Jefuits give
this name to the fuperiors of fuch of their houfes as are
either ferainaries or colleges.
RECTORY, a parifti-church, parfonage, or fpi-
ritual living, with aU its rights, tythes and glebes.
Rectory is alfo fometimes ulVd for the reftor’s
manfion or parfonage-houfe.
RECTUM, in anatomy, the third and laft of the
large inteftines or guts. See Anatomy, n° 354.
RECTUS, in anatomy, a name common to feve¬
ral pair of mufcles, fo called on account of the ftraight*
nefs of their fibres.
RECURRENTS, in anatomy, a name given to
37 1 2
R E C [ 6652 ] RED
'Recurvi- feveral large branches of nerves fent out by the par
roftra Vagutn from the upper part of the thorax to the
Redans,
, RECURVIROSTRA, in ornithology, a genus
belonging to the order of grallae. The beak is fubu-
lated, bent back, (harp and flexible at the point ; the
feet are webbed, and furnifhed with three toes. There
is but one fpecies, viz. the avocetta, a native of the
fouthern parts of Europe. See CCLIV. fig. 9.
RECUSANTS, fuch perfons as acknowledge the
pope to be the fupreme head of the church, and re-
fufe to acknowledge the king’s fupremacy ; who are
hence called Popijh recufants. Thefe are, in England,
charged with double taxes; not merely as Romanifts,
but as recnfants.
RED, one of the colours called Jimple or primary;
being one of the (hades into which the light naturally
divides itfelf when refradied through a prifm. See
Chromatics.
Red, in dyeing, fee that article.—Some reckon
fix kinds or cafts of red, viz. fcarlet-red, crimfon-red,
inadder-red, half-grain red, lively orange-red, and
fcarlet of cochineal: but it is eafy to fee that there
can be but one proper fpecies of red ; namely, the re¬
flexion of the light exaXly in fuch a manner as it is
refra&ed by the prifm ; all other (hades being adul¬
terations of that pure colour, with yellow, brown,
See.
Red, in heraldry. See Gules.
RED-j&ra?/?, in ornithology. See Motacilla.
Kno-Book of the exchequer, an ancient record or
manufeript volume, in the keeping of the king’s re¬
membrancer, containing divers mifcellany treatifes re¬
lating to the times before the conquelf.
Red Rujfia, or Little Ruffia, a province of Poland,
bounded on the weft by Upper Poland^ on the north
by Lithuania, on the eaft by the country of the Little
Tartars, and on the fouth by Moldavia, Tranfilvania,
and a part of Hungary. It comprehends Ruflia pro¬
perly fo called, Volhinia, and Podolia. It is about
650 miles in length, and from 150 to 250 in breadth.
It confifts chiefly of large fields, but little cultivated
on account of the frequent inroads of the Tartars, and
becaufe there is no water-carriage. It had the name
of Red Rufia, ffom the colour of the hair of its inha¬
bitants. Ruflia, properly fo called, comprehends the
three palatinates of Leopol, or Lemburg, Bellko, and
Chelm.
Red SVtf,. or Arabic Gulph> a fea which feparates
Afia from Africa. It is very long in proportion to
its breadth ; and its navigation is extremely difficult
on account of the many rocks and (hoals with which
it abounds. It extends from the Capes Aden and So¬
cotra, which form the Straits of Babelmandel to the
town of Suez, fituated on the ifthmus between Afia
and Africa.
Shank, in ornithology. See Scolopax.
'R.s.-d Start, a fpecies of Motacilla.
REv-Wing. See Turdus.
REDANS, in field fortification, are a kind of in¬
dented works, lines, or faces,, forming fallying and
re-entering angles, flanking one another; generally
ufed on the fides of a river which runs through a gar-
rifon town. They were ufed before ball ions were in¬
vented, and are by feme thought preferable to them.
REDDENDUM, in law, is nfed fubftantively Redden*
for the claufe in a leafe wherein the rent is referved
to the leffor. The proper place for it is next after the
limitation of eftate.   
REDDLE, a foft, heavy, red marie, of great ofe
in colouring ; and being wafhed and freed from fand
is often fold by our druggifts under the name of bole
armenic.
REDEMPTION, in law, a faculty or right of re¬
entering upon lands, &c. that have been fold and af-
figned, upon reimburfing the purchafe-money with
legal cods.
REDI (Francis), an Italian phyfician and polite
fcholar, was born at Arezzo in Tufcany in; 1626.
His ingenuity and learning recommended him to the
office of firft phyfician to Ferdinand II. duke of Tuf¬
cany ; and he contributed not a little toward the com¬
piling of the diXionary of La Crufca. He wrote
upon vipers, upon the generation of infeXs, and com-
pofed a good ,deal of poetry. All.his writings are in
Italian; and his language-is fo fine and pure, that the
authors of the diXionary of La Crufca have often cited
them as ftandards of perfeXion. He died in 1697.
REDOUBT, in fortification, a fmall fquare fort,
without any defence but in front; ufed in trenches,
lines of circumvallation, contravallation, and approach ;
as alfo for the lodgings of corps-de gard, and to de¬
fend paffages.
REDUCTION, in the fchools, a manner of bring¬
ing a term or propofition, which was before oppofite
to fome other, to be equivalent to it.
Reduction, in arithmetic, that rule whereby num¬
bers of different denominations are brought into one
denomination. See Arithmetic.
Reduction of a figure, defign, or draught, is the
making a copy thereof, either larger or fmaller than
the original; dill preferving the form and proportion.
The great ufe of the proportional compaffes is the re-
duXion of figures, &c. whence they are called corr.paf-
fes of reduftion. See the article Compass.
There are various methods of reducing figures, &c.
the moft eafy is by means of the pentagraph, or pa¬
rallelogram ; but this hath its defedts. See the article
Pentagraph.
The bed and moft ufual methods of reduXion are
as follows : 1. To reduce a figure, as ABCDE p|ate
(fig. 10. n° 1.) into a lefs compafs. About the CCLIV
middle of the figure, as z, pitch on a point, and from
this point draw lines to its feveral angles A, B, C, See.
then drawing the line ab parallel to AB, be paral¬
lel to BC, &c. you will have the figure abode fimilar
to ABCDE.
If the figure abede had been required to be inlarged,
there needed nothing but to produce the lines from
the point beyond the angles, as zD, zC, &c. and to
draw lines, viz. DC, CB, See. parallel to the fides dc,
cb, See.
2. To reduce a figure by the angle of proportion,
fuppofe the figure ABCDE (ibid. 2.) required to
be diminifhedin the proportion of the line AB to ah)
(ibid. n° 3.) draw the indefinite line GH, (ibid. n°4.)
and from G to H fet off the line AB. On G deferibe
the arch HI. Set off the line ab as a chord on HI,
and draw GI. Then with the angle IGH, you have
all the meafures of the figure to be drawn. Thus to
Reef
REE [ 6653 ] REF
RedufUon ]ajr down the point take the interval BC, and upon
U the point G defcribe the arch KL. Alfo on the
Reed‘ point G defcribe MN ; and upon A, with the diftance
MN, defcribe an arch cutting the preceding one in c,
which will determine the fide be. And after the fame
manner are the otherTides and angles to be deferibed.
The fame procefs will alfo ferve to enlarge the figure.
3. To reduce a figure by a feale. Meafure all the
fides of the figure, as ABCDE [ibid. vP 2.) by a
fcale, and lay down the fame meafures refpeftivcly
from a fmaller fcale in the proportion required.
4. To reduce a map, defign, or figure, by fquares.
Divide the original into little fquares, and divide a
frefh paper of the dimenfions required into the fame
number of fquares, which are to be larger or lefs than
the former, as the map is to be enlarged or diminilhed.
This done in every fquare of the fecond figure, draw
what you find in its correfpondent one in the firft.
Reduction, in metallurgy, is the bringing back
metalline fubftances which have been changed into
fcoriae or alhes, or otherwife divefted of their metallic
form, into their natural and original (late of metals
again. See Metallurgy, fajfim.
Reduction, in furgery, denotes an operation where¬
by a diflocated, luxated, or fraftured bone, isreftored
to its former ftate or place.
REDUNDANCY, a fault in difeourfe, confifting
in the ufe of a fuperfluity of words. Words perfedlly
fynonymous are redundant, and ought to be retrenched.
REDUNDANT, in mufic. What the French call
une accordfuperflue, which we have tranflated a redun¬
dant chord in the article Music (from D’Alembert),
has by others been rendered a chord extremely Jharp,
as in the tranflation of Rameau’s Principles of Com-
pofition. Their nature will be belt underftood by a
few examples, and an account of the number of tones,
femitones, or lefler intervals, contained in each.
The fecond redundant is compofed of a major tone,
and a minor femitone ; as from fa to fol (harp. Its
proportion is as 64 to 73.
The third redundant confifts of two tones, and a fe¬
mitone, as fa, la, (harp. Its proportion is as 96 to
125. The fourth redundant is the fame with the tri¬
tone.
From thefe examples compared with the fame in¬
tervals in their natural ftate, the reader may form a
general idea of what is meant by redundant.
REE, Reis, or Res, a little PortugueCe coin. See
Money- Table.
REED, in botany. See Arundo, and Bamboo.
There are two forts of reed, fays Haffelquift, grow¬
ing near the Nile. One of them has fcarce any branch¬
es; but is furniftied with numerous leaves, which are
narrow, fmooth, channeled on the upper furface ; and
the plant is about 11 feet high. The Egyptians make
ropes of the leaves. They lay them in water like
hemp, and then make them into good ftrong cables.
Thefe, with the bark of the date-tree,,form almoft the
only cable ufed in the Nile. The other fort is of
great confequence. It is a fmall reed, about two or
three feet high, full branched, with (hort, (harp, lancet-
(haped leaves. The roots, which are as thick as the
(tern, creep and mat themfelves together to a confider-
able diftance. This plant feems ufelefsin common life:
but to it, continues the learned author, is the very foil
of Egypt owing: for the matted roots have flopped
the earth which floated in the waters, and thus form¬
ed, out of the fea, a country that is habitable.
REEF, a term in navigation. When there is a
great gale of wind, they commonly roll up part of the
fail below, that by this means it may become thenar-
rower, and not draw fo much wind ; which contrac¬
ting or taking up the fail they call a reef, or reefing
the fail: fo alfo when a top-mafl is fprung, as they call
it, that is, when it is cracked, or almoft broken in the
cap, they cut off the lower piece that was near bro¬
ken off, and fetting the other part, now much
(horter, in the ftep again, they call it a reefed top-
maft.
REEL, in the manufactories, a machine ferving
for the office of reeling. There are various kinds of
reels; fome very Ample, others very complex.
REELING, in the manufactories, the winding of
filk, cotton, or the like, into a (kain, or upon a but¬
ton, to prevent its entangling. It is alfo ufed for the
charging or difeharging of bobbins, or quills, to ufe
them in the manufacture of different (tuffs, as thread,
filk, cotton, &c. Reeling is performed in different
ways, and on different engines.
REEVING, in th? fea language, the putting a
rope through a block: hence to pull a rope out of a
block is called unreeving.
RE-EXCHANGE, in commerce, a fecond pay¬
ment of the price of exchange, or rather the price of
a new exchange due upon a bill of exchange that comes
to be protefted and to be refunded the bearer by the
drawer or indorfer.
REFECTION, among ecclefiaftics, a fpare meal
or repaft, juft fufficing for the fupport of life : hence
the hall in convents, and other communities, where the
monks, nuns, &e. take their refe&ions or meals in com¬
mon, is called the refeftory.
REFERENCE, in writing, &c. a mark relative
to another fimilar one in the margin, or at the bottom
of the page, where fomething omitted in the text is ad¬
ded, and which is to be inferted either in reading or
copying.
REFINING, in general, is the art of purifying a
thing; including not only the effaying or refining of
metals, but likewife the depuration or clarification of
liquors. SccMetallurgy, Part II. Clarification,
and Pharmacy, n° 185.—192.
Gold and filver may be refined by feveral methods,
which are all founded on the effential properties of
thefe metals, and acquire different names according to
their kinds. Thus, for inftance, gold, having the
property which no other metal, not even filver, has,
of refifting the aftion of fulphur, of antimony, of ni¬
trous acid, of marine acid, may be purified by thefe
agents from all other metallic fubftances, and confe-
quently may be refined. Thefe operations are diitin-
guiftied by proper names, as purification of gold by an-
timony, parting, concentrated parting, dry parting*. In • e*n '
a fimilar manner, as filver has the property, which the ApI>I,,ff.'.
imperfeft metals have not, of refifting the aftion ofDix>
nitre, it may be refined by this fait: but the termr?-
fining is chiefly applied to the purification of gold and
filver by lead in the cupel.
This is performed by the deftru&icn,. vitrifica¬
tion,, and fcorificaticn, of all the extraneous and de-
ftrw£Ubl&.
REF [ 6654 ] REF
Refining, ftru&ible metallic fubftances with which they are all
** ^allayed.
As none but the perfeft metals can refill the com¬
bined aflion of air and fire, without lofing their in¬
flammable principle, and being changed into earthy
or vitreous matters, incapable of remaining any longer
united with fubttances in a metallic ftate, there is then
a polfibiiity ofpurifying gold and filver from all allay
of imperfedl metals merely by the a&ion of fire and
air; only by keeping them fufed till all the allay be
deltroyed : but this purification would be very expen-
five, from the great confumption of fuel, and would
be exceedingly tedious. Silver allayed with copper,
has been expofed longer than 60 hours to a glafs-
houfe fire without being perfeftly refined: the rea-
fon of which is, that when a fmall quantity only of
imperfeft metal remains united with gold or filver, it
is covered and prote&ed from the adtion of the air,
which is necefiary for the combuftion of the imperfett
metals, as of all combuftible matters.
This refining of gold and filver merely by the aflion
of fire, which was the only method anciently known,
was very long, difficult, expenfive, and imperfedl: but
a much ffiorter and more advantageous method has
been difcovcred. This method confifts in adding to
the allayed gold and filver a certain quantity of lead,
and in expofing afterwards this mixture to the a&ion
of the fire. Lead is one of the metals which lofes raoft.
quickly and eafily a fufficient quantity of its inflam¬
mable principle to ceafe to be in a metallic ftate; but,
at the fame time, this metal has the remarkable pro¬
perty of retaining, notwithftanding the adtion of the
fire, enough of this fame inflammable principle to be
very eafily melted into a vitrified and powerfully vitri¬
fying matter, called litharge.
The lead then which is to be added to the gold and
filver to be refined, or which happens naturally to be
mixed with thefe metals, produces in their refining the
following advantages: 1. Byincreafing the proportion
of imperfedt metals, it prevents them from being fo
well covered and protedted by the perfedl metals.
2. By uniting with thefe imperfedl metals, it commu¬
nicates to them a property it has of lofing very eafily
a great part of its inflammable principle. 3. By its
vitrifying and fufing property which it exerctfes with
all its force upon the calcined -and naturally refradlory
parts of the other metals, it facilitates and accelerates
the fufion, the fcorification, and the reparation of thefe
metals. Thefe are the advantages procured by lead in
the refining of gold and filver.
The lead, which in this operation is fcorified, and
fcorifies along with it the imperfedl metals, feparates
from the metallic mafs, with which it is then incapable
■of remaining united. It floats upon the furface of the
melted mafs; beeaufe, by lofing part of its phlogifton,
it lofes alfo part of its fpecific gravity, and laftly it vi¬
trifies.
Thefe vitrified and melted matters accumulating
more and more upon the furface of the metal while the
operation advances, would protedl this furface from the
contadl of air which is foabfolutely neceffaryfor the fco¬
rification of the reft, and would thus (lop the progrefs
of the operation, which could never be finiftied, if a
method had not been contrived for their removal. This
removal of the vitrified matter is procured either by the
nature of the veflel in which the melted matter is con- Refining
tained; and which being porous, abforbs and imbibes II
the fcorified matter as fall as it is formed, or by a chan- Re^“a"
nel cut in the edge of the vefiel through which the 1—.
matter flows out.
The veffel in which the refining is performed is flat and
{hallow, that the matter which'it contains may prefent
to the air the greateft furface poffible. This form re-
fembles that of a cup, and hence it has been called cu¬
pel. The furnace ought to be vaulted, that the heat
may be applied upon the furface of the metal during
the whole time of the operation. Upon this furface a
cruft of dark-coloured pellicle is continually forming.
In the inftant when all the imperfefl metal is deftroy-
ed, and tonfequently the fcorification ceafes, the furface
of the perfedi metals is feen, and appears clean and
brilliant. This forms a kind of fulguration or coruf-
cation. By this mark the metal is known to be refi¬
ned. If the operation be fo conduced that the metal
fuftains only the precife degree of heat neceflary to
keep it fufed before it be perfe&iy refined, we may
obferve that it fixes or becomes folid all at once in the
very inftant of the corufcation ; becaufe a greater heat
is required to keep filver or gold in fufion, when they
are pure, than when allayed with lead.
The operation of refining may be performed in fmall
or in large quantities, upon the fame principles, but
only with fome differences in the management. As the
refining of fmall quantities of perfedl metals is perform¬
ed in the fame manner as thefe metals are effayed, the
effay being only a very accurate refining, we refer to
the article Essay of the Value of Silver.
Large quantities of filver are thus purified, after the
operations by which that metal is obtained from its
ores. This filver, being always much allayed, is to be
mixed with a fufficient quantity of lead to complete its
purification, unlefs lead has been added in its firft fu¬
fion from the ore, or unlefs it has been extradled from
an ore which alfo contains lead; in which latter cafe,
it is allayed naturally with a Efficient quantity, or
more than fufficient, for the refining of it.
REFLECTION, the return or progreffive motion
of a moving body, occafioned by fome obftacle which
hindered it from purfuing its former diredlion.
Reflection of the Rays of Light, in catoptrics, is
their return, after approaching fo near the furface of
bodies as to be thereby repelled or driven backwards.
For the caufes of refledlion, fee Optics, p. 5544.
Reflection is alfo ufed, figuratively, for an ope¬
ration of the mind, whereby it turns its view backwards
as it were upon itfelf, and makes itfelf and its own ope¬
ration the objedt of its difquifition; and by contempla¬
ting the manner, order, and laws, which it obferves in
perceiving ideas, comparing them together, reafoning,
&c. it frames new ideas of the relations difeovered
therein. See Metaphysics, n° 21. 22.
REFORMATION, in general, an adt of reform¬
ing or corredling an error or abufe in religion, difei-
pline, or the like. By way of eminence the word is
ufed for that great alteration and reformation in the
corrupted fyftem of Chriftianity, begun by Luther in
the year 1517.
Under the article History, (fedh ii.) the va¬
rious corruptions in religion, the oppreffions and
ufurpations of the clergy, and the extreme infolence
of
II E F [ 6655 ] REF
jj'Reforma- of the popes, have been fo fully treated of, that any
non. further detail here ia unneceffary. It is fufficient to
obferve, that, before the period of the Reformation,
Ir-he pope Pope had in the moll audacious manner declared
Mimes the himfelf the fovereign of the whole world. All the
||ifpofal of parts of it which were inhabited by thofe who were
Irarldh°le Dot Chriftians, he accounted to be inhabited by no¬
body: and if Chriftians took it into their heads to pof-
fefs any of thofe countries, he gave them full liberty
to make war upon the inhabitants without any provo¬
cation, and to treat them with no more humanity than
they would have treated wild beads. The countries,
if conquered, were to be parcelled out according to
the pope’s pleafure ; and dreadful was the fituation of
that prince who refufed to obey the will of the holy
pontiff, of which many inftances will occur to the
reader in the various hiftorical articles of this work.
In confequence of this extraordinary authority which
the pope had affumed, he at laft granted to the king
of Portugal all the countries to the eaftward of Cape
Non in Africa, and to the king of Spain all the coun¬
tries to the weftward of it. In this, according to the
opinions of fome, was completed in his perfon the cha-
radter of Antichrift Jitting in the temple of God, and
i x Theff. Jhenning himfelf as God*. He had long before, fay they,
li. 4. affumed the Supremacy belonging to the Deity him¬
felf in fpiritual matters; and now he affumed the fame
fupremacy in worldly matters alfo, giving the extreme
regions of the earth to whom he pleafed. The Re¬
formation, therefore, they confider as the immediate
effect of divine power taking vengeance on this and all
other deviations from the fyflem of truth 5 while others
confider it merely as an effedt of natural caufes, and
which might have been forefeen and prevented, with¬
out abridging the papal power in any confiderable de-
gree.
Be this as it will, however, the abovementioned
partition was the laft piece of infolence which the
pope ever had, or in all probability ever will have, in
his power to exercife, in the way of parcelling out
the globe to his adherents. Every thing was quiet,
every heretic exterminated, and the whole Chriflian
world fupinely acquiefced in the enormous abfurdities
which were inculcated upon them, when, in 1517, the
empire of fuperftition began to decline, and has con¬
tinued to do ever fince. The perfon who made the
firft attack dn the extravagant fuperftitions then pre¬
vailing was Martin Luther; the occafion of which
is fully related under the article Luther. By fome
it is pretended, that the only motive which Lu-
Reforma- their had in beginning the Reformation was his enmity
tion begun to the Dominican friars, who had excluded his order
1 by Luther. Auguftins) from all fhare in the gainful traffic of
indulgences.. But this does not feem at all probable,
if we confider that fuch a motive would not' naturally
have led him to deny the virtue of indulgences, as fuch
condu& could not but exclude him for ever from any
chance of a fhare in the traffic, which otherwife per¬
haps he might have obtained. Befides, the extreme
1 contrarieiy of this traffic to ^he common principles, of
reafon and honefty was fo great, that we cannot won¬
der at finding one man in the world who had fenfe
enough to difeern it, and virtue enough to oppofe
, fuch an infamous practice. In all probability, how¬
ever, the infignificancy of the firlt reformer was the
reafon why he was not perfeculed and exterminated Reforma-
at his firft beginning, as others had been before him. ti,<>n-
Another reafon probably might be, that he did not at "
once attack the whole errors of Popery, but brought
about his reformation gradually, probably as it occur¬
red to himfelf, and as we have related In the account
of his life. 3
The Reformation began in the city of Wittem- In Switzer-
berg in Saxony, but was not long confined either to*311^ bY
that city or province. In 1520 the Francifcan friars, uin£ ms’
who had the care of promulgating indulgences; in
Switzerland, were oppofed by Zuinglius, a man not
inferior in underftanding and knowledge to Luther
himfelf. He proceeded with the greatefl vigour, even
at the very beginning, to overturn the whole fabric
of Popery; but his opinions were declared erroneous
by the univerfities of Cologne and Louvain. Not-
witbftanding this, the magiftrates of Zurich ap¬
proved of his proceedings ; and that whole canton,
together with thofe of Bern, Bafil, and Schaffaufen,,
embraced his opinions.
In Germany, Luther continued to make great ad¬
vances, without being in the lead intimidated by the
ecclefiaftcal cenfures which were thundered againft him
from all quarters, he being continually prote&ed by
the German princes either from religious or political
motives, fo that his adverfaries could not accomplifh
his deftruttion as they had done that of others. Me-
lanflhon,Carloftadiu3, and other men of eminence, alfo
greatly forwarded the work of Luther; and in all pro¬
bability the Popifh hierarchy would have foon come to
an end, in the northern parts of Europe at leaft, had- #
not the emperor Charles V. given a fevere check to Oppofed in
the progrefs of reformation in Germany. In order Germ any by-
to follow out the fchemes di&ated by his ambition, hecharles v*
thought it neceffary to ingratiate himfelf with the
pope; and the moll effeflnal method of doing this was
by deftroying Luther. The pope’s legates infifted
that Luther ought to be condemned by the diet of
Worms without either trial or hearing; as being a
moft notorious, avowed, and incorrigible heretic.
However, this appeared unjuft to the members of the
diet, and he was fummoned to appear; which he ac¬
cordingly did without hefitation *. There is not the *SeeLa/^fr.-
leaft doubt that his appearance there had been his laft
in this world, had not the aftonilhing refpe6t that was
paid him, and the crowds who came daily to fee him,
deterred his judges from delivering the church from
the author of fuch a peflilent herefy; which they were
ftrongly folicited by the pope’s party to do. He was
therefore permitted to depart with a fafe conduA foe
a certain time ; after which he was in the ftate of a
proferibed criminal, to whom it was unlawful to per¬
form any of the offices of humanity.
During the confinement of Luther in a caftle near
Warburg, the Reformation advanced rapidly; almoft
every city in Saxony embracing the Lutheran opinions.
At this time an alteration in the eftablifhed forms 0fp01.m50f
worfhip was firft ventured upon at Wittemberg, by worg,;p
abolifhing the celebration of private maffes, and by altered in
giving the cup as well as the bread to the laity in the Wittem-
Lord’s fupper. In a fhort time, however, the newber2*‘
opinions were condemned by the univerfity of Paris,
and a refutation of them was attempted by Henry VIIL.
of England. But Luther was not to be thus intimi¬
dated,-
REF
■ dated. He publiftied hisanimadverfions on both with
_ as much acrimony as if he had been refuting the
I 6656 ]
ft E F
example was followed by all the princes and ftates Reforms*
of Germany who renounced the papal fupremacy; Uon‘
meaneft adverfary; and a eontroverfy managed by fuch and a like form of worfhip, difcipline, and govern-
'illuftrions antagonifls drew a general attention, and
the Reformers daily gained new converts both in
France and England.
But while the efforts of Luther were thus every
ment, was thus introduced into all the churches
which diffented from that of Rome. This open re¬
nunciation of the Romifh jurifdidtion foon changed the
face of affairs; and the patrons of Popery foon inti-
where crowned with fuccefs, the divifions began to mated, in a manner not at all ambiguous, that they in-
" prevail which have fince fo much agitated the reformed
churches. The firft difpute was between Luther and
tended to make war on the Lutheran party ; which
would certainly have been put in excution, had not
Zuinglius concerning the manner in which the body the troubles that took place in Europe difconcerted
their meafures. On the other hand, the Lutherans,
apprized of thefe hoftile intentions, began alfo to de¬
liberate on a proper plan of defence againft that fu-
perftitious violence with which they were in danger ^
of being affailed. The diet of the empire affembled Refoil]t;0nj'
at Spire, in the year 1526 ; where the emperor’s am-at the diet
baffadors were defired to ufe their utmoft endeavoursof Spire fa-
and blood of Ghrift were prefent in the eucharift. Lu
ther and his followers, though they had reje&ed th<
-notion of tranfubftantiation, were neverthelefs of opi¬
nion that the body and blood of Chrift were really
•prefent in the Lord’s fupper, in a way which they
could not pretend to explain. Carloftadt, who was
•Luther’s colleague, firlt fuggefted another view of the
fubjed, which was afterwards confirmed and illuftrated
by Zuinglius, namely, that the body and blood of upon the rigorous execution of the lenience which had t;(
'Chrifl were not really prefent in the euchrift ; and been pronounced againft Luther and his followers at
that the bread and wine were no more than external Worms. The greateft part of the German princes
fymbols to excite the remembrance of Chrift’s fuffer-
ings in the minds of thofe who received it. Both
parties maintained their tenets with the utmoft obfti-
nacy ; and, by their divifions, firft gave their adver-
faries an argument againft them, which to this day
the Catholics urge with great force ; namely, that the
Proteftants are fo divided, that it is impofiible to
oppofed this motion with the utmoft refolution, de¬
claring that they could not execute that fentence, nor
come to any determination with regard to the do&rines
by which it had been oecafioned, before the whole mat¬
ter was fubmitted to the dectfion of a council lawfully
aflembled ; alleging farther, that the decifion of
controverfies of this nature belonged properly to it.
know who is right or wrong ; and that there cannot and to it alone. This opinion, after long and very
Difturban-
ces in Ger-
be a ftronger proof than thefe divifions, that the whole
doftrine is falfe.
To thefe inteftine divifions were added the horrors
of a civil war, occafioned by opprefiion on the one
hand, and enthufiafm on the other. In 1525, a great
number of feditious fantics arofe on a fudden in dif¬
ferent parts of Germany, took arms, united their
warm debates, was adopted by a great majority, and
at length confented to by the whole afiembly: for
it was unanimoufly agreed to prefent a folemn ad-
drefs to the emperor, intreating him to aflemble,
without delay, a free and general council; while in
the mean time it was alfo agreed, that the princes of
the empire fhould, in their refpe&ive dominions, be
forces, and made war againft the empire, laying wafte at liberty to manage ecclefiaftical affairs in the man-
the country with fire and fword, and committing every ner they fhould think moft proper; yet fo as to be
where the greateft cruelties. The greateft part of able to give to God and the emperor a proper account
this furious mob was compofed of peafants and vaffals,   '
who groaned under heavy burdens, and declared that
they were no longer able to bear the defpotic govern-
of their adminiftration when it fhould be required of
them.
w „ Thefe refolutions proved extremely favourable to the
ment of their chiefs; and hence this fedition had the caufe of reformation ; neither had the emperor any lei-
name of/^e ruftic ‘war, or the 'war of the peafants. At fure for fome time to give difturbance to the reformed,
firft this rabble declared, that they had no other motives The war which at this time enfued between him and the
than the redrefs of their grievances ; but no fooner had
the enthuliaft Munzer, or Munfter, the anabaptift, put
-himfelf at their head, than the face of thing was en-
pope, gave the greateft advantage to the friends of the
reformed, and confiderably augmented their number.
Several princes, whom the fear of perfecution and pu-
tirely changed, and the civil commotions in Saxony nifhment had hitherto prevented from lending their
and Thuringia exceedingly increafed, of which an ac- afiiftance, publicly renounced the Romifh fuperlti-
•count is given under the article Anabaptists. tion, and introduced among their fubjefts the fame
In the mean time Frederic furnamed the Wife, forms of religious worfhip, and the fame fyftem of
eleftor of Saxony, and Luther’s great patron, de- dodfrine, that had been received in Saxony. Others,
parted this life, and was fucceeded by ais brother John, though placed in fuch circumftances as difeouraged
Frederic, though he had protedled and encouraged them from adling in an open manner againft the in-
Luther, yet was at no pains to introduce the reformed terefts of the Roman pontiff, were, however, far from
Reforma- r^*8'on llUo ^'3 dominions. But with his fucceffor it difeovering the fmalleft oppofition to thofe who with-
lion erta- was otherwifefor he, convinced that Luther’s doc- drew the people from his defpotic yoke ; nor did they
blifhed in trine muft foon be totally deftroyed and fuppreffed moleft the private affemblies of thofe who had fepa-
Saxony. unlefs it received a fpeedy and effedtual fuppart, or- rated tbemfelves from the church of Rome. And in
dered Luther and Melandthon to draw up a body of general, all the Germans, who, before thefe refolu-
laws relating to the form of eclefiaftical government, tidns of the diet of Spire, had rejedled the papal dif-
the method of public worfhip, &c. which was to be cipline and doftrine, were now, in confequence of the
proclaimed by heralds thoughout his dominions. This liberty they enjoyed, wholly employed in bringing
their
I
REF [ 6657 1 REF
1 Reform- their fchemes and plans to a certain degree of Confift-
tion. ence, and in adding vigour and firmnefs to the caufe
I in which they were engaged. But this tranquillity
and liberty was of no long duration. In 1529, a new
diet was aflembled at the fame place by the emperor,
after he had quieted the troubles in various parts of
his dominions, and concluded a peace with the pope.
10 The power which had been granted to princes of ma-
I Revoked by naging ecclefiaftical affairs till the meeting of a gene-
theerepe- ra] was now revoked by a majority of votes ;
■ r0r' and every change declared unlawful that ihould be in¬
troduced into the do&rine, difcipline, or worthip of
the eftabliihed religion, before the determination of
the approaching council was known. This decree
was confidered as iniquitous and intolerable by the
ele&or of Saxony, the landgrave of Heffe, and other
members of the diet, who were perfuaded of the ne-
ceffity of a reformation. The promife of fpeedily
aflembling a general council, they looked upon to be
an artifice of the church of Rome; well knowing, that
a free and lawful council would be the laft thing to
which the pope would confent. When, therefore,
they found that all their arguments and remonftrances
made no impreflion upon Ferdinand the emperor’s
brother, who prefided in the diet, Charles himfelf
IX being then at Barcelona, they entered a folemn pro-
Origin of teft againft this decree on the 19th of April, and ap-
the name pealed to the emperor and a future council. Hence
frotejlants. arofe the denomination of Proteftants, which from
this period has been given to thofe who feparate from
the communion of the church of Rome. The princes
of the empire who entered this proteft, were John,
eleftor of Saxony ; George, eleftor of Brandenburg ;
Ernelt and Francis dukes of Lunenburgh ; the land¬
grave of Hcffe ; and the prince of Anhalt. Thefe
were feconded by 13 imperial towns, viz. Strafburg,
Ulm, Nuremberg, Conftance, Rottingen, Windfeim,
Memmingen, Nordingen, Lindaw, Kempten, Heil-
bron, Wifiemburg, and St Gall.
The diffenting princes, who were the prote&ors and
heads of the reformed churches, had no fooner entered
their proteft, than they fent proper perfons to the
emperor, who was then upon his paffage from Spain
to Italy, to acquaint him with their proceedings in
this matter. The minifters employed in this com-
miffion executed it with the greateft intrepidity and
prefence of mind ; but the emperor, exafperated at
the audachy of thofe who prefumed to differ from him,
caufed the ambaffadors to be arrefted. The news of
this violent ftep made the Proteftant princes conclude,
that their perfonal fafety, and the fuccefs of their
caufe, depended entirely upon their courage and union.
They determined, therefore, to enter into a folemn
confederacy: for which purpofe they held feveral
meetings at Rot, Nuremberg, Smalcald, and other
places ; but fo different were their opinions and views,
,j that they could determine upon nothing.
(^Conference One great obftacletothe intended confederacy was
^between the difpute which had arifen between Luther and
izuin^Hus11^u*1 us concerning the real prefence of Chrift in
} * V Lord’s Supper. To terminate this difpute, if pof-
fible, Philip, landgrave of Heffe, invited, in the year
1529, to a conference at Marpurg, Luther and Zuihg-
lius, togetherwith feveral other of the more eminent
doctors who adhered to the rcfpe&ive parses of thefe
Vol. IX. I
contending chiefs; but this meafure was not attended Rtforma-
with the falutary effefts which were expefted from it. tion-
The divines disputed for four days in prefence of
the landgrave. Luther attacked Oecolampadius, and
Zuinglius was attacked by Melan&hon. Zuinglius
was accufed of herefy, not only on account of his ex¬
planation of the nature and defign of the Lord’s Sup¬
per, but alfo in confequence of the faife notions he
was fuppofed to have adopted concerning the divinity
of Chrift, the efficacy of the divine word, original fin,
and fome other parts of the Chriftian doftrine. This
illuftrious reformer, however, cleared himfelf from the
greateft part of thefe charges with the moft triumphant
evidence, and in fuch a manner as appeared fatisfac-
tory even to Luther himfelf: but their diffention con¬
cerning the manner of Chrift’s prefence in the eucha-
rift ftill remained ; nor could either of the contending
parties be perfuaded to abandon, or even tomodify, their
opinions on that matter. The only advantage, therefore,
which refulted from the meeting was, that the jarring
dodlors formed a kind of truce, by agreeing to a mutual
toleration of their fentiments, and leaving to the dif-
pofal of Providence the cure of their divifions.
In the mean time news were received that the em¬
peror defigned to come into Germany, with a view to
terminate all religious differences at the approaching
diet of Augfburg. Having forefeen fomc of the con-
fequences of thofe difputcs, and, befides, taken the
advice of men of wifdom, fagacity, and experience,
he became at certain times more cool in his proceed¬
ings, and more impartial in his opinions both of the
contending parties and the merits of the caufe. He,
therefore, in an interview with the pope at Bologna,
infifted, in the moft ferious and urgent manner, on the
neceffity of a general council. His remonftrances and
expoftulations, however, could not move the pontiff;
who maintained with zeal the papal prerogatives, re¬
proached the emperor with an ill-judged clemency,
and alleged that it was the duty of that prince to fup-
port the church, and to execute fpeedy vengeance
upon that obftinate heretical fa&ion who dared to call
in queftion the authority of Rome and its pontiff. To
this difeourfe the emperor paid no regard ; looking
upon it as a moft iniquitous thing, and a meafure di~
re&ly oppofite to the laws of the empire, to condemn
unheard a fet of men who had always approved them-
felves good citizens, and deferved well of their coun- , JS
try in fcveral refpe&s. Hitherto indeed it was not
eafy for the emperor to form a clear idea of the mat- fJon 0f
ters in debate, fince there was no regular fyftem as yetAugiburg.
compofed, by which it might be knowui with cer¬
tainty what were the true caufes of Luther’s oppofi-
tion to the pope. The eleftor of Saxony, therefore,
ordered Luther, and other eminent divines, to com¬
mit to writing the chief articles of their religious
fyftem, and the principal points in which they dif¬
fered from the church of Rome. Luther, in com¬
pliance with this order, delivered to the ele£!or at
Torgaw, 17 articles which had been agreed upon in a
conference at Sultzbach in 1529; from whence thefe
received the name of (it articles of Torgaw. But
though thefe were deemed by Luther a fufficienf de¬
claration of the fentiments of the reformers, yet it was
judged proper to enlarge them, in order to give per-
fpicuity to their arguments, and ftrength to their
37 K caufe.
REF [ 6658 ] REF
Reforms- caufe. In this work Melan&hon was employed, in
tl0n' which he (hewed a proper deference to the counfels of
JLuther, and expreffed his fentiments and do&rine with
the greateft elegance and perfpicuity ; and thus came
forth to view the famous Confefion of Augjburg.
On the 15th of June 1530, Charles arrived at Augf-
burg, and the diet was opened five days after. The
Proteftants received a formal permifiion to prefent an
account of their tenets to the diet on the 25th of the
fame month ; in confequence of which, at the time ap¬
pointed, Chriftian Bayer, chancellor of Saxony, read,
in the German language, before the emperor and the
princes aflembled, the confeffion of Auglburg above-
mentioned. It contained 28 chapters, of which 21
were employed in reprefenting the religious opinions
of the Proteftants, and the other feven in pointing out
the errors and fuperftitions of the church of Rome.
The princes heard it with the deepeft attention and
recplleftion of mind: it confirmed fome in the prin¬
ciples they had embraced ; furprifed others ; and many,
who before this time had little or no idea of the re¬
ligious fentiments of Luther, were now not only con-
14 vinced of their innocence, but delighted with their
It is pre- purity and fimplicity. The copies of this Confefilon,
th^cm^e- after being read were delivered to the empe-
tor, P ror> werc by J°hn eledlor of Saxony, George
marquis of Brandenburg, Erneft duke of Lunenburg
Philip landgrave of Hefle, Wolfgang prince of An¬
halt, and by the imperial cities of Nuremberg and
xj Reutlingen.
A refuta- The creatures of the church of Rome who were
i'n which* Prefent at this diet employed John Faber, afterwards
the Prote- bifhop of Vienna, together with Eckius, and another
Hants are do&or named CockLem, to draw up a refutation of the
ordered to Proteftant confefiion ; which refutation having been
acquiefce. pUt)]jc]y read, the emperor required the Proteftant
members to acquiefce in it, and put an end to the re¬
ligious difputes by an unlimited fubmiffion to the opi¬
nions and doftrines contained in this anfwer. But this
demand was far from being compiled with. The Pro-
leftants declared on the contrary, that they were by
no means fatisfied with the reply of their adverfaries;
and earneftly defined a copy of it, that they might more
fully demoaftrate its extreme infufiiciency and weak-
nefs. But this reafonable requeft was refufed by the
emperor; who interpofed his fupreme authority to pre¬
vent any farther proceedings in this matter, and fo-
lemnly prohibited the publication of any new writings
or declarations that might contribute to lengthen out
thefe religious debates. This, however, did not re¬
duce the Proteftants to filence. The divines of that
communion, who had been prefent at the diet, endea¬
voured to reeolleft the arguments and objections em¬
ployed by Faber, and had again recourfe to the pen of
Melandthon, who refuted them in an ample and fatif-
fadtory manner in a piece which was prefented to the
emperor on the 22d of September, but which Charles
refufed to receive. This anfwer was afterwards enlar¬
ged Ly Melandthon when he had obtained a copy of
Faber’s reply; and was publifhed in the year 1531,
with the other pieces that related to the doCirine and
difcipline of the Lutheran church, under the title of A
Defence of the Confejfton of Augjburg.
Matters now began to draw towards a crifis. There
were only three ways of bringing to a conclution thefe
religious differences. 1. To grant the Proteftants a Reforma* n
toleration, and privilege of ferving God as they thought tion* *
proper: 2. To compel them to return to the church |j
of Rome by the violent methods of perfecution: or,
3. That a reconciliation (hould be made, upon fair,
candid, and equitable terms, by engaging each of the
parties to temper their zeal with moderation, to abate
reciprocally the rigour of their pretenfions, and remit
fomething of their refpeftive claims. The third expe¬
dient was moft generally approved of, being peculiarly
agreeable to all who had at heart the welfare of the
empire; nor did the pope feem to look upon it either
with averfion or contempt. Various conferences there¬
fore were held between perfons eminent for piety and
learning on both fides; and nothing was omitted that
might have the lead tendency to calm the animofities
and heal the divifions which reigned between the con¬
tending parties. But the differences were too great
to admit of a reconciliation; and therefore the votaries
of Rome had recourfe to the powerful arguments of
imperial edi&s, and the force of the fecular arm. On 16
the 19th of November, a fevere decree was iffued outS£vere de-
by the cxprefs order of the emperor (during the \
fence of the Heffian and Saxon princes, who were the^,^0 C* \
chief fupporters of the Proteftant caufe) in which every
thing was manifeftly adapted to dejeft the friends of re¬
ligious liberty, excepting only a faint and dubious pro-
mife of engaging the pope to affemble a general coun¬
cil about fix months after the reparation of the diet.
In this decree the dignity and excellence of the Popifh
religion were extolled beyond meafure, a new degree
of feverity and force added to that which had been
publiftied at Worms againft Luther and his adherents,
the changes which had been introduced into the doc¬
trine and difcipline of the Proteftant churches feverely
cenfured, and a folemn order addreffed to the princes,
cities, and ftates, who had thrown off the Papal yoke,
to return to their allegiance to Rome, on pain of in¬
curring the indignation and vengeance of the emperor
as the patron and protedor of the church. Of this
formidable decree the ele&or of Saxony and confede¬
rated princes were no fooner informed, than they af-
fembled in order to deliberate on the meafures proper i7
to be taken in fuch a crifis. In the years 1530 and The league I
1531 they met, firft at Smalcald, and afterwards at°^Sma*"
Francfort, where they formed a folemn alliance andca *
confederacy, with the intention of defending vigoroufly
their religion and liberties againft the dangers and en¬
croachments with which they were threatened by the
edift of Augfburg, without attempting, however, any
thing offenfive againft the votaries of Rome; and into
this confederacy they invitedthe kings of England,
France, Denmark, &c. leaving no means unemployed
that might corroborate and cement this important al¬
liance.
This confederacy was at firft oppofed by Luther,
from an apprehenfion of the calamities and troubles
which it might produce: but, at laft, perceiving the
necefiity of it, he confented; though he uncharitably,
as well as imprudently, refufed to comprehend in it the-
followers of Zuinglius among the Swifs, together with
the German ftates and cities who had adopted the fen- . is
tiraents and confelfion of Bucer. In the invitation ad-Invitation
drefled to Henry VIII. of England, whom the con-to ^
federate princes were willing to declare the head and^gianj.0
pro-
REF [ 6659 ] REF
Reform 1* prote&or of their league, the following things, among
non. others, were exprefsly ftipulated: That the king fhould
encourage, promote, and maintain the true do&rine of
Chrift, as it was contained in the confeffion of Augf-
burg, and defend the fame at the next general council:
that he fhould not agree to any council fummoned by
the bi(hop of Rome, but proteft againft it; and nei¬
ther fubmit to its decrees, nor fuffer them to be refpec-
ted in his dominions: that he fhould never allow the
Roman pontiff to have any pre-eminence or jurifdic-
tion in his dominions; that he fhould advance ,100,000
crowns for the ufe of the confederacy, and double that
fum if it became neceffary: all which articles the con¬
federate princes were equally obliged to obferve on
their part. To thefe demands the king replied, That
he would maintain and promote the true dodlrine of
Chrift; but, at the fame time, as the true ground of
that dodrine lay only in the Holy Scriptures, he would
not accept at any one’s hand what fhould be his own
faith, or that of his kingdom; and therefore defired
that they would fend over two learned men to confer
with him, in order to# promote a religious union be¬
tween him and the confederates. However, he decla¬
red himfelf of their opinion with regard to the meet¬
ing of a free general council, and promifed to join with
them in all fuch councils for the defence of the true
dodrine; but thought the regulation of the ceremo¬
nial part of religion, being a matter of indifference,
ought to be left to the choice of each fovereign for his
own dominions. After this the king gave them a fe-
cond anfwer more full and fatisfadory; but after the
execution of queen Anne, this negociation came to
nothing. On the one hand, the king grew cold when
he perceived that the confederates were no longer of
ufe to him in fupporting the validity of his marriage;
and, on the other hand, the German princes became
fenfible that they could never fucceed with Henry un-
lefs they allowed him an abfolute didatorlhip in mat¬
ters of religion.
While every thing thus tended to an open war be¬
tween the two oppofite parties, the eledor Palatine,
and the eledor of Mentz, offered their mediation, and
endeavoured to procure a reconciliation. The empe¬
ror himfelf, for various reafons, was at this time incli¬
ned to peace: for, on the one hand, he flood in need
of fuccours againft the Turks, which the Proteftant
princes refufed to grant as long as the edids of Worms
peace^of anc* Augfburg remained in force; and, on the other,
Nuremberg tlie ele^‘on of l‘is brother Ferdinand to the dignity of
ioncJiidedf king of the Romans, which had been carried by a ma¬
jority of votes at the diet of Cologne in 1531, was by
the fame princes contefted, as being contrary to the
fundamental laws of the empire. In confequence of
all this, after many negociations and projeds of recon¬
ciliation, a treaty of peace was concluded at Nurem¬
berg in 1332, between the emperor and the Proteftaut
princes, on the following conditions; viz. That the
latter fhould furnifti a fubfidy for carrying on the war
>) againft the Turks, and acknowledge Ferdinand lawful
king of the Romans; and that the emperor on his part
fhould abrogate and annul the edids of Worms and
Augfburg, and allow the Lutherans the free and un-
difturbed exercife of their religious dodrine and difei-
pline, until a rule of faith was fixed either in the free
general council that was to be aliembkd in the fpace
of fix months, or in a diet of the empire. Reforma-
Soon after conclufion of the peace at Nuremberg, tior!-
died John, eledor of Saxony, who was fucceeded by his ”
fon John Frederic, a prince of invincible fortitude and
magnanimity, but whofe reign was little, better than
one continued train of difappointraents and calamities.
The religious truce, however, gave new vigour to the
reformation. Thofe who had hitherto been only fe-
cret enemies to the Roman pontiff’, now publicly threw
oif his yoke; and various cities and provinces of Ger¬
many enlifted themfelves under the religious ftandards
of Luther. On the other hand, as the emperor had
now no other hope of terminating the religious dif-
putes but by the meeting of a general council, he re¬
peated his requefts to the pope for that purpofe. The ia
pontiff (Clement VII.) whom the hiftory of pad conn-A general
oils filled with the greateft uneafinefs, endeavoured to councii pro-
retard what he could not with decency refufe. At laftip0^d’
in 1533, he made a propofal by his legate to affemble
a council at Mantua, Placentia, or Bologna; but the
Proteftants refufed their confent to the nomination of
an Italian council, and infifted that a controverfy which
had its rife in the heart of Germany fhould be deter¬
mined within the limits of the empire.. The pope, by
his ufual artifices, eluded the performance of his own
promife; and, in 1534, was cut off by death, in the
midft of his ftratagems. His fucceffor Paul III. feem-
ed to fhow lefs reludlance to the affembling a general
council, and in the year 1535 expreffed his inclination
to convoke one at Mantua; and, the year following,
actually fent circular letters for that purpofe through
all the Hates and kingdoms under his jurifdiftion. This
council was fummoned, by a bull iffued out on the 2d
of June 1336, to meet at Mantua the following year;
but feveral obftacles prevented its meeting, one of the
mod material of which was, that Frederic, duke of
Mantua, had no inclination to receive at once fo many
guefts, fome of them very turbulent, into the place of
his refidence. On the other hand the Proteftants were
firmly perfuaded, that, as the council was affembied in
Italy, and by the authority of the pope alone, the lat¬
ter mull have had an undue influence in that affembly;
of confequence, that all things muft have been carried
by the votaries of Rome. For this reafon they affem- .
bled at Smalcald in the year 1337, where they folemn-^j^^1011
ly protefted againft this partial and corrupt council,
and, at the fame time, had a new fummary of their
do6lrine drawn up by Luther, in order to prefent it
to the affembied bifhops if it fhould be required of
them. This fummary, which had the title of T/><? Ar¬
ticles of Smalcald, is commonly joined with the creeds
and confellions of the Lutheran'church.
After the meeting of the general council in Man -
tua was thus prevented, many fchemes of accommo-fchemes of
dation were propofed both by the emperor and theaccommo-
Proteftants 5 but, by the artifices of the church Of<lation‘
Rome, all of them came to nothing. In 1541, the
emperor appointed a conference at Worms on the fub-
jedt of religion between perfons of piety and learning
chofen from the contending parties. This conference,
however, was, for certain reafons, removed to the diet
which was to be held at Ratifbon that fame year, and
in which the principal fubjedl of deliberation was a me¬
morial prefented by a perfon unknown, containing a
project of peace. But the conference produced no other
37 K 2 cffe&
REF [ 6660 ] REF
Reform a- effe£l than a mutual agreement of the contending par-
tlon• ties to refer their matters to a general council, or, if
the meeting of fuch a council (hould be prevented, to
the next German diet.
This refolutiotv ivas rendered ineffe&ual by a va¬
riety of incidents, which widened the breach, and put
oft' to a farther day the deliberations which were de-
figned to heal it. The pope ordered his legate to
declare to the diet of Spire, aflembled in 1542, that
he would, according to the promife he had already
Council of made, affemble a general council, and that Trent
Trem pro- Ihould be the place of its meeting, if the diet had no
pofed. objeftion to that city. Ferdinand, and the princes
who adhered to the caufe of the pope, gave their con-
fent to this propofal} but it was vehemently objected
to by the Protellants, both becaufc the council was
fummoned by the authority of the pope only, and al-
fo becaufe the place was within the jurifdi&ion of the
Pope ; whereas they defired a free council, which
(hould not be biafled by the diflates, nor awed
by the proximity, of the pontiff. But this prote-
ftation produced no effedt. Paul III. perfifted in
his purppfe, and iffued out his circular letters for the
convocation of the council, with the approbation of
24 the emperor. Injuilice to this pontiff, however, it
Plan of re- mud be obferved, that he fhewed himfelf not to be
formation averfe t0 every reformation. He appointed four cardi-
byThV na's» an<^ ‘hree other perfons eminent for their learn-
pope. ing, to draw up a plan for the reformation of the
church in general, and of the church of Rome in par¬
ticular. The reformation propofed in this plan was
indeed extremely fuperficial and partial} yet it con¬
tained fome particulars which could fcarcely have been
expe&ed from thofe who compofed it. They complain¬
ed of the pride and ignorance of the bifhops, and pro¬
pofed that none fhould receive orders but learned and
pious men ; and that therefore care {hould be taken
to have proper mafters for the inftruftion of youth.
They condemned tranflations from one benefice to an¬
other, grants of refervation, non-refidence, and plu¬
ralities. They propofed that fome convents fhould be
abolifhed; that the liberty of the prefs fhould be re-
ftrained and limited ; that the colloquies of Erafnaus
fhould be fupprefied ; that no ecclefiaftic fhould enjoy
a benefice out of his own country ; that no cardinal
fhould have a bifhopric; that the queftors of St An¬
thony and feveral other faints fhould be abolifhed;
and, which was the beft of all their propofals, that
the effe&s and perfonal eftate of ecclefiaflics fhould
be given to the poor. They concluded with com¬
plaining of the prodigious number of indigent and
ragged priefts who frequented St Peter’s church; and
declared, that it was a great fcandal to fee the whores
lodged fo magnificently at Rome, and riding through
the flreets on fine mules, while the cardinals and other
ecclefiaftics accompanied them in the moft courteous
manner. This plan of reformation was turned into'
ridicule by Luther and Siurmius •, and indeed it left
unredrefled the moft intolerable grievances of which
the Proteftants complained.
WgrTe- ^1 th'8 time the emperor had been labouring to
tween the perfuade the Proteftants to confent to the meeting of
emperor the council at Trent; but, when he found them fixed
and the in their oppofition to this meafure, he began to liften
3S?wteftants. t0 fanguinary meafures of the pope, and refolved
to terminate the difputes by force of arms. The elec- Reforma*;
tor of Saxony and landgrave of Htffe, who were tlon- ,
the chief fupporters of the Proteftant caufe, upon this
took proper meafures to prevent their being furprifed
and overwhelmed by a fuperior force ; but, before^ the
horrors of war commenced, the great reformer Lu¬
ther died in peace at Ayfelben, the place of nis nativi¬
ty, in 1546.
The emperor and the pope had mutually refolved on
the deftrudion of all who fhould dare to oppofe the
council of Trent. The meeting of it was to ferve as a
fignal for taking up arms; and accordingly its delibe¬
rations were fcarcely begun in 1546, when the Prote¬
ftants perceived undoubted figns of the approaching
florm, and of a formidable union betwixt the emperor
and pope, which threatened to crufli and overwhelm
them at once. This year indeed there had been a new
conference at Ratifbon upon the old fubjecl of accom¬
modating differences in religion ; but from the manner
in which the debates were carried on, it plainly ap¬
peared that thefe differences could only be decided in
the field of battle. The council of Trent in the mean
time promulgated their decrees; while the reformed
princes, in the diet of Ratifbon, protefled againft
their authority, and were on that account proferibed
by the emperor, who raifed an army to reduce them
to obedience.
The eleftor of Saxony and the landgrave of Heffe
led their forces into Bavaria againft the emperor, and
cannonaded his camp at Ingoldftadt. It was fuppofed
that this would bring on an engagement, which would
probably have been advantageous to the caufe of the
reformed ; but this was prevented, chiefly by the per¬
fidy of Maurice duke of Saxony, who invaded the do¬
minions of his uncle. Divifions were alfo fomented
among the confederate princes, by the diflimulation of
the emperor ; and France failed in paying the fubfidy
which had been promifed by its monarch: all which
fo difeouraged the heads of the Proteftant party, that
their army foon difperfed, and the eledlor of Saxony 1(,
was obliged to diredl his march homewards. But he Elcftor of
was purfued by the emperor, who made feveral forced Saxony de¬
marches, with a view to deftroy his enemyLefore he fe^,ed an,‘l
fhould have time to recover his vigour. The two ar- pn*
mies met near Muhlberg on the Elbe, on the 24th of
April 1547 ; and, after a bloody adlion, the eleftor
was entirely defeated, and himfelf taken prifoner.
Maurice, who had fo bafely betrayed him, was now
declared eledlor of Saxony ; and by his intreaties,
Philip landgrave of Hefte, the other chief of the
Proteftants, was perfuaded to throw himfelf on the
mercy of the emperor, and to implore his pardon. To
this he confented, relying on the promife of Charles
for obtaining forgivenefs and being reftored to liberty;
but, notwithftanding thefe expedtations, he was un-
juftly detained prifoner by a fcandalous violation of the
moft folemn convention. It is faid that the emperor
retraced his promife, and deluded this unhappy prince
by the ambiguity of two German words. Hiftory in¬
deed can fcarce afford a parallel to the perfidious,
mean-fpirited, and defpotic behaviour of the emperor
in the prefent cafe. After having received in pub¬
lic the humble fubmiffion of the prince on his knees,
and after having fet him at liberty by a folemn
treaty, he had him arrefted anew without any rcafon,
nayT
REF [ 6661 ] REF
!! Reforma- nay without any pretence ; and kept him clofe pri-
tion. foner for feveral years. When Maurice remonftrated
againft this new confinement, the emperor anfwered,
that he had never promifed that the landgrave fliould
not be imprifoned anew, but only that he (hould be
exempted irom perpetual imprifonment ; and, to fup-
port this affertion, he produced the treaty, in which
his minifters had perfidioufly foifted ewiger gefangnis,
which fignifies a “ perpetual prifon,” inftead of einiger
gefangnis, which fignifies “ any prifon.” This, how¬
ever, is contefted by fome hiftorians.
The affairs of the Proteftants now feemed to be de-
fperate. In the diet of Augfburg, which was foon
after called, the emperor required the Proteftants to
leave the decifion of thefe religious difptues to the
wifdom of the council which was to meet at Trent.
The greateft part of the members confented to this
propofal, being convinced by the powerful argument
of an imperial army which was at hand to difpel the
darknefs from the eyes of fuch as might otherwife
I ^ have been blind to the force of Charles’s reafoning.
The coun- However, this general fubmiffion did not produce the
cil fudden- effeA which was expe&ed from it. A plague which
;]y diflbl- broke but, or was faid to do fo, in the city, caufed the
ved* greateft part of the bilhops retire to Bologna ; by
which means the council was in effeft diffolved, nor
could all the intreaties and remonftrances of the em¬
peror prevail upon the pope to re-affemble it without
delay. During this interval, therefore, the emperor
judged it neceffary to fall upon fome method of ac¬
commodating the religious differences, and maintain¬
ing peace until the council fo long expefled {hould be
28 finally obtained. With this view he ordered Julius
.A formu- Pelugius biftiop of Naumberg, Michael Sidonius, a
lary^drawn creature 0f the pope, and John Agricola, a native
Emperor.6 Ayfelben, to draw up a formulary which might
ferve as a rule of faith and worftiip, till the council
fhould be affembled ; but as this was only a temporary
expedient, and had not the force of a permanent or
perpetual inftitution, it thence obtained the name of
the Interim.
This proje& of Charles was formed partly with a
defign to vent his refentment againft the pope, and
partly to anfwer other political purpofes. It contain¬
ed all the effential doflrines of the church of Rome,
though confiderably foftened by the artful terms
which were employed, and which were quite different
from thefe employed before and after this period by
the council of Trent. There was even an affe&ed
ambiguity in many of the exprefiions which made
them fufceptible of different fenfes, and applicable to
the fentiments of both communions. The confequence
fDifpleafes this was, that the imperial creed was reprobated
both par- by both parties. However, it was promulgated with
ties. great folemnity by the emperor at Augfburg. The
deftor of Mentz,Without even aftcing the opipion of
the princes prefent, gave a fanftion to this formula,
as if he had been commiffioned to reprefent the whole
diet. Many kept filence through fear, and that filence
was interpreted as a, tacit confent. Some had the
courage to oppofe it, and thefe were reduced by force
of arms, and the moft deplorable feenes of bloodfhed
and violence were a&ed throughout the whole empire.
Maurice, ele£tor of Saxony, who had hitherto kept
neutral, now affembled the whole of his nobility and
clergy, in order to deliberate on this critical affair. Reforma.
At the head of the latter was Melan&hon, whofe tlon-
word was refpe&ed as a law among the Proteftants.
But this man had not the courage of Luther ; and was
therefore on all occafions ready to make concefiions, 30
and to propofe fchemes of accommodation, In theSc^em®of
prefent cafe, therefore, he gave it as his opinion, that.[;e'°nbci la'
the whole of the book called Interim Could not by any Meianc.
means be adopted by the Proteftants ; but at famethon.
time he declared, that he faw no reafon why this book
might not be approved, adopted, and received, as an
authoritative rule in things that did not relate to the
effential parts of religion, and which he accounted
indifterent. But this fcheme, inftead of cementing
the differences, made them much worfe than ever; and
produced a divifion among the Proteftants themfelves,
which might have overthrown the Reformation en¬
tirely, if the emperor and pope had feized the op¬
portunity. .
In the year 1549, the pope (Paul III.) died ; andcounnec7lpra.
was fucceeded by Julius III. who, at the repeated fo- p0fed at
licitations of the emperor, confented to the re-affem-Trent,
bling of a council at Trent. A diet was again held at
Augfburg under the cannon of an imperial army, and
Charles laid the matter before the princes of the em¬
pire. Moft of thofe prefent gave their confent to it,
and among the reft Maurice, ele&or of Saxony ; who
confented on the following conditions. 1. That the
points of do&rine which had already been decided,
there fhould be re-examined. 2. That this exami¬
nation ftiould be made in preftnee of the Protcftant
divines. 3. That the Saxon Proteftants fhonld have a
liberty of voting as well as of deliberating in the
council. 4. That the pope ftiould not pretend to pre-
fide in that affembly, either in perfon or by his legates.
This declaration of Maurice was read in the diet, and
his deputies infifted upon its being entered into the re-
gifters, which the archbifiiop of Mentz obftinately re-
fufed. The diet was concluded in the year 1551;
and, at its breaking up, the emperor defired the af¬
fembled princes and ftates to prepare all things for the
approaching council, and promifed to ufe his utmofi:
endeavours to procure moderation and harmony, im¬
partiality and charity,, in the tranfa&ions of that af¬
fembly.
On the breaking up of the diet the Proteftants took
fuch fteps as they thought moft proper for their own
fafety. The Saxons employed Melan&hon, and the
Wurtembergers Brengius, to draw up Confcffions of
Faith to be laid before the new council. The Saxon di¬
vines, however, proceeded no farther than Nurem¬
berg, having received fecret orders from Maurice to
flop there. For the ele&or, perceiving that Charles
had formed defigns againft the liberties of the Ger¬
man princes, refolved to take the moft effe&ual mea-
fures for crufhing his ambition at once. He there¬
fore entered with the utmoft fecrecy and expedition
into an alliance with the king of France, and feveral
of the German princes, for the fecurity of the rights
and liberties of the empire; after which, afltmbling^^p^
a powerful army, in 1552, he marched againft therorisfur.
emperor, who lay with a handful of troops at Infpruck priied, and!
and expedled no fuch thing. By this fudden and on-f<>rctd 10 a
forefeen accident Charles was fo much difpirited, that
he was willing to make peace almoft on any terms. Ofs»xor)y,
REF [ 6662 ] REF
Reforma- The confequence of this was, that he concluded a treaty
at Paflau, which by the Proteftants is confidered as
the bafis of their religious liberty. By the tirft three
articles of this treaty it was agreed, that Maurice and
the confederates fliould lay down their arms, and lend
their troops to Ferdinand to affitt him againft the
Turks; and that the landgrave of Heffe fliould be fet
at liberty. By the fourth it was agreed, that the Rule
of Faith called the Interim fliould be confidered as
null and void ; that the contending parties fliould en¬
joy the freee and undifturbed exercife of their reli¬
gion, until a diet fliould be aflembled to determine
amicably the prefent difputes, (which diet was to meet
in the fpace of flx months) ; and that this religious
liberty fliould continue always, in cafe it fliould be
found impoffible to come to an uniformity in do&rine
and wmrfliip. It was alfo determined, that all thofe
who had fuffered banifliment, or any other calamity,
on account of their having been concerned in the
league or war of Smalcald, fliould be reinftated in their
privileges, pofleffions, and employments ; that the
imperial chamber at Spire fliould be open to the Pro-
teftants as well as to the Catholics; and that there
fliould always be a certain number of Lutherans in
that high court.—To this peace Albert, marquis of
Brandenburg, refufed to fubfcribe ; and continued the
war againft the Roman-catholics, committing fuch
ravages in the empire, that a confederacy was at laft
formed againft him. At the head of this confederacy
was Maurice elector of Saxony, who died of a wound
he received in a battle fought on the occafion in
I55,3-
The aflembling of the diet promifed by Charles was
prevented by various incidents; however, it met at
Augfburg in 1555, where it was opened by Ferdi¬
nand in name of the emperor, and terminated thofe
33 deplorable calamities which had fo long defolated the
Treaty of empire. After various debates, the following afts
.Augfburg. were paPfcd, on the 25th of September; That the
Proteftants who followed the Confcffion of Augfburg
fliould be for the future confidered as entirely free
from the jurifdifUon of the Roman pontiff, and from
the authority and fuperintendance of the bifliops ; that
they were left at perfed liberty to enad laws for them-
' feives, relating to their religious fentiments, difcipline,
and worfliip ; that all the inhabitants of the German
empire fliould be allowed to judge for themfelves in
religious matters, and to join themfelves to that church
whofe dodrine and worfhip they thought the moft
pure and confonant to the ipirit of true Chtiftianity;
and that all thofe who fliould injure or perfecute any
perfon under religious pretences, and on account of
their opinions, fliould be declared and proceeded a-
gainft as public enemies of the empire, invaders of
its liberty, and difturbers of its peace.
Thus was the Reformation eftabliflied in many parts
of the German empire, where it continues to this day;
nor have the efforts of the Popifli powers at any time
been able to fupprefs it, or .even to prevent it from
Account of 8a'n’n£ ground. It was not, however, in Germany
the Refor- a'one a reformation of religion took place. Al-
Kiation in moft all thp kingdoms of Europe began to open their
Sweden. eyes to the truth about the fame time. The reformed
religion was propagated in Sweden, foon after Lu¬
ther’s rupture with the church of Rome, by one of
his difciples named O/aus Petri. The zealous efforts Reform
of this mifllonary were feconded by Guftavus Vafa, tion*
whom the Swedes had raifed to the throne in place of
Chriftiern king of Denmark, whofe horrid barbarity
loft him the crown. This prince, however, was as
prudent as he was zealous ; and, as the minds of the
Swedes were in a fluctuating flate, he wifely avoided
all kind of vehemence and precipitation in fpreading
the new dodlrine. Accordingly the firft objeft of his
attention was the inftru6tion of his people in the fa-
cred dodtrines of the Holy Scriptures ; for which pur-
pofe he invited into his dominions feveral learned Ger¬
mans, and fpread abroad through the kingdom the
Swedifli tranflation of the Bible that had been made
by Olaus Petri. Some time after this, in 1526, he
appointed a conference at Upfal, between this re¬
former and Peter Gallius a zealous defender of the an¬
cient fuperftition, in which each of the champions was
to bring forth his arguments, that it might be feen on
which fide the truth lay. In this difpute Olaus ob¬
tained a fignal vidlory; which contributed much to
confirm Guftavus in his perfuafion of the truth of Lu¬
ther’s dodlrine, and to promote its progrefs in Swe¬
den. The following year another event gave the fi-
niftving ftroke to its propagation and fuccefs. This
was the aflembly of the Hates at Wefteraas, where
Guftavus recommended the dodlrine of the reformers
with fuch zeal, that, after warm debates fomented by
the clergy in general, it was unanimoufly refolved that
the reformation introduced by Luther fhould have
place in Sweden. This refolution was principally
owing to the firmnefs and magnanimity of Guftavus,
who declared publicly, that he would lay down the
fceptre and retire from the kingdom, rather than rule
a people enflaved by the orders and authority of the
pope, and more controuled by the tyranny of their bi-
fhops than by the laws of their monarch. From this
time the papal empire in Sweden was entirely over¬
thrown, and Guftavus declared head of the church. 35
In Denmark, the reformation was introduced as eaflyln Den-
as the year 1521, in confequence of the ardent defiremark*
difcovered by Chriftiern II. of having his fubje&s in-
ftru&ed in the dodfrines of Luther. This monarch,
notwithftanding his cruelty, for which his name has
been rendered odious, was neverthelefs defirous of de¬
livering his dominions from the tyranny of the church
of Rome. For this purpofe, in the year 1520, he fent
for Martin Reinard, one of the difciples of Carloftadt,
out of Saxony, and appointed him profefforof divinity
at Hafnia ; and after his death, which happened in
1521, he invited Carloftadt himfelf to fill that impor¬
tant place. Carloftadt accepted of this office indeed,
but in a fhort time returned to Germany; upon which
Chriftiern tifed his utmoft endeavours to engage Lu¬
ther to vifit his dominions, but in vain. However, the
progrefs of Chriftiern in reforming the religion of his
fubje&s, or rather of advancing his own power above
that of the church, was checked, in the year 1523,
by a confpiracy, by which he was depofed and banilh-
ed; his uncle Frederic, duke of Holftein and Slefwic,
being appointed his fuccefibr,
Frederic conducted the reformation with much
greater prudence than his predeceffor. He permitted
the Proteftant dodors to preach publicly the fentiments
of Luther, but did not venture to change the eftablifli¬
ed
REF [ 6663 ] REF
ma- ed government and difeipline of the church. How-
1 ever, he contributed greatly to the progrefs of the re¬
formation, by his fuccefsful attempts in favour of reli¬
gious liberty in an affembly of the (tales held at Oden-
fee in 1527. Here he procured the publication of a
famous edi6l, by which every fubjeft of Denmark was
declared free either to adhere to the tenets of the
church of Rome, or to the do&rine of Luther. The
papal tyranny was totally deftroyed by his fucceffor
Chriftiern III. He began by fuppreffing the defpotic
authority of the bifhops, and reftoring to their lawful
owners a great part of the wealth and pofiefiions which
the church had acquired by various ftratagems. This
was followed by a plan of religious do&rine, worfhip,
and difeipline, laid down by Bugenhagius, whom the
king had fent for from Wittemberg for that purpofe;
and in 1539 an affembly of the (tales at Odenfee gave
35 a folemn fan&ion to all thefe tranfaftions.
France. In France alfo, the reformation began to make fome
progrefs very early. Margaret, queen of Navarre, fi¬
lter to Francis I. the perpetual rival of Charles V. was
a great friend to the new dodtrine ; and it appears,
that, as early as the year 1523, there were in feveral
of the provinces of France great numbers of people
who had conceived the greateft averfion both to the
doftrine and tyranny of the church of Rome; among
whom were many of the firft rank and dignity, and
even fome of the epifcopal order. But as their num¬
ber increafed daily, and troubles and commotions were
excited in feveral places on account of the religious
differences, the authority of the king intervened, and
many perfons eminent for their virtue and piety were
put to death in the mod barbarous manner. Indeed,
1 Francis, who had either no religion at all, or, at bed,
t no fixed and confident fydem of religious principles,
conducted himfelf towards the Protedants in fuch a
manner as bed anfwer^d his private views. Sometimes
he rcfolved to invite Melandthon into France, probably
"j with a view to pleafe his fider the queen of Navarre,
whom he loved tenderly, and who had drongly imbi¬
bed the Protedant principles. At other times he ex-
ercifed the mod infernal cruelty towards the reformed,
and once made the following mad declaration, That if
he thought the blood in his arm was tainted by the
/ Lutheran herefy, he would have it cut off; and that
he would not fpare even his own children, if they en¬
tertained fentiments contrary to thofe of the Catholic
I church.
About this time the famous Calvin began to draw
the attention of the public, but more efpecially of the
queen of Navarre. His zeal expofed him to danger;
and the friends of the reformation, whom Francis was
daily committing to the flames, placed him more than
once in the mod perilous fituation, from which he was
delivered by the interpofition of the queen of Navarre.
| He therefore retired out of France to Bafil in Swiffer-
land; where he publiflied his Chridian Inditutions, and
1 became afterwards fo famous.
Thofe among the French who firft renounced the
1 jurifdiftion of the Romifh church, are commonly call¬
ed Lutherans by the writers of thofe early times.
Hence it has been fuppofed that they had all imbibed
the peculiar fentiments of Luther. But this appears by
) no means to havi been the cafe: for the vicinity of
the cities of Geneva, Laufacne, &c. which had adop¬
ted the doftrines of Calvin, produced a remarkable ef- Reforma-
feft upon the French Proteftant churches; infomuch k011, _
that, about the middle of this century, they all entered
into communion with the church of Geneva. The
French Proteftants were called Huguenots* by their ad- * See Hu-
verfaries, by way of contempt. Their fate was \exy^uenots’
fevere, being perfecuted with unparallelled fury; and
though many princes of the blood, and of the firft no¬
bility, had embraced their fentiments, yet in no part of
the world did the reformers fuffer fo much f. At laft p^ce
all commotions were quelled by the fortitude and mag- n0 j8 ’gg^
nanimity of Henry IV. who in the year 1598 granted
all his fubjedts full liberty of confcience by the famous
Edidt of Nantz, and feemed to have thoroughly efta-
bliflied the reformation throughout his dominions.
During the minority of Lewis XIV. however, this
edidt was revoked by cardinal Mazarine, fince which
time the Proteftants have often been cruelly perfecuted;
nor is the profefiion of the reformed religion in France
by any means fo fafe as in moft other countries of Eu-
rope. 37
In the other parts of Europe the oppofition to thein the Ne-
church of Rome was but faint and ambiguous before therlands,
the diet of Auglburg. Before that period, however, ^cc'
it appears from undoubted teftimony, that the dodlrine
of Luther had made a confiderable, though probably
fecret, progrefs through Spain, Hungary, Bohemia,
Britain, Poland, and the Netherlands; and had in all
thefe countries many friends, of whom feveral repaired
to Wittemberg, in order to enlarge their knowledge
by means of Luther’s converfation. Some of thefe
countries threw off the Romilh yoke entirely, and in
others a prodigious number of families embraced the
principles of the reformed religion. It is certain in¬
deed, and the Roman-catholics themfelves acknow¬
ledge it without hefitation, that the Papal dodtrines
and authority would have fallen into ruin in all parts
of the world at once, had not the force of the fecular
arm been employed to fupport the tottering edifice.
In the Netherlands particularly, the moft grievous per-
fecutions took place, fo that by the emperor Char. V.
upwards of 100,000 were deftroyed, while ftill greater
cruelties were exercifed upon the people by his fon
Philip II. The revolt of the United Provinces, how¬
ever, and motives of real policy, at laft put a (top to
thefe furious proceedings; and, though in many pro¬
vinces of the Netherlands the Popifti religion is ftill
eftabliflred, the Proteftants are in no danger of being
perfecuted on account of their principles. j8
The reformation made a confiderable progrefs in In Italy.
Spain and Italy foon after the rupture between Lu¬
ther and the Roman pontiff. In all the provinces of
Italy, but more efpecially in the territories of Venice,
Tufcany, and Naples, the fuperftition of Rome loft
ground, and great numbers of people of all ranks ex-
preffed an averfion to the Papal yoke. This occafion-
ed violent and dangerous commotions in the kingdom
of Naples in the year 1546; which, however, were at
laft quelled by the united efforts of Charles V. add his
viceroy Don Pedro di Toledo. In feveral places the
pope put a ftoptothe progrefs of the reformation, by
letting loofe the inquifitors; who fpread dreadful
marks of their barbarity through the greateft part of
Italy. Thefe formidable minifters of fuperftition put
fo many to death, and perpetrated fuch horrid ads of
cruelty
REF [ 6664 ] REF
Rfforma- cruelty and opprelfion, that moft of the reformed con-
tion. fulted their fafety by a voluntary exile, while others
‘ returned to the religion of Rome, at lead in external
appearance. But the inquifition, which frighted into
the profeffion of Popery feveral Protellants in other
arts of Italy, could never make its way into the
ingdom of Naples ; nor could either the authority or
intreaties of the pope engage the Neapolitans to admit
39 even vifiting inquifitors.
In Spain, In Spain, feveral people embraced the Proteftant
relieion, not only from the controverfies of Luther, but
even from thofe divines whom Charles V. had brought
with him into Germany in order to refute the doc¬
trines of Luther. For thefe doftors imbibed the pre¬
tended herefy inftead of refuting it, and propagated
it more or lefs on their return home. But the inqui¬
fition, which could obtain no footing in Naples, reign¬
ed triumphant in Spain, and by the moft dreadful me¬
thods frightened the people back into Popery, and
fuppreffed the defire of exchanging their fuperftition
for a more rational plan of religion. It was indeed
prefumed that Charles himfelf died a Proteftant; and
it feems to be certain, that, when the approach of death
had diffipated thofe fchemes of ambition and grandeur
which had fo long blinded him, his fentiments became
much more rational and agreeable to Chriftianity than
they had ever been. All the ecclefiaftics who had at¬
tended him, as foon as he expired, were fent to the
inquifition, and committed to the flames, or put to
death by fome other method equally terrible. Such
was the fate of Auguftine Cafal, the emperor’s
preacher ; of Conftantine Pontius, bis confeflbr; of E-
gidius, whom he had named to the bifhopric of Tor-
tofa; of Bartholomew de Caranza, a Dominican, who
had been confeffor to king Philip and queen Mary;
40 with 20 others of lefs note.
In Eng- In England, the principles of the reformation be¬
laud. gan to be adopted as foon as an account of Luther’s
doftrines could be conveyed thither. In that kingdom
there were ftill great remains of the fed called Lol¬
lards, whofe doftrine refembled that of Luther ; and
among whom, of confequence, the fentiments of our
reformer gained great credit. Henry VIII. king of
England at that time, was a violent partifan of the
church of Rome, and had a particular veneration for
the writings of Thomas Aquinas. Being informed
that Luther fpoke of his favourite author with con¬
tempt, he conceived a violent prejudice againft the re¬
former, and even wrote againft him, as we have al¬
ready obferved. Luther did not hefitate at writing
againft his majefty, overcame him in argument, and
treated him with very little ceremony. The firft ftep
towards public reformation, however, was not taken
till the year 1529. Great complaints had been made
in England, and of a very ancient date, of the ufur-
pations of the clergy; and by the prevalence of the Lu¬
theran opinions, thefe complaints were now become
more general than before. The Houfe of Commons,
finding the occafion favourable, palled feveral bills,
reftraining the impofitions of the clergy; but what
threatened the ecclefiallical order with the greateft
danger were the fevere reproaches thrown out almoft
without oppofition in .the houfe, againft the diffolute
lives, ambition, and avarice of the priefts, and their
continual encroachments on the privileges of the laity.
The bills for regulating the clergy met with oppofi- Reforms*
tion in the Houfe of Lords; andbilhop Fifher imputed tion’ 1
them to want of faith in the Commons, and to a form-
ed defign, proceeding from heretical and Lutheran prin¬
ciples, of robbing the church of her patrimony, and
overturning the national religion. The Commons,
however, complained to the king, by their fpeaker
Sir Thomas Audley, of thefe refle&ions thrown out
againft them ; and the bilhop was obliged to retraft
his words.
Though Henry had not the lead idea of rejefling
any, even of the moft abfurd Romilh fuperftitions, yet
as the oppreffions of the clergy fuited very ill with the
violence of his own temper, he was pleafed with every
opportunity of lefiening their power. In the parlia¬
ment of 1531, he fliewed his defign of humbling the
clergy in the moft effedlual manner. An obfolete
ftatute was revived, from which it was pretended that
it was criminal to fubmitto the legantine power which
had been exercifed by cardinal Wolfey. By this
ftroke the whole body of clergy were declared guilty
at once. They were too well acquainted with Henry’s
difpofition, however, to reply, that their ruin would
have been the certain confequence of their not fub-
mitting to Wolfey’s commillion which had been given
by royal authority. Inftead of making any defence
of this kind, they chofe to throw themfelves on the
mercy of their fovereign ; which, however, it coft
them 118,8401.10 procure. A confeffion was like-
wife extorted from them, that the king was prote&or
and fupreme head of the church of England ; though
fome of them had the dexterity to get a claufe inferted,
which invalidated the whole fubmiffion, viz. in fo far
as is permitted by the law of ChriJ}.
The king, having thus begun to reduce the power
of the clergy, kept no bounds with them afterwards.
He did not indeed attempt any reformation in re¬
ligious matters ; nay, he perfecuted moft violently
fuch as did attempt this in the lead. Indeed, the moft
effential article of his creed feems to have been his own
fupremacy; for whoever denied this, was fure to
fuffer the moft fevere penalties, whether Proteftant or
Papift. But an account of the abfurd and cruel con-
duft of this prince is given under the article England,
n° 220 228.
He died in 1547, and was fucceeded by his only
fon Edward VI. This amiable prince, whofe early
youth was crowned with that wii'dom, fagacity, and
virtue, that would have done honour to advanced years,
gave new fpirit and vigour to the Proteftant caufe, and
was its brighteft ornament, as well as its moft effec¬
tual fupport. He encouraged learned and pious men
of foreign countries to fettle in England, and addref-
fed a particular invitation to Martin Bucer and Paul
Fagius, whofe moderation added a luftre to their other
virtues, that, by the miniftry and labours of thefe emi¬
nent men, in concert with thofe of the friends of the
Reformation in England, he might purge his domi¬
nions from the fordid fi&ions of popery, and eftablifh
the pure dodlrines of Chriftianity in their place. For
this purpofe, he iffued out the wifeft orders for the
reftoration of true religion ; but his reign was too
ihort to accomplilh fully fuch a glorious purpofe. In
the year 15:53, he was taken from his loving and af-
flitled fubjtifts, whofe forrow was inexpreffible, and
fuited
REF [ 6665 ] REF
Reforma- fuited to their lofs. His fitter Mary (the daughter of
tl0n* Catharine of Arragon, from whom Henry had been
feparated by the famous divorce), a furious bigot to the
church of Rome, and a princefs whofe natural cha-
ra<3er, like the fpirit of her religion, was defpotic and
cruel, fucceeded him on the Brititti throne, and im-
pofed anew the arbitrary laws and the tyrannical yoke
of Rome upon the people of England. Nor were
the methods flie employed in the caufe of fuperfH-
tion better than the caufe itfelf, or tempered by any
fentiments of equity or compafiion. Barbarous tor¬
tures and death, in the mod fhocking forms, awaited
thofe who oppofed her will, or made the leaft Hand
againft the reftoration of Popery. And among many
other victims, the learned and pious Cranmer, arch-
bittiop of Canterbury, who had been one of the mod
illuftrious inftruments of the Reformation in England,
fell a facrifice to her fury. This odious fcene of per-
fecution was happily concluded in the year 1558, by
the death of the queen, who left no iffiie ; and, as
foon as her fucceffor the lady Elizabeth afcended the
throne, all things affumed a new and a pleafing afpedf.
This illuftrious princefs, whofe fentiments, counfels,
and projefts, breathed a fpirit fuperior to the natural
foftnefs and delicacy of her fex, exerted this vigorous
and manly fpirit in the defence of opprefled confcience
and expiring liberty, broke anew the defpotic yoke
of papal authority and fuperftition, and, delivering
her people from the bondage of Rome, eftabliftved
that form of religious doftrine and ecclefiaftical go¬
vernment which ftill fubfifts in England. This reli¬
gious eftabliftiment differs, in fome refpefts, from the
plan that had been formed by thofe whom Edward VI.
had employed for promoting the caufe of the Refor¬
mation, and approaches nearer to the rites and dif-
cipline of former times ; though it is widely different,
and, in the moft important points, entirely oppofite
to the principles of the Roman hierarchy.
In Ireland. T*16 caufe of the reformation underwent in Ireland
the fame viciffitudes and revolutions that had attended
it in England. When Henry VIII. after the aboli¬
tion of the Papal authority, was declared fupreme head,
upon earth, of the church of England, George Brown,
a native of England, and a monk of the Auguftine or¬
der, whom that monarch had created, in the year 1535,
archbifhop of Dublin, began to adi with the utmoft
vigour in confequence of this change in the hierarchy.
He purged the churches of his diocefe from fuperfti¬
tion in all its various forms, pulled down images, de-
ftroyed relics, abolifhed abfurd and idolatrous rites,
and, by the influence as well as authority he had in
Ireland, caufed the king’s fupremacy to be acknow¬
ledged in that nation. Henry fhowed, foon after, that
this fupremacy was not a vain title ; for he banifhed
the monks out of that kingdom, confifcated their re¬
venues, and'deftroyed their convents. In the reign of
Edward VI. ftill farther progrefs was made in the re¬
moval of Popilh fuperftitions, by^the zealous labours
of biihop Brown, and the aufpicious encouragement
he granted to all who exerted themfelves in the caufe
of the Reformation. But the death of this excellent
prince, and the aecefiion of queen Mary, had like to
have changed the face of affairs in Ireland as much as
in England; but her deftgns were difappointed by a
very curious adventure, of which the following account
Vol. IX. 1
has been copied from the papers of Richard earl of Keforma-
Corke. “ Queen Mary having dealt feverely with the U011,
Proteftants in England, about the latter end of her reign 41
flgned a commiflion for to take the fame courfe with Cur’°l1s
them in Ireland; and to execute the fame with greater
force, (he nominates Dr Cole one of the commiffieners. p0pi(h doc-
This Dotftor coming, with the commiflion, to Cbeftertor in Scot-
on his journey, the mayor of that city hearing that herlan<J>
majefty was fending a meffenger into Ireland, and he
being a churchman, waited on the Dodor, who in dif-
courfe with the mayor taketh out of a cloke-bag a
leather box, faying unto him, Here is a commijjion that
Jhall lajb the Heretics of Ireland^ calling the Proteftants
by that title. The good woman of the houfe being
well affe&ed to the Proteftant religion, and alfo ha¬
ving a brother named John Edmonds of the fame, then
a citizen in Dublin, was much troubled at the Dodor’s
words; but watching her convenient time while the
mayor took his leave, and the Dodor complimented
him down the ftairs, flie opens the box, takes the com¬
miflion out, and places in lieu thereof a Iheet of paper
with a pack of cards wrapt up therein, the knave of
clubs being faced uppermoft. The Dodor coming up
to his chamber, fufpeding nothing of what had been
done, put up the box as formerly. The next day go¬
ing to the water-fide, wind and weather ferving him,
he fails towards Ireland, and landed on the 7th of Oc¬
tober 1558 at Dublin. Then coming to the caftle,
the Lord Fitz-Walters being lord-deputy, lent for
him to come before him and the privy-council; who,
coming in, after he had made a fpeech relating upon
what account he came over, he prefents the box unto
the lord-deputy, who caufing it to be opened, that the
fecretary might read the commiflion, there was nothing
fave a pack of cards with the knave of clubs upper¬
moft ; which not only ftartled the lord-deputy and
council, but the Dodor, who affured them he had a
commiflion, but knew not how it was gone. Then the
lord-deputy made anfwer: Let us have another com¬
miflion, and we will ftiulfle the cards in the mean while.
The Dodor being troubled in his mind, went away,
and returned into England, and coming to the court
obtained another commiflion ; but flaying for a wind
on the water-fide, news came to him that the que^n
was dead: and thus God preferred the Proteftants of
Ireland.” Queen Elifabeth was fo delighted with this
ftory, which was related to her by Lord Fitz-Walter
on his return to England, that (he fent for Elifabeth
Edmonds, whofe hulband’s name was Matterjhad, and
gave her a penfion of 40I. during her life. 4?
In Scotland, the feeds of reformation were very early Of the Re-
fown, by feveral noblemen who had refided in Germany formatic'n
during the religious difputes there. But for manyin Scot^an^*
years it was fuppreffed by the power of the pope, fe-
conded by inhuman laws and barbarous executions.
The moft eminent oppofer of the Papal jurifdi&ion
was John Knox, a difciple of Calvin, a man of great
zeal and invincible fortitude. On all occafions he rai-
fed the drooping fpirits of the reformers, and encou¬
raged them to go on with their work notwithftanding
the oppofition and treachery of the queen-regent; till
at laft, in 1561, by the afliftance of an Englifh army
fent by Elifabeth, Popery was in a manner totally ex¬
tirpated throughout the kingdom. From this period
to the prefent times, the form of dodrine, worlhip,
37 L and
REG [ 6666 ] REG
Refraftion and difcipline eftablifhed by Calvin at Geneva, has
II been maintained in Scotland. But for a particular ac-
^tion™" count t^ie various difficulties which the Scottifh re-
■— formers had to ftruggle with, and the manner in which
thefe were overcome, and the prefent fyftem of religion
eftablifhed, fee the article Scotland.
REFRACTION, in general, is the deviation of a
moving body from its direft courfe, occafioned by the
different denfity of the medium in which it moves; or
it is a change of direction occafioned by a body’s fall¬
ing obliquely out of one medium into another. The
word is chiefly made ufe of with regard to the rays of
©flight. See Optics, p. 5520, etJcq.
REFRANGIBILITY */Light, the difpofition
of rays to be refrafted. The term is chiefly applied to
the difpofition of rays to produce different colours, ac¬
cording to their different degrees of refrangibility. See
Chromatics and Optics fajfim.
REFRIGERATIVE, in medicine, a remedy which
refrefhes the inward parts by cooling them; as clyfters,
ptifans, &c.
REFRIGERATORY, in chemiftry, a veffel filled
with cold water, through which the worm paffes in di-
ftillations; the ufe of which is to condenfe the vapours
as they pafs through the worm.
REFUGEES, a term at firft applied to the French
Protettants, who, by the revocation of the edift of
Nantz, were conftrained to fly from perfecution, and
take refuge in foreign countries. Since that time,
however, it has been extended to all fuch as leave their
country in times of diftrefs; and hence, fince the revolt
of the Britifh colonies in America, we have frequently
heard of American refugees.
REGALE, a magnificent entertainment, or treat,
given to ambaffadors and other perfons of diftindfion,
to entertain or do them honour.
It is ufual in Italy, at the arrival of a traveller of
eminence, to fend him a regale, that is, a prefent of
fvveetmeats, fruits, &c. by way of refrelhment.
REGALIA, in law, the rights and prerogatives of
a king. See Prerogative.
Regalia is alfo ufed for the apparatus of a corona¬
tion ; as the crown, the fceptre with the crofs, that
with the dove, St Edward’s ftaff, the globe, and the
orb with the crofs, four feveral fwords, &c.—The re¬
galia of Scotland were depofited in the cattle of Edin¬
burgh in the year 1707, and are faid to be ftill kept
there; but they are never (hown to any body.
Lord g/REGALITY, in Scots law. See Law,
ji° clviii. 4.
Court g/'REGARD. See Forest-CWrAr.
REGARDANT, in heraldry, fignifies looking be¬
hind; and it is ufed for a lion, or other beaft, with his
face turned towards his tail.
REGARDER, an ancient officer of the king’s
foreft, fworn to make the regard of the foreft every
year ; that is, to take a view of its limits, to inquire
into all offences and defaults committed by the forefters
within the foreft, and to obferve whether all the other
officers executed their refpedtive duties.
REGEL, or Rigel, a fixed ftar of the firft mag¬
nitude, in Orion’s left foot.
REGENERATION, in theology, the aft of be¬
ing born again by a fpiritual birth, or the change of
heart and life experienced by a perfon who forfakes
a courfe of vice and fincerely embraces a life of virtue Recent
and piety. II.
REGENT, one who governs a kingdom during Re&lclJc*
the minority or abfence of the king.
In France, the queen-mother has the regency of
the kingdom during the minority of the king, under
the title of queen-regent.
In England, the methods of appointing this guar¬
dian or regent have been fo various, and the du¬
ration of his power fo uncertain, that from hence
alone it may be collefted that his office is unknown
to the common law ; and therefore (as Sir Edward
Coke fays, 4 Inft. 58.) the fureft way is to have
him made by authority of the great council in par¬
liament. The earl of Pembroke by his own au¬
thority affumed in very troublefome times the re¬
gency of Henry III. who was then only nine years
old ; but was declared of full age by the pope at 17,
confirmed the great charter at 18, and took upon
him the adminiftration of the government at 20. A
guardian and councils of regency were named by Ed¬
ward III. by the parliament, which depofed his fa¬
ther; the young king being then 15, and not aflu-
ming the government till three years after. When
Richard II. fucceeded at the age of 11, the duke of
Lancafter took upon him the management of the king¬
dom, till the parliament met, which appointed a no¬
minal council to affift him. Henry V. on his death¬
bed named a regent and a guardain for his infant fon
Henry VI. then nine months old: but the parliament
altered his difpofition, and appointed a proteftor and
council, with a fpecial limited authority. Both thefe
princes remained in a ftate of pupilage till the age of 23.
Edward V. at the age of 13, was recommended by his
father to the care of the duke of Glocefter ; who was
declared proteftor by the privy-council. The ftatutes
25 Hen. VIII. c. 12. and 28 Hen. VIII. c. 7. pro¬
vided, that the fucceffor, if a male and under 18, or
if a female and under 16, fhould be till fuch age in
the governance of his or her natural mother, (if ap¬
proved by the king), and fuch other counfcllors as his
majefty ffiould by will or otherwife appoint : and be
accordingly appointed his 16 executors to have the
government of his fon Edward VI. and the kingdom,
which executors elefted the earl of Hartford proteftor.
The ftatutes 24 Geo. II. c. 24. in cafe the crown
ftiould defeend to any of the children of Frederic late
prince of Wales under the age of 18, appointed the
princefs dowager;—and that of 5 Geo. III. c. 27.
in cafe of a like defeent to any of his prefent ma-
jefty’s children, empowers the king to name either the
queen or princefs dowager, or any defeendant of king
George II. refiding in this kingdom ;—to be guardian
and regent, till the fucceffor attains fuch age, affifted
by a council of regency : the powers of them all being
exprefsly defined and fet down in the feveral afts.
Regent alfo fignifies a profeffor of arts and fciences
in a college, who has a fet of pupils under his care r
but here regent is generally reftrained to the lowe;
claffes, as, regent of rhetoric, regent of logic, &c.
thofe of philofophy are rather called profeffors.
REGIAM majestatem. See Law, N°clv. 3.
REGICIDE, king-killer, a word chiefly ufed
with us in fpeaking of the perfons concerned in the
trial, condemnation, and execution, of king Charles I.
tm
REG [ 6667 ] REG
Regimen REGIMEN, the regulation of diet, and, in a more
II. general fenfe, of all the non-naturals, with a view to
; Re^ion* preferve or reftore health. See Abstinence, Ali¬
ment, Food, Diet, Drink, and Medicine.
The viciflitude of exercife and reft forms alfo a ne-
ceffary part of regimen. See Exercise.
It is beneficial to be at reft now and then, but more
fo frequently to ufe exercife ; becaufe inadion renders
the body weak and liftlefs, and labour ftrengthens it.
But a medium is to be obferved in all things, and too
much fatigue to be avoided: for frequent and violent
exercife overpowers the natural ftrength, and waftes
the body; but moderate exercife ought always to be
ufed before meals. Now, of all kinds of exercife, riding
on horfeback is the moft convenient: or if the perfou
be too weak to bear it, riding in a coach, or at leaft
in a litter : next follow fencing, playing at ball, run¬
ning, walking. But it is one of the inconveniences
of old age, that there is feldom fufficient ftrength for
ufing bodily exercife, though it be extremely requifite
for health: wherefore fridions with the fleih brulh
are neceflary at this time of life ; which fhould be per¬
formed by the perfon himfelf, if poffible; if not, by
his fervants.
Sleep ia the fweet foother of cares, and reftorer of
ftrength ; as it repairs and replaces the waftes that are
made by the labours and exercifes of the day. But
excefiive fleep has its inconveniences; for it blunts the
fcnfes, and renders them lefs fit for the duties of life.
The proper time for fleep is the night, when darknefs
and filence invite and bring it on: day-fleep is lefs
refrefhing ; which rule if it be proper for the multitude
to obferve, much more is the obfervance of it neceflary
for perfons addided to literary ftudies, whofe minds
and bodies are more fufceptible of injuries.
Regimen, in grammar, that part of fyntax, or
conftrudion, which regulates the dependency of words,
and the alterations which one occafions in another.
Regimen for Seamen. See Seamen.
REGIMENT, is a body of men, either horfe,
foot, or artillery, commanded by a colonel, lieutenant-
colonel, and major. Each regiment of foot is divided
into companies ; but the number of companies differs:
though in Britain our regiments are generally 10
companies, one of which is always grenadiers, ex-
clufive of the two independent companies. Regi¬
ments of horfe are commonly 6 troops, but fome of
9. Dragoon regiments, are generally in war-time
8 troops, and in time of peace but 6, Each regi¬
ment has a chaplain, quarter-matter, adjutant, and
furgeon. Some German regiments confift of 2000
foot ; and the regiment of Picardy France, of 6000,
being J20 companies, of 50 men. in each company.
Regiments were firft formed in France in the year
1558, and in England in the year 1660.
REGIOMONTANUS. See Muller.
REGION, in geography, a large extent of land,
inhabited by many people of the fame nation, and in-
t clofed within certain limits or bounds.
The modern aftronomers divide the moon into
feveral regions, or large tradts of land, to each of
which they give its proper name.
Region, in phyfiology, is taken for a divifion of
our atmofphere, which is divived into the upper,
middle., and lower regions.
The upper region commences from the tops of the Region
mountains, and reaches to the utmoft limits of the at- l!
mofphere. In this region reign a perpetual, equable, Reg'UM
ealmnefs, clearnefs, and ferenity. The middle region
is that in which the clouds refide, and where meteors
are formed, extending from the extremity of the loweft
to the tops of the higheft mountain?. The loweft
region is that in which we breath, which is bounded
by the refle&ion of the fun’s rays; or by the height
to which they rebound from the earth. See Atmo¬
sphere and Air.
JEthereal Region, in cofmography, is the whole
extent of the univerfe, in which is included all the
heavenly bodies, and even the orb of the fixed ftars.
Elementary Region, according to the Ariftotdians,
is a fphere terminated by the concavity of the moon *
orb, comprehending the atmofphere of the earth.
Region, in anatomy, a divifion of the human body,
otherwife called cavity, of which anatomifts reckon
three, viz. the upper region, or that of the head ;
the middle region, that of the thorax or breaft; and
the lower the abdomen, or belly. See Anatomy.
REGISTER, a public book, in which are entered
and recorded memoirs, a£ts and minutes, to be had
recourfe to occafionally for knowing and proving mat¬
ters of fad. Of thefe there are feveral kinds; as,
1. Regifter of deeds in Yorkfhire and Middlefex,
in which are regiftered all deeds, conveyances, wills,
&c. that affed any lands or tenements in thofe coun¬
ties, which are otherwife void againft any fubfequent
purchafers or mortgagees, &c. but this does not
extend to any copyhold eftate, nor to leafes at a rack-
rent, or where they do not exceed 21 years. The
regiftered memorials mutt be ingroffed on parchment,
under the hand and feal of fome of the grantors or
grantees, attefted by witneffes who are to prove the
figning or fealing of them and the execution of the deed.
But thefe regifters, which are confined to two coun¬
ties, are in Scotland general, by which the laws of
North Britain are rendered very eafy and regular. Of
thefe there are two kinds; the one general, fixed at
Edinburgh, under the diredion of the lord-regifter;
and the other is kept in the feveral (hires, ftewartries,
and regalities, the clerks of which arc obliged to
tranfmit the regifters of their refpedive courts to the
general regifter.
2. Parifti-regifters, are books in which are regi¬
ftered the baptifms, marriages, and burials, of each
pari (h.
Register Ships, in commerce, are veffels which
obtain a permiflion either from the king of Spain, or
the council of the Indies, to traffic in the ports of the
Spanifti Weft Indies; which are thus called, from
their being regiftered before they fet fail from Cadiz
for Buenos Ayres.
REGISTERS, in chemiftry, are holes, or chinks
with floppies, contrived in the fides of furnaces, to
regulate the fire ; that is, to make the heat more in-
tenfe or remifs, by opening them to let in the air, or
keeping them clofe to exclude it. There are alfo re¬
gifters in the fteam-engine. See S>xua.-m.-Engine.
REGIUM, Regum Lepidi, Regiurn Lepidum,
(anc. geog.) ; a town of Cifalpine Gaul, on the Via
iEmilia, fo called from iEmilius Lepidus, who was
conful with C. Flaminius; but whence it was furnamed
37 L 2 Re-
REG [ 6668 ] REG
Rejrnard Regium, is altogether uncertain. Tacitus relates,
II that at the battle of Bedriacum, a bird of an unufu^l
Regenlberg £ze wag feen pCrc^jng ;n a famous grove near Regium
Lepidum. Now called Reggio, a city of Modena. E.
Eong. it. o. N. Lat. 44. 45.
REGNRAD (John Francis), one of the beft
French comic writers after Moliere, was born at Paris
in 1647. He had fcarcely finifhed his ftudies, when
an ardent paffion for travelling carried him over the
greateft part of Europe. When he fettled in his own
country, he was made a treafurer of France, and lieu¬
tenant of the waters and forefts: he wrote a great
many comedies; and, though naturally of a gay genius,
died of chagrin in the52d year of his age. His works,
confiding of comedies and travels, were printed at
Rouen, in 5 vols i2tno, 1732.
REGNIER (Mathurin), the firfl French poet who
fucceeded in fatire, was born at Chartres in 1573. He
was brought up to the church, a place for which bis
debaucheries rendered him very unfuitable; and thefe
by his own confeffion were fo exceffive, that at 30 he
had all the infirmities of age. Yet he obtained a ca-
nonry in the church of Chartres, with other benefices;
and died in 1613. There is a neat Elzevir edition of
his works, i2mo, 1652, Leyden ; but the moft elegant
is that with notes by M. Broffette, 410, 1729, London.
Regnier des Marets (Seraphin), a French poet,
born at Paris in 1632. He diftinguilhed himfelf early
by his poetical talents, and in 1684 was made perpe¬
tual fecretary to the French academy on the death of
Mezeray : it was he who drew up all thofe papers
in the name of |the academy againft Furetiere : the
king gave him the priory of Grammont, and he had
alfo an abbey. He died in 1713, and his works are,
French, Italian, Spanifh, and Latin poems, 2 vols;
a French grammar; and an Italian tranflation of
Anacreon’s odes, with fome other tranfiations.
REGNUM, (anc. geog.) a town of the Regni,
a people in Britain, next the Cantii, now Surry,
Suffex, and the coaft. of Hamplhire, (Cambden); a
town fituate, by the Itinerary numbers, on the con¬
fines of the Belgse, in a place now called Ring-
<v)ood, in Hampfhire, on the rivulet Avon, running
down from Salifbury, and about ten miles or more di-
ftant from the fea.
REGRATOR, fignifies him who buys and fells
any wares or vidtuals in the fame market or fair :
and regrators are particularly defcribed to be thofe
_ who buy, or get into their hands, in fairs or mar¬
kets, any grain, fifh, butter, cheefe, fheep, lambs,
calves, fwine, pigs, geefe, capons, hens, chickens,
pigeons, conies, or other dead victuals whatfoever,
brought to a fair or market to be fold there, and do
fell the fame again in the fame fair, market, or place,
or in fome other within four miles thereof.
Regrating is a kind of Huckftry, by which viftuals
are made dearer ; for every feller will gain fomething,
which muft of confequence enhance the price. And,
in ancient times, both the engroffer and regrator were
comprehended under the word forejialler. Regrators
are puniihable by lofs and forfeiture of goods, and im-
prifonment, according to the firft, fecond, or third
offence, &c.
REGENSBERG, a handfome, though fmall town
of Swiffcrland, in the canton of Zurich, and capital
of a bailiwick of the fame name, with a (frong caft'le; Reggi®'
feated on a hill which is part of Mount Jura. There II
is a well funk through a rock, 36 fathoms deep. _ fgu 11
REGGIO, an ancient and confiderable town of I-
taly, in the kingdom of Naples, and in the Farther
Calabria, with an archbifhop’s fee, and a woollen ma¬
nufactory. It rs feated in a country which produces
plenty of dates, on the ftreight or pharos of Meffina,
and is a large populous place. E. Long. 16. 3. N.
Lat. 38. 6.
Reggio, an ancient, handfome, and ftrong town
of Italy, in the duchy of Modena, with a firong ci¬
tadel, and a bifhop’s fee. It has been ruined feveral
times by the Goths and other nations. In the ca¬
thedral are paintings by the greateft mafters ;-and in
the fqnare the ftatue of Brennus, chief of the Gauls.
The inhabitants are about 22,000, who carry on a
great trade in filk. It was taken by prince Eugene in
1706, and by the king of Sardinia in 1742. It is
feated in a fertile country to the fouth of the Appen-
nines, and to the north of a fpacious plain, 15 miles
north-weft of Modena, and 83 fouth-eaft of Milan.
E. Long. 10. 37. N. Lat. 44. 43. The duchy of this
name is bounded on the weft by that of Modena, and
produces a great deal of filk; and belongs to the duke
of Modena, except the marquifate of St Martin, which
belongs to a prince of that name.
REGULAR, denotes any thing that is agree¬
able to the rules of art : thus we fay, a regular build¬
ing, verb, &c.
A regular figure in geometry, is one whofe fidcs,
and confequently angles, are equal ; and a regular fi¬
gure with three or four fides, is commonly termed an
equilateral triangle, or fquare, as all others with more
fides are called regular polygons.
Regular, in a monaltery, a psrfon who has taken
the vows; becaufe he is bound to obferve the rules of
the order he has embraced.
REGULATION, a rule or order prefcribed by
a fuperior, for the proper management of fome affair.
REGULATOR of a Watch, the fmall fpring
belonging to the balance ; ferving to adjuft its motions,
and make it go fafter or flower. See Watch.
REGULBIUM, or Regulvium, (Notitia Impe¬
rii) ; mentioned no where elfe more early : a town of
the Cantii, in Britain. Now Reculver, a village on
the coaft, near theifland Thanet, towards the Thames,
to the north of Canterbury, (Cambden).
REGULUS, in chemiftry, an imperfeft metallic
fubftance, that falls to the bottom of the crucible,
in the melting of ores or impure metallic fubftances.
Regulus of Antimony. See Chemistry, n° 158,
211,258,449.
Regulus of Arfenic. This is a white arfenic,to which
the properties of a femi-metal have been given, by
combining it properly with a fufficient quantity of
phlogifton.
Regulus of arfenic may be made by feveral methods
The procefs anciently ufed for this purpofe confifted
in mixing four parts of arfenic with two parts of black
flux, one part of borax, and one part of filings of iron
or of copper, and quickly fufing the mixture in a cru¬
cible. When the operation is finifhed, a regulus of
arfenic will be found at the bottom of the crucible^ of
a white livid colour, and confiderably folid. The iron
REG [ 6669 ] REG
l Regulus. and copper employed in this procefs are not intended, veffels into which the air has accefs; the fublimate ha- Regulu'
■ * as in the operation for the martial regulus of anti- ving the appearance of grey flowers, which by repeat-
jj mony, to precipitate the arfenic, and to feparate it from ed fublimations become entirely white, and fimilar to
fnlphur or any other fubftance ; for the white arfenic white cryftalline arfenic.
is pure, and nothing is to be taken from it ;• but, on When regulus of arfenic is heated quickly and
the contrary, the inflammable principle is to be added flrongly in open air, as undtr a muffle, it burns/with a
to reduce it to a regulus. The true ufe of thefe me- white or bluifh flame, and diffipates in a thick fume,
tals in the prefent operation is to unite with the regu- which has a very fetid fmell, like that of garlic,
lus of arfenic, to give it more body, and to prevent its Regulus of arfenic may be combined with acids and
entire diffipation in vapours. Hence the addition of moft metals. As white arfenic alfo can unite with thefe
iron, while it procures thefe advantages, has the in-
conveniency of altering the purity of the regulus: for
the metallic fubtfance obtained is a regulus of arfenie
allayed with -iron. It may, however, be purified from
the iron by fublimation in a clofe veflel; by which
operation the regulifed arfenica! part, which is very
volatile, is fublimed to the top of the veffel, and is fe-
Chem. DiR Parate<^ from the iron, which being of a fixed nature,
remains at the bottom. We are not, however, very
certain, that in this kind of rectification the regulus of
arfenic does not carry along with it a certain quantity
of iron; for in general a volatile fubftance raifes along
with it, in fubiimation, a part of any fixed matter with
which it happened to be united.
Mr Brandt propofes another method, which we be¬
lieve is preferable to that defcribed. He direfts that
white arfenic (hould be mixed with foap. Inftead of
the foap, olive-oil may be ofed, which has been found
to fucceed well. The mixture is to be put into a retort
or glafs matrafs, and to be diftilled or fublimed with
fire at firft very moderate, and only fufficient to raife
the oil. As the oils, which are not volatile, cannot be
diftilled but by a beat fufficient to burn and decom-
pofe them, the oil therefore which is mixed with the
arfenic undergoes thefe alterations, and after having
penetrated the arfenic thoroughly is reduced to a
coal. When no more oily vapours rife, we may
then know that the oil is reduced to coal. Then the
fire muft be increafed, and the metallifed arfenic
will be foon fublimed to the upper part of the vef¬
fel, in the infide of which it will form a metallic
cruft. When no more lublimes, the veffei is to be bro¬
ken, and the adhering cruft of regulus of arfenic is to
be feparated. The regulus obtained by this firft ope¬
ration is not generally perfedl, or not entirely fo, as a
part of it is always overcharged with fuliginous mat¬
ter, and another part has not enough of phlogifton;
which latter part adheres to the inner furface of the
Cruft, and forms grey or brown cryftals. This fubli¬
mate muft then be mixed with a lefs quantity of oil,
and fublimed a fecond time like the firft; and even, to
obtain as good regulus as may be made, a third fubli¬
mation in a clofe veflel, and without oil, is neceflary.
During this operation, the oil which rifes is more fetid
than any other empyreumatic oil, and is almoft infup-
portable. This fmell certainly proceeds from the arfe¬
nic, the fmell of which is exceedingly ftrong and dif-
agreeable when heated.
v1 Regulus of arfenic made by the method we have de¬
fcribed, and which we confider as the only one which
is pure, has all the properties of a ftmi-metal. It has
metallic gravity, opacity, and luftre. Its colour is
white and livid, it tarnifhes in the air, is very brittle,
but much more volatile than any other femi-metal. It
e.afily lofes its inflammable principle, when fublimed ia
fubftances, we refer to that article. We fliall only
obferve here, that, according to Mr Brandt, in the
Swedilh Memoirs, the regulus of arjenic cannot be uni¬
ted with mercury. Although the phenomena exhibi¬
ted by white arfenic and regulus of arfenic in folutiona
and allays are probably the fame, yet an accurate com-
parifon of thefe would deferve notice, efpecially if the
regulus employed were well made; for fome difference
muft proceed from the greater or lefs quantity of phlo¬
gifton with which it is united. See Chemistry,
n° 467-
Regulus of Cobalt, is a femi-metal lately difcover-
ed, and not yet perfectly well known. It receives its
name from cobalt, becaufe it can only be extradled
from the mineral properly fo called.
The procefs by which this femi-metal is obtained,
is fimilar to thofe generally uffd for the extradlion of
metals from their ores. The cobalt muft be thoroughly
torrefied to deprive it of all the fulphur and arfenic it
contains; and the unmetaliic earthy and ftony matters
muft be feparated by waffling. The cobalt thus pre¬
pared is then to be mixed with double or triple its
quantity of black flux, and a little decrepitated fea-falt;
and muft be fufed either in a forge or in a hot furnace,
for this ore is Very difficult of fufion.
When the fufion has been well made, we find, upon
breaking the crucible, after it has cooled, a metallic
regulus covered with a fcoria of a deep blue colour.
The regulus is of a white metallic colour. The fur-
face of its fra&ure is clofe and fmall-grained. The
femi-metal is hard, but brittle. When the fufion has
been well made, its furface appears to be carved with
many convex threads, which crofs each other diverfely.
As almoft all cobalts contain alfo bifmuth, and even as
much as of the regulus itfelf, this bifmuth is reduced
by the fame operation, and precipitated in the fame
manner, as the regulus of cobalt; for although thefe
two metals are frequently mixed in the fame mineral,
that is, in cobalt, they are incapable of uniting toge¬
ther, and are always found diftindt and feparate from
one another when they are melted together. At the
bottom of the crucible then we find bot-h regulus of
cobalt and bifmuth. The latter, having a greater fpe-
cific gravity, is found under the former. They may be
feparated from each other by the blow of a hammer.
Bifmuth may be eafily diftinguiflted from the regulus
of cobalt, not only from its fituation in the crucible,
but alfo by the large fflining facets which appear in
its fra&ure, and which are very different from the clofe
^ffl-coloured grain of regulus of cobalt.
This femi-metal is more difficult of fufion than any
other; is lefs eafily calcinable, and much lefs volatile.
Its calx is grey, and more or lefs brown; and when fu¬
fed with vitrifiable matters, it changes into a beautiful:
blue glafs called fmalt. This calx then is one of thofe.
which.
Re stilus
II
Relanc!.
R E L [ 6670 ] R E L
which preferve always a part of their inflammable prin¬
ciple. It is foluble in acids, as the regtilus is. This
regulus is foluble in vitriolic, marine, nitrous acids, and
in aqua regia, to all which it communicates colours.
The folution in vitriolic acid is reddifh; the folution
in marine acid is of a fine blnifh-green when hot, and
its colour is almoll totally effaced when cold, but is
eafily recoverable by heating it, without being obliged
to uncork the bottle containing it. This folution of
the calx of regulus of cobalt is the bafis of the fympa-
thetic ink; for without marine acid this ink cannot be
made.
All the folutions of regulus of cobalt may be preci¬
pitated by alkalies; and thefe precipitates are blue,
which colour they retain when vitrified with the flrong-
eit fire.
Not only fympathetic ink, but alfo regulus of co¬
balt, may be made from the zaffre commonly fold,
which is nothing elfe than the calx of regulus of cobalt
mixed with more or lefs pulverifed flints. For this pur-
pofe we muft feparate as well as we can the powder of
flints from it, by wafhing, as Mr Beaume does, and
then reduce it with black flux and fea-falt.
Regulus of cobalt feems incapable of uniting with
fulphur: but it eafily unites with liver of fulphur; and
the union it forms is fo intimate, that Mr Beaume
could not feparate thefe two fubftances, otherwife than
by precipitation with an acid.
Many curious and interefling remarks are ftill to be
difeovered concerning this fingular femi-metal, and we
may hope to receiver further information from the en¬
deavours of chemifts who have undertaken the exami¬
nation of it. Mr Beaume particularly has made con-
fiderable experiments on this fubjeft, part of which he
communicates to the public in his Courfe of Chemiftry.
All the new remarks in this article are from him. See
Chemistry, n° 159, 212, 213, 259.
REHEARSAL, in mufic and the drama, an effay
or experiment of fome compofition, generally made in
private, previous to its reprefentation or performance
in public, in order to render the a£lors and performers
more perfeA in their parts.
REINS, in anatomy, the fame with Kidneys.
Reins of a Bridle, are two long flips of leather, fa¬
ttened on each fide of a curb or fnaffle, which the rider
holds in his hand, to keep the horfe in fubje&ion.
There is alfo what is called falfe reins ; which is a
lath of leather, patted fometimes through the arch of
the banquet, to bend the horfe’s neck.
REJOINDER, in law, is the defendant’s anfwer
to the plaintiff’s replication or reply. Thus, in the
court of chancery, the defendant puts in an anfwer to
the plaintiff’s bill, which is fometimes alfo called an ex¬
ception; the plaintiff’s anfwer to that is called a repli¬
cation, and the defendant’s anfwer to that a rejoinder.
RELAND {Adrian), an eminent Qrientahft, born
at Ryp, in North Holland, in 1676. During three
yea^s ftudy under Surenhufius, he made an uncommon
progrefs in the Hebrew, Syriac, Chaldee, and Arabic
languages; and thefe languages were always his fa-
youtite fludy. In 1701, he was, by the recommenda¬
tion of king William, appointed profeffor of Oriental
languages and ecclefiaftical antiquities in the univerfity
of Utrecht ; and died of the fmall-pox in 1718. He
was diftinguiflied by his modefty, humanity, and learn¬
ing ; and carried on a correfpondence with the moft
eminent fcholars of his time. His principal works are,
1. An excellent defeription of Paieftine. 2. Five dif-
fertations on the Medals of the ancient Hebrews, and
feveral other differtations on different fubje&s. 3. An
Introdu&iou to the Hebrew Grammar. 4. The An¬
tiquities of the ancient Hebrews. 5. On the Maho¬
metan Religion. Thefe works are all written in La¬
tin.
RELATION, the mutual refpeft of two things, or
what each is with regard to the other. See Meta¬
physics, n° 50, 54, 94, 98,- 12 r, &c.
Relation, in geometry. See Ratio.
Relation, is alfo ufed for analogy. See Analo¬
gy.
RELATIVE, fomething relating to or refpe&ing
another.
Relative, in mufic. See Mode.
Relative Terms, in logic, are words which imply
a relation : fuch are matter and fervant, hufband and
wife, &c.
In grammar, relative words are thofe which anfwer
to fome other word foregoing, called the antecedent;
fuch are the relative pronouns qui, qua, quod, &c. and
in Englifli, •who, •whom, •which, &c. The word an-
fwering to thefe relatives is often underftood, as, “ I
know whom you mean ;” for I know the perfon
whom you mean.”
RELAXATION, in medicine, the aft of loofcn-
ing or flackening ; or the loofenefs or flacknefs of
the fibres, nerves, mufcles, &c.
RELAY, a fupply of horfes, placed on the road,
and appointed to be ready for a traveller to change,
in order to make the greater expedition.
RELEASE, in law, is a difeharge or conveyance
of a man’s right in lands or tenements, to another that
hath fome former eftate in poffeffion. The words ge¬
nerally ufed therein are “ remifed, releafed, and for
ever quit-claimed.” And thefe releafes may enure,
either, 1. By way of enlarging an efate, or enlarger
P ejlate : as, if there.be tenant for life or years, re¬
mainder to another in fee, and he in remainder re¬
leafes all his right to the particular tenant and his
heirs, this gives him the eftate in fee. But in this
cafe the releffee muft be in poffejfwn of fome eftate, for
the releafe to work upon ; for if there be leffee for
years, and, before he enters and is in poffeffion, the
leffor releafes to him all his right in the reverfion, fuch
releafe is void for want of poffeffion in the releffee.
2. By way ofpajfmg an efate, or mitter l’ efate: as,
when one of two coparceners releafeth all her right to
the other, this paffeth the fee-fimple of the whole.
And in both thefe cafes there muft be a privity of 1
eftate between the releffor and releffee ; that is, one
of their ettates muft be fo related to the other, as to
make but one and the fame eftate in law. 3. By way
of pafing a right, or mitter le droit: as if a man be
diffeifed, and releafeth to his diffeifor all his right;
hereby the diffeifor acquires a new right, which changes
the quality of his eftate, and renders that lawful which
before was tortious. 4. By way of extinguijhrnent:
as if my tenant for life makes a leafe to A for life, re¬
mainder to B and his heirs, and I releafe to A ; this
Relation*
Releafe.
Blacifl.
Comment,
R E L [ 6671 ] R E L
i Relevancy extinguiflies my right to the reverfion, and fliall enure
II to the advantage of B’s remainder as well as of A’s
Re ieve' particular eftate. 5. By way of entry and feoffment:
as if there be two joint difleifors, and the difleifee re-
leafes to one of them, he fliall be foie feiftd, and fliall
keep out his former companion ; which is the fame in
effect as if the difleifee had entered, and thereby put
an end to the difieifin, and afterwards had enfeoffed
one of the diffeifors in fee. And hereupon we may
obferve, that when a man has in himfclf the poffeffion
of lands, he muft at the common law convey the free¬
hold by feoffment and livery; which makes a noto¬
riety in the country : but if a man has only a right or
a future intereft, he may convey that right or intereft
by a mere releafe to him that is in poffeffion of the
land: for the occupancy of the releffce is a matter of
fufficient notoriety already.
RELEVANCY, in Scots law. See Law, N0clxxxvi.
.4S.
RELICS, in the Romiih church, the remains of
the bodies or deaths of faints or martyrs, and the in-
flrnments by which they were put to death, devoutly
preferved, in honour to their memory ; kiffed, revered,
and carried in proceffion.
RELICT, in law, the fame with Widow.
RELIEF, (Relevamen; but, in Domefday, Rele~
vatio,Rele\)iiim)ff\%ff\fa% a certain fum of money, which
the tenant, holding by knight’s fervice, grand fer-
jeanty, or other tenure, (for which homage or legal
fervice is due), and being at full age at the death of
bis anceftor, paid unto his lord at his entrance.
Though reliefs had their original while feuds were
only life-eftates, yet they continued after feuds be¬
came hereditary ; and were therefore looked upon,
very juftly, as one of the greateft grievances of te¬
nure : efpecially when, at the firft, they were merely
arbitrary and at the will of the lord ; fo that, if he
pleafed to demand an exorbitant relief, it was in effect
to difinherit the heir. The Englifli ill brooked this
confequence of their new-adopted policy ; and there¬
fore William the conqueror by his laws the
relief, by dtre&ing (in imitation of the Danilh he-
riots), that a certain quantity of arms, and habili¬
ments of war, fhould be paid by the earls, barons, and
vavafours refpe&ively ; and, if the latter had no arms,
tbey~ftiould pay too s. William Rufus broke thro’
this compofition, and again demanded arbitrary un¬
certain reliefs, as due by the feodal laws ; thereby in
effeft obliging every heir to new-purchafe or redeem
bis land : but his brother Henry I. by the charter
beforementioned, reftored his father’s law ; and or¬
dained, that the relief to be paid fliould be according
to the law fo eftabliflied, and not an arbitrary redemp¬
tion. But afterwards, when, by an ordinance in 27
Hen. II. called the affife of arms, it was provided, that
every man’s armour fliould defeend to his heir, for de¬
fence of the realm, and it thereby became imprac¬
ticable to pay thefe acknowledgments in arms ac¬
cording to the laws of the conqueror, the compofition
was univerfally accepted of 100 s. for every knight’s
fee, as we fin 1 it ever after eftabliflied. But it muft
be remembered, that this relief was only then payable,
if the heir at the death of his anceftor had attained his
full age of 21 years.
To RELIEVE the Guard, is to put freffi naen
upon guard, which is generally every 24 hours. Relieve
To Relieve the Trenches, is to relieve the guard of Jl.
the trenches, by appointing thofe for that duty who ReliSio11,
have been there before.
To Relieve the Sentries, is to put frefli men upon
that duty from the guard, which is generally done
every two hours, by a corporal who attends the relief,
to fee the proper orders are delivered to the foldier
who relieves.
RELIEVO, or Relief, in fculpture, &c. is the
proje&ure or Handing out of a figure which arifes pro¬
minent from the ground or plan on which it is form¬
ed;- whether that figure be cut with the chifel, mould
ed, or call.
There are three kinds or degrees of relievo, viz. al¬
to, baffo, and demi-relievo. The alto-relievo, called
alfo haut-relief, or high-relievo, is when the figure is
formed after nature, and projects as much as the life.
Baffo-relievo, bafs-relief, or low-relievo, is when the
work is raifed a little from the ground, as in medals,
and the frontifpieces of buildings ; and particularly in
the hiftories, feftoons, foliages, and other ornaments
of friezes. Demi-relievo is when one half of the fi¬
gure rifes from the plan. When, in a baffo-relievo,
there are parts that ftand clear out, detached from the
reft, the work is called a demi baffo.
In architefture, the relievo or proje&ure of the or¬
naments ought always to be proportioned to the
magnitude of the building it adorns, and to the di-
ftance at which it is to be viewed.
Relievo, or Relief, in painting, is the degree of
boldnefs with which the figures feem, at a due di-
ftance, to ftand out from the ground of the painting.
The relievo depends much upon the depth of the
fhadow, and the ftrength of the light; or on the
height of the different colours, bordering on one ano¬
ther ; and particularly on the difference of the colour
of the figure from that of the ground : thus, when
the light is fo difpofed as to make the neareft parts of
the figure advance, and is well diffufed on the maffes,
yet infenfibly diminiftiing, and terminating in a large
fpacious fhadow, brought off infenfibly, the relievo
is faid to be bold, and the clair obfeure well under-
ftood.
RELIGION, that worfhip and homage which is
due to God, confidered as our Creator, Preferver, and
moft bountiful Benefaftor.
As our affetlions depend on our opinions of their
objefts, it feems to be among the firft duties we owe
to the Author of our being, to form the leaft imperfe&,
fince we cannot form perfeff, conceptions of his cha-
ra&er and adminiftration: for fuch conceptions will
render our religion rational, and our difpofitions re¬
fined. If our opinions are diminutive and diftorted,
our religion will be fuperftitious, and our temper ab-
je£l. Thus, if we aferibe to the Deity that falfe ma-
jefty which confifts in the unbenevolent and fullen ex-
ercife of mere will or power, or fuppofe him to de¬
light in the proftrations of fervilc fear, or as fervile
praife, he will be worihipped with mean adulation, and
a profufion of compliments. If he be looked upon as
a ftern and implacable Being, delighting in vengeance,
he will be adored with pompous offerings, or whatever
elfe may be thought proper to foothe and mollify him.
But if we believe perfeft goodnefs to be the charac¬
ter
R E L [ 6672 ] R E L
Religion, ter of the Supreme Being, and that he loves thofe
■" who referable him moft in this the moft amiable of
his attributes, the worrtiip paid him will be rational
and fublime, and his worfhippers will feek to pleafe
him by imitating that goodnefs which they adore. In¬
deed, wherever right conceptions of the Deity, and
his Providence, prevail, when he is confidered as the
inexhaufted fource of light, and love, and joy, as ac¬
ting in the joint chara&er of a father and governor,
what veneration and gratitude muft. fuch conceptions,
thoroughly believed, excite in the mind? how natu¬
ral and delightful mult it be, to one whofe heart is
open to the perception of truth, and of every thing
fair, great, and wonderful in nature, to engage in the
exercifes of religion, and to contemplate and adore him,
who is the firft fair, firft great, and firft: wonderful; in
whom wifdom, power, and goodnels dwell vitally, ef-
fentially, and aft in perfeft concert ? what grandeur
is here, to fill the moft enlarged capacity, what beau¬
ty to engage the moft ardent love, what a mafs of
wonders, in fuch exuberance of perfeftion, to aftonifh
and delight the human mind, through an unfailing
duration! When we confider the unfullied purity and
abfolute perfeftion of the divine nature, and refleft
on the imperfeftion and various blemifhes of our own,
and the ungrateful returns we have made to his good¬
nefs, we muft fink, or be convinced we ought to fink,
into the deepeft humility and proftration of foul be¬
fore him, and be confcious that it is our duty to re¬
pent of a temper and conduft fo unworthy of our na¬
ture, and fo unbecoming our obligations to its author;
and to refolve to aft a wifer and better part for the
future- And if the Deity is confidered as the father
of mercies, who loves his creatures with infinite ten-
dernefs, and, in a particular manner, all good men;
nay, who delights in goodnefs even inits moft imperfeft
degrees ; what refignation, what dependence, what
generous confidence, what hope in God, and in his
all-wife providence, muft arife in the foul that is pof-
fefied of fuch amiable views of him ! We muft further
obferve, that all thofe affeftions which regard the
Deity as their immediate and primary objeft, are vi¬
tal energies of the foul, and confequently exert them-
felves into a£t, and, like all other energies, gain
itrength or greater aftivity by that exertion: it is
therefore our duty, as well as higheft intereft, often,
at ftated times, and by decent and folemn afts, to
adore the great original of our exiftence, to exprefs
our veneration and love by a devout recognition of
his perfeftions, and to evidence our gratitude by ce¬
lebrating his goodnefs, and thankfully acknowledging
all his benefits : by proper exercifes of forrow and hu¬
miliation to confefs our ingratitude and folly, to fig-
nify our dependence on God, our confidence in his
goodnefs, and our refignation to the difpofals of his
Providence; and this not only in private, but in pub¬
lic worfhip, where the prefence of our fellow-creatures
and the powerful contagion of the focial affeftions,
confpire to kindle and fpread the devout flame with
greater warmth and energy.
Religion is divided into natural and revealed. By
natural religion is meant that knowledge, veneration,
and love of God, and the praftice of thofe duties to
him, our fellow-creatures, and ourfelves, which are
difcoverable by the right exercife of our rational fa¬
culties, from confidering the nature and perfeftions of Religion !
God, and our relation to him and to one another. (See II
Philcfophy. And by revealed religion is meant, embran e
natural religion explained, enforced, and enlarged,
from the exprefs declarations of God himfelf from the
mouths or pens of his prophets, &c.
Religion, in a more contrafted fenfe, is ufed for
that fyftem of faith and worfhip, which obtains in fe-
veral countries of the world; (fee Christianity, Ma¬
hometanism, Jews, Mythology :) And even for
the various fefts into which religion is divided ; (fee
Roman-Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists, &c.)
RELIGIOUS, in a general fenfe, fomething that
relates to religion.—We fay, a religious life, religious
fociety, &c.—Churches and church-yards are reli¬
gious places—A religious war is alfo called a crcf/We.
See Croisade.
Religious, is alfo ufed fubftantially for a perfon
engaged by folemn vows to the monafticlife ; or a per¬
fon (hut up in a monaftery to lead a life of devotion
and aufterity, under fome rule or inftitution. The male
religious wc popularly call monks and friars ; the fe¬
male, nuns and canonejfes.
REMBRANDT (Van Rhin), a Flemifh painter and
engraver of great eminence, was born in 1606, in a
mill upon the banks of the Rhine, from whence he de¬
rived his name of Van Rbin. This matter was born
with a creative genius, which never attained perfec¬
tion. It was faid of him, that he would have invent¬
ed painting, if he had not found it already difeovered.
Without ftudy, without the afliftance of any matter,
but by his own inftinft, he formed rules, and a cer¬
tain pratfical method for colouring, and the mixture
produced the defigned effeft. Nature is not fet off to
the greateft advantage in his piftures; but there is
fuch a ftriking truth and fimplicity in them, that his
heads, particularly his portraits, feem animated, and
rifing from the canvafs. He was fond of ftrong con¬
trails of light and thade. The light entered in his
working-room only by a hole, in the manner of a ca¬
mera obfeura, by which he judged with greater cer¬
tainty of his produftions. This artift confidered paint¬
ing like the ftage, where the charafters do not ftrike
unlefs they are exaggerated. He did not purfue the
method of the Flemifh painters of finilhing his pieces.
He fometimes gave his light fuch thick touches, that
it feemed more like modelling than painting. A head
of his has been thown, the nofe of which was fo thick
of paint, as that which he copied from nature. He
was told one day, that by his peculiar method of em¬
ploying colours, his pieces appeared rugged and un¬
even—he replied, he was a painter, and not a dyer.
He took a pleafure in drtffing his figures in an extra¬
ordinary manner : with this view he had collefted a
great number of eatlern caps, ancient armour, and dra¬
pery long fince out of fathion. When he was advifed
to con full antiquity to attain a better tafte in draw¬
ing, as his was nfually heavy and uneven, he took his
counfellor to the clofet where thefe old veftments were
depofited, faying, by way of derifion, thofe were his
antiques.
Rembrandt, like moft men of genius, bad many ca¬
prices. Being one day at work, painting a whole fa¬
mily in a fingle pifture, word being brought him that
his monkey was dead, he was fo affefted at the lofs of
this
REM [ 6673 ]
Ranem* this anitnal, that, without paying any attention to the
Remem Prions who were fitting for their piftures, he painted
brsncer. t^ie monhey upon the fame canvafs. This whim could
    not fail of difpleafing thofe the piece was defigned for ;
but he would not efface it, choofifig rather to iofe the
fdle of his pidture.
This freak will appear ftill more extraordinary in
Rembrandt, when it is confidered that he was ex¬
tremely avaricious; which vice daily grew upon him.
He pradtifed various ftrata«ems to fell his prints at a
high price. The public were very defirous of purcha-
fiilg them, and not without reafon. In his prints the
fame tafte prevails as in his pidtures ; they are rough
and irregular, but pidturefque. In order to heighten
the value of his prints, and increafe their price, he
made his fon fell them as if he had purloined them
from his father; others he expofed at public fales,
and went thither himfelf in difguife to bid for them;
fornetimes he gave out that he was going to leave Hol¬
land, and fettle in another country. Thefe ftratagems
were fuceefsfui, and he got his own price for his
prints. At other times he would print his plates half
finifhed, and expofe them to fale ; he afterwards fi-
nifhed them, and they became frefh plates. When
they wanted retouching, he made fome alterations in
them, which promoted the fale of his prints a third
time, tho’ they differed but little from the firft impref-
fions.
His pupils, who were not ignorant of his avarice,
onejday painted fome pieces of money upon cards; and
Rembrandt no fooner faw them, than he was going to
take them up. He was not angry at the pleafantry,
but his avarice ftill prevailed. He died in 1674.
REMEMBRANCE, is when the idea of fome-
thing formerly known recurs again to the mind,
without the operation of a like objeft on the exter¬
nal fenfory. See Memory and Reminiscence.
REMEMBRANCERS, anciently called ckrh of
the remembrance, certain officers in the exchequer,
whereof three are diftinguiflied by the names of the
king's remembrancer, the lord treafurer's remembrancer,
and the remembrancer of the firft fruits. The king’s re¬
membrancer enters in his office all recognizances taken
before the barons for any of the king’s debts, for ap¬
pearances or obferving of orders; he alfo takes all
hands for the king’s debts, &c. and makes out pro-
ceffes thereon. He likewife iffues proceffes againft the
collectors of the cuftoms, excife, and others, for their
accounts; and informations upon penal ftatutes are en¬
tered and fued in his office, where all proceedings in
matters upon Englifti bills in the .exchequer-chamber
remain. His duty further is to make out the bills of
compofitions upon penal laws, to take the ftatement
of debts; and into his office are delivered all kinds of
indentures and other evidences which concern the
affuring any lands to the crown. He, every year in
crafino animarum, reads in open court the ftatute for
election of fheriffs; and likewife Openly reads in court
the oaths of all the officers, when they are admitted.
The lord treafurer’s remembrancer is charced to
make out procefs againft all ftleriffs, efcheators, receivers,
and bailiffs, for their accounts. He alfo makes out
writs of fieri facias, and extent for debts due to the
king, either-in the pipe or with the auditors; and
You IX. 1
procefs for all fuch revenue as is due to the king on Kcm.,,,,
account of his tenures. He takes the account of C£||Ce
fheriffs ; and alfo keeps a record, by which it appears Rcnj,Lt(.*
whether the (heriffs or other accountants pay their
proffers due at Eafter and Michaelmas; and at the
fame time he makes a record, whereby the (heriffs or
other accountants keep their prefixed days: there ate
likewife brought into his office all the accounts of
cuftomers, comptrollers, and accountants, in order to
make entry thereof on record ; alfo all eftreats and
amercements are certified here, &c.
The remembrancer of the firft-fruits takes all com¬
pofitions and bonds for the payment of firft-fruits and
tenths ; and makes out procefs againft fuch as do not
pay the fame.
REMINISCENCE, that power of the human mind,
whereby it recolle&s itfelf, or calls again into its re¬
membrance fuch ideas or notions as it had really for¬
got : in which it differs from memory, which is a
treafuring up of things in the mind, and keeping them
there, without forgetting them.
REMISSION, in phyfics, the abatement of the
power or efficacy of any quality ; in oppofition to the
increafe of the fame, which is called intenfion.
Remission, in law, &c. denotes the pardon of a
crime, or the giving up the puniftiment due thereto.
Remission, in medicine, is when a diftemper abates
for a time, but does not go quite off.
REMITTANCE, in commerce, the traffick or
return of money from one place to another, by bills of
exchange, orders, or the like.
REMONSTRANCE, an expoftulation or hum¬
ble fupplication, addreffed to a king, or other fu-
perior, befeechiug him to refleft on the incoveniences
or ill confequences of fome order, edift, or the like.
This word is alfo ufed for an expoftulatory counfel, or
advice; or a gentle and handfome reproof, made
either in general, or particular, to apprize of or correft
fome fault, &c.
REMORA, or Sucking-fish, a fpecies of Eche-
neis. Many incredible things are related of this ani¬
mal by the ancients; as that it had the power of
flopping the largeft and fwifteft veflel in its courfe: and
even to this day it is aflerted by the fifhermen in the
Mediterranean, that it has a power of retarding the
motion of their boats by attaching itfelf to them ; for
which reafon they kill it whenever they perceive this
retardation. But in what manner the remora performs
this, we have no account.
Action of REMOVING in Scots law. See
Law, N° clxvii. 18.
RENAL, fomething belonging to the reins or
Kidneys.
RENCOUNTER, in the military art, the en¬
counter of two little bodies or parties of forces. In
which fenfe rencounter is ufed in oppofnidn to a pitched
battle.
Rencounter, in Angle combats, is ufed by way
of contradiftindtion to duel.—When two perfons fall
out, and fight on the fpot, without having premedi¬
tated the combat, it is called a rencounter.
RENDEZVOUS, or Rendevous, a place ap¬
pointed to meet in, at a certain day and hour.
RENEGATE, or Renegado, a perfon who has
■ 37 M apofta-
IS.
& p
Repealing. 1
Renfrew- apoftatized or renounced the Chrldian faith, to em-
ftire brace fome other religion, particularly Mahometa-
" , nifm. , -
RENFREW-shire, a county of Scotland, ftyled
by way of eminence the barony, becaufe it was the
ancient inheritance of the Stuarts,^is a fmall county,
extending about 20 miles front north to fouth, and 13
from eaft to weft, parted from Dumbarton-fhire by
the river Clyde on the weft, bordering on the eaft
with Lanerkfhire, and on the north with Cunningham.
The face of the country is varied with hill and vale,
wood and ftream ; crowded with populous villages,
and adorned with the feats of gentlemen. The foil
is in general fertile, producing rye, barley, oats, peafe,
beans, flax, and fome wheat: it likewife yields plenty
of coal, and turf for fuel ; and affords abundance of
pallurage for fheep and cattle. The inhabitants are
Ipwlanders, and Preibyterians; wealthy and induftrious,
addided to. traffic, and particularly expert in the linen
manufadure. Their genius is ftimulated to commerce,
by the example of their neighbours of Glafgow, as
well as the convenience of the river and frith of Clyde,
along the courfe of which they are fituated. Renfreiu,
the county town, Handing on the fmall river Cathcart,
which flows into the Clyde at the diftance of five miles
from Glafgow, is a fmall but ancient royal borough,,
the feat of the flieriff’s court and of a prefbytery. The
town is neatly built, and the inhabitants enjpy a tole¬
rable fttare of commerce.—Renfrew was originally
joined to Lanerk, but was made an independent ftie-
riffdom by Robert II. who had a palace here.
RENNES, a town of France, in Bretagne, and
capital of that province, with a bilhop’s fee, two ab-
6674 1 REP
REPELLENTS, in medicine, remedies which Repellents
drive back a morbid humour into the mafs of blood, II
from whence it was. unduely fecreted. Replevy.
REPERCUSSION, in mufic, a frequent repeti¬
tion of the fame found.
REPERTORY, a place, wherein things are orderly
difpofed, fo as to be eafily found when wanted. The
indices of books are repertories, ftiowing where the
matters fought for are treated of. Common-place
books are alfo kinds of repertories.
REPETITION, the reiterating of an aftion..
Repetition, in mufic, denotes a reiterating or
playing over again the fame part of a compofition,
whether it be a whole ftrain, part of a ftrain, or double
ftrain, &c.
When the fong ends with a repetition of the firft
ftrain, or part of it, the repetition is denoted by da
capo, or D. C. /. <?. “ from the beginning.”
Repetition, in rhetoric, a figure which grace¬
fully and emphatically repeats either the fame word,
or the fame fenfe in different words. See Oratory,
n° 66—79..
The nature and defign of this figure is to make
deep impreffions on thofe we addrefs. It expreffts
anger and indignation, full affurance of what we af¬
firm,. and a vehement concern for what we have
efpoufed..
REPHIDIM, (anc. geog.) a ftation of the Ifrael-
ites near mount Horeb, where they murmured for want
of water. 5 when Mofes was ordered to finite the rock
Horeb, upon which it yielded water. Here Jolhua
difeomfited the Amalekites. This rock, out of
which Mofes brought water, is a ftone of a prodigious
beys, a parliament, and a mint. It is very populousheight and thicknefs, rifing out of the ground; on
the houfes are fix or feven ftories high, and the fu-
burbs of larger extent than the town itfelf. The ca¬
thedral church is large, and the parliament-houfe a
handfome ftrudture. The great fquare belonging to
it is furrounded with handfome houfes. There,is a
tower, formerly a pagan temple, which now contains
the town-clock. It is. feated on the river Villaine,
which divides it into two parts,, E. Long. o. 23. N.
Lat. 48. 7.
RENNET. See Run net.
RENT, in law, a fum of money, or other confi-
fideration,. iffuing yearly out of lands or tenements.
RENTERING, in the manufa&ories, the fame
with fine drawing.,
RENVERSE, inverted* in heraldry, is when any
thing is fet with the head downwards, or contrary to
its natural way of (landing. Thus, a chevron renverfe,
is a chevron with the point downwards. They ufe
alio the fame term when a bead is laid on its back.
RENUNCIATION, the a6l of renouncing, ab¬
dicating, or relinquiftiing any right, real or pre¬
tended.
two fides of which are feveral holes, by which the wa¬
ter ran. (Thevenot.)
REPLEGIARE, in law, (ignifies to redeem a
thing taken or detained by another, by putting in le¬
gal fureties.
De homine REPLEGIANDO. See Homine.
REPLEVIN, in law, a remedy granted on a di-
ftrefs, by which the firft poffeffor has his goods refto-
red to him again, dn his giving fecurity to the (heriff
that he will purfue his aftion againft the party diftrain-
ing, and return the goods or cattle if the taking them
(hall be adjudged lawful.
In a replevin the perfon diftrained becomes plaintiff;
and the perfon diftraining is called the defendant or
avowant, and his juftification an avowry.
At the common-law replevins are by writ, either but
of the king’s-bench or common-pleas; but by ftatute*
they are by plaint in the IherifPs court, and court-
baron, for a perfon’s more fpeedily obtaining the
goods diftrained.
If a plaint in replevin be removed into the court of
king’s-bench, &c. and the plaintiff makes default and
REPARTEE, a fmart, ready reply, efpecially in becomes non-fuit, or judgment is given againft him,
matters of wit, humour, or raillery.
REPEALING, in law, the revoking or annulling
of a llatute, or the like.
No a& of parliament (hall be repealed the fame
fefiion in which it was made. A deed or will may be
repealed in part, and (land good for the reft. It is
held that a pardon of felony may be repealed on dif-
proving the fuggeilion thereof.
the defendant in replevin (hall have the writ of retorno
habendo of the goods taken in djllrefs. See the article
Replevy.
REPLEVY, in law, is a tenant’s bringing a writ
pf replevin, or replegiari facias, where his goods are
taken by diftrefs for rent; which mult be done within
five days after the diftrefs, otherwife at t|he five days
end they are to be appraiud. and fold.
This
Report
Reprieve.
TV.adfl.
Comment.
REP [ 6675 1 R
This word Is alfo ufed for bailing a perfon, as in the rials of our law will reach,
cafe of a homine replegiando.
REPORT, the relation made upon oath, by officers
or perfons appointed to vifit, examine, or eftimate the
ftate, expences, See. of any thing.
Report,, in law, is a public relation of cafes judi-
E P
In cafe this plea be made Reprieve
in flay of execution, the judge muft diredl a jury of 12 H
matrons or difereet women to inquire into the fadt: *'ej^°nUC"
and if they bring in their verdi& quick ’with child (lot   :—-
barely •w/M child, unlefs it be alive in the womb, is not
fufficient) execution fhall be (laid generally till the next
cially argued, debated, refolved, or adjudged in any of fefiion; and fo from feffion to feffion, till either fhe is
the king’s courts of juftice, with the caufes and reafons
of the fame, as delivered by the judges. Alfo when
the court of chancery, or any other court, refers the
ftating of a cafe,or the comparing of an account, to a
mailer of chancery, or other referee, his certificate
thereon is called a report.
REPOSE, in poetry, &c. the fame with reft and
paufe. See Rest, &c.
Repose, in painting, certain mafles or large afiem-
blages of light and lhade, which being well conducted,
prevent the confufion of obje&s and figures, by enga¬
ging and fixing the eye fo as it cannot attend to the
other parts of the painting for fome time; and thus
leading it to confider the, feveral groups gradually, pro¬
ceeding, as it were, from ftage to ftage.
REPRESENTATION, in the drama, the exhibi¬
tion of a theatrical piece, together with the feenes,
inachinery, &c.
REPRESENTATIVE, one who perfonates or
fupplies the place of another, and is invefted with his
right and authority. Thus the houfe of commons are
the reprefentatives of the people in parliament. See
Commons and Parliament.
REPRIEVE, in criminal law, (from reprendre,
“ to take back,”) is the withdrawing of a fentence
for an interval of time ; whereby the execution is fuf-
pended. See Judgement.
This may be, firft, ex arbitrio judicis, either be¬
fore or after judgment: as, where the judge is not
fatisfied with the verdi&, or the evidence is fufpi-
cious, or the indidtment is infufficient, or he is doubt¬
ful whether the offence be within clergy; or fometimes
if it be a fmall felony, or any favourable circumftances
appear in the criminal’s charafter, in order to give
foom to apply to the crown for either an abfolute or
conditional pardon. Thefe arbitrary reprieves may be
granted or taken off by the juftices of goal-delivery,
althoughtheir feffion be finilhed, and their commiffion
expired V^but this rather by common ufage than of ftrid
right.
Reprieves may alfo be ex necejjltate legist as where
a woman is capitally convicted, and pleads her preg¬
nancy. Though this is no caufe to ftay judgment, yet
it is to refpite the execution till Ihe be delivered. This
is a mercy diftated by the law of nature, in favorem
prolis; and therefore ho part of the bloody proceedings
in the reign of queen Mary hath been more juftly de-
tefted, than the cruelty that was exercifed in the ifland
of Guernfey, of burning a woman big with child; and,
when through the violence of the flames the infant
fprang forth at the Hake, and was preferved by the by-
ftanders, after fome deliberations of the priefts who-af-
fifted at the facrifice, they caft it into the fire as a young
heretic. A barbarity which they never learned from
the laws of ancient Rome; which diredl, with the fame
humanity as our own, quod pragnantis mulieris dam-
katte paetia differatur, quoadpariat: which doftrine has
alfo prevailed in England, as early as the firft memo-
delivered, or proves by the courfe of nature not to have
been with child at all. But if fhe once bath had the
benefit of this reprieve, and been delivered, and after¬
wards becomes pregnant again, fhe fhall not be enti¬
tled to the benefit of a farther refpite for that caufe.
For fhe may now be executed before the child is quick
in the womb; and fhall not, by her own incontinence,
evade the fentence of juftice.
Another caufe of regular reprieve is, if the offender
become non compos between the judgment and the
award of execution : for regularly, though a man
be compos -when he commits a capital crime, yet
if he becomes non compos after, he fhall not be in¬
dicted; if after indiftment, he fhall not be convic¬
ted ; if after conviction, he fhall not receive judge¬
ment ; if after judgment, he fhall not be ordered
for execution : for furiofus folo furore punitur, and
the law knows not but he might have offered fome
reafon, if in his fenfes, to have flayed thefe refpeffive
proceedings. It is therefore an invariable rule, when
any time intervenes between the attainder and the
award of execution, to demand of the prifoner what
he hath to allege why execution fhould not be award¬
ed againft him ; and, if he appears to be infane, the
judge in his diferetion may and ought to reprieve him.
Or, the party may plead in bar of execution; which
plea may be either pregnancy, the king’s pardon, an
a£t of grace, or diverfity of perfon, viz. that he is not
the fame that was attainted, and the like. In this laft
cafe a jury fhall be impanelled to try this collateral
iffue, namely, the identity of his perfon; and not whe¬
ther guilty or Innocent, for that has been decided be¬
fore. And in thefe collateral iffues the trial fhall be
injlanter; and no time allowed the prifoner to make
his defence or produce his witneffes, unlefs he will
make oath that he is not the perfon attainted: neither
fhall any peremptory challenges of the jury be allowed
the prifoner, though formerly fuch challenges were held
to be allowable whenever a man’s life was in queftion.
If neither pregnancy, infanity, non-identity, nor other
plea, will avail to avoid the judgment, and ftay the ex¬
ecution confequent thereupon, the laft and fureft refort
is in the king’s meft gracious pardon; the granting of
which is the mod amiable prerogative of the crown.
See the article Pardon.
REPRISALS, a right which princes claim of ta¬
king from their enemies any thing equivalent to what
they unjuftly detain from them.
REPROBATION, in theology, a decree by which
God is fuppofed, either from all eternity, or from the
creation of the world, to confign over to eternal mifery
the greateft part of mankind, and to fave none of the
human race, except thofe whom he made the heirs of
glory by eleftion.
REPRODUCTION, the zQ. whereby a thing is
produced anew, or grows a fecohd time.
■The reprodu£fion of feveral parts of lobfters, crabs,
&c, is one of the greateft ouriofities in natural hiftory-
37 M 2 It
REP [ 6676 ] R E
Reproduc- It fe€m5, indeed, inconfiflent with the modern fyfteto
tian, 0f gener4t;onj which fuppofes the animal to be wholly
vf)tl es‘ formed in the egg ; that, in lieu of an organical part
of an animal cut off, another fhould arife perfedtly like
it: the fadt, however, is too well attefted to be denied.
The legs of lobllers, &c. confifl each of five articula¬
tions: now when any of the legs happen to break, by
any accident, as by walking, &cc. which frequently
happens, the fradture is always found to be at the fu¬
ture near the fourth articulation ; and what they thus
lofe, is esadtly reproduced in fome time afterwards;
that is, a part of the leg fhootts out, confiding of four
articulations, the firft whereof has two claws, as be¬
fore; fo that the JoCs is entirely repaired.
If the leg of a lobfter be broken off by defign at the
fourth or fifth articulation, what is thus broken off is
always reproduced. But, if the fracture be made in
the firft, fecond, or third articulation, the reprodudtion
is not fo certain. And it is very furprifing, that, if
the fradfure be made at thefe articulations, at the end of
two or three days all the other articulations are gene¬
rally found broken off to the fourth, which, it is fuppo-
fed, is done by the creature iifelf, to make the repro¬
duction certain. The part reproduced is not only fi-
milar to that retrenched, but alfo, in a certain fpace of
time, grows equal to it. Hence it is that we frequent¬
ly fee lobfters which have their two large legs unequal
in all proportions; and, if the part reproduced be bro¬
ken off, a fecond will fucceed.
In an effay on the reprodudion of animals by the
Abbe Spalanzani, that gentleman has afferted, that
fnails are endowed with a very extraordinary repro-
ciudive power ; infornuch, that even when their heads
are cut off, new ones are foon produced : but this has
been found to be a miftake, and all the fnails whofe
heads were cut off died fooner or later, though fome
lived a whole year after the operation. The Abbe’s
miftake was occafioned by his having only cut off part
of the heads; by reafon of the creatures contrading
their bodies in order to avoid the injury. So far from
being endowed with any power of reproducing their
heads, thefe creatures are not even endowed with a
power of reproducing their horns, or any part of them,
when cut off.
REPTILES, in natural hillory, a kind of animals
denominated from their creeping or advancing on the
belly. Or reptiles are a genus of animals and infeds,
which, inftead of feet, reft on one part of the body,
while they advance forward with the reft. Such ate
earthworms, fnakes, caterpillars, &c. Indeed, moft of
the clafs of reptiles have feet; only thofe very fatal!,
and the legs remarkably fttort in proportion to the
bulk of the body.
Naturalifts obferve a world of artful contrivance for
the motion of reptiles. Thus, particularly in the earth¬
worm, Ur Willis tells us, the whole body is only a
chain of annular mufcles; or, as Mr Derham fays, it
:s only oue continued fpiral mufcle, the orbicular
fibres whereof being contraded, render each ring nar¬
rower and longer than before ; by which means it is
enabled, like the worm of an augre, to bore its paf-
tage into the earth. Its reptile motion might alio be
explained by a wire wound on a cylinder, wliich when
flipped off, and one end extended and held fail, will
bmig the other,Rear to it. So the earth-worm ha¬
ving fhot ont or extended his body (which is with a Republic
wreathing), it takes hold by tbefc hnall feet it l-’h, fj.
and fo comrade the hinder part of its body. Ur Ty-
fon adds, that when the forepart of the body is
ftretched out, and applied to a plane at a diffance, the
hied pm relaxing and fhortening is eafily drawn to¬
wards it as a centre.
Its feet are djfpofed in a quadruple row the whole
length of the worm, with which, as with fo many
hooks, it fallens down fometimes this and fometimes
that part of the body to the plane, and at the fame
time ftretches out or drags after it another.
The creeping of ferpents is tffaded after a fomewbat
different manner ; there being a difference in their
ftrudure, in that thefc laft have a comp ages of bones
articulated together.
The body here is not drawn together, but as it were
complicated; part of it being applied on the rough
ground, and the reft ejaculated and foot from it, which
being fat on the ground in its turn, brings the other
after it. The fpine of the back varloufly wreathed has
the fame effe& in leaping, as the joints in the feet of
other animals; they make their leaps by means of
mufcles, and extend the plicae or folds.
REPUBLIC, or commonwealth, a popular ftateor
government; or a nation where the people have the
government in their own bands. See Government.
Republic of letters, a phrafe uCed colle&bvely of
the whple body of foe iludioua and learned people.
REPUUIATION, in the civil law, tbena of di¬
vorcing. See Uivorce.
REPULSION, in phyfics, that property of bo¬
dies whereby they recede from each other, and, on
certain occafions, mutually avoid coming into cpn-
taft.
Repulsion, as well as attraction, has of late been
confidered as one of the primary qualities of all matter,
and has been much ufed in explaining the phenomena
of nature : thus the particles of air, fire, fteara,
eleforic fluid, &c. are all faid to have a repulfiwe
power with refpeft to one another.—That this is the
cafe with the air, and vapour of all kinds, is certain ;
becaufe when they are compreffed into a fmail fpace,
they expand with great force : but ,as to fire, light, and
clcfilrickty, our experiments fail; nay, the fappofuio.n
of a repulfive power among the particles of the ele&ric
fluid is inconfiftent with the phenomena, as has been
demonftrated under the article Electricity, Se£t.
V. and VI. Even in thofe fluids, air and fleam,
where a repulfive power moil manifeftly exifts, it is
demonftrable that the repulfion cannot be a primary
quality, fince it can be increafed to a great degree by
heat, and diminifoed by cold : but it is impofable
that a primary quality of matter can be increafed or
diminifoed by any external circumftances whatever;
for whatever property depends upon external circum¬
ftances, is not a primary but a fecondar.y one.—The
repulfion of ekflrified bodies is explained under the
article Electricity: that of others is lefs fubjeft to
inveftigation ; and the moft that can be faid concern¬
ing it is, that in many cafes it feems to be the confe-
quence of a modification of fire, and in others of
eleflricity.
REQUEST, in law, a fapplication or petition
preferred to a prince, .or to a court ofjuftice; beg-
RES [ 6677 ] RES
Reqwft gjng relief in fprae confcionabk cafes whfre the com -
. il men law grants n<f immediate redrefs.
Refeda. ^ Court of Request (curia requiftionmn) was a
court of equity, of the fame nature with the court of
chancery, but inferior to if ; principally intiitutec} /or
the relief .of fu«ch petitioners as in con£ciona/>le c^fes
addreffed themfeives by fupplication to Lis majefty.
Of this co,urt the lord privy.-feaj was chief judge,
affifled by the mailers of requellsf and it had begin¬
ning about the 9 H. 7. according to Sir JuliusCaefar’s
trail ate upon this fubjeft : though Mr Gwyn, in his
preface to his Readings, faith it began from a commif-
fion fir ft granted by king Henry VIII.—This court,
having aflumed great power to itfelf, fo that it be¬
came burthenfome, Mich, anno 40 and 41 Eliz. in
the court of common-pleas it was adjudged upon
folemn argument, that the court of requdls was no
court of judicature, &e. and by flat. 16 & 17 Car. I.
c. 10. it was taken away.
REQUIEM, in the Romifh church, a mafs fang
for the fell of the fotfl of a perfon deceafed.
RESCISSION, in the civil law, an a£lton intend¬
ed for- the annulling or fetting afide any contraft,
deed, &c.
RESCRIPT, an anfwtr delivered by an emperor,
or a pope, when confulted by particular perfoos on
fome difficult . quell ion or point of Jaw, to ferve as a
deeifion thereof.
RESEDA, DOER’S weiE*d, FeUonu-wcd, Weld, or
Wild-nuoad; a genns of the order of trigynia, bdouging
to the dodecanoria clafs of plants. There are 11 fpecies;
of which the moil remarkable is the loteola or common
dyers weed, growing naturally in wafte places in many
parts of Britain. The young leaves are often un¬
dulated ; the ftalb is^ yard high, or more, terminated
with a long naked /pike of yeftowilh-green flowers :
the pknt is cultivated and much ;yfed for dying filk
and wool of a yellaw colour. The great recommen¬
dation of the plan/ is, that ft will grow with very little
trouble, without dung, and on the very warjt (oils.
For this reafpn it is .commonly (own with, or immedi¬
ately .after, barley or o.atS, without any additional care,
except drawing a buffi over it to harrow it in. The
reaping of the corn does ft little or no bunt, as it
grows but little the firft year; and the nejet fumnrer it
is pulled and dried like flax. Much care and nicety,
however, is requifite, fo as mPf to injure either the
feed or ft a Ik ; dr, which fometimes happens, dama¬
ging both, by letting it Hand too long, or pulling it
too green. To avpid thefe inconveniences, a better
method of culture has been devifed. This new me¬
thod is to plough and harrow the ground very fine,
•without dung, as equally as poffible, and then fowing
about a gallon of feed, which is very fmall, upon an
acre, fome time in the month of Auguft. In about
two months it will be high enough to hpe, which
mull be carefully done, and the plants left about fix
inches afunder. In March it is to be hoed again, and
this labour is to he repeated a third time in May..
About the clofe of June, when the flower is in full
vigour, and the {talk is become of a greeniffi-yellow,
it ffiouid be pulied ; a fufficient quantity of ftems be--
ing left growing for feed till September. By this
means the flower and ftalk, both of them being care¬
fully dried, will fell at a good price to the dyers,,who
emplby it conflantly, and in iwg* quantities,; add tp Kefcrn,*
this, that the feed being ripe and in perfect .order, will Ww«*
yield a very c-onfiderab'e profit. Ip .a tolerable year,
wlrep the feafons have no|t been unfavourable, the ad¬
vantages derived from this vegetable will .anfwer very
vyeli ; but if the fnmraer ffiould he remarkably line,
anj proper care is taken in getting it in, there will be
a very large produce upon an acre. The crop being,
as h?8 been fhown, fo early removed, the ground may
be conveniently prepared for growing wheat the next
year. Upon the whole, weld is in its nature a very va¬
luable commodity in many refpedts., as it ferves equally
for woollen, linen, or filk; dyeing no£ only a rich and
lading yellow, but alfo, properly managed, all the dif¬
ferent ffiades of yellow with brightnefs and beauty;
and if thefe be previoufly dipped blue, they are by the
weld changed into a very pleafing green, which our
artifts can alfo diverfify into a great variety of ffiades-.
RESEMBLANCE oiid DtsstM’iLiTUDE, the rela¬
tions of likenefs and difference among objefls. See
Comparison.
The connexion that man hath with the beings around
him, requires fome acquaintance with their nature,
their powers, and their qualities, for regulating lim r*
condua. For acquiring a branch of knowledge fo ef-
fential to bur well-being, motives alone of reafo-n and
intereft are not fufficient: nature hath providentially
fuperadded curiofity, a vigorous-propenfity, which ne¬
ver ip at reft. This propenfity alone attaches us .to
every new objeA *■; and incites us to compare objefis, * ?ee :N'0s’
in order to difeover their differencas and refenablauces. ■'*
Refemblance among objefls ,of the fame kind, and
diffimilitude among objefls of different kinds, are too
obvious and familiar to gratify our curiofity in any de¬
gree: its gratification lies in difeovering differences
among things where refemblance prevails, and refem-
blances where difference prevails. Thus a difference
in individuals of the fame kind of plants or animals, is
deemed a difeovery, while the many particulars in
which they agree are neglefled; and in different kinds,
any refembiance is greedily remarked, without attend¬
ing to the many particulars in which tlre-y differ.
A companion =of the former neither tends to gra¬
tify our curiofity, nor to fct the objefls compared in
a ftronger light : two apartments in a palace, fimilar
in ffiape, fize, and furniture, make feparateiy as good
a figure as when compared ; and the fame obfervation
is applicable to two fimilar copartments in a garden :
on the other hand, .oppofe a regular building to a fall
of water, or a good pidfture to a towering lull, or even
a little dog to a large horfe, and the contrail will pro¬
duce no effedh But a refemblance between ohje-As of
different kinds, and a difference between objefls of
the fame kind, have remarkably an enlivening effefl.
The poets, fuch of them as have a juft tafte, draw all
their fimilies from things that in the main differ wide¬
ly from the principal fubjeft ; and they never attempt
a contraft, but where the things have a common ge¬
nus, and a refemblance in the capital circumftances :
place together a large and a fmali-fized animal of the
fame fpecies, the one will appear greater, the other
lefs, than when viewed feparately : when we qppofe
beauty to deformity, each makes a greater figure by
the comparifon. We compare the drefs of different
nations with curiofity, but without forprife ; becaufe
]
R £ S [ 6678 ] RES
kefem- they have no fuch refemblance in the capital parts as
blance’ to pleafe us by contrafting the fmaller parts. But a
new cut of a fleeve, or of a pocket, enchants by its
novelty ; and, in oppofuion to the former falhion,
raifes fome degree of furprife.
That refemblance and diflimilitude have an enliven¬
ing effeft upon obje&s of fight, is made fufficiently
evident; and that they have the fame effedl upon ob¬
jects of the other fenfes, is alfo certain. Nor is that
law confined to the external fenfes ; for charafters
contrafted make a greater figure by the oppofition :
lago, in the tragedy of Othello, fays.
He hath a daily beauty in his life,
That makes me ugly.
The charafter of a fop, and of a rough warrior, are
nowhere more fuccefsfully contrafted than in Shake-
fpeare:
Hotfpur. My liege, I did deny no prifoners :
But I remember, when the fight was done,
When i was dry with rage, and extreme toil,
Breathlefs and faint, leaning upon my fword ;
Came there a certain lord, neat, trimly drefs’d,
Frelh as a bridegroom ; and his chin, new-reap’d,
Show’d like a ftubble-land at harveft-home.
He was perfumed like a milliner;
And ’tvvixt his finger and his thumb he held
A pouncet-box, which ever and anon
He gave his nofe:—and Hill he fmil’d and talk’d;
And as the foldiers bare dead bodies by,
He call’d them untaught knaves, unmannerly,
To bring a fiovenly, unhandfome corfe
Betwixt the wind and his nobility.
With many holiday and lady terms
He queftion’d me : among the reft, demanded
My pris’ners, in your majefty’s behalf.
I then, all fmarting with my wounds; being gall’d
To be fo pefter’d with a popinjay,
Out of my grief, and my impatience,
Anfwer’d, negledlingly, I know not what:
He fhould, or fhould not ; for he made me mad.
To fee him Ihine fo brilk, and fmell fo fweet,
And talk fo like a waiting gentlewoman,
Of guns, anddrums, and wounds, (God favethe mark!)
And telling me, the fovereign’ft thing on earth
Was parmacity, for an inward bruife ;
And that it was great pity, fo it was,
This villanous faltpetre fhould be digg’d
Out of the bowels of the harmlefs earth,
Which many a good, tall fellow had deftroy’d
So cowardly : and but for thefe vile guns,
He would himfelf have been a foldier. 
Firjipart, Henry IV. aft \. fc. 4.
Pafiions and emotions are alfo enflamed by compari-
fon. A man of high rank humbles the bye-ftanders
even to annihilate them in their own opinion : Caefar,
beholding the ftatue of Alexander, was greatly mor¬
tified, that now at the age of 32, when Alexander
died, he had not performed one memorable a&ion.
Our opinions alfo are much influenced by compa-
rifon. A man whofe opulence exceeds the ordinary
ftandard, is reputed richer than he is in reality ; -and
wifdom or weaknefs, if at all remarkable in an indi¬
vidual, is generally carried beyond the truth.
The opinion a man forms of his prefent diftrefs is
heightened by contrafting it with his former happi- Refem-jr
nefs: Manee.. r
Could I forget
What I have been, I might the better bear
What I’m deftin’d to. I’m not the firft
That have been wretched : but to think how much ,
I have been happier.
Southern’s Innocent Adultery, all 2.
The diftrefs of a long journey makes even an indif- '
ferent inn agreeable: and, in travelling, when the
road is good and the horfeman well covered, a bad
day may be agreeable, by making him fenfible how
fnug he is.
The fame effeft i« equally remarkable, when a man
oppofes his condition to that of others. A fliip tof-
fed about in a ftorm, makes the fpeflator refleft upon
his own eafeand fecurity, and puts thefe in the ftrong-
eft light.
A man in grief cannot bear mirth j it gives him a
more lively notion of his unhappinefs, and of courfe
makes him more unhappy. Satan, contemplating the
beauties of the terreftrial paradife, has the following
exclamation.
With what delight could I have walk’d thee round,
If I could joy in ought, fweet interchange
Of hill and valley, rivers, woods, and plains,
Now land, now fea, and fhores with foreft crown’d,
Rocks, dens, and caves ! but I in none of thefe
Find place or refuge ; and the more I fee
Pleafures about me, fo much more I feel
Torment within me, as from the hateful fiege
Of contraries: all good to me becomes
Bane, and in heav’n much worfe would be my ftate*
Paradife loft, look 9. /. 114.
The appearance of danger gives fometimes pleafure,
fometimes pain. A timorous perfon upon the battle¬
ments of a high tower, is ftized with fear, which even
the confcioufnefs of fecurity cannot difiipate. But
upon one of a firm head, this fituation has a contrary
effeft : the appearance of danger heightens, by oppo¬
fition, the confcioufnefs of fecurity, and confequently
the fatisfadlion that arifes from fecurity : here the
feeling refembles that abovementioned, occafioned by
a Ihip labouring in a ftorm.
The effedt of magnifying or lefiening objefts by
means of comparifon, is to be attributed to the in¬
fluence of pafiion over our opinions. This will evidently
appear by refledting in what manner a fpedtator is af-
fefted, when a verylafge animal is forthe firft time placed
befide a very fmall one of the fame fpecies. The firft
thing that Itrikes the mind, is the difference between
the two animals, which is fo great as to occafion fur¬
prife ; and this, like other etnotiens, magnifying its
objedt, makes us conceive the difference to be the
greateft that can be: we fee, or feem to fee, the one
animal extremely little, and the other extremely large.
The emotion of furprife arifing from any unufual re¬
femblance, ferves equally to explain, why at firft view
we are apt to think fuch refemblance more entire than
it is in reality. And it muft be obfervtd, that the
circumftances of more and lefs, which are the proper
fubjedts of comparifon, raife a perception fo indiftindk
and vague as to facilitate the effect defcribed : we
have no mental ftandard of gxeat and little, nor of the
feveral
RES [ 6679 ] RES
Reftm1 feveral degrees of any attribute ; and the mind, thus
k*jnce- unreftrained, is naturally difpofed to indulge its fur-
prife to the utmoft extent.
In exploring the operations of the m:nd, fome of
which are extremely nice and flippery, it is neceffary
to proceed with the utpaod circumfpeilion: and after
all, feldotn it happens that fpeculations of that kind
afford any fatisfadion. Luckily, in the prefent cafe,
our fpeculations are fupported by fads and folid argu¬
ment. Firft, a fmall objed of one fpecies oppofed to
a great objed of another, produces not, in any degree,
that deception which is fo remarkable when both ob-
jeds are of the fame fpecies. The greateft, difparity
between objeds of different kinds, is fo common as to
be obferved with perfed indifference ; but fuch difpa-
parity between objeds of the fame kind being uncom¬
mon, never fails to produce furprife: and may we not
fairly conclude, that furprife, in the latter cafe, is what
occafions the deception, when w« find no deception in
the former? In the next place, if furprife be the foie
caufe of the deception, it follows neceffarily that the
deception will vanifh as foon as the objeds compared
become familiar. This holds fo unerringly, as to leave
l no reafonable doubt that furprife is the prime mover:
our furprife is great, the firfl time a fmall lapdog is
» feen with a large maftiff; but when two fuch animals
are conftantly together, there is no furprife, and it
makes no difference whether they be viewed feparately
or in company. We fet no bounds to the riches of a
man who has recently made his fortune; the furprifing
1 difproportion between his prefent and his pall fituation
being carried to an extreme: but with regard to a fa¬
mily that for many generations hath enjoyed great
I wealth, the fame falfe reckoning is not made. It is
equally remarkable, that a trite fimile has no effed: a
lover compared to a moth fcorching itftlf at the flame
of a candle, originally a fpnghtly fimile, has by fre¬
quent ufe loil all force; love cannot now be compared
to fire, without fome degree of difguft. It has been
I juftly objeded againft Homer, that the lion is too of¬
ten introduced into his fimiles; all the variety he is
able to throw into them, not being fufficient to keep
alive the reader’s furprife.
To explain the influence of comparifon upon the
mind, we have chofen the fimplelt cafe, viz. the firfl
fight of two animals of the fame kind, differing in
fize only ; but to complete the theory, other circnm-
llances mud be tal^en in. And the next fuppofition
we make, is where both animals, feparately familiar to
the fpedator, are brought together for the firft time.
In that cafe, the effed of magnifying and diminifhing
is found remarkably greater than in that firft mention¬
ed ; and the reafon will appear upon analyfing the ope¬
ration: the firft feeling we have is of furprife at the
uncommon difference of two creatures of the fame fpe¬
cies ; we are next fenfible, that the one appears lefs,
the other larger, than they did formerly; and that new
circumftance increafing our furprifk, makes us imagine
, a ftill greater oppofition between the animals, than if
we had formed no notion of them beforehand.
Let us make one other fuppofition, that the fpedar
tor was acquainted beforehand with one of the animals
only; the iapdog, for example. This new circumftance
will vary the effed; for, inftesd of widening the natu-
) ral difference, by enlarging in appearance the one ant"!
mal, and diminifliing the other in proportion, the Refem-
whole apparent alteration will reft upon the lapdog: blance.
the/urprife to find it lefs than it appeared formerly,
direds to it our whole attention, and makes us con¬
ceive it to be a moft diminutive creature : the maftiff
in the mea'n time is quite overlooked. To illuftrate
this effed by a familiar example. Take a piece of pa¬
per or of linen tolerably white, and compare it with a
pure white of the fame kind : the judgment we formed
of the firft objed is inftantly varied ; and the furprife
occafioned by finding it lefs white than was thought,
produceth a hafty convidion that it is much lefs white
than it is in reality: withdrawing now the pure white,
and putting in its place a deep black, the furprife oc¬
cafioned by that new circumftancc carries us to the
other extreme, and makes us conceive the objed firft;
mentioned to be a pure white: and thus experience
compels us to acknowledge, that our emotions have an
influence even upon our eye-fight. This experiment
leads to a general obfervation, that whatever is found
more ftrange or beautiful than was expeded, is judged
to be more ftrange or beautiful than it is in reality.
Hence a common artifice, to depreciate beforehand
what we wifh to make a figure in the opinion of others.
The comparifons employed by poets and orators are
of the kind laft mentioned ; for it is always a known
objed that is to be magnified or leffened. The formee
is effeded by likening it to fome grand objed, or by
contrafting it with one of an oppofite chatader. Ter
effeduate the latter, the method muft bereverfed: the
objed muft be contrafted with fomething fuperior to
it, or likened to fomething inferior. The whole effed
is produced upon the principal objed ; which by that
means is elevated above its rank, ordepreffed below it.
In accounting for the effed that any unufual refem-
blance or diffimilitude hath upon the mind, no caufe
has been mentioned but furprife; and to prevent con-
fufion, it was proper to dilcufs that caufe firft. But
furprife is not the only caufe of the effed deferibed :
another concurs, which operates perhaps notlefs power¬
fully, viz. a principle in human nature that lies ftill
in obfeurity, not having been unfolded by any writer,
though its effeds are extenfive; and as it is not diftin-
guiftied by a proper name, the reader muft be fatisfied
with the following 'defeription. Every man who ftu*
dies himfelf or others, muft be fenfible of a tendency
or propenfity in the mind to complete every work that
is begun, and to carry things to their full perfedion..
There is little opportunity to difplay that propenfity
upon natural operations,,which are feldom left imper-
fed; but in the operations of art it hath great fcope:
it impels us to perfevere in our own work, and to wifh
for the completion of what another is doing : we feel
a fenfible pleafure. when the work is brought to per¬
fedion ; and our pain is not lefs fenfible when we are
disappointed. Hence our uneafinefs when an intereft-
ing Itory is broke off in the middle, when a piece of mu-
fic ends without a clofe, or when, a building or gar¬
den is left unfinifhed. The fame propenfity operates
in making colledions; fuch as the whole works, good
and bad, of any author. A certain perfon attempted
to colled prints of all the capital paintings, and fuc-
ceeded except as to a few. La Bruyere remarks, that
an anxious fearch was made for thefe} not for their
value, but to complete the fet.
. Tli«
Refem*
■ blanct.
drift. Poet.
Cap. i7.
SpeHaior,
n°i<Sj.
t Lib. I.
§ as.
RES [ 6^0 ] RES
The final caufe of the propenfity ia an additional
proof of its exiftence. Human works are of no fignifi-
cancy till they be completed; and reafon is riot always
a fufficient counterbalarice to indolence: forne prin¬
ciple over and above is neceflary to excite our induftry,
and to prevent our Hopping fliort in the middle of the
cotirfe.
We need not lofe time to defcribe the co-operation
of the foregoing propenfity with furprife, irt producing
the effedt that follows any unnfuSl refemblance or dif-
fimilitude. Sttrprife firft operates,and carries our opi¬
nion of the refemblance.or diflimilitude beyond truth.
The propenfity We have been defcribirtg carries us ftill
farther; for it forces upon the mind a cOfividHiort, that
the refemblance or diffimilitude is complete. We need
no better illullration, than the refemblance that is fan¬
cied in fame pebbles to a tree or an infedi; which re-
femblance, however faint in reality, is conceived to be
wonderfully perfedl. The tendency to complete a re¬
femblance adting jointly with furprife, carries the mind
ioftietimes fo far, as even to prefurtte upon future events.
In the Greek tragedy entitled Phineidet, thofe tinhap-
py women feeing the place Where it was intended they
fhould be flain, cried out with arrguifh, “ They now
faw their cruel deftiny had condemned them to die in
that plade, being the fame where they had been expo-
fed in their infancy.”
The propenfny to advance every thing to its per-
fefiion, not only co-operates with furprife to deceive
the mind, but of itfelf is able to produce that effedt.
Of this we fee many inftanCes where there is no place
for furprife ; and the fir ft we {hall give is of refem¬
blance. Unumqutidqui eodem ntodo dijjblvitur quo colli-
gatiitfi pji, is a maxim in the Roman law that has no
foundation in truth ; for tying and loofing, building
and demolifllirig, are adls Oppofite to each other, and
are performed by oppofite means: but when thefe afts
are connefted by their relation to the fame fubjedt,
their eonne&ion leads us to imagine a fort of referrt-
blancebetween them, which by the foregoing properi-
fity is conceived to be as complete as pofiible. The
next inftance {hall be of contraft. Addifon obferves,
“ That the paleft features look the moft agreeable in
white ; that a face which is overfluftied appears to ad*
vantage in the deepeft fcarlet; and that a dark com¬
plexion is not a little alleviated by a black hood.”
The foregoing propenfity ferves to account for thefe
appearances ; to make this evident, one of the cafes
{hall fuffice. A complexion, however dark, never ap¬
proaches to black: when thefe colours appear toge¬
ther, their oppofition ftrike us; and the propenfity we
have to complete the oppofition, makes the darknefs
of complexion vanifti out of fight.
The operation of this propenfity, even where there
is no ground for furprife, is not confined to opinion or
convIAioti; fo powerful it is, as to make us fometimes
proceed to aftion, in order to complete a refemblance
of diffimilitude. If this appear obfcure, it will be
made dear by the following inftances. Upon what
principle is the lex talionls founded, other than to make
the puniffiment refemble the tnifchief? Reafon dic¬
tates, that there ought to be a conformity or refem¬
blance between a crime and its puniffiment; and the
foregoing propenfity impels uS to make the refem¬
blance as complete as poffible. Titus Livius f, under
the influence of that propenfny, accounts for a certain
puniffiment by a refemblance between it and the crime,
too fubtile for common apprehenfion. Speaking of
Mettus Fuffetius, the Alban general, who, for trea¬
chery to the Romans his allies, was fentertced to be
torn to pieces by horfes, he puts the following fpeech
in the mouth of Tullus HoftiliiiS, who decreed the pu¬
niffiment. “ Mette Fuffsti, inquit, Ji ipfe difcete pof-
fee fidem ac fxdera fer-eari, vivo tiki ea difciplina a me
adhibita ejfet. Nunc, quoniam tuuin infanabile inte¬
rnum ejl, at tu tuo fupplicicr doc-e humanum pen Us, ea
fdn ft a credere, quae a te viclata funt. Ut igitur paulo
ante animunt inter Fidenatem Rmndnamque rent anci-
pitem gejjijli, ita jam Orpin pajjhn dijlrahetidum dd-
b'is By the fame influence, the fentence is often
executed upon the very fpot where the crime was com¬
mitted. In the Eleftra of Sophocles, Egiftheus is
dragged from the theatre into art inner room of the
fuppofed palace, to fuffer death where he murdered
Agamemnon. Shakefpearc, whofe knowledge of na¬
ture is not lefs profound than extenfive, has not over¬
looked this propenfity:
“ Othello. Get me fome poifon, lago, this night;
I’ll not expoftulate with her: left her body and her
beauty unprovide my mind again ; this night, lago.”
“ lago. Doit not with poifon; ftrangleher inker
bed, even in.the bed ffie hath contaminated.”
“ Othello. Good, good : the juftice of it pleafes:
very good. Othello, a& 4. fc. 5.
Perfonsintheirlaft moments are generally fei^ed with
ari anxiety to be buried with their relations. In the
Amyntd of Tafib, the lover, hearing that his miftrefs
was torn to pieces by a wolf, expreffes a defire to die
the fame death.
Upon the fubjeA in general we have two remarks
to add. The firft concerns refemblance, which, when
too entire, hath no effeA, hoW'eVer different in kind the
things compared may be. The remark is applicable
to works of art Only; for natural objeAs of different
kinds, have fcarce ever an entire refemblance. To give
an example in a work of art: Marble is a fort of matter
very different from what compofes an animal; and
marble cut into a hnman figure, produces great plea-
fure by the refemblance : but if a marble ftatue be co¬
loured like a piAure, the refemblance is fo entire as at
a diftance to make the ftatue appear areal perfon: we
difcover the miftake when we approach ; and no other
emotion is raifed, but furprife occafioned by the de¬
ception : the figure ftill appears a real perfon, rather
than an imitation ; and we muft ufe refleAion to cor-
reA the miftake. This canriot happen in a piAure; for
the refemblance can never be fo entire as to difguife
the imitation.
The other remark belongs to Contraft. Emotions
make the greateft figure when contrafted in fucceffion;
but then the fucCeffiort ought neither to be rapid, rtor
immoderately flow: if too flow, the effeA of contraft
becomes faint by the diftance of the emotions ; and if
rapid, no Angle emotion has room to expand itfelf to
its full fize, but is itifled, as it were, in the birth by
a fucceeding emotion. The funeral oration of the bi-
ffiop of Meux upon the duchefs of Orleans, is a per-
feA bodge-pode Of cheerful and melancholy reprefen-
tatious following each other in the quickdt fucceffion 1
op-
Refcm-i
Maned.
Refem*
blance.
RES r 6681 1 RES
oppofite emotionos are bed felt irr'fuccefilon ; but each
emotion feparately rtiould be raifed to its due pitch,
~ before another be introduced.
What is above laid down, will enable us to deter¬
mine a very important queftion concerning emotions
raifed by the fine arts, viz. Whether ought fimilar
emotions to fucceed each other, or diffimilar ? The
emotions raifed by the fine arts are for the mod part
too nearly related to make a figure by refemblance;
and for that reafon, their fucceffion ought to be regu¬
lated as much as poffible by contrail. This holds
confelfedly in epic and dramatic compofitions; and
the bed writers, led perhaps by tade more than by
reafoning, have generally aimed at that beauty. It
holds equally in mufic: in the fame cantata, all the
variety of emotions that are within the power of mufic,
may not only be indulged, but, to make the greated
figure, ought to be contraded. In gardening there
is an additional reafon for the rule : the emotions rai¬
fed by that art, are at bed fo faint, that every arti¬
fice fhould be employed to give them their utmod vi¬
gour : a field may be laid out in grand, fweet, gay,
neat, wild, melancholy feenes; and when thefe are
viewed in fucceffion, grandeur ought to be contraded
with neatnefs, regularity with wildnefs, and gaiety
with melancholy, fo as that each emotion may fucceed its
oppofite : nay, it is an improvement to intermix in the
fucceffion rude uncultivated fpots as well as unbound¬
ed views, which in themfelves are difagreeable, but in
fucceffion heighten the feeling of the agreeable ob-
je£ts; and we have nature for our guide, which in her
mod beautiful landfcapes often intermixes rugged rocks,
dirty marfhes, arid barren dony heaths. The greated
maders of mufic have the fame view in their compofi¬
tions ; the fecond part of an Italian fong feldom con¬
veys any fentiment; and, by its harffinefs, feems pur-
pofely contrived to give a greater relilh for the inte-
reding parts of the compofition.
A fmall garden, comprehended under a Angle view,
affords little opportunity for that embelliffiment. Diffi¬
milar emotions require different tones of mind ; and
therefore in conjunction can never be pleafant: gai¬
ety and fweetnels may be combined, or wildnefs and
gloominefs; but a compofition of gaiety and gloomi-
nefs isdidafteful. The rude uncultivated copartment
of furze and broom in Richmond garden, hath a good
effeft in the fucceffion of objeCts; but a fpot of that
nature would be infufferable in the midd of a polilhed
parterre or flower-plot. A garden therefore, if not of
great extent, admits not diffimilar emotions; and in
ornamenting a fmall garden, the fafed courfe is to
confine it to a fingle expreffion. For the fame reafon,
a landfcape ought alfo to be confined to a fingle ex¬
preffion ; and accordingly it is a rule in painting, that
if the fubjeft be gay, every figure ought to contribute
to that emotion.
It follows from the foregoing train of reafoning, that
a garden near a great city ought to have an air of foli-
tude. The folitarinefs, again, of a wade country ought
to be contraded in forming a garden ; no temples, no
obfeure walks; but jets d'eau, cafcades, objeCts aCrive,
gay, and fplendid. Nay, fuch a garden fhould in fome
meafure avoid imitating nature, by taking on an ex¬
traordinary appearance of regularity and art, to fhow
the bufy hand of man, which in a wade country has a
Vox.. IX. 2
fine effeft by contrad. Refen
Wit and ridicule make not an agreeable mixture jj
with grandeur. Diffimilar emotions have a fine effeft e e ’
in a flow fucceffion ; but in a rapid fucceffion, which
approaches to co-exidence, they will not be relifhed.
In the midd of a laboured and elevated defeription of
battle, Virgil introduces a ludicrous image, which is
certainly out of its place :
Obvius ambudum torrem Chorinseus ab ara
Corripit, et venienti Ebnfo plagamque ferenti
Occupat os flammis: ilii ingens barba reluxit,
Nidoremque ambuda dedit. JEn. xii. 298.
E qual tauro ferito, II fuo dolore
Verfo mugghiando e fofpirando fuore.
' Gierufal, cant. 4. ft. 1.
It would however be too auftere, to banifh altoge¬
ther ludicrous images from an epic poem. This poem
doth not always foar above the clouds: it admits great
variety; and upon occafion can defeend even to the
ground without finking. In its more fimilar tones, a
ludicrous feene may be introduced without improprie¬
ty. This is done by Virgil * in a foot-race : the clr-*
cumftances of which, not excepting the ludicrous part, 1 ‘ v’
are copied from Homer f. After a fit of merriment, | 7/;^
we are, it is true, the lefs difpofed to the ferious and xxiii.
fublime : but then, a ludicrous feene, by unbend¬
ing the mind from fevere application to more intered-
ing fubjefts, may prevent fatigue, and preferve our re¬
lilh entire.
RESEN, (Mofes) ; a town on the Tigris, built
by Nimrod ; thought to be the Larijfa of Xenophon;
which fee. But as Larijfa is a name in imitation of a
Greek city ; and as there were no Greek cities, con-
fequently no Larijfa in Affyria, before Alexander the
Great; it is probable that the Greeks afking of what
city thofe were the ruins they faw, the Affyrians might
anfwer, Larefen, “ Of Refen f' which word Xenophon
expreffed by Larijfa,* more familiar found to a Greek
ear, (Wells).
RESERVATION, in law, an aftion or claufe
whereby fomething is referved, or fecured to one's
felf.
Mental Reservation, a propofition, which ftriift-
ly taken, and according to the natural import of the
terms, is falfe; but, if qualified by fomething con¬
cealed in the mind, becomes true.
Mental refervations are the great refuge of religious
hypocrites, who ufe them to accommodate their con-
fciences with their intereds: the Jefuits are zealous
advocates for mental refervations; yet are they real
lies, as including an intention to deceive.
RESERVE, in law, the fame with refervation.
See the article Reservation,
Body of Reserve, or Corps de Reserve, in mili¬
tary affairs, the third or lad line of an army, drawn up
for battle ; fo called becaufe they are referved to fu-
dain the red as occafion requires, and not to engage
but in cafe of neceffity.
RESERVOIR, a place where water is collefled
and referved, in order to be conveyed to didant
places through pipes, or fupply a fountain or jet
d’eau.
RESET, in law, the receiving or harbouring an
outlawed perfon. See Outlawry.
37 N Reset
RES [ 6682
Reset of Theft, in Scots law. See Law,
N® clxxxvi. 29.
- RESIDENCE, in the canon and common law, the
abode of a perfon or incumbent upon his benefice;
and his affiduity in attending on the fame.
RESIDENT, a public minifter, who manages the
affairs of a kingdom or ftate, at a foreign court.
They are a clafs of public minifters inferior to am-
baffadors or envoys ; but, like them, are under the
prote&ion of the law of nations.
RESIDUE, the remainder or balance of an account,
debt, or obligation.
RESIGNATION, in general, fignifies the impli¬
cit fubmiffion of ourfelves, or of fomething we poffefs,
to the will of another. In a religious fenfe it fignifies
a perfeft fubmiffion, without difcontent, to the will of
God. See Moral Philofophy, n° 119.
RESIN, in natural hittory, a vifcid juice oozing
either fpontaneoufly, or by incifion, from feveral trees,
as the pine, fir, &c.
RESINOUS electricity, is that kind of elec¬
tricity which is produced by exciting bodies of the re-
finous kind, and which is generally negative. See E-
I/Ectricity paflim.
RESISTANCE, or Resisting Force, in philofo¬
phy, denotes, in general, any power which ads in an
oppofite diredion to another, fo as to deftroy or di¬
mini fh its effed. See Mechanics, Hydrostatics,
and Pneumatics.
RESOLUTION <?/Ideas. See Logic,.n° 15, &c.
Resolution, in mufic. To refolve& difcord ordif-
fonance, fays Roufleau, is to carry it according to rule
into a confonance in the fubfequent chord. There is
for that purpofe a procedure prefcribed, both for the
fundamental bafs of the diffonamt chord, and for the
part by which the diflonance is formed.
There is no poffible manner of refolving a diffo-
nance which is not derived from an operation of cadence:
it is then by the kind of cadence which we wilh to
form, that the motion of the fundamental bafs is de¬
termined, (fee Cadence). With refped to the part
by which the difibnance is formed, it ought neither to
continue in its place, nor to move by disjointed gra¬
dations; but to rife or defcend diatonically, accord¬
ing to the nature of the diffonance. Theorilts fay,
that major diffonances ought to rife, and nainor to de¬
fcend; which is not however without exception, fince,
in particular chords of harmony, a feventh, although
major, ought not to rife, but to defcend, unlefs in
that chord which is, very incorre&ly, called the chord
of the feventh redundant. It is better then to fay, that
the feventh and all its derivative ditfonanccs ought to
del'cend ; and that the fixth fuperadded, and all its de¬
rivative diffonances, ffiould rife. This is a rule truly
general and without any exception. It is the fame
cafe with the rule of refolving diffonances. There are
feme diffonances which cannot be prepared ; but there
is by no means one which ought not to be refolved.
With refpedt tothefenfible note, improperly called
a, major diffonance, if it ought to afcend, this is lefs on
account of the rule for refolving diffonances, than on
account of that which prefcribeg a diatonic procedure,
and prefers the (horteft road ; and in reality, there are
cafes, as that of the interrupted cadence, iu which this
fenfible note does not afcend.
] RES
In chords by fuppofition, one fingle chord often Refblutioni
produces two diffonances ; as the feventh and ninth, the .ll . if
ninth and fourth, &c. Then thefe two diffonances^-eff-l‘ral‘on,
ought to have been prepared, and both muff likewife
be refolved ; it is becaufe regard fhouM be paid to
every thing which is difcordant, not only in the fun¬
damental, but even in the continued bafs.
RESOLUTION, in chemifiry, the reduflion of a
mixed body into its component parts or firft principles, ,
as far as can be done by a proper analyfis.
Resolution, in medicine, the difappearing of
any tumour without coming to fuppuration or form¬
ing an abfcefs.
RESOLVENTS, in medicine, fuch as are proper
for diflipating tumours, without allowing them to
come to fuppuration.
RESONANCE, Resounding, in mufic, ,&c. a
found returned by the air inclofed in the bodies of
ftringed inftruments, fuch as lutes, &c. or even in the
bodies of wind-inftruments, as flutes, &c.
RESPIRATION, the aft of refpiring or breathing
the air.
Refpiration conftitutes one of thofe funftions which
are properly termed vital, as being effential to life ;
for to live and to breathe are in fa& fynonimous terms.
It confifts in an alternate contraftion and dilatation of
of the thorax, by firft infpiring air into the lungs, and
then expelling it from them in exfpiration.
It will perhaps be eafy to diftinguifh and point out
the feveral phenomena of refpiration ; but to explain
their phyfical caufe will be attended with difficulty :
for it will naturally be inquired, how the lungs, when
emptied of their air, and contrafted by exfpiration,
become again inflated, they themfelves being perfedly
pafiive?—How the ribs are elevated in oppofition to
their own natural fituation ? and why the diaphragm
is contra&ed downwards towards the abdomen? Were
we to affert, that the air, by forcing its way into the
cavity of the lungs, dilated them, and confequently
elevated the ribs and preffed doyvn the diaphragm, we
fliould fpeak erroneoufly. What induces the firft infpi-
ration it is not eafy to afcertain; but after an animal
has once refpired, it would feem likely that the blood,
after exfpiration, finding its paffage through the lungs
obftru&ed, becomes a ftimuius, which induces the in-
ter.coftal mufcles and the diaphragm to contract, and
enlarge the cavity of the thorax, in confequence per¬
haps of a certain nervous influence, which we will not
here attempt to explain. The air then rufhes into the
lungs; every branch of the bronchial tubes, and all the
cellular fpaces into which they open, become fully di¬
lated; and the pulmonary veffels being equally diften-
ded, the blood flows thro’ them with eafe. But as the
ftimuius which firft occafioned this dilatation ceafes to
operate, the mufcles gradually contratff, the diaphragm
rifes upwards again and diminifhes the cavity of the
cheft, the ribs return to their formerdlate, and as the
air paffes.out in exfpiration, the lungs gradually col-
lapfe, and a refiftance to the paffage of the blood
again takes place. But the heart continuing to re¬
ceive and expel the blood, the pulmonary.artery be¬
gins again to be diftended, the ftimuius is renewed,
and the fame procefs is repeated, and continues to be
repeated, in a regular fuccefiion during life: for though
the roufclcs of refpiration, having a mixed motion, are
(unr
RES [ 6683 ] RES
iefpiration. (unlike the heart) in fome meafure dependent on the
 will, yet no human being, after having once refpired,
can live many moments without it.—In an attempt to
hold one’s breath, the blood foon'begtns to dfftend the
veins, which are unable to empty their contents into
the heart, and we are able only during a very little
time to refill the ftimulus to infpiration. In drowning,
the circulation feems to be Hopped upon this principle;
and in hanging, the preflure made on the jugular veins
may co-operate with the ftoppage of refpiration in
bringing on death.
Boerhaave takes the principal ufes of refpiration to
be the further preparation of the chyle, its more accu¬
rate mixture with the blood, and its converfion into a
nutritious juice proper to repair the decays of the
body. Other authors take a great ufe of refpiration
to be, by the neighbourhood of the cold nitrous air, to
cool the blood coming reeking hot out of the right
ventricle of the heart through the lungs, and to adt as
a refrigeratory} others affertone grand ufe of refpira¬
tion to be the throwing off the fuliginous vapours of
the blood, along with the expelled air ; and for infpi-
ration they affert, that it conveys a nitro-a?rial ferment
to the blood, to which the animal-fpirits and all muf-
cular motion are owing. But Dr Thurllon reje&s all
thefe as being the principal ufes of refpiration; and
from the experiments of Dr Croon, Dr Hooke, and
others, made before the Royal Society, he Ihows the
principal ufe of refpiration to be that of moving or
paffing the blood from the right to the left ventricle
of the heart, and fo to effedl circulation; whence it is
that perfons hanged, drowned, or ftrangled, fo fudden-
ly die, vizi becanfe the circulation of the blood is
Hopped; and for the fame reafon it is that animals die
fo fpeediiy in the air-pump. This ufe of refpiration
Dr Drake not only confirms, but carries farther, ma¬
king it the true eaufe of the diaflole of the heart, which
neither Borelli, Dr Lower, nor Mr Cowper, had well
accounted for.
From experiments made on dogs and other animals,
Dr Hales fhows, that without refpiration the blood
would foon turn putrid and peftilential; and indeed the
only animal exempted from the neceflity of refpiration
is a foetus.
With regard to the force of refpiration, the laH men¬
tioned author obferves, that though a man, by a pecu¬
liar adtion of his mouth and tongue, may fuck mer¬
cury 22 inches, and fome men 27 or 28 high; yet he
found from experience, that by the bare infpiring ac¬
tion of the diaphragm and dilating thorax, he himfelf
could fcarcely raife the mercury two inches, at which
time the diaphragm mufi aft with a force equal to the
weight of a cylinder of mercury, whofe bate is com-
menfurate to the area of the diaphragm, and its height
two inches, whereby the diaphragm muH at the fame
time fufiain a weight equal to many pounds; neither
are its counterafting mufcles, thofe the abdomen, able
to exert a greater force.
With regard to the quantity of moiflure carried off
by refpiration, the Doftor, from an experiment on
wood-a(hes, ellimates that quantity to be equal to 17
grains in 50 exfpirations; whence there will proportion-
ab'ly be 408 grains evaporated, or breathed off in 1200
exfpirations, being the number in an hour, and thence
in 24 hours 9792 grains, or 1.39'pouads.; which fup-
pofing the furface of the lungs to be 41,635 fquare Refpiration
inches, then the quantity evaporated from that inward . U .
furface will be Part an *ncb deep. e ‘tutlon-
From the violent and fatal effefts of very noxious va¬
pours on the refpiration and life of animals, the Doc¬
tor ihows how the refpiration is proportionably incom¬
moded when the air is loaded with leffer degrees of va¬
pours, which vapours do in fome meafure clog and
lower the air’s eladicity, which it bed regains by ha¬
ving thefe vapours difpelled by the ventilating motion
of the free open air, that is bed rendered wholefome
by the agitation of winds; thus what we call z clofe
’warm air, fuch as has been long confined in a room,
without having the vapours in it carried off by com¬
municating with the open air, is apt to give us more or
lefs uneafinefs in proportion to the quantity of vapours
which are floating in it. And thus many of thofe who
have weak lungs, but can breathe very well in thefrelh
country air, are greatly incommoded in their breath¬
ing when they come into large cities, where the air is
full of fuliginous vapours ; and even the mod robuft
and healthy, in changing from a city to a country air,
find an exhilirating pleafure arifing from a more free
and kindly infpiration, whereby the lungs being lefs
loaded with condenfing air and vapours, and thereby
the veficles more dilated with a clearer and more eladic
air, a freer courfe is thereby given to the blood, and
probably a purer air mixed with it.
Dr Priedley has fhown, that one of the great ufes
of refpiration is to carry off the phlogidic or putrid
particles from animal-bodies, by which they are pre¬
vented from putrefying while alive, to which, without
refpiration, they would be as liable as though they
were dead. See Air, n° 46; Blood, n° 29, et fe<i.
and Putrefaction, pajfim.
Respiration of Fijhes. See Fish, n° 5 & 6.
RESPITE, in law, fignifies a delay, forbearance,
or prolongation of time, granted to any one for the pay¬
ment of a debt or the like.
RESPONDENT, in the fchools, one who main¬
tains a thefis in any art or fcience; who is thus called
from his being to anfwer all the objeftions propofeS
by the opponent.
RESPONDENTIA. See Bottomry.
RESPONSE, an anl'wer or reply. A word chiefly
ufed in fpeaking of the anfwers made by the people to
the pried, in the litany, the pfalms, &c.
RESSORT, a French word, fometimes ufed by
Englilh authors to fignify the jurifdiftion of a court,
and particularly one from which there is no appeal.—
Thus it is faid, that the houfe of lords judge en der-
nitr reffort, or in the lad reffort.
REST, the continuance of a body in the fame place,
or its continual application or contiguity to the fame
parts of the ambient or contiguous bodies; and there¬
fore is oppofed to motion. See the article Motion.
Rest, in poetry, is a fliort paufe of the voice in
reading, being the fame with the csefura, which, in
Alexandrine verfes, falls on the fixth fyllable; but in
verfea of 10 or 11 fyllablee, on the fourth. See Poe¬
try, Part III.
RESTAURATION, the aft of re-eftaHiflimg or
fetting a thing or perfoivin its former good date.
RESTITUTION, in a moral and legal fenfe, is
wdoring a perfon to his right, or returning fomething
37 N 2 un-
RES
Rertitution unjaftly taken or detained from him.
Refmrec Restitution of Medals, or ReJUtuted Medals, is a
tion< * term ufed by antiquaries, for fuch medals as were (truck
—— by the emperors, to retrieve the memory of their pre-
decelfor.
Hence, in feveral medals, we find the letters rest.
This pradtice was firft begun by Claudius, by his (tri-
king afrefh feveral medals of Auguftus. Nero did the
fame; and Titus, after his father’s example, (truck re-
ftitutions of mod of his predecefibrs. Gallienus (truck
a general reftitution of all the preceding emperors, on
two medals, the one bearing an altar, the other an
eagle, without the rest.
RESTIVE, or Resty, in the manege, a (tubborn,
unruly, ill-broken horfe, that (tops, or runs back, in-
ftead of advancing forward.
RESTORATION, the fame with reftauration. See
Restauration.
In England, the return of king Charles II. in 1660,
is, by way of eminence, called the Rejloration ; and the
29th of May is kept as an anniverfary feftival, in com¬
memoration of that event, by which the regal and epif-
copal government was reftored.
RESTORATIVE, in medicine, a remedy proper
for reftoring and retrieving the ftrength and vigour
both of the body and animal-fpirits.
All under this clafs, fays Quincy, are rather nutri-
mental than medicinal; and are more adminiftered to
repair the waftes of the conftitution, than to alter and
re&ify its diforders.
RESTRICTION, among logicians, is limiting a
term, fo as to make it fignify lefs than it ufually does.
RESTRINGENT, in medicine, the fame with
aftringenf. See Astringents.
RESULT, what is gathered from a conference, in¬
quiry, meditation, or the like; or the conclufion and
tft'eft thereof.
RESURRECTION, in theology, rifing again from
the dead ; or a perfon’s returning to a fecond life, with
new bodily organs adapted to the (late of its new ex-
i Hence.
One of the greateft arguments for the truth of Chri-
ftianity is drawn from the refurre&ion of our Saviour;
the circumdances of which are handed down to us in
fo plain and diilindl a manner by the Evangelifts, as
'make the evidence of this important truth amount to a
demonftration.
Chriltians generally believe, that at the day of judg¬
ment the very identical body they have now, with the
fame fielh, blood, and bones, will be raifed from the
dead. But, in oppofition to this opinion, many texts
of Scripture have been urged, particularly the account
given of this important event by St Paul; befides feve¬
ral'philofophical objections, the principal of which are
thefe.
That the fame fubftance may happen to be a part of
two or more bodies: thus a fi(h feeding on a man, and
another man afterwards feeding on the fi(h, part of the
body of the firit man becomes incorporated with the
ii(h, and afterwards with the body of the lad man.
Again, inftances have been known of one man’s imme¬
diately feeding on the body of another; and among
the cannibals in the Weft Indies, who devour their
enemies, the pra&ice is frequent. Now it is alleged,
where the fubllance of one is thus converted into the
6684 ] RET
fubftance of another, each cannot arife with his whole Refurrec-
body; to which then (hall the common part be allot-
To this objeftion fome anfwer, That as all matter is
not capable of being afixinilated to the body, and in¬
corporated with it, human flelh may very probably be
of this kind; and therefore what is thus eaten, may be
again excreted and carried off.
But Mr Leibnitz obferves, that all that is effential
to the body, is the original ftamen, which exifted in the
femen of the father: that this may be conceived as the
mod minute point imaginable, and therefore not to be
feparated, nor any part of it united to the ftamen of
any other man: that all this bulk we fee in the body,
is only an accretion to this original ftamen ; and there¬
fore there is no reciprocation of the proper matter of
the human body.
Another objedion is, that we know, by the late dif«
coveries in the animal ceconomy, that the human body
is continually changing, and that a man has not entire¬
ly the fame body to-day as he had yefterday; and it is
even computed, that in lefs than feven years time the
whole body undergoes a change. Which of thofe
many bodies, then, which the fame perfon has in the
courfe of his life, is it that (hall rife? or does all the
matter that has ever belonged to him rife again ? or
does only fome particular fyftem thereof? the body,
for example, he had at 20, at 40, or at 60 years old?
If only this or that body arife, how (hall it be reward¬
ed or puinfhed for what was done by the other? and
with what juftice does one perfon fufferfor another?
To this it has been anfwered, on the principles of
Leibnitz,that notwithftanding thefe fucceffive changes,
this ftamen, which is the only effential part of the
body, has always remained the fame; and that, on Mr
Locke’s principles, perfonal identity, or the famenefs
of a rational being, confifts in felf-confcioufnefs, in the
power of confidering itfelf the fame thing in different
times and places. By this, every one is to himfelf
what he calls felf; without confidering whether that
felf be continued in the fame, or in feveral fubftances.
It is the fame felf now it was then ; and it was by the
fame felf which now reflefts on an a&ion, that that ac¬
tion was performed. Now it is this perfonal identity
that is the obje& of rewards and punifhments, which
it is obferved may exift in different fucceflions of mat¬
ter ; fo that to render the rewards and puniihments
juft and pertinent, we need only to rife again with
fuch a body, as that we retain the confcioufnefs of our
pad a&ions.
RESUSCITATION, tire fame with refurre&ion
and revivification. See the preceding article.
The term refufeitation, however, is more particu¬
larly ufed by chemifts, for the reproducing a mix¬
ed body from its afhes; an art to which many have
pretended, as to reproduce plants, &c. from their
a(hes.
RETAIL, in commerce, is the felling of goods
in fmall parcels, in oppofition to wholefale. See Com¬
merce.
RETAINER, a fervant who does not continually
dwell in the houfe of his mailer, but only attends up¬
on fpecial occafions.
RETAINING fee, the firft fee given to a fer-
jeant or counfdlor at law, in order to make him fure,
and
lion
II
Retaining.
RET
[ 6685 ] RET
|etaliation and prevent his pleading on the contrary fide.
II RETALIATION, among civilians, the aft of re*
Remrt. turni-ng jj^e for like.
” RETARDATION, in phyfics, the aft of di*
minifhing the velocity of a moving body. See Me¬
chanics.
RETE mirabile, in anatomy, a frnall plexus, or
net-work ofveffels in the brain, furrounding the pitui¬
tary gland.
RETENTION, is defined by Mr Locke to be a
faculty of the mind, whereby it keeps, or retains, thofe
Ample ideas it has once received, by fenfation or reflec¬
tion. See Metaphysics, n° 40.—43.
Retention, is alfo ufed, in medicine, &c. for the
ftate of contraftion in the folids or vafcular parts of the
body, which makes them hold fall their proper con¬
tents. In this fenfe, retention is oppofed to evacua¬
tion and excretion.
RETICULAR body, corpus reticulare, in anatomy,
a very fine membrane, perforated, in the manner of a
net, with a multitude of foramina. It is placed im¬
mediately under the cuticle; and when that is feparated
from the cutis, whether by art or acident, this adheres
firmly to it, and is fcarce pofiible to be parted from
it, feeming rather to be its inner fuperficies than a
diftinft fubftance. In regard to this, we are to ob-
ferve, firft, the places in which it is found, being all
thofe in which the fenfe of feeling is moft acute, as in
the palms of the hands, the extremities of the fin¬
gers, and on the foies of the feet. The tongue,
however, is the part where it is moft accurately to
be obferved : it is more eafily diftinguifhable there
than any where elfe, and its nature and ftrufture are
moft evidently feen there.
Its colour in the Europeans is white ; but in the
Negroes, and other black nations, it is black; in the
tawny, it is yellowifti: the (kin itfelf in both is white;
and the blacknefs and yellownefs depend altogether on
the colour of this membrane.
The ufes of the corpus reticulare are to prefervethe
ftrufture of the other parts of the integuments and
keep them in their determinate form and fituation.
Its apertures give paflage to the hairs, and fet thror
the papillae and excretory dufts of the fkin : it retains
thefe in a certain and determinate order, that they
cannot be removed out of their places, and has fome
fhare in preferring the foftnefs of the papillae, which
renders them fit for the fenfe of feeling. See Ana¬
tomy, n° 82.
RETINA, in anatomy, the expanfion of the optic
nerves over the bottom of the eye, where the fenfe of
vifion is firft received. See Anatomy, n° 406, o.
and Optics, n° 115 fs" feq.
RETINUE, the attendants or followers of a prince
or perfon of quality, chiefly in a journey.
RETIRADE, in fortification, a kind of retrench¬
ment made in the body of a baftion, or other work,
which is to be difputed, inch by inch, after the de¬
fences are difmantled. It ufually confifts of two faces,
^ which make a re-entering angle. When a breach is
made in a baftion, the enemy may alfo make a retirade
or new fortification behind it.
RETORT, in chemiftry, an oblong or globular
veffd with its neck bent, proper for diftillation. See
Chemistry, n° 77.
RETRACTS, among horfemen, pricks in a'horfe’s Retrafts
feet, arifing from the fault of the farrier in driving nails Ret|rn
that are weak, or in driving them ill-pointed, or other- -
wife amifs.
RETREAT, in a military fenfe. An army or
body of men are faid to retreat when they turn their
backs upon the enemy, or are retiring from the ground
they occupied : hence, every march in withdrawing
from the enemy is called a retreat.
That which is done in fight of an aftive enemy,
who purfues with a fuperior force, makes our pre-
fent fubjeft ; and is, with reafon, looked upon as the
glory of the profeflion. It is a manoeuvre the moft
delicate, and the propereft to difplay the prudence,
genius, courage, and addrefs, of an officer who com¬
mands : the hiftorians of all ages teftify it ; and
hiftorians have never been fo lavilh of eulogiums as on
the fubjeft of the brilliant retreats of our heroes. If
it is important, it is no lefs difficult to regulate, on
account of the variety of circumftances, each of which
demands different prnciples, and an almoft endlefs de¬
tail. Hence a good retreat is efteemed, by experien¬
ced officers, the mafter piece of a general. He fliould
therefore be well acquainted with the fituation of the
country through which he intends to make it, and
careful that nothing is omitted to make it fafe and
honourable.
Retreat, is alfo a beat of the drum, at the firing
of the evening-gun ; at which the drum-major, with
all the drums of the battalion, except fuch as are upon
duty, beats from the camp-colours on the right to
thofe on the left, on the parade of encampment: the
drums of all the guards beat alfo ; the trumpets at the
fame time founding at the head of their refpeftive
troops. This is to warn the foldiers to forbear firing,
and the centinels to challenge, till the break of day»
that the reveille is beat. The retreat is likewife called
Jetting the watch.
RETRENCHMENT literally fignifies fomething
cut off or taken from a thing; in which fenfe it is the
fame with fubtraftion, diminution, &c.
Retrenchment, in the art of war, any kind of
work raifed to cover a poft, and fortify it againft the
enemy, fuch as fafeines loaded with earth, gambions,
barrels of earth, fand-bags, and generally all things
that can cover the men and flop the enemy. See For¬
tification and War.
RETRIBUTION, a handfome prefent, gratuity,
or acknowledgment, given inftead of a formal falary
or hire, to perfons employed in affairs that do not fa
immediately fall under eftimation, nor within the or¬
dinary commerce in money.
RETROMINGENTS, in natural hiftory, a clafs
ordivifion of animals, whofe charafter-iftic is, that they
ftale or make water backwards, both male and fe¬
male.
RETURN, [returna-, or retorna), in law, is ufed in
divers fenfes. 1. Return of writs by fheriffs and
bailiffs is a certificate made by them to the court, of
what they have done in relation to the execution of
the writ direfted to them. This is wrote on the back
©f the writ by the officer, who thus fends the writ
back to the court from whence it iffued, in order that
it may be filed. 2. Return of a commiffion, is a cer¬
tificate or anfwer fent to the court from whence the
com-
REV r 6686 1 REV
Return cotTmuIIion iffues, concerning what has been done by
the commiflioners. 3. Returns, or days in bank,
- are certain days in each term, appointed for the re¬
turn of writs, See. Thus Hillary term has four re¬
turns, viz. in the king’s-bench, on the day next
after the o£tave, or eighth day after Hillary day.
on the day next after the fifteenth day from St Hil¬
lary, on the day after purification; and on the next
after the oftave of the purification. In the common
pleas, in eight days of St Hillary : from the day of St
Hillary, in fifteen days: on the day after the purifi-
catio: in eight days of the purification. Eafter term
has five returns, viz. in the king’s bench, on the day
next after the fifteenth day from Eafter: on the day
next after the three weeks from Eafter: on the day next
after one month from Eafter: on the day next afterfive
weeks from Eafter : and on the day next after the day
following afeenfion-day. In the common pleas, in
fifteen days from the feaft of Eafter: in three weeks
from the feaft of Eafter: in one month from Eafter
day : in five weeks from Eafter day : on the day after
the afeenfion-day. Trinity term has four returns,
viz. on the day following the fecond day after Trinity:,
on the day following the eighth day after Trinity : on
the day next after the fifteenth day from Trinity : oh
the'day next after three weeks from Trinity. In the
common pleas, on the day after Trinity: in eight
days of Trinity : in fifteen days from Trinity : in three
weeks from Trinity. Michaelmas term has fix returns,
viz. on the day next after three weeks from St
Michael : on the day next after one month of St
Michael: on the day following the fecond day after
All-fouls : on the day next after the fecond day after
St Martin : on the day following the o&ave of St
Martin : on the day next after fifteen days of St Mar¬
tin. In the common pleas, in ^three weeks from St
Michael: in one month from St Michael : on the day
after All-fouls: on the day after St Martin : on the
odave of St Martin: in fifteen days from St Martin.
It is to be obferved, that, as in the king’s-bench,
all returns are to be made on fome particular day of
the week in each term, care muft be taken not to
make the writs out of that court returnable on a non¬
judicial day; fuch as Sunday, and All-faints, in Mi¬
chaelmas term, the purification in Hillary, the afeen-
fion in Eafter, and Midfummer-day, except it fhould
fall on the firft day of Trinity term.
Returns, in a military fenfe, are of various forts,
but all tending to explain the ftate of the army, regi¬
ment, or company ; namely, how many capable of
doing duty, on duly, fick in quarters, barracks, in¬
firmary, or hofpital; prifoners, abfent with or with¬
out leave; total effe&ive; wanting to complete the
eftablilhment, &c.
RETZ (Cardinal de). See Condi.
REUTLINGEN, a handfome, free, and imperial
town of Germany, in the circle of Suabia and duchy
of Wirtemberg ; feated in a plain on the river Efchtz
near the Neckar, adorned with handfome public build¬
ings, and has a well frequented college. E. Long. 9.
Jo. N. Lat. 48. 31.
REVE, Reeve, or Greve, the bailiff of a franchife,
or manor, thus called, efpectally in the weft of Eng¬
land. Hence fhire-reeve, Iherift', port-greve, &c. See
the article Greve.
REVEILLE, a beat of drum about break of day, Revilk T
to give notice that it is time for the foldiers to arife, 0 ■;
and that the Gentries are to forbear challenging. Revenue., j
REVEL, a port-town of Livonia, fituated at the
fouth entrance of thegulph of Finland : E. Long. 24.
N. Lat. 59.
REVELATION, the aft of revealing, or making
a thing public that was before unknown : it is alfo ufed
for the difeoveries made by God to his prophets, and Ik
by them to the world; and more particularly for the
books of the Old and New Teftament. See Bible,
Christianity, and Theology.
The principal lefts of the truth of any revelation
are, its being worthy of God, and confiftent with his
known attributes, its being agreeable to the clear dic¬
tates of unprejudiced reafon, and its having a ten¬
dency to refine, purify, and exalt the mind of man
to an imitation of the Deity in his moral perfec¬
tions.
Mr Locke, in laying down the diftinft provinces of
reafon and faith, obferves, 1. That the fame truths
may be difcpvered by revelation which are difeover-
able to us by reafon. 2. That no revelation can be
admitted againft the clear evidence of reafon. 3. That
there are many things of which we have but imper-
feft notions, or none at all; and others, of whofe
paft, prefent, or future exiftence, by the natural ufe
of our faculties we cannot have the leaft knowledge:
and thefe, being beyond the difeovery of our faculties,
and above reafon, when revealed, become the proper
objeft of our faith. He then adds, that our reafon is
not injured or difturbed, but affifted and improved, by
new difeoveries of truth coming from the fountain of
knowledge. Whatever God has revealed is certainly
true ; but whether it be a divine revelation or no, rea¬
fon muft judge, which can never permit the mind to
rejeft a greater evidence to embrace what is lefs evi¬
dent. There can be no evidence that any traditional
revelation is of divine original, in the words we receive
it, and the fenfe we underftand it, fo clear and fo cer¬
tain as that of the principles of reafon : and, there¬
fore, nothing that is contrary to the clear and felf-
evident diftates of reafon, has a right to be urged or
affented to as a matter of faith, wherein reafon has
nothing to do.
REVELATION 0/'St John. See Apocalypse.
REVELS, entertainments of dancing, malking,
afting comedies, farces, &c. anciently very frequent
in the inns of court and in noblemens houfes, but
now much difufed. The officer who has the direc¬
tion of the revels at court is called the Majier of the.
Revels.
REVENUE, the annual income a perfon receives
from the rent of his lands, houfes, intereft of money
in the flocks, &c.
Revenue, that which the Britilh conftitution
hath veiled in the royal perfon, in order to fupport his
dignity and maintain his power; being apportion
which each fubjeft contributes of his property, in or¬
der to fecure the remainder. This revenue is either c/y
dinary or extraordinary.
I. The king’s ordinary revenue is fuch as has ei¬
ther fubfifted time out of mind in the crown ; or elfe
has been granted by parliament, by way of purebafe
or exchange for fuch of the king’s inherent hereditary
REV [ 6687 ] REV
revenues, as were found inconvenient to the fubject.—
In faying that it has fubfifted time out of mind in
the crown, we do not mean that the king is at pre-
fent in the a&ual poffelfion of the whole of his reve¬
nue. Much (nay the greateft part) of it is at this day
in the hands of fubje<Ss; to whom it has been grant¬
ed out from time to time by the kings of England :
which has rendered the crown in fome meafure depen¬
dant on the people for its ordinary fupport and fub-
fi(fence. So that we muft be obliged to recount, as
part of the royal revenue, what lords of manors and
other fubje&s frequently look upon to be their own
abfolute rights; becaufe they are and have been veiled
in them and their anceftors for ages, though in reality
originally derived from the grants of our ancient
princes.
1. The firft of the king’s ordinary revenues, which
may be taken notice of, is of an ecclefiaftical kind, (as
are alfo the three fucceeding ones), viz. the cuftody
of the temporalties of bifhops. SeeTEMPORALTiEs.
2. The king is entitled to a corody, as the law calls
it, out of every bifhopric; that is, to fend one of his
chaplains to be maintained by thebifho.p, or .to have a
penfion allowed him till the bifhop promotes him to a
benefice. This is alfo in the nature of an acknowledge¬
ment to the king, as founder of the fee, fince he had
formerly the fame corody or penfion from every abbey
or priory of royal foundation. It is fuppofed to be now
fallen into total difufe; tho’ Sir Matthew Hale fays,
that it is due of common right, and that no preferip-
tion will difeharge it.
3. The king alfo is entitled to all the tithes ari-
fing in extraparochial places ; though perhaps it may
be doubted how far this article, as well as thelaft, can
be properly reckoned a part of the king’s own royal
revenue; fince a corody fupports only his chaplains,
and thefe extraparochial tithes are held under an im¬
plied truft that the king will dillribute them for the
good of the clergy in general.
4. The next branch confifts in the fivft-fruits and
tenths of all fpiritual preferments in the kingdom.
See Tenths.
5. The next branch of the king’s ordinary revenue
(which, as well as the fubfequent branches, is of a lay
or temporal nature) confifts in the rents and profits of
the demefne lands of the crown. Thefe demefne lands,
terra dominicales regist being either the fhare referved
to the crown at the original diftribution of landed pro¬
perty, or fuch as came to it afterwards by forfeitures
or other means, were anciently very large and exten-
five; comprifing divers manors, honours, and lord-
fhips; the tenants of which had very peculiar privi¬
leges, when we fpeak of the tenure in ancient de¬
mefne. At prefent they are contra&ed within a very
narrow compafs, having been almoft entirely granted
away to private fubje&s. This has occafioned the par¬
liament frequently tointerpofe; and particularly after
king William III. had greatly impoverifiied the
crown, an aft paffed, whereby all future grants or
leafes from the crown for any longer term than 31
years or three lives, are declared to be void; except
with regard to houfes, which may be granted for 50
years. And no reverfionary leafe can be made, fo as
to exceed, .together with the eftate in being, the fame
term of three lives or 31 years; that is, when there is
a fubfiftrng leafe, of which there are 20 years ftill to Revenue,
come, the king cannot grant a future intereft, to com-
mence after the expiration of the former, for any
longer term than xi years. The tenant muft alfo be
made liable to be punifhed for committing wafte; and
the ufual rent muft be referved, or, where there has
ufually been no rent, one-third of the clear yearly va¬
lue. The misfortune is, that this aft was made too
late, after almoft every valuable pofftffion of the crown
had been granted aWay for ever, or elfe upon very
long leafes; but may be of benefit to pofterity, when
thofe ieafes come to expire.
6. Hither might have been referred the advantages
which were ufed to arife to the king from the profits
of his military tenures, to which moft lands in the
kingdom were fubjeft, till the ftatute 12 Car. II.
c. 24. which in great meafure aboliftted them alb
Hither alfo might have been referred the profitable
.prerogative of purveyance and pre-emption : which
was a right enjoyed by the crown of buying up provi-
fions and other neceflaries, by the intervention of the
king’s purveyors, for the ufe of his royal houfehold,
at an appraifed valuation, in preference to all others,
and even without confent of the owner: and alfo of
forcibly imprefling the carriages and horfes of the fub¬
jeft, to do the king’s bufinefs on the public roads, in
the conveyance of timber, baggage, and the like,how¬
ever inconvenient to the proprietor, upon paying him.
a fettled price. A prerogative which prevailed pret¬
ty generally throughout Europe during the fcarcity
of gold and filver, and the high valuation of money
confequential thereupon. In thofe early times the
king’s houfehold (as well as thofe of inferior lords)
were fupported by fpecific renders of corn, and other
viftuals, from the tenants of the refpeftive demefnes 5
and there was alfo a continual market kept at the pa¬
lace-gate to furnifli viands for the royal ufe. And this-
anfwered all purpofes, in thole ages of fimplicity, fo
long as the king’s court continued in any certain
place. But when it removed from one part of the
kingdom to another, (as was formerly very frequently
done), it was found neceflary to fend purveyors before¬
hand, to get together a fufficient quantity of provi-
fions and other necefiaries for the houfehold : and, left
the unufual demand fliould raife them to an exorbitant
price, the powers beforementioned were vetted in thefe
purveyors ; who in procefs of time very greatly abufed
their authority, and became a great opprefilon to the
fubjeft, though of little advantage to the crown ; ready
qxoney in open market (when the royal relidence was
more permanent, and fpecie began to be plenty) be¬
ing found upon experience to be the beft proveditor of
any. Wherefore, by degrees, the powers of purvey¬
ance have declined, in foreign countries as well as our
own : and particularly were aboliftied in Sweden by
Guftavus-Adolphus, towards the beginning of the laft
century. And, with us in England, having fallen in¬
to difufe during the fufpenfion of monarchy, king,
Charles at his reftoration, confented, by the fame
ftatute, to refign entirely thofe branches of his reve¬
nue and power : and the parliament, in part ofrecom-
pence, fettled on him, his heirs, and fucceflbrs, for
ever, the hereditary excife of 15 d. per barrel on all i
beer and ale fold in the kingdom, and a proportion-
abie fum for certain other liquors. So that this he-
REV [ 6688 ] REV
Revenue, reditary excife, now forms the fixth branch of his ma-
‘ 'jefty’s ordinary revenue.
7. A feventh branch might alfo be computed to
have arifen from wine-licenfcs ; or the rents payable
to the crown by fuch perfons as are licenfed to fell
wine by retail throughout Britain, except in a few
R/ privileged places. Thefe were firft fettled on the
Comment, crown by the ftatute 12 Car. II. c. 25. and, together
with the hereditary excife, made up the equivalent in
value for the lofs fuftained by the prerogative in the
abolition of the military tenures, and the right of pre¬
emption and purveyance : but this revenue was abo-
lilhed by the ftatute 30 Geo. II. c, 19. and an annual
fum of upwards of 7000 /. per annum, iffuing out of
the new ftamp-duties impofed on wine-licences, was
fettled on the crown in its ftead.
8. An eighth branch of the king’s ordinary revenue
is ufually reckoned to confift in the profits arifing
from his forefts. See Forests. Thefe confift prin¬
cipally in the amercements or fines levied for offences
again ft the foreft-laws. But as few, if any, courts
of this kind for levying amercements have been held
fince 1632, 8 Car. I. and as, from the accounts
given of the proceedings in that court by our hiftories
and law-books, nobody would wifh to fee them again
revived, it is needlefs to purfue this inquiry any
farther.
9. The profits arifing from the king’s ordinary
courts of juftice make a ninth branch of his revenue.
And thefe confift not only in fines impofed upon of¬
fenders, forfeitures of recognizances, and amercements
levied upon defaulters; but alfo in certain fees due to
4he crown in a variety of legal matters, as, for fel¬
ting the great feal to charters, original writs, and other
forenfic proceedings, and for permitting fines to be
levied of lands in order to bar entails, or otherwife to
infure their title. As none of thefe can be done with¬
out the immediate intervention of the king, by him-
felf or his officers, the law allows him certain perqui-
fites and profits, as a recompence for the trouble he
undertakes for the public. Thefe, in procefs of time,
have been almoft all granted out to private perfons, or
elfeappropriated to certain particular ufes: fo that, tho’
our law-proceedings are ftill loaded with their pay¬
ment, very little of them is now returned into the
king’s exchequer ; for a part of whofe royal main¬
tenance they were originally intended. All future
grants of them, however, by the ftatute 1 Ann ft. 2.
c. 7. are to endure for no longer time than the prince’s
life who grants them.
10. A tenth branch of the king’s ordinary revenue,
faid to be grounded on the confideration of his guard¬
ing and protefling the feas from pirates and robbers,
is the right to royal fijh, which are whale and ftur-
geon : and thefe, when either thrown aftiore, or caught
near the coafts, are the property of the king, on ac¬
count of their fuperior excellence. Indeed, our an-
ceftors feem to have entertained a very high notion of
the importance of this right; it being the preroga¬
tive of the kings pf Denmark and the dukes of Nor¬
mandy ; and from one of thefe it was probably de¬
rived to our princes.
11. Another maritime revenue, and founded partly
upon the fame reafon, is that of shipwrecks. See
Wrecks.
12. A twelfth branch of the royal revenue, the Revenue
right to mines, has its original from the king’s pre-
rogative of coinage, in order to fupply him with ma¬
terials ; and therefore thofe mines which are properly
royal, and to which the king is entitled when found,
are only thofe of filver and gold. See Mine.
13. To the fame original may in part be referred
the revenue of treafure-trove. See Treasure-
Trove.
14. Waifs. See Waits.
15. Ellrays. See Estray.
Befides the particular reafons, given in the different
articles, why the king fhould have the feveral revenues
of royal filh, fhipwrecks, treafure-trove, waifs, and
eftrays, there is alfo one general reafon which holds
for them all; and that is, becaufe they are bona va¬
cantia, or goods in which no one elfe can claim a pro¬
perty. And, therefore, by the law of nature, they be¬
longed to the firft occupant or finder; and fo conti¬
nued under the imperial law. But, in fettling the
modern conftitutions of moft of the governments in
Europe, it was thought proper (to prevent that ftrife
and contention, which the mere title of occupancy is
apt to create and continue, and to provide for the
fupport of public authority in a manner the leaft bur-
denfome to individuals) that thefe rights (hould be an¬
nexed to the fupreme power by the pofitive laws of the
ftate. And fo it came to pafs, that, as Bra&on ex-
preffes it, “ hasc, quae nullius in bonis funt, et olim
“ fuerunt inventoris de jure naturali, jam efficiuntur
“ principis de jure gentium.”
16. The next branch of the king’s ordinary reve¬
nue confifts in forfeitures of lands and goods for of¬
fences ; bona confifcata, as they are called by the ci¬
vilians, becaufe they belonged to the jifeus or impe¬
rial treafury ; or, as our lawyers term them, forisfatta,
that is, fuch whereof the property is gone away or
departed from the owner. The true reafon and only
fubftantial ground of any forfeiture for crimes, con¬
fift in this ; that all property is derived from fociety,
being one of thofe civil rights which are conferred
upon individuals, in exchange for that degree of na¬
tural freedom which every man muft facrifice when
be enters into focial communities. If, therefore, a
member of any national community violates the fun¬
damental contraft of his affociation, by tranfgreffing
the municipal law, he forfeits his right to fuch pri¬
vileges as he claims by that contraft ; and the ftate
may very juftly refume that portion of property, or
any part of it, which the laws have before affigned
him. Hence, in every offence of an atrocious kind,
the laws of England have exafted a total confifcation
of the moveables or perfonal eftate ; and, in many
cafes a perpetual, in others only a temporary, lofs of
the offender’s immoveables or landed property ; and
have veiled them both in the king, who is the perfon
fuppofed to be offended, being the one vifible magi-
ftrate in whom the majefty of the public refides. See
Forfeiture and Deodand,
17. Another branch of the king’s ordinary reve¬
nue arifes from efeheats of lands, which happen upon
the defedt of heirs to fucceed to the inheritance;
whereupon they in general revert to and veil in the
king, who is efteemed, in the eye of the law, the
original proprietor of all lands in the kingdom.
18. The
REV [ 6689 ]' REV
Revenue. 18. The lad branch of the king’s ordinary revenue,
”rr' 'confifts in the cuftody of idiots,, from whence we (hall
be naturally led to confider alfo the cuftody of lu¬
natics. See Idiot and Lunatic.
This may fuffice for a (hort view of the king’s or¬
dinary revenue, or the proper patrimony of the crown;
which was very large formerly, and capable of being
increafed to a magnitude truly formidable : for there
are very few eftates in the kingdom that have not,
at fome period or other fmce the Norman conqueft,
been veiled in the hands of the king, by forfeiture,
efcheat, or otherwife. But, fortunately, for the li¬
berty of the fubjedt, this hereditary landed revenue,
by a feries of improvident management, is funk almoft
to nothing ; and the cafual profits, arifing from the
other branches of the cenfus regalis, are likewife al¬
moft all of them alienated from the croWn. In order
to fupply the deficiencies of which, we are now obliged
to have recourfe to new methods of railing money,
unknown to our early anceftors; which methods con-
ftitute,
II. The king’s extraordinary revenue. For, the
public patrimony being got into the hands of private
fubjefts, it is but reafonable that private contributions
Ihould -fupply the public fervice. Which, though it
may perhaps fall harder'upon fome individuals, whofe
anceftors have had no lhare in the general plunder,
than upon others, yet, taking the nation throughout,
it amounts to nearly the fame ; provided the gain by
the extraordinary Ihould appear to be no greater than
the lofs by the ordinary revenue. And perhaps, if
every gentleman in the kingdom was to be ftripped of
fuch of his lands as were formerly the property of the
crown, was to be again fubjeA to the inconveniencies
of purveyance and pre-emption, the oppreffion of fo-
reft-laws, and the flavery of feodal-tenures; and was
to refign into the king’s hands all his royal franchifes
of waifs, wrecks, eftrays, treafure-trove, mines, deo-
dands, forfeitures, and the like ; he would find him-
felf a greater lofer than by paying his quota to fuch
taxes as are neceffary to the fupport of government.
The thing, therefore, to be wiftied and aimed at in a
land of liberty, is by no means the total abolition of
taxes, which would draw after it very pernicious con-
fequences, and the very fuppofition of which is the
height of political abfurdity. For as the true idea of
government and magiftracy will be found to confift in
this, that fome few men are deputed by many others
to prefide over public affairs, fo that individuals may
the better be enabled to attend their private concerns;
it is neceffary that thofe individuals fhould be bound
to contribute a portion of their private gains, in order
to fupport that government, and reward that magi¬
ftracy, which prote&s them in the enjoyment of their
refpeftive properties. But the things to be aimed at
are wifdom and moderation, not only in granting, but
alfo in the method of raifing, the neceffary fupplies ;
by contriving to do both in fuch a manner as may be
moft conducive to the national welfare, and at the
fame time moft confiftent with ceconomy and the li¬
berty of the fubjeft ; who, when properly taxed, con¬
tributes only, as was before obferved, fome part of
his property in order to enjoy the reft.
Thefe extraordinary grants are ufually called by the
Jynonimous names of aids, fubjidies, and fupplies; and
Vol. IX. 1
are granted by the commons of Great Britain, in par- Revenue,
liament affembled. See Parliament and Tax.
The clear neat produce of the feveral branches of
the revenue, after all charges of collefting and ma¬
nagement paid, amounts at prefent annually to about
feven millions and a quarter fterling ; befides more
than two millions and a quarter raifed by the land and
malt-tax. How thefe immenfe fums are appropriated,
is next to be confidered. .And this is, firft and prin¬
cipally, to the payment of the intereft of the national
debt. See National Debt, and Funds.
The r'efpeftive produces of the feveral taxes were
originally feparate and diftinft funds ; being fecurities
for the fums advanced on each feveral tax, and for
them only. But at laft it became neceffary, in order
to avoid confufion, as they multiplied yearly, to re¬
duce the number of thefe feparate funds, by uniting
and blending them together ; fuperadding the faith of
parliament for the general fecurity of the whole. So
that there are now only three capital funds of any ac¬
count, the aggregate fund, and the general fund, fo
called from fuch union and addition; and the South-
Sea fund, being the produce of the taxes appropriated
to pay the intereft of fuch part of the national debt aa
was advanced by that company and its annuitants.
Whereby the feparate funds, which were thus united,
are become mutual fecurities for each other; and the
whole produce of them, thus aggregated, liable to
pay fuch intereft or annuities as were formerly charged
upon each diftinft fund: the faith of the legiflature
being moreover engaged to fupply any cafual deficien¬
cies.
The cuftoms, excifes, and other taxes, which are
to fupport thefe funds, depending on contingencies,
upon exports, imports, and confumptions, mull ne-
ceffarily be of a very uncertain amount; but they have
always been confiderably more than was fufficient to
anfwer the charge upon them. The furpluffes, there¬
fore, of the three great national funds, the aggregate,
general, and South-Sea funds, over and above the in¬
tereft and annuities charged upon them, are direded
by ftatute 3 Geo. I. c. 7. to be carried together, and
to attend the difpofition of parliament; and are ufually
denominated the finking fund, becaufe originally de-
ftined to fink and lower the national debt. To this
have been fince added many other entire duties, granted
in fubfequent years ; and the annual intereft of the fums
borrowed on their refpedlive credits is charged on,
and payable out of, the produce of the finking fund.
However, the neat furpluffes and favings, after all de-
du&ions paid, amount annually to a very confiderable
fum. For as the intereft on the national debt has been
at feveral times reduced, ^by the confent of the pro¬
prietors, who had their option either to lower their
intereft or be paid their principal), the favings from
the appropriated revenues mult needs be extremely
large. This finking fund is the laft refort of the na¬
tion ; its only domeftic refource, on which mull chiefly
depend all the hopes we can entertain of ever difehar-
ging or moderating our incumbrances. And there¬
fore the prudent and fteady application of the large
fums, now arifing from this fund, is a point of the
utmoft importance, and well worthy the ferious at¬
tention of parliament ; which was thereby enabled,
in the year 1765, to reduce above two millions fter-
O ling
REV [ 6690 ] REV
Revenue ling of the public debt ; and feveral additional mil-
1! lions in feveral fucceeding years.
Reverend. gut> before any part of the aggregate fund (the
furpluffes whereof are one of the chief ingredients that
form the finking fund) can be applied to diminifh the
principal of the public debt, it ftands mortgaged by
parliament to raife an annual fum for the maintenance
of the king’s houfehold and the civil lift. For this
purpofe, in the late reigns, the produce of certain
branches of the excife and cuftoms, the poft-office,
the duty on wine-licenfes, the revenues of the remain*
ing crown-lands, the profits arifing from courts of ju-
ftice, (which articles include all the hereditary reve¬
nues of the crown), and alfo a clear annuity of 120,000!.
in money, were fettled on the king for life, for the
fupport of his majefty’s houfehold, and the honour and
dignity of the crown. And, as the amount of thefe
feveral branches was uncertain, (though in the laft
reign they were computed to have fometimes raifed
almoft a million), if they did not arife annually to
800,0001. the parliament engaged to make up the
deficiency. But his prefent majefty having, foon after
his acceffion, fpontaneoufly fignified his confent that
his own hereditary revenues might be fo difpofed of as
might bed conduce to the utility and fatisfadlion of
the public, and having gracioufly accepted a limited
fum, the faid hereditary and other revenues are now
aarried into, and made a part of, the aggregate fund ;
and the aggregate fund is charged with the payment
of the whole annuity to the crown. The limited an¬
nuity accepted by his prefent majefty was at firft
8oo,oool. but it has been fince augmented to 900,000!.
The expences themfelves, being put under the fame
care and management as the other branches of the
public patrimony, produce more, and are better col-
lefted than heretofore ; and the public is a gainer of
upwards of 100,000 1. per annujtt hy this difinterefted
bounty of his majefty. The civil lift, thus liquidated,
together with the four millions and an half intereft of
the national debt, and the two millions produced from
the finking fund, make up the feven millions and a
quarter per annum, neat money, which were before
dated to be the annual produce of our perpetual taxes;
befides the immenfe, though uncertain, fums arifing
from the annual taxes on land and malt, but which, at
an average, may be calculated at more than two mil¬
lions and a quarter ; and, added to the preceding fum,
make the clear produce of the taxes, exclufive of the
charge of colkAing, which are raifed yearly on the
people of this country, amount to near ten millions
fterling. See Civil List.
Rrvenue, in hunting, a fleftiy lump formed chiefly
by'^luft er of whitifh worms on the head of the deer,
fuppofed to occafion the carting of their horns by
gnawing them at the root.
REVERBERATION, in phyfics, the ad of a
body repelling or reflecting another after its impinging
thereon.
Reverberation, in chemiftry, denotes a kind of
circulation of the flame by means of a reverberatory
furnace.
REVERBERATORY, or Reverberating Fur¬
nace. See Chemistry, n° 98, etfeq. and Furnace.
REVEREND, a title of refpeCt given to eccle-
iiaftics.—The religious abroad are called reverend
fathers; and abbefles, priortffes, &c. reverend mothers. Reverie,
With us, bifhops are right reverendand archbifhops Reverfal«
mtft reverend. In France, their biihops, archbiihops,
and abbots, are all alike moji reverend.
REVERIE, the fame with delirium, raving, or
diftra&ion. It is ufed alfo for any ridiculous, extra¬
vagant imagination, aftion, or propofition, a chimera,
or vifion. But the moft ordinary ufe of the word
among Englirti writers, is for a deep diforderly mufing
or meditation.
REVERSAL of Judgment, in law. A judgment
may be falfified, reverfed, or voided, in the firft place,
•without a •writ of error, for matters foreign to or
dehors the record, that is, not apparent upon the
face of it; fo that they cannot be affigned for error
in the fuperior court, which can only judge ^omcotnment
what appears in the record itfelf; and therefore, if
the whole record be not certified, or not truly cer¬
tified, by the inferior court, the party injured there¬
by (in both civil and criminal cafes) may allege a
diminution of the record, and caufe it to be re&ified.
Thus, if any judgment whatever be given by per-
fons who had no good commiffion to proceed againft
the perfon condemned, it is void; and may be falfified
by Ihewing the fpecial matter, without writ of error.
As, where a commiffion iflues to A and B, and twelve
others, or any two of them, of which A or B (hall
be one, to take and try indiftments ; and any of the
other twelve proceed without the interpofition or pre¬
fence of either A or B: in this cafe all proceedings,
trials, conviftions, and judgments, are void for want
of a proper authority in the commiffioners, and may be
falfified upon bare infpedtion, without the trouble of
a writ of error ; it being a high mifdemeanour in the
judges fo proceeding, and little (if any thiftg) (hort
of murder in them all, in cafe the perfon fo attainted
be executed and fuffer death. So likewife if a man
purchafes land of another; and afterwards the vendor
is, either by outlawry, or his own confeffion, con¬
victed and attainted of treafon or felony previous to
the fale or alienation; whereby fuch land becomes
liable to forfeiture or efcheat: now, upon any trial,
the ptirehafer is at liberty, without bringing any writ
of error, to falfify not only the time of the felony or
treafon fuppofed, but the very point of the felony or
treafon itfelf; and is not concluded by the confeffion
or the outlawry of the vendor; though the vendor
himfelf is concluded, and not fuffered now to deny the
fa£t, which he has by confeffion or flight acknowleged.
But if fuch attainder of the vendor was by verdiCI,
on the oath of his peers, the alienee cannot be received
to falfify or contradid (hefaflof the crime committed;
though he is at liberty to prove a miftake in time, or
that the offence was committed after the alienation, and
not before.
Secondly, a judgment may be reverfed, by •writ of
error: which lies from all inferior criminal jurifdidions
to the court of king’s-bench, and from the king’s-
bench to the houfe of peers ; and may be brought for
notorious miftakes in the judgment or other parts of
the record : as where a man is found guilty of per¬
jury, and receives the judgment of felony, or for other
lefs palpable errors ; fucb as any irregularity, omiffion,
or want of form in the procefs of outlawry, or pro-
clamations } the want of a proper addition to the de-
REV [ 6691 ] REV
Reverfal fendaat’s name, according to the ftatute of additions ;
II for not properly naming the flieriff or other officer of
' Rever lon• (he couvt, or not duly defcribing where his county-
court was held: for laying an offence, committed in
the time of the late king, to be done againft the peace
of the prefent; and for many other fimtlar caufes,
which (though allowed out of tendernefs to life and
liberty) are not much to the credit or advancement of
the national juft-ice. Thefe writs of error, to reverfe
judgments in cafe of mifdemeanours, are not to be
allowed of courfe, but on fufficient probable caufe
Ihown to the attorney-general; and then they are un-
derftood to be grantable of common right, and ex
debito juJHtiue. But writs of error to reverfe attain¬
ders in capital cafes are only allowed ex gratia; and
not without exprefs warrant under the king’s fign-
manual, or at lead by the confent of the attorney-
general. Thefe therefore can rarely be brought by
the party himfelf, efpecially where he is attainted
I for an offence againft; the ftate: but they may be
brought by his heir or executor after his death, in more
favourable times; which may be feme confolation to
his family. But the eafier and more effe&ual way is,
Laftly, to reverfe the attainder by aft of parliament.
This may be and hath been frequently done upon
motives of compaffion, or perhaps the zeal of the
times, after a fudden revolution in the government,
without examining too clofely into the truth or vali¬
dity of the errors affigned. And fometimes, though
the crime be univerfally acknowldeged and confeffed,
yet the merits of the criminal’s family fhall after his
death obtain a reftitution in blood, honours, andeftate,
or fome or one of them,by aft ofparliment; which (fo
far as it extends) has all the effeft of reverfing the at¬
tainder, without cafting any refleftions upon the juftice
of the preceding fentence. See Attainder.
The effeft of falfifying, or reverfing, an outlawry
is, that the party fhall be in the fame plight as if he
had appeared upon the capias: and, if it be before
plea pleaded, he fhall be put to plead to the indift-
ment; if, after conviftion, he fhall receive the fentence
of the law : for all the other proceedings, except only
the procefs of outlawry for his non-appearance, remain
good and effeftual as before. But when judgment,
pronounced upon conviftion, is falfified or reverfed,
all former proceedings are abfolutely fet afide, and
the party Hands as if he had never been at all accufedj
reftored in his credit, his capacity, his blood, and his
eftates: with regard to which laft, though they be
granted away by the crown, yet the owner may enter
upon the grantee, with as little ceremony as he might
enter upon a diffeifor. But he ftill remains liable to
another profecution for the fame offence : for, the firft
being erroneous, he never was in jeopardy thereby.
REVERSE of a medal, coin, &c. denotes the
fecond or back fide, in oppofition to the head or prin¬
cipal figure.
REVERSION, in Scots law. See Law, N° clxix.
1—3.
Reversion, in the law of England, has two figni-
fications; the one of which is an eftate left, which
continues during a particular eftate in being; and the
other is the returning of the land, &c. after the par¬
ticular eftate is ended ; and it is further faid, to be an
intereft in lands, when the pofltffion of it fails, or
where the eftate which was for a time parted with, Reverfion
returns to the grantors, or their heirs. But,according'
to the ufual definition of a reverfion, it is the refidue
of an eftate left in the grantor, after a particular
eftate granted away ceafes, continuing in the grantor
of fuch an eftate.
The difference between a remainder and a reverfion
confifts in this, that the remainder may belong to any
man except the grantor ; whereas the reverfion returns
to him who conveyed the lands, &c.
In order to render the doftrine of reverfions eafy, we
fhall give the following table; which ftiows the prefent
value of one pound, to be received at the end of any
number of years not exceeding 40; difcounting at the
rate of 5, 4, and 3 per cent, compound intereft.
! Value at Vdue at Value at
S per cent. 4per cent. 3 per cent.
.9524
.9070
.8638
.8227
•7835
.7462
.7107
.6768
.6446
.6139
.5847
.5568
•5303
.5051
.4810
.4581
•4363
•4>5S
*3957
•3769
•3589
•34*8
•3255
.3100
•2953
.2812
.2678
•2551
•2429
.2314
.2204
.2099
,1999
.1903
1813
.1726
.1644
1566
491
.9615
.9245
.8898
.8548
.8219
•7903
•7599
•7307
.7026
.6756
.6496
.6246
.6006
•5775
■5553
•5339
■5I34
•4936
.4746
.4564
.4388
.4219
.4057
.3901
•3757
.3607
.3468
■3335
.3206
•30O3
.2965
.2851
.2741
.2636
*2534
2437
*2343
2253
.2166
1420 1.2083
37 0 2
.9709
.9426
•915I
.8885
.8626
•8375
•8131
.7894
.7664
.7441
.7224
.7014
.6809
.66t 1
.6419
.6232
.6050
•5874
•5 703
•5537
•5375
.5219
.5067
.4919
,4776
•4637
.4502
•437i
•4243
.4120
.4000
.3883
•3770
3660
•3554
•3450
335°
3252
3*58
3066
Pv E V [ 6692 1 R H A
Rcverfion The ufe of the preceding table.—To find the prefent
11 . value of any fum to be received at the end of a given
Revolution.term yearg> difcounting at the rate of 3, 4, or 5
per cent, compound irftereft. Find by the above table
the prefent value of 1 I. to be received at the end of
the given term ; which multiply by the number of
pounds propoftd, (cutting off four fingers from the pro¬
duct on account of the decimals) then the refult will
be the value fought : For example, the prefent value
of 10,000 1. to be received 10 years hence, and the
rate of intereft 5 per cent, is equal to .6139X10,000=
6139.0000 1. or 61391. Again, the prefent'value of
] 0,000!. due in 10 years, the rate of intereft being
3 per cent, is .7441 X 10,000 = 7441.
Reversion of Series, in algebra, a kind of rever-
fed operation of an infinite feries. See Series.
REVIVIFICATION, in chemiftry, a term ge¬
nerally applied to the diftiilation of quickfilver from
cinnabar.
REVIEW (commiffion of), is a commifiion fome-
times granted, in extraordinary cafes, to revife the
fentence of the court of delegates, when it is appre¬
hended they have been led into a material error.
This commiffion the king may grant, although the
ftatutes 24 and 25 Hen. VIII., declare the fen¬
tence of the delegates definitive : becaufe the pope as
fupreme head by the canon law ufed to grant fuch
commiffion of review ; and fuch authority as the pope
heretofore exerted is now annexed to the crown by
ftatutes 26 Hen. VIII. c. 1. and 1 Eliz. c. 1. But
it is not matter of right, which the fubjeft may de¬
mand ex debito jujiit'ue; but merely a matter of fa¬
vour, and which therefore is often denied.
Review, is the drawing out all or part of the ar¬
my in line of battle, to be viewed by the king, or a
general, that they may know the condition of the
troops.
At all reviews, the officers ffiould be properly arm¬
ed, ready in their exercife, falute well, in good time,
and with a good air ; their uniform genteel, &c. The
men (hould be clean and well dreffed ; their accoutre¬
ments well put on ; very well fized in their ranks ;
the ferjeants expert in their duty, drummers perfedl
in their beatings, and the fifers play correff. The
manual exercife muft be performed in good time, and
with life ; and the men carry their arms well; march,
wheel, and form with exa&nefs. All manoeuvres muft
be performed with the utmoft regularity, both in
quick and flow time. The firings are generally 36
rounds; viz., by companies ; by grand divifions; by
I'ub-divifions; obliquely, advancing, retreating ; by
files; in the fquare ; ftreet firings, advancing and re¬
treating ; and laftly, a volley. The intention of a re¬
view is, to know the condition of the troops, to fee that
they are complete and perform their exercife and evo¬
lutions well.
REVOLUTION, in politics, fignifies a grand
change or turn in government. In this fenfe the re¬
volution is ufed by way of eminence for the great turn
of affairs in England in 1688, when king James II.
abdicating the throne, the prince and princefs of O-
range were declared king and queen of England, See.
In geometry, the revolution of any figure is its mo¬
tion quite round a fixed line as an axis. The revo-
jution.of a planet or comet is nothing but its courfe
from one point of its orbit till it returns to the fame Revulfion
again. II
REVULSION, in medicine, turning a flux ofhu- Rhamnus*
moursfrom one part to another by bleeding, cupping,
fri&ion, finapifms, blifters, fomentations, bathings,
iffues, fetons, ftrong purging of the bowels, &c.
REYN (Jan de), an eminent hiftory and portrait
painter, born at Dunkirk in 1610. He had the good
fortune to be a difciple of Vandyck, was the bell per¬
former in his fchool, and was fo attached to his ma¬
tter that he followed him to London, where it is
thought he continued as long as he lived. In thefe
kingdoms he is mottly known by the name of Lang
Jan. He died in 1678: and it is imagined that the
fcarcity of his works is occafioned byfo many ofthem
being imputed to Vandyck ; a circumftance which,
if true, is beyond any thing that could be faid. in his.
praife.
REZAN, or Rezanskoi, anancient town of Ruf-
fia, and capital of a duchy of the fame name, with an
archbilhop’s fee. It was formerly confiderable for its
extent and riches; but it was almoft ruined by the
Tartars in 1568. The country is populous, and was
formerly governed by its. own princes. E. Long. 42.
37. N. Lat. 54. 54.
RHADAMANTHUS, a fevere judge, and king
of Lydia ; the poets make him one of the three judges
of hell.
RHAGADES, in medicine, de_note$ chaps or clefts
in any part of the body. If feated in the anus, and
recent, the patient muft fit ftill, and fit over the fleam
of warm water. The epulotic cerate may alfo be ap¬
plied. If the lips of thefe fiffures are callous, they
muft be cut or otherwife treated as to become new ul¬
cerations.
RHAMNUS, the buckthorn ; a genus of the
monogynia order, belonging to the pentandria clafs
of plants. There are 20 fpecies; of which the moft
remarkable are,
1. The catharticus, or common purging buck¬
thorn, growing naturally in fome parts of Bri¬
tain. This grows to the height of 12 or 14 feet,
with many irregular branches at the extremities.
The leaves are oval-lanceolate, finely ferrated on the
edges, their nerves converging together. The flowers
grow in clutters, one on each footftalk, white, and,
in this fpecies, divided into four fegments; the fruit
is a round black berry, containing four feeds. The
juice of the berries is a ftrong purgative, and is made
ufe of for making the common fyrup of buckthorn
kept in the fhops. The bark is emetic: the juice of
the unripe berries with alum dyes yellow, of the ripe
ones green ; the bark alfo dyes yellow.
2. The lotus, famous in the Odyffey of jftomer for
its enchanting property, by which thofe who eat of it
forgot their country and relations. Dr Shaw, in his
travels into Barbary, had frequent opportunities of ex¬
amining this, ihrub- He fays, “ This flmib, which
is very common in the Jereede, and other parts of Bar¬
bary, has the leaves, prickles, flowers, and fruit of
the zizyphus or jubeb ; only with this difference, that
the fruit is here round, fmaller, and more lufpious, and
at the fame time the branches, like thofe of the paliu-
rus, are neither fo much jointed nor crooked. ' The
fruit is in great repute, taft.es fomething like ginger¬
bread,
R H A [ 6693 ] R H A
i lharapha- bread, and is fold in the markets all over the fouthern
; diftrifts of thefe kingdoms. The Arabs call it aneb
enta el feedra, or the jubeb of the feedra; which Olavus
|__f 1 Celfius had fo high an opinion of, that he has defcri-
bed it as the dudaim of the fcriptnres.” It is proper,
however, to diftinguiih between this fhrub and an
herb often mentioned by the ancients under the name
of/<?/«/, which Homer mentions as being fed upon by
the horfes of Achilles, and Virgil as.proper to m-
creafe the milk of fheep.
RHAMPHASTOS, the toucan, in ornithology.
See Ramphastos.
RHAPSODI, Rhapsodists, in antiquity, perfons
who made a bufinefs of finging pieces of Homer's
poems. Cuper informs us, that the Rhapfodi were
clothed in red when they fung the Iliad, and in blue
when they fung the Odyffee. They performed on the
theatres, and fometimes ftrove for prizes in cor.teftsof
poetry, finging, &c. After the two antagonifts had
finiflied their parts, the two pieces dr papers they
were written in were joined together again: whence
the name, viz. from («.vnu, fuo, and canticum:
but there feem to have been other Rhapfodi of more
antiquity than thefe people, who compofed heroic
poems or fongs in praife of heroes and great men, and
fung their own compofitions from town to town for a
livelihood ; of which profeffion Homer himfelf is faid
to be. See Bard.
RHAPSODOMANCY, an ancient kind of divi¬
nation performed by pitching on a paflage of a poet
at hazard, and reckoning on it as a prediftion of what
was to come to pafs. There were various ways of
pra&ifing this rhapfodomancy. Sometimes they wrote
feveral papers or fentences of a poet on fomany pieces
of wood, paper, or the like, (hook them together in an
urn, and drew out one which was accounted the lot:
fometimes they cail dice on a table whereon verfes were
written, and that whereon the die lodged contained
the predi&ion. A third manner was by opening a
book, and pitching on fome verfe at firft fight. This
method they particularly called the fortes preenejlince ;
and afterwards, according to the poet made ufe of,
fortes Homericx, fortes Virgilianx, &c. See Sortes.
RHAPSODY, in antiquity, a difcourfe in verfe
fung or rehearfed by a rhapfodift. Others will have
rhapfody to fignify a colleftion of verfes, efpecially
thofe of Homer, which having been a long time dif-
perfed in pieces and /ragments, were at length, by
Pififtratus’s order, digeftcd into books called rhapfo-
dies, from pK-nra, fuo, and ‘’■S'1’, canticum. Hence,
among moderns, rhapfody is alfo ufed for an affem-
blage of paflages, thoughts, and authorities raked
together from divers authors, to compofe fome new
piece.
RHE, or Ree, a little ifland in the bay of Bifcay,
near the coaft of Aunis in France. It was taken du¬
ring the laft war with France in the expedition com¬
manded by Hawke and Motdaunt.
f RHEGIUM, (anc. geog.) fo very ancient a city, as
to be fuppofed to take its name from the violent burft-
ing of the coafl of Italy from Sicily; thought to
have been formerly conjoined, (Mela, Virgil). A
city of the Bruttii, a colony of Chalcidians from Eu¬
boea : a'ftrong barrier oppofed to Sicily, (Strabo);
mentioned by Luke; furnamed Juliutu, (Ptolemy),.
from a frefh fupply of inhabitants fent thither by Au- Rheims
guftus, after driving Sextus Pompeius out of Sicily, R|^irp;
(Strabo)’; an 1 thus was in part a colony, retaining eu _L
(till the right of a municipium, Infcription. The city
is now called Reggio, in the Farther Calabria.
RHEIMS, a city of France in Champagne, and
capital of Rheimois. It is one of the mod ancient, ce¬
lebrated, and larged places in the kingdom, with an
archbHhop’s fee, whole arChbifhop is duke and peer
of France. It is about four miles in circumference,
and contains feveral fine fquares, well-built houfes, and
magnificent churches. It has a mint, an univerfity,
and five abbeys, the mod famous of which is that of St
Remy. There are alfo feveral triumphal arches and
other monuments of the Romans. It is feated on
the river Vefie, on a plain furrounded by hills, which
produce excellent wine. E. Lon. 4. 8. N. Lat. 49. 14.
RHENISH wine, that produced on the hills
about Rheims. This wine is much ufed in medicine
as a folvent of iron, for which it is well calculated on
account of its acidity. Dr Percival obferves, that it
is the bed folvent of the Peruvian bark; in which,
however, he thinks its acidity has no (hare, becaufe an
addition of vinegar to water does not augment its fol¬
vent power.
RHETORIANS, a fed of heretics in Egypt, fo
denominated from Rhetorius their leader. The di-
dinguidiing tenets of this herefiarch, as reprefented by
Philadrius, was, that he approved of all the herefies
before him, and taught that they were all in the right.
RHETORIC, the art of fpeaking copioufly on
any fubjeft, with all the advantages of beauty and
force. See Oratory.
RHEUM, a thin ferous humour, occafionally oo¬
zing out of the glands about the mouth and throat.
Rheum, Rhubarb; a genus of the monogynia order,
belonging to the enneandria clafs,. of plants. There
are five fpecies, viz. 1. The rhaponticum, or com¬
mon rhubarb, hath a large, thick, flefhy, branching,
deeply-driking root, yellowifh within ; crowned by
very large, roundifh, heart-diaped fmooth leaves, on
thick, (lightly-furrowed foot-dalks: and an upright
drong dem, two or three feet high, adorned with
leaves fingly, and terminated by thick clofe fpikes of
white flowers. It grows in Thrace and Scythia, but
has been long in the Englifh gardens. Its root affords
a gentle purge. It is however of inferior quality to fome.
of the following forts ; but the plant being aftringent,
its young (talks in fpring, being cut and peeled, are
ufed for tarts. 2. The palmatum, palmated-leaved true,
Chinefe rhubarb; hath a thick flefhy root, yellow
within ; crowned with a very large palmated lerves,
being deeply divided into acuminated fegments, ex¬
panded like an open hand; upright (terns, five or fix
feet high or more, terminated by large fpikes of,
flowers *. This is now proved to be the true foreign
rhubarb, the purgative quality of which is well know n. p. ,299. and,
3. The compadtum, or Tartarian rhubarb, hath a large, Pi. LXtV.
flefhy, branched root, yellow within ; crowned by very
large heart-fliaped fomewhat lobated, (harply indented,
fmooth leaves; and an upright large (tern, five or fix feet
high, garnifhed with leaves fingly,. and branching
above ; having all the branches terminated by nodding
panicles of white flowers. This has been fuppofed to
be the true rhubarb; which,.however, though of fu-
perior;
R H E [ 6694 ] R H I
Rheum, perior quality to fome forts, is accounted Inferior to the
rheum palmatum. 4. The undulatum, undulated or
waved-leaved Chinefe rhubarb, hath a thick, branchy,
deep-ftriking root, yellow within; crowned with large
oblong, undulate, fomewhat hairy leaves, having equal
foot-llalks, and an upright firm (fern, four feet high ;
garnifhed with leaves fingly, and terminated by long
loofe fpikes of white flowers. 5. The Arabian ribes,
or currant rhubarb of Mount Libanus, hath a thick
fielhy root, very broad leaves, full of granulated protu¬
berances, and with equal foot-ftalks ■; and upright firm
Uems, three or four feet high, terminated by (pikes of
flowers, fucceded by berry-like feeds, being furrounded
by a purple pulp. All thefe plants are perennial in
root, and the leaves and ftalks are annual. The roots
being thick, flefliy, generally, divided, ftrike deep
into the ground ; of a browniflt colour without, and
yellow within : the leaves rife in the fpring, generally
come up in a large head folded together, gradually
expanding themfelves, having thick foot-ftalks; and
grow from one to two feet high, or more, in length and
breadth, fpreading all round : amidft them rife the
flower-ftems, which are garnifhed at each joint by one
leaf, and are of ftrong and expeditious growth, attain¬
ing their full height in June, when they flower; and
are fucceeded by large triangular feeds, ripening in
Auguft. Some plants of each fort merit culture in
■gardens for variety; they will effeft a Angularity
with their luxuriant foliage, fpikes, and flowers. And
5s medical plants, they demand culture both for private
.and public ufe.
They are propagated by feeds fowed in autumn
foon after they are ripe, or early in the fpring, in any
open bed of light deep earth ; remarking, thofe in¬
tended for medical ufe fhould generally be lowed where
they are to remain, that the roots, being not difturbed
by removal, may grow large. Scatter the feeds thinly,
either by broad-caft all over the furface, and raked
well in; or in fhallow drills a foot and half diftance,
covering them near an inch deep. The plants will
rife in the fpring, but not flower till the fecond or
third year: when they, however, are come up two or
three inches high, thin them to eight or ten inches,
and clear out all weeds; though thofe defigned always
to (land fhould afterwards be hoed out to a foot and
a half or two feet diftance: obferving, if any are re¬
quired for the pleafure ground, &c. for variety, they
fhould be tranfplanted where they are to remain in
autumn, when their leaves decay, or early in fpring
before they (hoot: the others remaining where fowed,
muft have the ground kept clean between them ; and
in autumn when the leaves and ftalks decay, cut them
down, and (lightly dig the ground between the rows
of plants, repeating the fame work every year. The
roots remaining, they increafe in fize annually: and in
the fecond or third year many of them will (hoot
up ftalks, flower, and perfeA feeds; and in three or
four years the roots will be arrived to a large fize;
though older roots are generally preferable for medical
ufe.
Two forts of fhubarb are met with in the (hops.
The fir ft is imported from Turkey and Ruffia, in
roundifh pieces freed from the bark, with a hole thro*
the middle of each : they are externally of a ycllowifh
colour, and on cutting appear variegated with lively
reddifh ftreaks. The other, which is lefs efteemed,
comes immediately from the Eaft-Indies, in longifti
pieces, harder, heavier, and more compaft than the
foregoing. The firft; fort, unlefs kept very dry, is apt
to grow mouldy and worm-eaten ; the fecond is lefs
fubjedl to thefe inconveniences. Some of the more
induftrious artiftsare faid to fill up the worm-holes with
certain mixtures, and to colour the outfide of the
damaged pieces with powder of the finer forts of rhu¬
barb, and fometimes with cheaper materials : this is
often fo nicely done, as effedtually to impofe upon the
buyer, unlefs he very carefully examines each piece.
The marks of good rhubarb are, that it be firm and
foiid, but not flinty; that it be eafily pulverable, and
appear, when powdered, of a fine bright yellow colour;
that, upon being chewed, it impart to the fpittle a
faffron tinge, without proving (limy or mucilaginous
in the mouth. Its tafte is fubacrid, bitteriih, and fome¬
what aftringent; the fmdl lightly aromatic.
Rhubarb is a mild cathartic, which operates with¬
out violence or irritation, and may be given with fafety
even to pregnant women and children. Befidesits pur¬
gative quality, it is celebrated for an aftringent one,
by which it ftrengthens the tone of the ftomach and
inteftioes, and proves ufeful in diarrhoeas and diforders
proceeding from a laxity of the fibres. Rhubarb in
fubftanqe operates more powerfully as a catharic than
any of the preparations of it. Watery tin&uies purge
more than the fpirituous ones; whilftthe latter contain
ingreaterperfeiftionthearomatic, aftringent,and corro¬
borating virtues of the rhubarb. The dofe, when in¬
tended as a purgative, is from a fcruple to a dram or
more.
The Turkey rhubarb is, among us, univerfally pre¬
ferred to the Eaft-India fort, though this laft is for
fome purpofes at leaft equal to the other; it is mani-
feftly more aftringent, but has fomewhat lefs of an
aromatic flavour. Tin&ures drawn from both with
re&ified fpirit, have nearly the fame tafte; on diftilling
off the menftruum, the extrad left from the tindure
of the Eaft-India rhubarb proved confiderably the
ftrongeft.
Of late, rhubarb has been cultivated in this country
with tolerable fuccefs, and is found not to be inferior
for medical purpofes to the foreigm
RHINE, a large river of Germany, famous both
in ancient and modern hiftory. It rifes among the
Alpes Lepontise, or Grifons ; and firft traverfing the
Lacus Acronius, divides the Rhasti and Vindelici from
the Helvetii, and then the Germans from the Gauls
and Belgae ; and running from fouth to north for the
greateft part of its way, and at length bending its
courfe weft, it empties itfelf at feveral mouths, (Csefar);
at three mouths into the German ocean, (Pliny); viz.
the weftern, or Helius; the northern, or Fleuvus ; and
the middle between both thefe, which retains the ori¬
ginal name, Rbems: and in this Ptolemy agrees.
Mela and Tacitus mention two channels and as many
mouths, the right and left; the former running by
Germany, and itie latter by Gallia Belgica : and thus
alfo Afinius Pollio, and Virgil; the cut or trench of
Drufus not being made in their time, whereby the
middle channel was much drained and reduced, and
therefore overlooked by Tacitus and Mela ; and which
Pliny calls the Scanty. To account for Caefar’s feve-
R H I [ 6695 ] R H I
Rhine ral mouths, is a matter of no fmall difficulty with the
li commentators ; and they do it no otherwife, than by
admitting that the Rhine naturally formed fmall drains
or rivulets from itfelf; the cut of Drufus being long
pofterior to him ; in wbofe time Afmius Pollio, quoted
by Strabo, who agrees with him therein, affirmed that
there were but two mouths, finding fault with thofe
who made them more : and he mult mean the larger
mouths, which emitted larger dreams. The Romans,
efpecially the poets, ufed the term Rhenus for Ger¬
many, (Martial).—At prefent, the river, after enter¬
ing the Netherlands at Schenkinhaus, is divided into
feveral channels, the two larged of which obtain the
names of the Lech and the Wahel, which running thro’
the United Provinces, falls into the German ocean be¬
low Rotterdam.
Rhine, Lower Circle of, confifts of the palatinate
of the Rhine, and the three ecclefiaftical electorates,
viz. thofe of Cologn, Mentz, and Triers.
Rhine, Upper Circle of, confided of the landgra-
viates of Alface and Hefl'e, comprehending the Wet-
teraw : bat now only Heffe can be accounted a part
of Germany, Alface being long ago united to France.
RHINEBERG, atown of Germany, in the circle
of the Lower Rhine, and diocefe of Cologne. It
was in the pofiVffion of the French, but reftored to the
archbifhop of Cologne by the treaty of Utrecht. It
I is feated on the Rhine, in E. Long. 6. 39. N. Lat.
51.30.
RHINECK, a town of Germany, in the archbi-
fiiopric of Cologne, feated on the Rhine, E. Long. 7.
1 53. N. Lat. 50. 27.—There is another town of the
fame name in Svvifferland, capital of Rhinthal, feated
on the Rhine, near the lake of Condance, with a good
cadle. E. Long. 9. 53. N. Lat. 47. 38.
RHINFELD, a fmall but drong town of Ger¬
many, in the circle of Suabia, and the bed of the
four fored-towns belonging to the houfe of Audria.
It has been often taken and retaken in the German
i wars; and is feated on the Rhine, over which there
is a handfome bridge. E. Long. 7. 53. N. Lat. 47.
40.
RHINFELS, a caftle of Germany, in the circle
of the Lower Rhine, in a county of the fame name.
It is looked upon as one of the mod important places
feated on the Rhine, as well in regard to its drength
as fituation. It is near St Goar, and built on a craggy
rock. This fortrefs commands the whole breadth of
the Rhine, and thofe who pafs are always obliged to
pay a confiderable toll. In the time of war it is of
great importance to be mailers of this place. E. Long.
7. 43. N. Lat. 50. 3.
RHINLAND, a name given to a part of South
Holland, which lies on both fietes the Rhine, and of
which Leyden is the capital town.
RHINOCEROS, in zoology, a genus of quadru-
yjjj peds belonging to the order of belluae. There is but
one fpecies, viz. the unicornis, with a fingle horn, pla-
, ced near the end of the nofe, fometimes three feet and
a half long, black and fmooth: the upper lip long,
1 * hangs over the lower, ends in a point, is very pliable, and
ferves to colled! its food, and deliver it into the mouth:
the nodrils are placed tranfverfely; the ears large,
eredl, pointed; eyes fmall and dull: the fkin is naked,
1 rough, or tuberculated, lying about the neck in vaft
■ ~
folds; there is another fold from the ffioulders to the Rhinoceros
fore-legs; another from the hind-part of the back to  
the thighs; the fkin is fo thick and fo ftrong, as to
turn the edge of a fcyraetar, and refill a mufket-ball:
the belly hangs low: the legs are fhort, ftrong, and
thick: the hoofs divided into three parts, each point¬
ing forward.
Thofe which have been brought to Europe have been
young and fmall: Bontius fays, that in refpedt to bulk
of body, they equal the elephant; but are lower on ac¬
count of the (hortnefs of their legs.
Inhabits Bengal, Siam, Cochin-China, Quangfi in
China, the ifles of Java and Sumatra, Congo, Angola,
./Ethiopia, and the country as low as the Cape; loves
ftvady forefts, the neighbourhood of rivers and marftiy
places: fond of wallowing in mire like the hog; is
laid by that means to give {belter in the folds of its
Iklns to feorpions, centipedes, and other infefts. Is a
folitary animal; brings one young at a time, and is very
felicitous about it. It is quiet and inoffenfive; but if
provoked, furious, very fwift, and very dangerous: Mr
Pennant knew a gentleman who had his belly ripped
up by one, but furvived the wound. Is dull of fight}
but has a moft exquifite feent: feeds on vegetables,
particularly ffirubs, broom, and thirties: grunts like a
hog: is faid to confort with the tiger; a fable found¬
ed on their common attachment to the fides of rivers^
and on that account are fometimes found near each
other. Is faid, when it has flung down a man, to
lick the fleflt quite from the bone with its rough tongue;
this very doubtful; that which wounded the gentleman
retired inftantly after the ftroke.
Its flefh is eaten ; Kolben fays it is very good: the
fkin, the fled), hoofs, teeth, and very dung, are ufed in
India medicinally. The horn is in great repute as an
antidote againft poifon, efpecially that of a virgin rhi¬
noceros: but it is not every horn that has this virtue}
fome are held very cheap, while others take a valt
price. Cups are made of them.—Found fometimes
with double horns: Hamilton, in his voyage to the
Eaft Indies, I. 8. fays, that he faw brought from Na¬
tal, in Africa, three horns growing from one root;
the longed 18, the next 12, and the third 8 inches
long. Martial alludes to a variety of this kind by his
urfas cornu gemino.
It is the unicorn of Holy Writ, and of the ancients;
the oryx and Indian afs of Ariftotle, who fays it has
but one horn: his informers might well compare the
clumfy fliape of the rhinoceros to that of an afs; fo
that the philofopher might eafily be induced to pro¬
nounce it a whole-footed animal. This was alfo the
bos unicornis and fera monsceros of Pliny; both were of
India, the fame country with this animal; and in his
account of the monoceros, he exaftly deferibes the great
black horn and the hog-like tail. The unicorn of Holy
Writ has all the properties of the rhinoceros, rage, un-
tameablenefe, great fwiftnefs, and great ftrength.
It was known to the Romans in very early times;
its figure is among the animal? of the Prasneftine pave¬
ment- Auguftus introduced one into the {hows, on his
triumph over Cleopatra; and there is extant a coin of
Domitian, with a double-horned rhinoceros on it. The
combats between the elephant and rhinoceros, a fable
derived from Pliny.
Rhinoceros*^/></. See Buceros.
RHI-
R II O [ 6696 ] R H O
Rhizophora RHIZOPHORA, the mangrove, or Mangle; a
• genus of the monogynia order, belonging to the decan-
dria clafs of plants. Thefe plants are natives of the
Eaft and Weft Indies, and often grow 40 or 50 feet
high. They grow only in water and on the banks of
rivers, where the tide flows up twice a-day. Theypre-
ferve the verdure of their leaves throughout the year.
From the loweft branches ilPje long roots, which hang
down to the water, and penetrate into the earth. In
this-pofition they refemble fo many arcades, from five
to ten feet high, which ferve to fupport the body of
the tree, and even to advance it daily into the bed of
the water. Thefe arcades are fo clofely intertwifted
one with another, that they form a kind of natural and
tranfparent terrace, railed with fuch folidity over the
water, that one might walk upon them, were it not
that the branches are too much encumbered with leaves.
The moft natural way of propagating thefe trees, is to
fuffer the feveral flender fmall filaments which iffue from
the main branches, to take root in the earth. The
moft common method, however, is that of laying the
fmall lower branches in bafkets of mould or earth, till
they have taken root.
The defcription juft given, pertains chiefly to a par¬
ticular fpecies of mangrove, termed by the Weft In¬
dians black mangles, on account of the brown dufky co¬
lour of the wood. The bark is very brown, fmooth,
pliant when green, and generally ufed in the Weft In¬
dia iflands for tanning of leather. Below this bark lies
a cuticle, or fkin, which is lighter, thinner, and more
tender. The wood is nearly of the fame colour as the
bark; hard, pliant, and very heavy. It is frequently
ufed for fuel, for which purpofe it is faid to be remark¬
ably proper: the fires which are made of this wood,
being both clearer, more ardent and durable than thofe
made of any other materials whatever.—The wood is
compaft; almoft incorruptible ; never fpinters; is eafily
worked; and were it not for its enormous weight,
would be commodioufly employed in almoft all kinds
of work, as it pofiefles every property of good timber.
To the roots and branches of mangroves that are im-
merfed in the water, oyfters frequently attach them-
felves: fo that wherever this curious plant is found
growing on the fea-fhore, oyfter-fifhing is very eafy;
as in fuch cafes, thefe fhell-filh may be literally faid to
be gathered upon trees.
The red mangles, or mangrove, grows on the fea-
fhore, and at the mouth of large rivers; but does not
advance, like the former, into the water. It generally
rifes to the height of 20 or 30 feet, with crooked,
knotty branches, which proceed from all parts of the
trunk. The bark is flender, of a,brown colour, and,
when young, is fmooth., and adheres very clofely to the
wood ; but when old, appears quite cracked, and is
eafily detached from it. Under this bark is a fkin as
thick as parchment, red, and adhering clofely to the
wood, from which it cannot be detached till the tree
is felled and dry. The wood is hard, compact, heavy,
of a deep red, with a very fine grain. The pith or heart
of the wood being cut into fmall pieces, and boiled in
water, imparts a very beautiful red to the liquid, which
communicates the fame colour to wool and linen. The
great weight and hardnefs of the wood prevents it from
being generally ufed. From the fruit of this tree,
which, when ripe, is of a violet colour, and refenables
fome grapes in tafte, is prepared an agreeable liquor, Rhodesjt
much efteemed by the inhabitants of the Caribbee 
iflands.
White mangle, fo termed from the colour of its
wood, grows like the two former, upon the banks of
rivers, but is feldom found near the fea. The bark is
grey ; the wood, as we have faid, white, and when
green, fupple; but dries as foon as cut down, and be¬
comes very light and brittle. This fpecies is generally
called rope-mangrove, from the ufe to which the bark 3
is applied by the inhabitants of the Weft Indies. This
bark, which, by reafon of the great abundance of fap,
is eafily detached, when green, from the wood, is beaten
or bruifed betwixt two ftones, until the hard and woody ;
part is totally feparated from that which is foft and |
tender. This laft, which is the true cortical fubftance, i
is twitted into ropes of all fixes, which are exceedingly
ftrong, and not apt to rot in the water.
RHODES, a celebrated ifland of the Archipelago, Ancient If
in very ancient times known by the names of C'/A'a/rf, names an.J
AJleria, JEthrosa, Trinacria, Corymbia, Poeffa, A to.- etymologjjl
byria, Marcia, Oloejfa, Stadia, Telchinu, Pelagia, and
Rhodus. In later ages, the name of Rhodus, or Rhodes, |
prevailed, from the Greek word rhodon, as is commonly
fuppofed, fignifying a “ rofe;” the ifland abounding
very much with thefe flowers. Others, however, give
different etymologies, among which it is difficult to
find one preferable to another. It is about 20 miles
diftant from the coafts of Lycia and Caria; and about
120 miles in compafs.
The firft inhabitants of Rhodes, according to Dio- p;r{t
dorus Siculus, were called the Telchinx, who came ori- bitants.
ginally from the ifland of Crete. Thefe, by their fkill
in aftrology, perceiving that the ifland was foon to be
drowned with water, left their habitations, and made
room for the Heliades, or grandfons of Phoebus, who
took poffefiion of the ifland after that god had clear¬
ed it from the water and mud with which it was over¬
whelmed. Thefe Heliades, it feems, excelled all other
men in learning, and efpecially in aftrology; invented
navigation, &c. In after ages, however, being infeft-
ed with great ferpents which bred in the ifland, they
had recourfe to an oracle in Delos, which advifed them
to admit Phorbas, aTheffalian, with his followers, into
Rhodes. This was accordingly done; and Phorbas
having deftroyed the ferpents, was, after his death, ho¬
noured as a demigod. Afterwards a colony of Cretans
fettled in fome part of the ifland, and a little before
the Trojan war, Tlepolinius the fon of Hercules, who
was made king of the whole ifland, and governed with
great juftice and moderation.
After the Trojan war, all the ancient inhabitantsDr;v(,^i |
were driven out by the Dorians, who continued to be by the D!l
matters of the ifland for many ages. The government rians. 11
was at firft monarchical; but a little before the expedi¬
tion of Xerxes into Greece, a republican form of go¬
vernment was introduced; during which the Rhodians
applied themfelves to navigation, and became very
powerful by fea, planting feveral colonies in diftant
countries. In the time of the Peloponnefian war, the
republic of Rhodes was rent into two factions, one of , (
which favoured the Athenians, and another the Spar¬
tans; but at length the latter prevailing, democracy
was aboliftied, and an ariftocracy introduced. About
351 B. C. we find the Rhodians oppreffed by Maufo-
R H O [ 6697 ] R H O
Rhodes. Jos king of Cana, and at laft reduced by Artemifia
I his widow. In this emergency, they applied to the
Athenians; by whofe affiftance, probably, they regain-
4. ed their liberty.
IwLxaod^r, From this time to that of Alexander the Great, the
mt revolt ’ Rhodians enjoyed an uninterrupted tranquillity. To
li fter his him they voluntarily fubmitted, and were on that ac-
; icath. count highly favoured by him ; but no fooner did they
hear of his death, than they drove out the Macedonian
garrifons, and once more became a free people. About
this time happened a dreadful inundation at Rhodes;
which, being accompanied with violent (forms of rain,
and hailftones of an extraordinary bignefs, beat down
many houfes, and killed great numbers of the inhabi-
j tants. As the city was built in the form of an amphi-
Piolent in- theatre, and no care had been taken to clear the pipes
Rhodes'1 at anC^ con<^u'ts which conveyed the water into the fea,
the lower parts of the city were in an inftant laid un¬
der water, feveral houfes quite covered, and the inha¬
bitants drowned before they could get to the higher
places. As the deluge increafed, and the violent (bow¬
ers continued, fome of the inhabitants made to their
(hips, and abandoned the place, while others miferably
perifhed in the waters. But while the city was thus
threatened with utter deftru&ion, the wall on a fudden
burft afunder, and the water difcharging itfelf by a vio¬
lent current into the fea, unexpectedly delivered the
inhabitants from all danger.
The Rhodians fuffered greatly by this unexpefted
accident, but foon retrieved their Ioffes by a clofe ap¬
plication to trade. During the wars which took place
among the fucceffors of Alexander, the Rhodians ob-
ferved a drift neutrality; by which means they en¬
riched themfelves fo much, that Rhodes became one
of the mod opulent dates of that age ; infomuch that,
for the common good of Greece, they undertook the
piratic war, and, at their own charge, cleared the
Teas of the pirates who had for many years infeded the
6 coads of Europe and Ada. However, notwithdand-
Jiffeience {ng the neutrality they profeffed, as the mod advanta-
Cmis^nl'* £eous branches of their commerce were derived from
Egypt, they were more attached to Ptolemy, king of
that country, than to any of the neighbouring princes.
When therefore Antigonus, having engaged in a war
with Ptolemy about the ifland of Cyprus, demanded
fuccours of them, they earnedly intreated him not to
compel them to declare war againd their ancient friend
and ally. But this anfwer, prudent as it was, drew
upon them the difpleafure of Antigonus, who imme¬
diately ordered one of his admirals to fail with his fleet
to Rhodes, and feize all the drips that came out of the
harbour for Egypt. The-Rhodians, finding their har-
bouirblocked up by the fleet of Antigonus, equipped
a good number of galleys, fell upon the enemy, and
obliged him, with the lofs of many (hips, to quit his
dation. Hereupon Antigonus, charging them as ag-
greffors, and beginners of an unjuft war, threatened
to befiege their city with the drength of his whole ar¬
my. The Rhodians endeavoured by frequent embaf-
Jies to appeafe his wrath. But all their remondrances
ferved rather to provoke than allay his refentment;
and the only terms upon which he would hearken to
any accommodation were, that the Rhodians (hould
declare war againd Ptolemy, that they (hould admit
his fleet into their harbour, and that an hundred of
Vol. IX. 2
the chief citizens {hould be delivered up to him as ho- Rhodes,
dages for the performance of thefe articles. The Rho-
dians fent embaffadors to all their allies, and to Pto¬
lemy in particular, imploring their affidance, and re-
prefenting to the latter, that their attachment to his
intered had drawn upon them the danger to which
they were expofed. The preparations on both fides
were immenfe. As Antigonus was near foorfcore years Rhodes be-
of age at that time, he committted the whole ma- fieged by
nagement of the war to his fon Demetrius, who ap- Demetrius,
pea red before the city of Rhodes with 200 drips of
war, 170 tranfports having on board 40,000 men, and
1000 other veifels laden with provifions and all forts
of warlike engines. As Rhodes had enjoyed for many
years a profound tranquillity, and been free from all
devadations, the expeftation of booty, in the plunder
of fo wealthy a city, allured multitudes of pirates and
mercenaries to join Demetrius in this expedition ; in¬
fomuch that the whole fea between the continent
and the ifland was covered with (hips ; which druck
the Rhodians, who had a profpeft of this mighty ar¬
mada from the walls, with great terror and conder-
nation.
Demetrius, having landed his troops without the
reach of the enemy’s machines, detached feveral fmall
bodies to lay wade the country round the city, and
cut down the trees and groves, employing the timber,
and materials of the houfes without the walls, to for¬
tify his camp with drong ramparts and a treble pali-
fade ; which work, as many hands were employed, was
finiflied in a few days. The Rhodians, on their part, 8
prepared for a vigorous defence. Many great com- The inha-
manders, who had fignalized themfelves on other oc-
cafions, threw themfelves into the city, being defirous
to try their (kill in military affairs againd Demetrius, defence,
who was reputed one of the mod experienced captains
in the conduft of fieges, that antiquity had produced.
The befieged began with difmiffing from the city all
fuch perfons as were ufelefs ; and then taking an ac¬
count of thofe who were capable of bearing arms, they
found that the citizens amounted to 6000, and the fo¬
reigners to 1000. Liberty was promifed to all the
(laves who (hould didinguifh themfelves by any glo¬
rious aftion, and the public engaged to pay the ma-
ffers their full ranfom. A proclamation was likewife
made, declaring, that whoever died in defence of their
country (hould be buried at the expence of the pub¬
lic ; that his parents and children (hould be maintain¬
ed out of the treafury ; that fortunes (hould be given
to his daughters ; and his fons, when they were grown
up, (hould be crowned and prefented with a complete
fuit of armour at the great folemnity of Bacchus ;
which decree kindled an incredible ardour in all ranks
of men. ^
Demetrius, having planted all his engines, began Engines of
to batter with incredible fury the walls on the fide Demetrius
of the harbour; but was for eight days fuccefllvely1,urnt-
repulfed by the befieged, who fet fire to moft of his
warlike engines, and thereby obliged him to allow
them fome refpite, which they made good ufe of in
repairing the breaches, and building new walls where
the old ones were either weak or low. When Deme¬
trius had repaired his engines, he ordered a general
aflault to be made, and caufed his troops to advance
with loud (bouts, thinking by this means to (trike ter-
37 P ror
R H O [ 6698 ] R H O
Rhodes, ror into the enemy. But the befieged were fo far from
‘ being intimidated, that they repulfed the aggrefibrs
with great flaughter, and performed the moft aftonifh-
ing feats of bravery. Demetrius returned to the af-
fault next day ; but was in the fame manner forced to
retire, after having loft a great number of men, and
ibme officers of diftinftion. He had feized, at his firft
landing, an eminence at a fmall diftance from the city;
and, having fortified this advantageous poft, he cauftd
i'everal batteries to be erefled there, with engines,
which inceflantly difcharged againft the walls ftones
of 150 pounds weight. The towers, being thus fu-
rioufly battered night and day, began to totter, and
fevera! breaches were opened in the walls; but the
Rhodians, unexpectedly fallying out, drove the ene¬
my from their poft, overturned their machines^ and
made a moft dreadful havock ; infomuch that fome of
them retired on board their veffels, and were with
much ado prevailed upon to come afhore again.
Severd def- Demetrius now ordered a fcalade by fea and land at
perate at- the fame time ; and fo employed the befieged, that
faults with-they were at a lofs what place they ffiould chiefly de-
out fuccefs. jfenj. The attack was carried on with the utmoft fury
on all Tides, and the befieged defended themfelves with
the greateft intrepidity. Such of the enemy as advan¬
ced firft were thrown down from the ladders, and mi-
ferably bruifed. Several of the chief officers, having
mounted the walls to encourage the foldiers by their
example, were there either killed, or taken prifon-
ers. After the combat had lafted many hours, with
great flaughter on both Tides, Demetrius, notwith-
ftandingall his valour, thought it neceffary to retire,
in order to repair his engines and give his men fome
days reft.
Demetrius being fenfible that he could not reduce
the city till he was mafter of the port, after having
refrefhed his men, he returned with new vigour againtt
the fortifications which defended the entry into the
harbour. When he came within the caft of a dart, he
caufed a vaft quantity of burning torches and firebrands
to be thrown into the Rhodian ftiips, which were riding
there ; and at the fame time galled, with dreadful
fhowers of darts, arrows, and ftones, fuch as offered
to extinguiffi the flames. However, in fpite of their
utmoft efforts,, the Rhodians put a flop to the fire ;
a,nd, having with great expedition manned three of
their ftvongeft (hips, drove with fuch violence againft
the veffcls on which the enemy’s machines were planted,
that they were fhattered in pieces, and the engines
difmounted and thrown into the fea. Exceftus the
Rhodian admiral, being encouraged by this fuc-
cefs, attacked the enemy’s fleet with his three fhips,
and funk a great many veffcls ; but was bimfelf at laft
taken prifoner : the other two veflels made their elcape,
and regained the port.
As unfortunate as this laft attack had proved to De¬
metrius, he determined to undertake another ; and,
in order to fucceed in his attempt, he ordered a ma¬
chine of a new invention to be built, which was thrice
the height and breadth of thofe he had lately loft.
When the work, was finiftied, he caufed the engine to
be placed near the port, which he was refolved, at all
adventures, to force. But, as it was upon the point
of entering the harbour, a dreadful ftorm arifing, drove
it againft the fliore, with.the veflela on which it had
been reared. The befieged, who were attentive to Rhoder.
improve all favourable conjumSures, while the tempeft ’
was ftill raging made a Tally againft thofe who de¬
fended the eminence mentioned above ; and, though
repulfed feveral times, carried it at laft, obliging the
Demetrians, to the number of 400, to throw down
their arms and fubmit. After this viftory gained by
the Rhodians, there arrived to their aid 150 Gnof-
fians, and 500 men fent by Ptolemy from Egypt, moft
of them being natives of Rhodes, who had ferved
among the king’s troops.
Demetrius being extremely mortified to fee all his
batteries againft the harbour rendered ineffedtual, re¬
folved to employ them by land, in hopes of carrying
the city by affault, or at lead reducing it to the ne- u
ceffity of capitulating. With this view, having got Demetrius
together a vaft quantity of timber and other mate-framesa
rials, he framed the famous engine called helepolis, chilie'caHcd
which was by many degrees larger than any that had helepolL.
ever been invented before. Its bafis was fquare, each
fide being in length near 50 cubits, and made tip of
fquare pieces of timber, bound together with plates of
iron. In the middle part he placed thick planks, about
a cobit diftance from each other; and on thefe the
men were to Hand who forced the engine forward.
The whole was moved upon eight ftrong and large
wheels, whofe felloes were ftrengthened with ftrong
iron plates. In order to facilitate and vary the move¬
ments of the helepolis, cafters were placed under it,
whereby it was turned in an inftant to what fide the
workmen and engineers pleafed. Prom each of the
four angles a large pillar of wood was carried to about
the height of 100 cubits, and inclining to each other;
the whole machine confifting of nine ftones, whofe
dimenfions gradually leffened in the afeent. The firft
ftory was fupported by 43 beams, and the laft by no
more than nine. Three fides of the machine were
plated over with iron, to prevent its being damaged by
the fire that might be thrown from the city. In the
front of each ftory were windows of the fame fize and
ffiape as the engines that were‘to be difcharged from
thence. To each window were (butters, to draw up
for the defence of thofe who managed the machines,,
and to deaden the force of the ftones thrown by the
enemy, the (butters being covered with (kins duffed
with wool. Every ftory was furniftud with two large
ftaircafes, that whatever was neceffary might be brought
up by one, while others were going down by the other,
and fo every thing may be difpatched without tumult
or confufion. This huge machine was moved forwards
by 3000 of the ftrongeft men of the whole army ; but
the art with which it was built, greatly facilitated the
motion. Demetrius caufed likewife to be made ^gve-
ral teftudoes or pent-houfes, to cover his men while
they advanced to fill up the trenches and ditches; and
invented a new fort of galleries, through which thofe
who were employed at the fiege might pafs and re-
pafs at their pleafure, without the leaft danger. He
employed all his feamen in levelling the ground over
which the machines were to be brought up, to the
fpace of four furlongs. The number of workmen
who were employed on this occafion amounted to
30,000.
In the mean time the Rhodians, obferving thefe
formidable preparations, were bufy in raifing a new
wall
R H O [ 6699 ] R H O
.Rhodes, wall within that which the enemy intended to batter
• with the helepolis. In order to accompliih this work,
The "rj o t^ie^ Pu^e^ clown ^,e wa^ which furrounded the theatre,
lians raife" ^ome neighbouring honfes, and even fome temples,
» new wall, after having folemnly promifed to build more magni¬
ficent ftruftures in honour of the gods, if the city
were preferved. At the fame time they fent out nine
of their bed fhips to feize fuch of the enemy’s veffels
as they could meet with, and thereby didrefs them
for want of provffibns. As thefe fhips were com¬
manded by their braved fea-officers, they foon re¬
turned with an immenfe booty, and a great many pri-
foners. Among other veflels, they took a galley richly
laden, on board of which they found great variety of
valuable furniture, and a royal robe, which Phila her-
felf had wrought and fent as a prefent to her huf-
band Demetrius, accompanied with a letter written
with her own hand. The Rhodians fent the furniture, 1
the royal robe, and even the letter, to Ptolemy; which
exafperated Demetrius to a great degree.
While Demetrius was preparing to attack the city,
the Rhodians having afTembled the people and magi-
drates to confult about the meafures they fhouldtake,
fome propofed in the affembly the pulling down of the
datues of Anligonus and his fon Demetrius, which
till then had been held in the utmod veneration. But
this'propofal was generally rejedled with indignation,
and their prudent condudi greatly allayed the wrath
both of Antigonus and Demetrius. However, the
latter continued to carry on the fiege with the utmod
vigour, thinking it would refledi no fmall difhonour
on him were he obliged to quit the place without
friie walls making himfelf mader of it. He caufed the walls to
ijmeterminedbe fecretly undermined : but, when they were ready
jwnliom tQ a tieferter very opportunely gave notice of the
lucce s. who!e to the townfmen; who, having with all expe¬
dition drawn a deep trench all along the wall, began to
countermine, and, meeting the enemy under ground,
obliged them to abandon the work. While both par¬
ties guarded the mines, one Athenagoras a Mileiian,
who had been fent to the affidance of the Rhodians by
Ptolemy with a body of mercenaries, promiled to be¬
tray the city to the Demetrians, and let them in thro’
the mines in the night-time. But this was only in
order to enfnare them ; for Alexander, a noble Ma¬
cedonian, whom Demetrius bad fent with a choice
body of troops to take poffeffion of a pod agreed on,
no fooner appeared but he was taken prifoner by the
Rhodians, who were waiting for him under arms.
Athenagoras was cfowned by the fenate with a crown
14 gbldj and prefented with five talents of filver.
A general Demetrius now gave over all thoughts of under-
Kault to mining the walls, and placed all his hopes of reducing
jnopurpofe.th£ city
in the battering-engines which he had con¬
trived. Having therefore levelled the ground under
the walls, he brought up his helepolis, with four te-
dudoes on each fide of it. Two other tedudoes of an
extraordinary fize, bearing battering-rams, were like-
wife moved forwards by 1000 men. Each dory of
the helepolis was filled with all forts of engines for
difeharging of Hones, arrows, and darts. When all
things were ready, Demetrius ordered the fignal to
be given; when his men, letting'up a Ihout, affaulted
the city on all fides, both' by lea and land. But, in
the heat of the attack, when the walls were ready to
fall by the repeated drokes of the battering-rams, Rhodes.
ambafladors arrived from Cnidus, earnedly foliciting 
Demetrius to fufpend all further hodilities, and at the
fame time giving him hopes that they diould prevail
upon the Rhodians to fubmit to an honourable capi¬
tulation. A fufpenfion of arms was accordingly agreed
on, and ambadadors fent from both fides. But, the
Rhodians refufing to Capitulate on the conditions of¬
fered them, the attack was renewed with fb much
fury, and the machines played off in fo brilk a man¬
ner, that a large tower built with fquare dones, and
the wall that flanked it, were battered down. The
befieged neverthelefs fought in thb breach with fo
much courage and refolution, that the enemy, after
various unfuccefsful attempts, were forced to abandon
the enterprife, and retire. ls
In this conjun&ure, a fleet which Ptolemy had Thebe-
freighted with 300,000 meafures of corn, and diffe- figged re¬
rent kinds of pulfe for the ufe of the Rhodians, ar-5eivc.a ,ar2e
rived very feafonably in the port, notwithftanding theprovifions
vigilance of the enemy’s fhips, which cruifed on the and fet the
coads of the ifland to furprife them. A few daysene™y’s
after came in fafe two other fleets, one fent by Caf- 'nSines dn
fander with 100,000 bufhels of barley; the other e‘
by Lyfimachus, with 400,000 bufhels of corn, and as
many of barley. This feafonable and plentiful fupply
arriving when the city began to fuffer for want of
provifions, infpired the befieged with new courage,
and raifed their drooping fpirits. Being thus ani¬
mated, they formed a deiign of fetting the enemy’s
engines on fire; and with this view ordered a body of
men to fally out the night enfuing, about the fecond
watch, with torches and firebrands, having firfi placed
on the walls an incredible number of engines, to dif-
charge doncs, arrows, darts, and fire-balls, againd
thofe who fhould attempt to oppofe their detachment.
The Rhodian troops, purfuant to their orders, all on
a fudden fallied out, and advancing, in fpite of all
oppofition, to the batteries, fet them on fire, while
the engines from the walls played inceflantly on thofe
who endeavoured to extinguifh the flames. The De¬
metrians on this occafion fell in great numbers, being
incapable, in the darknefs of the night, either to fee
the engines that continually difeharged fhowers of
flones and arrows upoh them, or to join in one body
and repulfe the enemy. The conflagration was fo
great, that, feveral plates of iron falling from the he¬
lepolis, that vad engine would have been entirely con-
fumed, had not the troops that were dationed in it,
with all poffible fpeed quenched the lire with water,
before prepared, and ready in the apartments of the
engine againd fuch accidents. Demetrius, fearing
led all his machines Ihould be confumed, called toge¬
ther, by found of trumpet, thofe whofe province it
was to move them ; and, by their help, brought them
off before they were entirely deltroyed. When it was
day, he commanded all the darts and arrows that had
been {hot by the Rhodians, to be carefully gathered,
that he might from their number form fome judgment
of the number of machines in the city. Above 800
firebrand's were found on the fpot, and no fewer than
1506^ darts, all difeharged in a very fmall portion of
the night. This druck the prince himfelf with no
frilall terror ; for he never imagined that they would
have been able to bear the charges of fuch formidable
37 P z Fret
R H O [ 6700 ] R H O
Rhodes, preparations. However, after having caufed the flain
" to be buried, and given dire&ions for the curing of
the wounded, he applied bimfelf to the repairing of
his machines which had been difmounted and ren-
1(j dered quite unferviceable.
They build In the mean time the befieged, improving the refpite
a third allowed them by the removal of the machines, built a
wa ' third wall in the form of a crefcent, which took in all
that part that was mod expofed to the enemy’s bat¬
teries; and befides, drew a deep trench behind the
breach, to prevent the enemy from entering the city
that way. At the fame time they detached a fquadron
of their bed Ihips, under the command of Amyntas,
who made over to the continent of Alia; and there
meeting with fome privateers who were commiffioned
by Demetrius, took both the (hips and the men, among
whom were Timocles the chief of the pirates, and fe-
veral other officers of diftin&ion belonging to the fleet
of Demetrius. On their return they fell in with feve-
ral veflels laden with corn for the enemy’s camp, which
they likewife took, and brought into the port. Thefe
were foon followed by a numerous fleet of fmall veflels
loaded with corn and provifions fent them by Ptolemy,
together with 1500 men, commanded by Antigonus a
Macedonian of great experience in military affairs.
Demetrius in the mean time having repaired his ma-
chines, brought them up anew to the walls; which he
Demetrius inceffantly battered, till he opened a great breach, and
nvikes a threw down feveral towers. But when he came to the
.thrwalls affault> t^ie Rhodians, under the command of Aminias,
but is ftill defended themfelves with fuch refolution and intrepi-
repulfed. dity, that he was in three fucceffive attacks repulfed
with great flaughter, and at laft forced to retire. The
Rhodians likewife, on this occafion, loll feveral officers;
and amongft others, the brave Aminias their com¬
mander.
While the Rhodians werevthus fignalizing them¬
felves in the defence of their country, a fecondembaffy
arrived at the camp of Demetrius from Athens and
the other cities of Greece, foliciting Demetrius to com-
pofe matters and ftrike up a peace with the Rhodians.
At the requeft of the ambaffadors, who were in all
above 50, a ceffation of arms was agreed upon ; but
the terms offered by Demetrius being anew rejected by
the Rhodians, the ambaffadors returned home without
being able to bring the contending parties to an agree¬
ment. Hoftilities w'ere therefore renewed; and Deme¬
trius, whofe imagination was fertile in expedients for
fucceeding in his projedts, formed a detachment of
1500 of his beft troops, under the conduft of Alcimus
and'Mancius, two officers of great refolution and ex-
18 perience, ordering them to enter the breach at mid-
His troops night, and, forcing the entrenchment behind it, to pof-
br**rthemfe]v£s P°^s about the theatre, where it
reac ‘ would be no difficult matter to maintain themfelves
againft any efforts of the townfmen. In order to fa¬
cilitate the execution of fo important and dangerous an
undertaking, and amufe the enemy with falfe attacks,
he at the fame time, upon a fignal given, ordered the
reft of the army to fet up a fliout, and attack the city
on all Tides both by fea and land. By this means he
hoped, that, the befieged being alarmed in all parts, his
detachment might find an opportunity of forcing the
entrenchments which covered the breach, and after¬
wards of feizing the advantageous poft about the
theatre. This feint had all the fuccefs the prince Rhodes,
could expeft; for the troops having fet up a fliout '
from all quarters, as if they were advancing to a gene¬
ral affault, the detachment commanded by Alcimus
and Mancius entered the breach, and fell upon thofe
who defended the ditch and the wall that covered it,
with fuch vigour, that, having flain the moft part of
them and put the reft in confufion, they advanced to the
theatre, and feized on the poft adjoining to it. This oc-
cafioned a general uproar in the city, as if it had been
already taken: but the commanding officers difpatched
orders to the foldiers on the ramparts not to quit their
ports, nor ftir from their refpeftive ftations. Having
thus fecured the walls, they put themfelves at the head
of a chofen body of their own troops, and of thofe who
were lately come from Egypt, and with thefe charged
the enemy’s detachment. But the darknefs of the night
prevented them from diflodging the enemy and re¬
gaining the advantageous ports they had feized. Day,
however, no fooner appeared than they renewed their
attack with wonderful bravery. The Demetrians with¬
out the walls, with loud fhouts endeavoured to animate
thofe who had entered the place, and infpire them with
refolution to maintain their ground till they were re¬
lieved with frefti troops. The Rhodians being fen-
fible that their fortunes, liberties, and all that was dear
to them in the world, lay at flake, fought like men in
the utmoft defpair, the enemy defending their ports for
feveral hours without giving ground in the leaft. At
length the Rhodians, encouraging each other to exert
themfelves in defence of their country, and animated
by the example of their leaders, made a laft effort, and,
breaking into the very heart of the enemy’s battalion, gllt ^ ajj
there killed both their commanders. After their death killed or
the reft were eafily put in diforder, and all to a man taken,
either killed or taken prifoners. The Rhodians like¬
wife on this occafion loft many of their beft command¬
ers; and among the reft Damotetis, their chief magi-
ftrate, a man of extraordinary valour, who had figna-
lized himfelf during the whole time of the fiege.
Demetrius, not at all difcouraged by this check, was
making the neceffary preparations for a new affault,
when he received letters from his father Antigonus, en¬
joining him to conclude a peace with the Rhodians
upon the beft terms he could get, left he ftiould lofe
his whole army in the fiege of a Tingle town. From
this time Demetrius wanted only fome plaufible pre¬
tence for breaking up the fiege. The Rhodians like¬
wife were now more inclined to come to an agreement
than formerly; Ptolemy having acquainted them that
he intended to fend a great quantity of corn and 3000
men to their affiftance, but that he would firft have
them try whether they could make up matters with De¬
metrius upon reafonable terms. At the fame time am¬
baffadors arrived from the iEtolian republic, foliciting
the contending parties to put an end to a war which
might involve all the eaft in endlefs calamities.
An accident which happened to Demetrius in this i,eie.
eonjun&ure, did not a little contribute towards thepolis ren-
wifhed-for pacification. This prince was preparing todered ufe*
advance his helepolis againft the city, when a Rhodianle‘s‘
engineer found means to render it quite ufelefs. He
undermined the traft of ground over which the helepolis
was to pafs the next day in order to approach the walls.
Demetrius, not fufpefting any ftrafogem of this nature,
- - caufe(]
R H O [ 6701 ] R H O
Rhodes* caufed the engine to be moved forward, which coming
to the place that was undermined, funk fo deep into
the ground that it was impofiible to draw it out again.
This misfortune, if we believe Vegetius and Vitruvius,
determined Demetrius to hearken to the iEtolian am-
baffadors, and at laft to ftrike up a peace upon the fol-
ii lowing conditions: That the republic of Rhodes fhould
The fiege be maintained in the full enjoyment of their ancient
Jiraifed. rights, privileges, and liberties, without any foreign
garrifon; that they Ihould renew their ancient alliance
with Antigonus, and aflifl him in his wars againft all
Hates and princes except Ptolemy king of Egypt; and
that, for the effe&ual performance of the articles ftipu-
lated between them, they Ihould deliver 100 hoftages,
fuch as Demetrius fliould make choice of, except thofe
who bore any public employment.
Thus was the fiege raifed after it had continued a
whole year; and the Rhodians amply rewarded all
thofe who had diftinguifhed themfelves in the fervice
of their country. They alfo fet up ftatues to Ptolemy,
Caflander, and Lyfimachus; to all of whom they paid
the higheft honours, efpecially to the firft, whom they
worfhipped as a god. Demetrius at his departure pre-
fented them with the helepolis and all the other ma¬
chines which he had employed in battering the city;
from the fale of which, with fome additional fums of
their own, they eredted the famous coloffus. After this
they applied themfelves entirely to trade and naviga¬
tion ; by which means they became quite mailers of the
fea, and much more opulent than any of the neigh¬
bouring nations. As far as lay in their power, they
endeavoured to preferve a neutrality with regard to the
jarring nations of the eaft. However, they could not
avoid a war with the Byzantines, the occafion of which
2i was as follows. The Byzantines being obliged to pay
1 War with a yearly tribute of 80 talents to the Gauls, in order to
the Byzan- raife this fum they came to a refolution of laying a toll
tilles• on all (hips that traded to the Pontic fea. This refolu¬
tion provoked the Rhodians, who were a trading nation,
above all the reft. For this reafon they immediately
difpatched ambalfadors to the Byzantines, complain¬
ing of the new tax; but as the Byzantines had no other
method of fatisfying the Gauls, they perfifted in their
refolution. The Rhodians now declared war, and pre¬
vailed upon Prufias king of Bithynia, and Attains
king of Pergamus, to affift them; by which confede¬
racy the Byzantines were fo intimidated, that they
agreed to exadl no toll from ftiips trading to the Pon¬
tic fea, the demand which had been the occafion of
23 the war.
A dreadful About this time happened a dreadful earthquake,
a^Rhodes* tbrew down the Coloffus, the arfenal, and great
a 0 es' part of the city-walls of Rhodes; which calamity the
Rhodians improved to their advantage, fending ambaf-
fadors to all the Grecian princes and ftates, to whom
their Ioffes were fo much exaggerated, that their coun¬
trymen obtained immenfe fums of money under pretence
of repairing them. Hiero king of Syracufe prefented
them with 100 talents; and befides, exempted from all
tolls and duties fuch as traded to Rhodes. Ptolemy
king of Egypt gave them too talents, a millon of mea-
fures of wheat, materials for building 20 quinqueremes
and the like number of triremes; and, befides, fent
them too archite&s, 300 workmen, and materials for
repairing their public buildings, to a great value, pay¬
ing them moreover 14 talents a-year for the mainte- Rhodes,
nance of the workmen whom he fent them. Antigo-
nus gave them 100 talents of filver, with 10,000 pieces
timber, each piece being 16 cubits long; 7000planks;
3000 pounds of iron, as many of pitch and refin, and
1000 meafures of tar. Chryfeis, a woman of diftinc-
tion, fent them 100,000 meafures of wheat, and 3000
pounds of lead. Antiochus exempted from all taxes
and duties the Rhodian ftiips trading to his dominions;
prefented them with 10 galleys, and 200,000 meafures
of corn, with many other things of great value. Pru¬
fias, Mithridates, and all the princes then reigning in
Afia, made them proportionable prefents: in ftiort, all
the Greek towns and nations, all the princes of Europe
and Afia, contributed, according to their ability, to
the relief of the Rhodians on that occafion; infomuch
that their city not only foon rofe from its ruins, but at¬
tained to an higher pitch of fplendor than ever.
In the year 203 B. C. the Rhodians engaged in a\yar4with
war with Philip of Macedon. This monarch had inva- Philip of
ded the territories of Attains king of Pergamus; and,
becaufe the Rhodians teemed to favour their ancient
friend, fent one Heraclides, by birth a Tarentine, to
fet fire to their fleet; at the fame time that he difpatch¬
ed ambaffadors into Crete, in order to ftir up the Cre¬
tans againft the Rhodians, and prevent them from fend¬
ing any aftiftance to Attalus. Upon this, war was im¬
mediately proclaimed. Philip at firft gained an incon-
iiderable advantage in a naval engagement; but the
next year was defeated with the lofs of 11,000 men,
while the Rhodians loft; but 60 men, and Attalus 70.
After this he carefully avoided coming to an engage¬
ment at fea either with Attalus or the Rhodians. The
combined fleet, in the mean time, failed towards the
ifland of .fEgina in hopes of intercepting him: but ha¬
ving failed in their purpofe, they failed to Athens,
where they concluded a treaty with that people; and,
on their return, drew all the Cyclades into a confede¬
racy againft Philip. But while the allies were thus
wafting their time in negociations, Philip, having divi¬
ded his forces into two bodies, fent one, under the com¬
mand of Philocles, to ravage the Athenian territories ;
and put the other aboard his fleet, with orders to fail
to Meronea, a city on the north fide of Thrace. He
then marched towards that city himfelf with a body of
forces, took it by affault, and reduced a great many
others; fo that the confederates would, in all pro¬
bability, have had little reafon to boaft of their fuc-
cefs, had not the Romans come to their afiiftance, by
whofe help the war was foon terminated to their ad-
vantage. In the war which took place between the ej by tfre
Romans and Antiochus the Great king of Syria, the Romans.
Rhodians were very ufeful allies to the former.. The
beft part of their fleet was indeed deftroyed by a treach¬
erous contrivance of Polyxeniades the Syrian admiral:
but they foon fitted out another, and defeated a Syrian
fquadron commanded by the celebrated Hannibal, the
Carthaginian commander; after which, in conjunction
with the Romans, they utterly defeated the whole Sy¬
rian fleet commanded by Polyxenides, which, together
with the lofs of the battle of Magnefia, fo difpirited
Antiochus, that he fubmitted to whatever conditions
the Romans pleafed.
For thefe fervices, the Rhodians were rewarded with
the provinces of Eycia and Cariaj but tyrannizing
‘ ' ' over
I
R H O [ 6702 1 R H ' O
Rhodes, over the people in a terrible manner, the Lycians ap-
" plied to the Romans for protediion. This was readily
granted ; but the Rhodians were fo much difplea-
fed with their interfering in this matter, that they
fecretly favoured Perfes in the war which broke out
between him and the.Roman republic. For this of¬
fence the two provinces abovemei.tioned were taken
from them; but the Rhodians, having banilhed or put
to death thofe who had favoured Perfes, were again
admitted into favour, and greatly honoured by the fe-
nate. In the Mithridatic war, their alliance with Rome
brought upon them the king of Pontus with all his
■Rhodes be-^orce» having loft the greateft part of his fleet be-
fieged by fore the city, he was obliged to ratfe the fiege without
Mithridates performing any remarkable exploit. In the war which
^hout^uc"Pompey made on the Cilician pirates, the Rhodians
aflifted him with all their naval force, and had a great
fhare in the vidlories which he gained. In the civil
war between Caefar and Pompey, they aflifted the lat¬
ter with a very numerous fleet. After his death they
iided with Caefar; which drew upon them the refent-
ment of C. Caflius, who advanced to the ifland of Rhodes
with a powerful fleet, after having reduced the greateft
part of the continent. The Rhodians, terrified at his
approach, fent ambafl'adors intreating him to make up
matters in an amicable manner, and promifing to ftand
neuter, and recal the (hips which they had fent to the
aflxftance of the triumviri. Caflius infifted upon their
delivering up their fleet to him, and putting him in
poffeflton both of their harbour and city. This demand
the Rhodians would by no means comply with, and
therefore began to put themfelves in a condition to
ftand a fiege; but firft fent Archdaus, who had taught
Caflius the Greek tongue while he Itudied at Rhodes,
to intercede with his difciple in their behalf. Arche-
Jaus could not, with all his authority, prevail upon him
to moderate his demands; wherefore the Rhodians, ha¬
ving created one Alexander, a bold and enterprifing
man, their praetor or prytanis, equipped a fleet of 33
fail, and fent it out under the command of Mnafeus, an
experienced fea-officer, to offer Caflius battle. Both
17 fleets fought with incredible bravery, and the vi&ory
The Rho- was long doubtful: but the Rhodians, being at length
dians de- overpowered by numbers, were forced to return with
two'naval ^‘eet t0 ^*10^es > two t^lc‘r ^’P® being funk,
engage.“ and the reft very much damaged by the heavy (hips of
mems by the Romans. This was the firft time, as our author
Caffius. obferves, that the Rhodians were fairly overcome in a
fea-fight.
Caflius, who had beheld this fight from a neighbour¬
ing hill, having refitted his fleet, which bad been no
lefs damaged than that of the Rhodians, repaired to
JLoryma, a ftronghold on the continent belonging to
the Rhodians. This caftle he took by aflault; and from
hence conveyed his land-forces, under the conduft of
Fannius and Ltmulus, over into the ifland. His fleet
conlifted of 80 (hips of war, and above 200 tranfports.
The Rhodians no fooner faw this mighty fleet appear,
but they went out again to meet the enemy. The feebnd
engagement was far more bloody than tlie firft; many
(hips were funk, and great numbeis of men killed, on
both fides. But vidory anew declared for the Romans;
who immediately blocked up the city of Rhodes both
by fea and land. As the Rhodians had not had time
to furnifh the city with fufficient ftore of provifions,
fome of the inhabitants, fearing that if it were taken Rhodes,
either by aflault or by famine, Cafiius would put all” ffi
the inhabitants to the fword, as Brutus had lately c^onc\yi1o jake 1
at Xanthus, privately opened the gate to him, and cnieftf i
him in poffefiion of the town, which he neverthelefspillages the;
treated as if it had been taken by affault. He com- city,
manded 50 of the chief citizens, who were fufpedfed to
favour the adverfe party, to be brought before him,
and ferttenced them all to die ; others, to the number
of 25, who had commanded the fleet or army, becaufe
they did not appear when fummoned, he proferibed.
Having thus puniftied fuch as had either adted or fpo-
ken againft him or his party, he commanded the Rho¬
dians to deliver up to him all their (hips, and whatever
money they had in the public treafury. He then plun¬
dered the temples; dripping them of all their valuable
furniture, veffels, and ftatues. He is faid not to have
left one ftatue in the whole city, except that of the
fun ; • bragging at his departure, that he had drip¬
ped the Rhodians of all they had, leaving them no¬
thing but the fun. As to private perfons, he command¬
ed them, under fevere penalties, to bring to him all the
gold and filver they had, promifing, by a public crier,
a tenth part to fuch as ftiould difeover any hidden trea-
fures. The Rhodians at firft concealed iome part of
their wealth, imagining that Caffius intended by this
proclamation only to terrify them ; but when they
found he was in earned, and faw feveral wealthy citi¬
zens put to death for concealing only a fmall portion
of their riches, they defired that the time prefixed for
the bringing in their gold and filver might be prolong¬
ed. Cafluis willingly granted them their requeft; and
then through fear, they dug up what they had hid un¬
der ground, and laid at his feet all they were worth in
the world. By this means he extorted from private
perfons above 8000 talents. He then fined the city in
500 more; and leaving L. Varus there with a ftrong
garrifon to exa& the fine without any abatement, he
returned to the continent.
After the death of Caffius, Marc Antony reftored
the Rhodians to their ancient rights and privileges;
beftowing upon them the iflands of Andros, Naxos, .
Tenos, and the city of Myndus. But thefe the Rho¬
dians fo oppreffed and loaded with taxes, that the fame
Antony, though a great friend to the Rhodian repub¬
lic, was obliged to diveft her of the fovereignty over
thofe places, which he had a little before fo liberally
beftowed upon her. From this time to the reign of the
emperor Claudius, we find no mention made of the
Rhodians. That prince, as Dion informs us, deprived
them of their liberty for having crucified fome Roman
citizens. However, he foon reftored them to their for¬
mer condition, as we read in Suetonius and Tacitus.
The latter adds, that they had been as often deprived
of, as reftored to, their liberty, by way of punifhmtnt
or reward for their different behaviour, as they had ob¬
liged the Romans with their affiltance in foreign wars,
or provoked them with their feditions at home. Pliny,
who wrote In the beginning of Vefpafian’s reign, (lyles
Rhodes a beautiful and free town. But this liberty the3rRiJOjfs r,_
did not long enjoy, the ifland being foon after reduced £juce(1 to a
by the fame Vefpafian to a Roman province, and obli- Roman
ged to pay a yearly tribute to their new mailers. This province by
province was called the province of the ijlands. The Ro- Vc PaIian*
man pretor who governed it refided at Rhodes, as the
chief
R H O [ 6703 T R H O
Rhodes, chief city under his jurifdi&ion; and Rome, notwhh*
 ftanding the eminent fervices rendered her by this re¬
public, thenceforth treated the Rhodians mot as allies,
30 but vaflals.
ixpedi- The ifland of Rhodes continued fubjeft to the Ro-
onsof mans till the reign of the emperor Andronicus; when
ran^ma Villaret, grand-mailer of the knights of Jerufalem,
iter of the ^en ref1ding in Cyprus, finding himfelf much cxpofed
nights of to the attacks of the Saracens in that ifland, refolved
erufalem to exchange it for that of Rhodes. This ifland too
diodes WaS a!m°a entirely oceupied by the Saracens; An¬
dronicus the eaftern emperor pofTefling little more in
it than a caftle. Neverthelefs he refufed to grant the
inveftiture of the ifland to Villaret. The latter, with¬
out fpending time in fruitlefs negotiations, failed di-
re£lly for Rhodes, where he landed his troops, provi-
fions, and warlike {lores, in fpite of the oppofition
made by the Saracens, who then united agaiaft the
common enemy. As Villaret forefaw that the capital
mu ft be taken before he could reduce the ifland, he
inftantly laid fiege to it. The inhabitants defended
themfelves obftinately,. upon which the grand-mafter
thought proper to turn the fiege into a blockade; but he
foon found himfelf fo clofely furrounded by the Greeks
and Saracens, that he could get no fupply either of
forage or provifions for his army. But, having at
length obtained a fupply of .provifions by means of
31 large fums borrowed of the Florentines, he came out
** rs°th*e °^1S trenches and attacked the Saracens, with a full
iaracenif refolution either to conquer or die. A bloody fight
ndredu- enfued, in which a great number of the braveft knights
|es the were killed: but at length the Saracens gave way, and
:iland. flec] to their fhips; upon which the city was immedi¬
ately aflaulted and taken. The Greeks and other
Chriftians had their lives and liberties given them,
but the Saracens were all cut to pieces. The redu&ion
of the capital was followed by that of all the other
places of inferior ftrength throughout the ifland ; and
in four years after their landing, the whole was fub-
jugated, and the conquerors took the title of the
knights of Rhodes. For many years thofe knights con¬
tinued the terror of the Saracens and Turks, and fu-
ftained a fevere fiege from Mohammed II. who was
compelled to abandon the enterprize; but at length
: the Turkilh fultan Solyman refolved at all events to
drive them from it.. Before he undertook the expe¬
dition, he fent a meflage commanding them to depart
the ifland without delay, in which cafe he promifed
that neither they nor the inhabitants fhould fuffer any
injury, but threatened them with his utmoft ven¬
geance if they refufed his offer. The knights, how¬
ever, proving obftinate, Solyman attacked the city
i 3* with a fleet of 40D fail and an army of 140,000 men.
The city The trenches were foon brought clofe to the coun-
k^terfcarp, and a ftrong battery raifed againft the town,
s } ' which, however, did but little damage, till the fultan
being informed by a fpy of this particular, and that
he was in danger of receiving fome fatal fhot from the
tower of St John which overlooked his camp, he
planted a battery againft that tower, and quickly
brought it down. Solyman, however, finding the
whole place in fome meafure covered with ftrong for¬
tifications of fuch height as to command all his bat¬
teries, ordered an immenfe quantity of ftones and earth
to be brought, in which fo great a number of hands
were employed nSght and day by turns, that they Rhode?,
quickly raifed a couple of hillocks high enough to " ”
overtop the city-walls. They plied them accordingly
with fuch a continual fire, that the grand-mafter was
obliged to caufe them to be ftrongly propped within
with earth and timber. All this while the befieged,
who, from the top of the gtand-mafter’s palace,
could difcover how their batteries were planted, de-
molifhed them with their cannon almoft as faft as they
raifed them.
Here the enemy thought proper to alter their mea-
fures, and to plant a ftrong battery a _ainft the tower of
St Nicholas, which, in the former fiege by Mohammed, 33
had refilled all the efforts of the then grand-vizier. Terribly
This the bafliaw of Romania caufed to be battered with battered,
twelve large pieces of brafs cannon, but had the mortifi¬
cation to fee they all difmounted by thofe of the tower ;
to prevent which in future, he ordered them to be fired
only in the night, and in the day had them covered
with gabions and earth. This had fuch fuecefs, that,
after 500 cannon-fhot, the wall began to fhake, and
tumble into the ditch ; but he was furprifed to find
another wall behind it, well terraced, and bordered
with artillery, and himfelf obliged either to begin
afrefh, or give up the enterprife ; and yet this lad -
was what Solyman preferred, when he was told of its
being built on a hard rock, incapable of being fapped,
and how firmly it had held out againft all the efforts
of Mohammed’s vizier. The next attack was there¬
fore ordered by him to be made againft the baftionsof
the town, and that with a vaft number of the largeft
artillery, which continued firing during a whole month,,
fo that the new wall of the baftion of England was
quite demolifhed, though the old one flood proof
againft all their fhot. That of Italy, which was
battered by feventeen large pieces of cannon, was ftill
worfe damaged ; upon which Martinengo the engineer
advifed the grand-mafter to caufe a fally to be made
on the trenches of the enemy, out of the breach,
whilft he was making frefh entrenchments behind it.
His advice fucceeded ; and the 200 men that fallied
out fword in hand, having furprifed the Turks in the
trench, cut moft of them in pieces. At the fame
time a new detachment, which was fent to repulfe
them, being obliged, as that engineer rightly judged,
to pafs by a fpot which lay open to their artillery,
were likewife moftly deftroyed by the continual fire
that came from it, whilft the affailants were employed
in filling up fevera! fathoms of the trench before they
retired. By that time the breach had been repaired
with fuch new works, that all the efforts to mount it
by affault proved equally ineffeftual and deftruftive. 34
Unfortunately for the befieged, the continual fireT^e b£,fi£“"
they had made caufed fuch a confumption of their
powder, that they began to feel the want of it; the but find
perfidious d’Amarald, w*hofe province it had been to means to,
vifit the magazines of it, having amufed the council
with a falfe report, that there was more than- fufficient
to maintain the fiege, though it (hould latl a whole
twelvemonth. But here the grand-mafter found means
to fupply in fome meafure that unexpedled defect, by
the cautious previfion he had made of a large quantity
of faltpetre, which was immediately ground, and
made into gunpowder, though he was at the fame time
obliged to order the engineers to be more fparing of
if.
/
1
R H O [ 6704 ] R H O
Rhodes. Jt for the future, and to make ufe of it only in the
defence of fuch breaches as the enemy fhould make.
All this while the Turks had not gained an inch of
ground ; and the breaches they had made were fo
3S fuddenly either repaired or defended by new entrench-
Defperate ments, that the very rubbifh of them mud be mounted
inCminesrS affault. Solyman, therefore, thought it now ad-
&Ci ’ vifable to fet his numerous pioneers at work, in five
different parts, in digging of mines, each of which led
to the baftion oppofite to it. Some of thefe were
countermined by a new-invented method of Martinen-
go ; who, try the help of braced Ikins, or drums,
could difcover where the miners were at work. Some
of thefe he perceived, which he caufed to be opened,
and the miners to be driven out by hand grenadoes ;
others to be fmothered, or burned, by fetting fire to
gunpowder. Yet did not this hinder two confiderable
ones to be fprung, which did a vaft deal of damage
to the baftion of England, by throwing down about
fix fathoms of the wall, and filling up the ditch with
its rubbifh: whereupon the Turks immediately climb¬
ed up fword in hand to the top of it, and planted
feven of their ftandards upon the parapet; but, being
flopped by a traverfe, the knights, recovering from
their furprife, fell upon them with fuch fury, that
they were obliged to abandon it with great lofs.
The grand-mafter, who was then at church, quickly
came to the place with his fhort pike in his hand, at¬
tended by his knights, encouraging all he met with,
burghers, foldiers, and others, to fight bravely in de¬
fence of their religion and country, and arrived time
enough to afiift in the taking down their ftandards,
and driving down the enemy by the way they came
up. In vain did the vizier Muftapha endeavour to
prevent their flight by killing fome of the foremoft
with his fword, and driving the reft back ; they were
obliged to abandon the baftion, and, which was ftill
worfe, met with that death in their flight, which they
had ftrove to ftiun from the fire-arms which were dif-
tharged upon them from the ramparts. Three fangiacs
loft their lives in this attack, befides fome thoufands
of the Turks; the grand-mafter, on his fide, loft
fome of his braveft knights, particularly his ftandard-
bearer.
The attacks were almoft daily renewed with the
fame ill fuccefs and lofs of men, every general driving
to fignalize himfelf in the fight of their emperor. At
length the old general Peri, or Pyrrus, having har-
raffed the troops which guarded the baftion of Italy
for feveral days fucceffively without intermiffion, cau-
ied a ftrong detachment, which he had kept concealed
behind a cavalier, to mount the place by break of
day, on the 13th of September; where, finding them
overcome with fleep and fatigue, they cut the throats
of the fentinels, and, Aiding through the breach, were
juft going to fall upon them. The Italians, however,
quickly recovered themfelves and their arms, and gave
them an obftinate repulfe. The conteft was fierce and
bloody on both fides; and the balhaw, ftill fupplying
his own with new reinforcements, would hardly have
failed of overpowering the other, had not the grand-
mafter, whom the alarm had quickly reached, timely
intervened, and, by his prefence, as well as example,
revived his Rhodians, and thrown a fudden panic among
the enemy. Pyrrus, defirous to do fomething to wipe
off the difgrace of this repulfe, tried his fortune next Rhodes, !
on an adjoining work, lately raifed by the grand-mafter " i
Carettii: but here his foldiers met with a ftill worfe
treatment, being alrnoft overwhelmed with the hand-
grenadoes, melted pitch, and boiling oil, which came
pouring upon them, whilft the forces which were on
the adjacent flanks made as great a flaughter of thofe
that fled ; infomuch that the janiffaries began to re¬
fume their old murmuring tone, and cry out that they
were brought thither only to be flaughtered.
The grand vizier Muftapha, afraid left their com¬
plaints fliould reach his mafter, agreed at length, as
thelaft refort, to make a frefh attempt on the baftion
of England, whilft, to caufe a diverlion, the balhaw
Ahmed fprung fome frefh mines at an oppofite part
of the city. This was accordingly executed on the 17th
of September ; when the former, at the head of five
battalions, refolutely mounted or rather crept up the
breach, and, in fpite of the fire of the Englilh, advan¬
ced fo far as to pitch fome ftandards on the top ;
when, on a fudden, a crowd of Englilh knights, com¬
manded by one Bouk, or Burk, fallied out of their
entrenchments, and, affifted by fome other officers of
diftin&ion, obliged them to retire, though in good
order. Muftapha, provoked at it, led them back, and
killed feveral knights with his own hand; and had his
men fupported him as they ought, the place muft have
been yielded to him: but the fire which was made
from the adjacent batteries and mufquetry difconcert-
ed them to fuch a degree, that neither threats nor en¬
treaties could prevent their abandoning the enterprize,
and dragging him away with them by main force.
The Rhodians loft in that a&ion feveral b-. ave knights,
both Englifh and German ; and, in particular, John
Burk, their valiant commander: but the Turks loft
above 3000 men, befides many officers of diftinc-
tion. Much the fame ill fuccefs having attended Ah¬
med with his mines, one of which had been open¬
ed, and the other only bringing fome fathoms of the
wall down,he was alfo obliged to retreat; bis troops,
though fome of the very belt, being forced to difperfe
themfelves, after having borne the fire and fury of
the Spanilh and Auvergnian knights as long as they
were able.
By this time Solyman, afhamed and exafperated at
his ill fuccefs, called a general council; fn which he
made fome dinging refle&ions on his vizier, for ha¬
ving reprefented the redu&ion of Rhodes as a very eafy
enterprize. To avoid the effefts of the fultan’s refent-
ment, the fubtle Muftapha declared, that hitherto they
had fought the enemy as it were upon equal terms, as
if they had been afraid of taking an ungenerous ad¬
vantage of their fuperiority, by which, faid he, we
have given them an opportunity of oppofing us with
their united force wherever we attacked them. But
let us now refolve upon a general affault on feveral
fides of the town ; and fee what a poor defence their
ftrength, thus divided, will be able to make againft
our united force. The advice was immediately appro¬
ved by all, and the time appointed for the execution 3*5 _ 1
of it was on the 24th of that month, and every thing
was ordered to be got ready againft that day. Ac-fgrenltlr dl1" ■
cordingly the town was actually affaulted at four diffe- p- ; at \
rent parts, after having fuffered a continual fire for once-
fome time from their artillery in order to widen the
breaches;
R H O [ 6705 ] R H O
Rhodes, breaches; by which the grand-mafter eafily under-
~ flood their defign, and that the baftions of Eng¬
land and Spain, the poft of Provence, and terrace of
Italy, were pitched upon for the afiault, and took his
precautions accordingly.
The morning was no fooner come, than each party
mounted their refpe&ive breach with an undaunted
bravery, the young fultan, to animate them the more,
having ordered his throne to be reared on an eminence,
whence he could fee all that was done. The Rho¬
dians, on the other hand, were no lefs diligent in re-
pulfing them with their cannon and other fire-arms,
with their melted lead, boiling oil, ftink-pots, and
other ufual expedients. The one fide afcend the fcaling
ladders, fearlefs of all that oppofed them; the other
overturn their ladders and fend them tumbling down
headlong into the ditches, where they were overwhelm¬
ed with ftones, or difpatched with darts and other
miffile weapons. The baftion of England proves the
fcene of the greateft daughter and bloodfhed; and the
grand-mafter makes that his poft of honour, and, by
h:s prefence and example, infpires his men with frelh
vigour and bravery, whilft the continual thunder of
his artillery makes fuch horrid work among the afiail-
ants, as chills all their courage, and forces them to
give way: the lieutenant-general, who commands the
attack, leads them back with frefh vigour, and mounts
the breach at the head of all; immediately after comes
a cannon-ball from the Spanilh baftion, which over¬
turns him dead into the ditch. This difafter, inftead
of fear and dread, fills them with a furious defire of
revenging his death : but all their obftinacy cannot
make the Rhodians go one ftep back, whilft the priefts,
monks, young men and old, and even women, of
every rank and age, aflift them with an uncommon ar¬
dour and firmnefs; fome in overwhelming the enemy
with ftones ; others in deftroying them with melted
lead, fulphur, and other combuftibles; and a third
fort in fupplying the combatants with bread, wine, and
other refrelhments.
The aflault was no lefs defperate and bloody on the
baftion of Spain, where the knights, who guarded it,
not expefting to be fo foon attacked, and afhamed to
ftand idle, were affifting the baftion of Italy; which
gave the Turks an opportunity to mount the breach,
and penetrate as far as their intrenchments, where
they planted no lefs than 30 of their ftandards on
them. The grand-mafter was quickly apprifed of it,
and ordered the haftion of Auvergne to play againft
them ; which was done with fuch diligence, and fuch
continual fire, whilft the Rhodians enter the baftion
by the help of their cafemates, and, fword in hand,
fall upon them with equal fury, that the Turks,
alike befet by the fire of the artillery and the arms of
the Rhodian knights, were forced to abandon the
place with a confiderable lofs. The aga with great
bravery rallies them afrelh, and brings them back, by
which time the grand-mafter likewife appeared. The
fight was renewed with greater fiercenefs; and fuch
flaughter was made on both fides, that the grand-
mafter was obliged to draw 200 men out of St Nicho¬
las tower to his afliftance: thefe were commanded by
fome Roman knights, who led them on with fuch
fpeed and bravery, that their very appearance on the
baftion made the janiftaries drawback; which Soli-
Vou IX. 2
man obferving from his eminence, caufed a retreat to Jt-hodes,
be founded, to conceal the difgrace of their flight. In '_'-~
thefe attacks there fell about 15,000 of his beft troops,
befides feveral officers of diftindtion. The lofs of the
befieged was no lefs confiderable, if we judge from
the fmall number of their forces; but the greateft of
all to them was that of fome of their braveft and moft
diftinguilhed knights and commanders, many of whom
were killed, and fcarce any efcaped unwounded. But
the moft dreadful fate of all had like to have fallen on
the favourite vizier Muftapha, who had propofed this
general aflault: the ill fuccefs of which had fo enraged
the proud fultan, that he condemned him to be (hot
with arrows at the head of his army; which dreadful
fentence was juft ready to be executed, when the old
ba(haw,byhis intreaties, obtained a fufpenfion of it, in
hopes that, when his fury was abated, he fhould alfo
obtain his pardon.
Solyman, however, was fo difcouraged by his ill
fuccefles, that he was on the point of raifing the fiege;
and would have a&ually done fo, had he not been
diverted from it by the advice which he received from
an Albanian deferter, fome fay by a letter from the
traitor d’Amarald, that the far greater part of the
knights were either killed or wounded, and thofe that
remained altogether incapable of fuftaining a frefh af-
fault. This having determined him to try his fortune
once more, the command of his forces was turned over
to the baftiaw Achmed ; and, to (how that he de-
figned not to ftir till he was mafter of the place, he
ordered a houfe to be built on the adjacent mount Phi-
lermo for his winter-quarters. Achmed marched di-
re£Uy againft the baftion of Spain, which had fuffered
the moft ; where, before he could open the trenches,
his men fell thick and threefold by the conftant fire
both of fmall and great guns from the baftion of Au¬
vergne. He loft ftill a much greater number in rear¬
ing a rampart of earth to cover the attack, and give
him an opportunity of fapping the wall; and, as fopn
as he faw a large piece fall, ordered his men to mount
the breach. They were no fooner come to the top,
than they found a new work and entrenchments which
Martinengo had reared ; and there they were welcomed
with fuch a bride fire from the artillery, that they were
glad to recover their trenches with the utmoft precipi¬
tation after having loft the much greater part of their
men. The attack was renewed, and a reciprocal fire
continued with great obftinacy, till a mu(ket-(hot de¬
prived that indefatigable engineer of one of his eyes,
and the order of his affiduous fervices for fome time.
The grand-mafter, having ordered him to be carried
to his palace, took his place, and kept it till he was
quite cured, which was not till 34 days after; and con¬
tinued all the time in the intrenchments with his hand¬
ful of knights, fcarcely allowing himfelf reft night or
day, and ever ready to expofe himfelf to the greateft
dangers, with an ardour more becoming a junior of¬
ficer than an old worn-out fovereign, which made his
knights more lavifli of their own lives than their pau¬
city and prefent circnmftances could well admit of.
Soon after this, the treafon of D’Amarald was dif-
covered, and he was condemned to death and executed;
but by this time the city was reduced to the laft ex¬
tremity. The pope, emperor, and other crowned
heads, had been long and often importuned by the
37 £rand-
R H O [ 6706 ] R H O
Rhodes, grand-mafter for fpeedy sfliftance, without fuccefs;
~ and, as an addition to all the other difafters, thofe fuc-
cours which were fent to him from France and Eng¬
land perifhed at fea. The new fupply which he had
fent for of provifioos from Candia had the fame ill
fate ; fo that the winds, feas, and every thing, feemed
combined to bring on the deffruftion of that city and
order. The only refource which could be thought
of, under fo difmal a fituation, was, to fend for the
few remaining knights and forces which were left to
guard the other iflands, to come to the defence of
their capital, in hopes that, if they could fave this,
the others might in time be recovered, in cafe the
Turks fhould feize upon them. On the other hand,
Solyman, grown impatient at the fmall ground his
general had gained, gave him exprefs orders to renew
the attack with all imaginable fpeed and vigour,
before the fuccours which he apprehended were
coming from Europe, obliged him to raife the fiege.
Achmed inftantly obeyed, railed a battery of 17
large cannon againft the baftion of Italy, and quickly
after made himfelf mailer of it, obliging the gar-
rifon to retire farther into the city. Here the grand
mailer was forced to demolilh two of the churches,
to prevent the enemy’s feizing on them ; and, with
their materials, caufed fome new works and entrench¬
ments to be made to hinder their proceeding farther.
The Turks, however, gained ground every day,
though they Hill loll vail numbers of their men : at
length the 30th of November came, when the grand-
maller, and both the befiegers and belieged, thought
the laft affault was to be given. The balhaw Pyrrus,
who commanded it, led his men diredlly to the en¬
trenchments; upon which the bells of all the churches;
founded the alarm* The grand-maller, and his few
knights, troops, and citizens, ran in crowds, and in
a confufed diforderly manner, to the entrenchments,,
each fighting in his own way, or rather as his fear di¬
rected him. This attack would have proved one of
the moll defperate that had yet been felt, had not a
moll vehement rain intervened, which carried away all
the earth which the enemy had reared to ferve them as
a rampart againft the artillery of the baftion of Au¬
vergne ; fo that being now quite expofed to their con¬
tinual fire, they fell in fuch great numbers, that the
balhaw could no longer make them Hand their ground,
but all precipitately fled towards their camp. This
laft repulfe threw the proud fultan into fuch a fury,
that none of his officers dared to come near him; and
the lhame of his having now fpent near fix whole
months with fuch a numerous army before the place,
and having loft fuch myriads of his brave troops with
fo little advantage, had made him quite defperate,
and they all dreaded the confequences of his refent-
ment.
Pyrrus at length, having given it time to cool, ven¬
tured to approach him, and propofe a new projeCt to
him, which, if approved, could hardly fail of fuccefs ;
which was, to offer the town a generous capitulation ^
and he obferved, that in cafe the ftubborn knights Ihould
rejeft it, yet being now reduced to fo fmall a number,
as well as their forces and fortifications almoft de-
flroyed, the citizens, who were moll of them Greeks,
and lefs ambitious of glory than folicitous for their
own prefervation, would undoubtedly accept of any
compofition that Ihould fecure to them their lives and RhodesJ
effeds.  
This propofal being relilhed by the fultan, letters
were immediately difperfed about the city in his name,
exhorting them to fubmit to his government, and
threatening them at the fame time with the moll dread¬
ful effedls of his refentment if they perfifted in their
obftinacy. Pyrrus likcwife difpatched a Genoefe to
approach as near as he could to the baftion of Au¬
vergne, and to intreat the knights to take pity of fo
many of their Chriftian brethren, and not expofe them
to the dreadful effe&s which mull follow their refufal
of a capitulation, fo generoufly offered them at their
laft extremity. Other agents were likewife employed,
in other places, to all of whom the grand-mailer: or¬
dered fome of his men to return this anfwer :: That his
order never treated with infidels but with fword in
hand. An Albanian was fent next with a letter from
the fultan to him, who met with the fame repulfe ;
after which, he ordered his men to fire upon any that
Ihould prefent themfelves upon; the fame pretence,
which was adlually done. But this did not prevent
the Rhodians from liftcning to the terms offered by
the Turks, and holding frequent cabals upon that
fubjefl, in which the general maffacre of a town taken
by affault, the dreadful flavery of thofe that efcaped,
the rape of their wives and daughters, the deftru&ion
of their churches,, the profanation of their holy relics
and facred utenfils, and other dire confequences of an
obftinate refufal, being duly weighed againft the ful*
tan’s offers, quickly determined them which party to
take. The grand-maller, however, proving inexorable
to all their intreaties, they applied to their Greek me¬
tropolitan, who readily went and reprefented all thefe
things to him in the moll pathetic terms : Yet he met
with no better reception ; but was told, that he and
his knights were determined to be buried under the
ruins of the city if their fwords could no longer de¬
fend it, and he hoped their example would not per¬
mit them to Ihow lefs courage on that occafion. This,
anfwer produced a quite contrary effeft ; and, as the
citizens thought delays dangerous at fuch a jundture,
they came in a body to him by the very next morning,,
and plainly told him, that, if he paid no greater re¬
gard to their prefervation, they would not fail of ta¬
king the moll proper meafures to preferve the lives
and chaftity of their wives and children.
This refolution could not but greatly alarm the
grand-mailer; who thereupon called a council of all
the knights, and informed them himfelf of the condi¬
tion of the place. Thefe all agreed, particularly the
engineer Martinengo, that it was no longer defenfible,
and no other refource left but to accept the fultan’s
offers; adding, at the fame time, that though they were
all ready, according to the obligations of their order,
to fight to the lalt drop of their blood, yet it was no lefs
their duty to provide for the fafety of the inhabitants,
who, not being bound by the fame obligations, ought
not to be made a facrifice to their glory. It was
therefore agreed, with the grand-mafter’s confent, to
accept of the next offers the fultan fhould make. He
did not let them wait long: for the fear he was in of
a frelh fuccour from Europe, the intrepidity of the
knights, and the ftiame of being forced to raife the
fiege, pre-vailed upon him to hang out his pacific flag,.
which
R H O [ 6707 ] R H O
^Rhodes, which was quickly anfwered by another on the Rho-
' dian fide ; upon which the Turks, coming out of their
trenches, delivered up the fultan’s letter for thegrand-
roaller, to the grand-prior of St Giles, and the en¬
gineer Martinengo. The terms offered in it by Soly-
man appeared fo advantageous, that they immediately
exchanged hoftages; and the knights that were fent
to him had the honour to be introduced to him, and
to hear them confirmed by his own mouth, though not
without threats of putting all to fire and fword in cafe
of refufal or even delay. Two ambafiadors were
forthwith fent to him, to demand a truce of three
days to fettle the capitulation and interefts of the in¬
habitants, who were part Greeks and part Latins;
but this was abfolutely refufed by the impatient mo¬
narch, out of a fufpicion of the rumoured fuccour
being near, and that the truce was only to gain time
till it was come.
He therefore ordered the hoftilities to be renewed
with frefh fury; in which the Rhodians made a moft
noble defence, confidering their fmall number, and that
they had now only the barbican or falfe bray of the
baftion of Spain left to defend themfelves, and once
more repulfed the enemy : at which the fultan was fo
enraged, that he. refolved to overpower them by num¬
bers on the next day ; which was, after a flout de¬
fence, fo effeftually done, that they were forced to
abandon that outwork, and retire into the city. In
the mean while, the burghers, who had but a day or
two before raifed a frefh uproar againll the grand-
mafter, under pretence that he was going to give them
up a prey to an infidel who regarded neither oaths nor
folemn treaties, perceiving their own danger, came
now to defire him to renew the negotiations, and only
begged the liberty of fending one of their deputies
along with his, to fecure their interefls in the capitu¬
lation. He readily confented to it; but gave them a
charge to (how the bafhaw Ahmed the treaty formerly
concluded between Bajazet and his predeceffor d’Au-
buffon, in which the former had entailed a dreadful
curfe on any of bis fucceffors that fhould infringe it.
This was done, in hopes that the fhowing it to his
mailer, who valued himfelf fo much upon his drift ob-
fervance of his law, might produce fome qualm in him
which might lengthen the agreement, for they were
dill as much in hopes of a fuccour from Europe as he
was in fear of it ; but, to their great furprife, Ahmed
had no fooner perufed than he tore it all in pieces,
trampled it under his feet, and in a rage ordered them
to be gone. The grand-mader found no other refource
than to fend them back to him the next day ; when
that minifter, who knew his mader’s impatience to
have the affair concluded, quickly agreed with them
upon the terms, which were in fubdance as follows:
1. That the churches fhould not be profaned.
2. That the inhabitants (hould not be forced to part
with their children to be made janiffaries. 3. That
they fhould enjoy the free exercife of their religion.
1 4. That they fhould be free from taxes during five
years. 5. That thofe who had a mind to leave
the ifland, fhould have free leave to do fo. 6. That
if the grand-mader and his knights had not a fuffi-
cient number of veffels to tranfport themfelves and their
effefts into Candia, the fultan fhould fupply that defeft.
7. That they fhculd have J2 days allowed them,
from the figning of the articles, to fend all their effefts Rhodiola*
on board. 8. That they Ihould have the liberty 0fRho<Io<lcn"’.
carrying away their relics, chalices, and other facred ron’
utenfils belonging to the great church of St John, to¬
gether with all their ornaments and other effefts.
9. That they fhould likewife carry with them all the
artillery with which they were wont to arm the galleys
of the order. 10. That the iflands belonging to it,
together with the cadle of St Peter, fhould be deli¬
vered up to the Turks. 11. That, for the more eafy
execution of thefe articles, the Turkifh army fhould
be removed at fome miles didance from the capital.
12. That the aga of the janidaries, at the head of
4000 of his men, fhould be allowed to go and take
pofiVffion of the place.
From this time the ifland of Rhodes has been fub-
jeft to the Turks; and, like other countries fubjeft to
that tyrannical yoke, has lod its former importance.
The air is good, and the foil fertile, but ill cultivated.
The capital is furrounded with triple walls and double
ditches, and is looked upon to be impregnable. It is
inhabited by Turks and Jews; the Chridians being
obliged to occupy the fuburbs, as not being allowed
to day in the town during the night. The town is fi-
tuated in E. Long. 28. 25. N. Lat. 36. 54.
RHODIOLA, rose-wort ; a genus of the enne»
andria order, belonging to the dioecia clafs of plants*
There are two fpecies, the rofea, and the minor; the
firft grows naturally in the clefts of the rocks and
rugged mountains of Wales, Yorkfhire, and Weft-
moreland. It has a very thick flefhy root, which,
when cut or bruifed, fends out an odour like rofes.
It has thick, fucculent flalks, like tbofe of orpine,
about nine inches long, clofely garnifhed with thick
fucculent leaves, indented at the top. The dalk is
terminated by a cluder of yellowifh herbaceous flowers,
which have an agreeable feent, but are of fhort con¬
tinuance. The fecond fort is a native of the Alps,
and has purplifh flowers which come out later than the
former; it is alfo of a fmaller fize. Both fpecies are
eafily propagated by parting their roots; and require
a fhady fnuation, and dry undunged foil. The fra¬
grance of the firft fpecies, however, is greatly dimi-
nifhed by cultivation.
RHODODENDRON, dwart rose-bay; a genus
of the monogynia order, belonging to the decandria
clafs of plants. There are fix fpecies ; the moft re¬
markable of which are, 1. The hirfutum, with naked
hairy leaves, grows naturally on the Alps and feveral
mountains of Italy. It is a low flirub, which feldom
rifes two feet high, fending out many ligneous branches
covered with a light-brown bark, garniflied clofely
with oval fpear-fliaped leaves, fitting pretty clofe to
the branches. They are entire, having a great num¬
ber of fine iron-coloured hairs on their edges and un-
der-fide. The flowers are produced in bunches at the
end of the branches, having one funnel-fliaped petal
cut into five obtufe fegments, and of a pale-red colour.
2. The ferrugineum, with fmooth leaves, hairy on their
under-fide, is a native of the Alps and Apennines. It
rifes with a (hrubby ftalk near three feet high, fend¬
ing out many irregular branches covered with a pur¬
plifh bark, and clofely garnifhed with fmooth fpear-
fliaped entire leaves, whofe borders are reflexed back¬
ward j the upper-fide is of a light lucid green, their
37 under-
R H O [ 6708 ] R H U
Rhododen- under-fide of an iron colour. The flowers are pro-
d™n duced at the ends of the branches, are funnel-fhaped,
. ' t. cut into five fegments, and of a pale rofe colour.-—
def.°l Thefe plants are propagated by feeds; but, being na-
   tives of barren rocky foils and cold fituations, they do
not thrive in gardens, and for want of their ufual co¬
vering of fnow in the winter are often killed by froft
in this country.
In Siberia, a fpecies of this plant is ufed with great
fuccefs in gouty and rheumatic affe&ions, of which
the following account is given in the 5th volume of
the Medical Commentaries, p. 434, in a letter from Dr
Guthrie of Petcrfburg to Dr Duncan of Edinburgh.
4‘ It is the rhododendrum chryfanthemum, nova fpe¬
cies, belonging to theclafs of decandria, difcovered by
profeflbr Pallas in his tour thro’ Siberia. This Alpine
fhrub grows near the tops of the high mountains named
Sajanes, in the neighbourhood of the river Jenife in
Siberia; and delights in the Ikirts of the fnow-covered
fummits, above the region that produces trees. When
the inhabitants of that country mean to exhibit it
in arthritic or rheumatic diforders, they take about
two drams of the dried fhrub, ftalk and leaves,
with nine or ten ounces of boiling water, and putting
them into an earthen pot, they lute on the head, and
place them in an oven during the night. This infu-
fion, for it is not allowed to boil, the fick man drinks
next morning for a dofe. It occafions heat, together
with a degree of intoxication, refembling the effe&s of
fpirituous liquors, and a lingular kind of uneafy fen-
fation in the parts affeiled, accompanied with a fort of
vermiculatio, which is likewife confined to thedifeafed
parts. The patient is not permitted to quench the
thirft which this medicine occafions, as fluids, parti¬
cularly cold wafer, produce vomiting, which lelfens
the power of the fpecific. In a few hours, however, all
the difagreeable efftfls of the dofe difappear, common¬
ly with two or three ftools. The patient then finds
himfelf greatly relieved of his diforder, and has feldom
occafion to repeat the medicine above two or three
times to complete a cure. The inhabitants of Si¬
beria call this flirub chei, or tea, from their drink-
• ing, in common, a weak infufion of it, as we do the
Chinefe plant of that name. This praftice Ihows, that
the plant, ufed in fmall quantities, muft be inno¬
cent. Profcffor Pallas informs me, that be fent fome
time ago, fome of this fhrub dried to proftflbr Koel-
pin at Stetin; and he Ihowed me a letter from that
gentleman, where he fays, that he has given it with
fuccefs in feveral cafes, particularly in what he calls
the arthritica venerea, with a tophus arthriticus on
the carpus, and it produced a complete cure. It muft
be remarked, that the dofe which thefe hardy Sibe¬
rians take, who are alfo in the habit of drinking it
as tea, would, in all probability, be too ftrong for
our countrymen; however, it is a medicine which we
may certainly give with fafety, beginning with fmall
dofes.”
RHCEADEiE [rhteas, Linnaeus’s name after, Di-
ofcorides, for the red poppy), the name of the 27th
order in Linnaeus’s fragments of a natural method,
confiding of poppy and a few genera which referable
it in habit and drudure. See Botany, p. 1309.
RHOMBOIDES in geometry, a quadrilateral fi¬
gure whofe oppofue fides and angles are equal, but is
neither equilateral nor equiangular.
Rhomboides, in anatomy, a thin, broad, and ob¬
liquely fquare flefltly mufcle, fituated between thebafis
of the fcapula and the fpina dorfi ; fo called from its
figure. Its general ufe is to draw backward and up¬
ward the fubfpinal portion of the bafis fcapula:.
RHOMBUS, in geometry, an oblique angled pa¬
rallelogram, or quadrilateral figure, whofe tides are
equal and parallel, but the angles unequal, two of the
oppofite ones being obtufe, and two acute.
RHONE, one of the larged rivers in France,
which, rifing among the Alps of Switzerland, paffes
through the lake of Geneva, vifits that city, and then
runs fouthwed to Lyons ; where, joining the river
Soane, it continues its courfe due fouth, paffing by
Orange, Avignon, and Arles, and falls into the Me¬
diterranean a little above Marfeilles.
RHUBARB. See Rheum.
In Mr Bell’s travels we have an account of fome
curious particulars relating to the culture of rhubarb.
He tells us that the bed rhubarb grows in that part
of Eadern Tartary called Mongalia, which now ferves
as a boundary between Ruffia and China. The mar¬
mots contribute greatly to the culture of the rhubarb.
Where-ever you fee ten or twenty plants growing,
your are fure of finding feveral burrows under the
fhades of their broad-fpreading leaves. Perhaps they
may fometimes eat the leaves and roots of this plant:
however, it is probable the manure they leave about
the roots contributes not a little to its increafe,
and their cading up the earth makes it (hoot out
young buds and multiply. This plant does not run,
and fpread itfclf, like docks and others of the fame
fpecies; but grows in tufts at uncertain didances, as
if the feeds had been dropped with defign. It appears
that the Mongals never accounted it worth cultiva¬
ting; but that the world is obliged to the marmots
for the quantities feattered, at random, in many parts
of this country : for whatever part of the ripe feed
happens to be blown among the thick grafs, can very
frldbm reach the ground, but mud there wither and
die; whereas, (hould it fall among the loofe earth
thrown up by the marmots, it immediately takes root,
and produces a new plant.
After digging and gathering the rhubarb, the
Mongals cut the large roots into fmall pieces, in order
to make them dry more readily. In the middle of
every piece they fcoop a hole, through which a cord
is drawn, in order to fufpend them in any convenient
place. They hang them for the mod part about their
tents, and fometimes on the horns of their (heep.
This is a mod pernicious cudom, as it dedroys fome
of the bed part of the root: for all about the hole is
rotten and ufelefs; whereas, were people rightly in¬
formed how to dig and dry this plant, there would
not be one pound of refufe in an hundred ; which
would fave a great deal of trouble and expence, that
much diminifh the profits on this commodity. At pre-
fent, the dealers in this article think thefe improve¬
ments not worthy of their attention, as their gains are
more confiderable on this than on any other branch of
trade. Perhaps the government may hereafter think
it proper to make fome regulations with regard to this
matter.
R.HUMJ3; in navigation, a vertical circle of any
given
Rhomhol.
des
Rhumb.
Rhunab,
Rhi s.
R H U [ 6709 ] R H U
given place, or interfeftion of fuch a circle with
the horizon; in which laft fenfe rhumb ia the fame
with a point of the compafa.
RHUMB-Z;«e is alfo ufed for the line which a (hip
defcribes when failing in the fame collateral point of
the compafs, or oblique to the meridians.
RHUS, sumach; a genus of the trigynia order,
belonging to the pentandria clafs of plants. There
are 16 fpecies, of which the moft remarkable are,
1. The coriaria, or elm-leaved fumach, grows na¬
turally in Italy, Spain, and Turkey. The branches
of this tree are ufed inftead of oak-bark for tanning
of leather, and it is faid that the Turkey leather is all
tanned with this fhrub. This has a ligneous fialk,
which divides at bottom into many irregular branches,
rifing to the height of eight or ten feet; the bark is
hairy, ^>f an herbaceous brown colour ; the leaves are
winged, compofed of feven or eight pair of lobes,
terminated by an odd one, bluntly fawed on their
edges, hairy on their under fide, of a yellowifli-green
colour, and placed alternately on the branches ; the
flowers grow in loofe panicles on the end of the
branches, which are of a whitiih herbaceous colour,
each panicle being compofed of feveral fpikes of
flowers fitting clofe to the foot-ftalks. The leaves
and feeds of this fort are ufed in medicine, and are
efteemed very reftringent and ftiptic.
2. The typhinum, or Virginian fumach, grows na¬
turally in almoft every part of North America. This
hath a woody ftem, with many irregular branches,
which are generally crooked and deformed. The
young branches are covered with a foft velvet-like
down, refembling greatly that of a young flag’s horn
both in colour and texture, from whence the common
people has given it the appellation of flag's horn ; the
leaves are winged, compofed of fix or feven pair of
oblong heart-lhaped lobes, terminated by an odd one,
ending in acute points, hairy on their under fide, as
is alfo the midrib. The flowers are produced in clofe
tufts at the end of the branches, and are fucceeded by
feeds, inclofed in purple woolly fucculent covers ;
fo that the bunches arc of a beautiful purple colour
in autumn; and the leaves, before they fall in autumn,
change to apurplifh colour at firft,and, before they fall,
to a feuillemort. This fhrub is ufed for tanning of
leather in America ; and the roots are often prefcrib-
ed in medicine in the countries where the plant grows
naturally.
3. The glabrum, with winged leaves, grows natu¬
rally in many parts of North America; this is com¬
monly titled by the gardeners New-England fumach.
The ftem of this is ftronger and rifes higher than that
of the former ; the branches fpread more horizon¬
tally ; they are not quite fo downy as thofe of the laft,
and the down is of a brownifh colour ; the leaves are
compofed of many more pair of lobes, which are fmooth
on bothfides ; the flowers are difpofed in loofe panicles,
which are of an herbaceous colour.
4. The Carolinianum, with fawed winged leaves,
grows naturally in Carolina ; the feeds of this were
brought from thence by the late Mr Catefby, who has
given a figure of the plant in his Natural Hiftory of
Carolina. This is by the gardeners called the fcarlet
Carolina fumach-, it rifes commonly to the height of
fevea or eight feet, dividing into many irregular
branches, which are fmooth, of a purple colour, and Rhus,
pounced over with a greyifh powder, as are alfo the"
foot-ftalks of the leaves. The leaves are compofed of
feven or eight pair of lobes, terminated by an odd one ;
thefe are not always placed exaftly oppofite on the
midrib, but are fomctimes alternate. The upper fide
of the lobes are of a dark green, and their under
hoary, but fmooth. The flowers are produced at
the end of the branches in very clofe panicles, which
are large, and of a bright red colour.
5. The Canadenfe, with winged fpear-fhaped leaves,
grows naturally in Canada, Maryland, and feveral
other parts of North America. This hath fmooth
branches of a purple colour, covered with a gray
pounce. The leaves are compofed of feven or eight
pair of lobes, terminated by an odd one ; the lobes are
fpear-fhaped, fawed on their edges, of a lucid green
on their upper furface, but hoary on their under, and
are fmooth. The flowers are produced at the end of
the branches in large panicles, which are corapofed of
feveral fmaller, each (landing upon feparate footftalks;
they are of a deep red colour, and the whole panicle
is covered with a gray pounce, as if it had been flut¬
tered over them.
6. The copallinum, or narrow-leaved fumach, grows
naturally in moft parts of North America, where it is
known by the title of beach fumach, probably from the
place where it grows. This is of humbler growth
than either of the former, feldom rifing more than
four or five feet high in Britain, dividing into many
fpreading branches, which are fmooth, of a light
brown colour, clofely garniftied with winged leaves,
compofed of four or five pair of narrow lobes, termi*
nated by an odd one ; they are of a light green on
bothfides, and in autumn changepurplifh. The mid-
rid, which fuftains the lobes, has on each fide a wing¬
ed or leafy border, which runs from one pair of lobes
to another, ending in joints at each pair, by which it
is eafily diftinguiflied from the other forts. The flow¬
ers are produced in loofe panicles at the end of the
branches, of a yellowifli herbaceous colour.
Thefe fix forts are hardy plants, and will thrive in
the open air here. The firft and fourth forts are not
quite fa hardy as the others, fo mull have a better fi-
tuation, otherwife their branches will be injured by
fevere froft in the winter. They are eafily propagated
by feeds, which, if fown in autumn, the plants will
come up the following fpring; but if they are fown
in fpring, they will not come up till the next fpring :
they may be either fown in pots, or the full ground.
If they are fown in pots in autumn, the pots (hould
be placed under a common frame in winter, where
the feeds may be protedled from hard froft; and
in the fpring, if the pots are plunged into a very
moderate hot-bed, the plants will foon rife, and
have thereby more time to get flrength before winter.
When the plants come up, they mull be gradually
hardened to bear the open air, into which they (hould
be removed as foon as the weather is favourable, pla¬
cing them where they may have the morning fun ; in
the fummer, they mull be kept clean from weeds, and
in dry weather watered. Toward autumn it Will be
proper to (lint their growth by keeping them dry, that
the extremity of their (hoots may harden, for if they
are replete with moifture, the early froits in autumn
R H U [ 6710 ] R H U
Rhus, will pinch them, which will caufe their fhoots to de*
'""cay almofl to the bottom if the plants are not fcreen-
ed from them. If the pots are put under a common
frame in autumn, it will fecure the plants from injury:
for while they are young and the (hoots foft, they will
be in danger of fuffering, if the winter proves very fe-
vere ; but in mild weather they muft always enjoy the
open air, therefore fhould never be covered but in froft.
The fpring following, juft before the plants begin to
(hoot, they (hould be (haken out of the pots, and care¬
fully feparated, fo as not to tear the roots ; and tranf-
pianted into a nurfery, in rows three feet afunder, and
one foot diftance in the rows. In this nurfery they
may (land two years to get ftrength, and then maybe
tranfplanted where they are to remain.
7. Befides thefe Linnaeus has included in this ge¬
nus the toxicodendron or poifon-tree, under the name
of rhus vernix or poifon-ajh. This grows naturally in
Virginia, Penfylvania, New-England, Carolina, and
Japan, rifing with a ftrong woody ftalk to the height
of 20 feet and upwards ; though in this country it is
feldom feen above 12, by reafon of the plants being
extremely tender. The bark is brown, inclining to
gray ; the branches are garnifhed with winged leaves
compofed of three or four pair of lobes terminated by an
odd one. The lobes vary greatly in their (hape, but
for the moft part they are oval and fpear-fhaped. The
footftalks become of a bright purple towards the lat¬
ter part of fummer, and in autumn all the leaves are
of a beautiful purple before they fall off.
All the fpecies of fumach abound with an acrid
milky juice, which is reckoned poifonous, but this pro¬
perty is moft remarkable in the vernix. The moft di-
itinft account of it is to be found in profeffor Kalm’s
travels in North America. “ An incifion (fays he)
being made into the tree, a whitifh yellow juice, which
has a naufeous fmell, comes out between the bark and
the wood. This tree is not known for its good qua¬
lities, but greatly fo for the effcft of its poifon; which,
though it is noxious to fome people, yet does not in
the lead affe& others. And therefore, one perfon can
handle the tree as he pleafes, cut it, peel off its bark,
rub it or the wood upon his hands, fmell at it, fpread
the juice upon bis (kin, and make more experiments,
with no inconvenience to himfelf: another perfon, on
the contrary, dares not meddle with the tree, while
its wood is frefli; nor can he venture to touch a hand
which has handled it, nor even to expofe himfelf to
the fmoke of a fire which is made with this wood,
without foon feeling its bad effefts; for the face, the
hands, and frequently the whole body fwells excef-
fively, and is affe&ed with a very acute pain. Some¬
times bladders or blifters arife in great plenty, and
make the fick perfon look as if he was infe&ed by a
leprofy. In fome people the external thin (kin, or
cuticle, peels off in a few days, as is the cafe when a
perfon has fcalded or burnt any part of his body.
Nay, the nature of fome perfons will not even allow
them to approach the place where the tree grows, or
to expofe themfelves to the wind when it carries the
effluvia or exhalations of this tree with it, without
letting them feel the inconvenience of the fwelling,
which I have juft now defcribed. Their eyes are fome-
iimes fliut up for one, or two, or more days together,
by the fwelling. I know two brothers, one of whom Rhus.'
could without danger handle this tree in what manner   
he pleafed, whereas the other could not come near it
without fwelling. A perfon fometimes does not know
that he has touched this poifonous plant, or that he
has been near it, before his face and hands (how it
by their fwelling. I have known old people who were
more afraid of this tree than of a viper; and I was
acquainted with a perfon who merely by the noxious
exhalations of it was fwelled to fuch a degree, that he
was as ftiff as a log of wood, and could only be turned
about in (heets.
“ I have tried experiments of every kind with the
poifon-tree on myfelf. I have fpread its juice upon
my hands, cut and broke its branches, peeled off its
bark, and rubbed my hands with it, fmelt at it, car¬
ried pieces of it in my bare hands, and repeated all
this frequently, without feeling the baneful effefls fo
commonly annexed to it; but I however once expe¬
rienced that the poifon of the fumach was not entirely
without effedt upon me. On a hot day in fummer,
as I was in fome degree of perfpiration, I cut a branch
of the tree, and carried it in my hand for about half
an hour together, and fmelt at it now and then. I
felt no effefts from it, till in the evening. But next
morning I awoke with a violent itching of my eye¬
lids and the parts thereabouts; and this was fo pain¬
ful, that I could hardly keep my hands from it. It
ceafed after I had waffled my eyes for a while with
very cold water. But my eye-lids were very ftiff all
that day. At night the itching returned; and in the
morning when I awoke, I felt it as ill as the morning
before, and I ufed the fame remedy againft it. How¬
ever, it continued almoft for a whole week together ;
and my eyes were very red, and my eye-lids were
with difficulty moved during all that time. My pain
ceafed entirely afterwards. About the fame time, I
had fpread the juice of the tree very thick upon my
hand. Three days after, they occafioned blifters,
which foon went off without affecting me much. I
have not experienced any thing more of the effe&s of
this plant, nor had I any defire fo to do. However,
I found that it could not exert its power upon me
when I was not perfpiring.
“ I have never heard that the poifon of this fu¬
mach has been mortal, but the pain ceafes after a
few days duration. The natives formerly made their
flutes of this tree, becaufe it has a great deal of pith,
Some people affured me, that a perfon fuffering from
its noifome exhalations, would eafily recover by fpread-
Ing a mixture of the wood burnt to charcoal, and
hog’s lard, upon the fwelled parts. Some afferted,
that they had really tried-this remedy. In fome places
this tree is rooted out on purpofe that its poifon may
not affedl the workmen.”
The natives are faid to diftinguiffl this tree in the
dark, by its extreme coldnefs to the touch. The juice
of fome kinds of fumach, when expofed to the heat of
the fun, becomes fo thick and clammy, that it is ufed
for birdlime, and the infpiffated juice of the poifon-affl
is faid to be the fine varniffl of Japan *. A cataplafm * See Var»
made with the freffl juice of the poifon-affl, applied
the feet, is faid by Hughes, in his Natural Hiftory of
Baibadoes, to kill the vermia called by the Weft In¬
dians
Plate CCXiTJH
RIB [ 6711 ] RIB
Rhyme dians chigcn. Very good vinegar Is made from an
H infufion of the fruit of an American fumach, which for
1 1 an that reafon is called the vinegar-tree.
RHYME, Rkime, Ryme, or Rime, in poetry, the
fimilar found, or cadence and termination of two words
which end two verfes, &c. Or rhyme is a fimilitude
of found between the lali fyllable or fyllables of a verfe,
fucceeding either immediately or at a diftance of two
or three lines. See Poetry, p. 6336—6344.
RHYTHM, in mufic, the variety in the movement,
as to the quicknefs or flow'nefs, length or Ihortnefs of
the notes. Or it may be defined more generally, the
proportion which the parts of the motion have to each
other.
RIAL, or Ryal, a Spanifh coin. See Money-
Table.
Rial, or Royal, is alfo the name of a piece of gold
anciently current among us for 10s.
RIBANDS, (from rib and bend), in naval architec¬
ture, long narrow flexible pieces of timber, nailed up¬
on the outfide of the ribs, from the ftem to the flern-
poft, fo as to envelope the (hip lengthwife, and appear
on her fide and bottom like the meridians on the fur-
face of the globe. The ribands being judicioufly ar¬
ranged with regard to their height and diftance from
each other, and forming regular fweeps about the (hip’s
body, will eompofe a kind of frame, whofe interior fur-
face will determine the curve of all the intermediate
or filling-timbers which are ftationed between the prin¬
cipal ones. As the figure of the (hip’s bottom ap¬
proaches to that of a conoid, and the ribands having a
limited breadth, it is apparent that they cannort be ap¬
plied to this convex furface without forming a double
curve, which will be partly vertical and partly hori¬
zontal; fo that the vertical curve will increafe by ap¬
proaching the ftem, and ftill more by drawing near the
ftern-poft. It is alfo evident, that by deviating from
the middle line of the (hip’s length, as they approach
the extreme breadth at the midftiip-frame, the ribands
will alfo form an horizontal curve. The lowed of thefe,
which is terminated upon the ftem and ftern poll, at
the height of the rifing-line of the floor, and anfwers
to the upper part of the floor-timber upon the midfliip-
frame, is called the floor-riband. That which coincides
with the wing-tranfom, at the height of the lower-
deck upon the midfhip-fra'me, is termed the breadth-
riband; all the reft, which are placed between thefe
two, are called intermediate ribands.
RIBAN, orRiBBAN, in heraldry, the eighth part
of a bend. See Heraldry, p. 3589, art. Hi.
RIBAND, or Ribbon, a narrow fort of filk,
chiefly ufed for head-ornaments, badges of chivalry,
&c. *
In order to give our readers an idea of the man¬
ner in which this curious and valuable branch of ma-
nufaflures is managed, a view of the ribbon-weaver
at his loom is reprefented in plate CCLVIII.
fig. 2. where, 1, Is the frame of the loom. 2, The
caftle, containing 48 pulleys. 3. The branches, on
which the pulleys turn. 4. The tires, or the ri¬
ding-cords, which run on the pulleys, and pull up
the high-liffes. 5, The lift-fticks, to which the
high-lifies are tied. 6, The high-lifles, or lifts, are a
number of long threads, with platines, or plate-leads,
at the bottom; and ringlets, or loops, about their
middle, through which the cords or crofs threads of Riband,
the ground harnefs ride. 7, The plate-leads, or pla- Ribes'1'
tines, are flat pieces of lead, of about fix inches long,
and three or four inches broad at the top, but round
at the bottom; fome ufe black dates inftead of them:
their ufe is to pull down thofe lifles which the work¬
man had raifed by the treddle, after his foot is taken
off. 8, The branches or cords of the ground-harnefs,
which go through the loops in the middle of the high-
liffes: on the well-ordering of thefe cords chiefly de¬
pends the art of ribbon-weaving, becaufe it is by means
of this contrivance that the weaver draws in the thread
or filk that makes the flower, and rejects or excludes
the reft. 9, The batton ; this is the wooden frame
that holds the reed, or (huttle, and beats or clofes the
work : where obferve, that the ribbon-weaver does not
beat his work; but as foon as the (buttle is paffed, and
his hand is taken away, the batton is forced, by a fpring
from the top, to beat the work clofe. to, The (buttle,,
or reed. 1 j, The fpring of the botton, by which it
is made to clofe the work. 12, The long-harnefs are
the front-reeds,by which the figure is raifed. 13, The
linguas are the long pieces of round or fquare lead,
tied to the end of each thread of the long-harnefs to
keep them tight. 14, The broad piece of wood, about
a foot fquare, leaning fomewhat forward, intended to
eafe the weaver as he (loops to his (huttle ; it is fixed
in the middle of the bread-beam. Some weavers, in¬
ftead of this, have a contrivance of a cord or rope that
is faftened to the front-frame, and comes acrofs his
bread ; this is called a flopfall. 15, The feat-bench;
this leans forward very much. 16, The foot-ftep to
the treddles. 17, The bread beam, being a crofs bar
that paffes from one of the ftandards to the other, fo
as to front the workman’s bread .* to this breaft-bar is
fixed a roll, upon which the ribbon paffes in its way to
be rolled upon the roller, that turns a little below. 18,
The clamps, or pieces of wood, in which the broaches
that confine the treddles reft. 19, The treddles are long
narrow pieces of wood, to the ends of which the cords
that move theliffes are faftened. 20, The tred Jle-cords
are only diftinguiftied from the riding-cords by a toard
full of holes, which divide them, in order to prevent the
plate-leads, which are tied to the high-liffes, from pull¬
ing them too high when the workman’s foot is off the
the treddle: which (lop is made by a knot in the
treddle-cord, too big to be forced through that hole
in the board. 21, The lames are two pieces of thin
narrow boards, only ufed in plain works, and then to
fupply the place of the. long-harnefs. 22, The knee-
roll, by which the weaver rolls up his ribbon as he
fees proper,.or by bit and bit as it is finifhed. 23, The
back-rolls, on which the warp is rolled. It is to be
obferved, that there is always as many rolls as colours
in the work to be wove. 24, The clamps, which fup-
port the rollers. 25, The returning-fticks, or, as others
call them, the returns, or the tumblers, or pulleys, to
which the tires are tied, to clear the courfe of cords
through-the high-liffes.. 26, The catch-board for the
tumblers. 27, The tire-board. 28, The buttons for
the knee-rolls and treddle-board, deferibed in number
20.
Ribbons of all forts-are prohibited from, being im¬
ported.
RIEESj the Currant and Gooseberry-bush ; a
genus.
RIB [ 67
genus of the monogynia order, belonging to the pen-
tandria clafs of plants.
The currant and the goofeberry were long confider-
ed each as a feparate genus: riles the currant, and
grojfularia the goofeberry: but they are now joined
together, the groffularia being made a fpecies of riles ;
all the currant kinds having inermous or thornlefs
branches, and racemous clufters of flowers and fruit;
and the goofeberry have fpinous branches, and flowers
and fruit for the moft part fingly.
There are three fpecies of the currant-tree, two of
which, and their varieties, merit culture for their fruit;
the other as a plant of variety or obfervation : all of
which are inermous or unarmed, having no thorns on
the branches.
j. Rubrum, common red-currant tree, &c. hath a
fhrtibby Item, dividing low into many branches, form¬
ing a bufltyhead, flve or fix feet high or more, without
thorns; broad trilobate leaves, and fmooth pendulous
clufters of plane greenifh flowers, fucceeded by fmall
clufters of berries. It grows naturally in woods and the
hedges in moft parts of Europe, and comprifes all forts
of red and white currants; as, common fmall red cur¬
rant—large-bunched red currant—Champaigne pale-
red currant—common fmall white currant—large white
Dutch currant—yellow blotched-leaved currant—fil-
ver ftriped leaved—gold ftriped leaved—goofeberry-
leaved. All thefe forts are varieties of one fpecies,
riles rubrum, or common red currant; it being the
parent from which all the others were fi-rft obtained
from the feed, and improved by culture. They all flower
in thejpring, and the fruit ripens in June and July;
and by having the trees in different fnuations and modes
of training, fuch as plantations of ftandards in the open
quarters for the general flip ply, others trained againft
walls or pales of different afpeft, the fruit may be
continued ripe in good perfe&ion from about the
middle of June until November, provided the later
crops are defended with mats or nets from the birds.
2. The nigrum, or black currant tree, hath a fhrub-
by Item, dividing low into many branches, forming a
bufliy head five or fix feet high ; broad trilobate leaves
of a rank odour, and having racemons clutters of ob-
long greenifh flowers, fucceeded by thin clufters of
black berries. The fruit of this fpecies being of a
itrong flavour and fomewhat phyfical relifh, is not gene¬
rally liked ; it, however, is accounted very wholefome:
there is alfo made of it a fyrup of high eftimation
for fore throats and quinfies ; hence the fruit is often
called fquinancy lerries. There is a variety called the
Penfylvanian Hack currant, having fmaller fhoots and
leaves, not ftrong fcented, and fraall fruit but of little
value ; fo the fhrub is efteemed only for variety and
fhrubberies. The mode of bearing of all the varieties
of currants is both in the old and young wood, all
along the fides of the branches and fhoots, often up¬
on a fort of fmall fprigs and fnags, producing the
fruit in numerous long pendulous clutters-
3. The groffularia, or common'goofeberry bufh,
rifq£ with a low fhrubby ftem, dividing low into a very
branchy bufliy head, armed with fpines^ trilobate
fmallifli leaves, having hairy ciliated footftalks ; and
fmall greenifh flowers, fucceeded by hairy berries. It
confifts of many varieties, of different fizes and colours.
4. The reclinatum, or reclinated broad-leaved goofe-
[2 ] RIB
berry-bufh, rifes with a low fhrubby ftem, and reel!- Rites,
nated fomewhat prickly branches, trilobate broadilh
leaves, and fmall greenifh flowers, having the pedun-
culi furnifhed with triphyllous braftea.
5. The oxyacanthoides, or oxyacantha-leaved goofe¬
berry, hath a fhrubby ftem, and branches armed on
all fides with fpines, and largifh trilobate hawthorn
leaves.
6. The uva crifpa, or fmooth goofeberry, hath a
fhrubby ftem, and branches armed with fpines ; trilo¬
bate leaves ; pedicles having monophyllous bra&ea;
and fmooth fruit.
7. The cynofbati, or prickly-fruited goofeberry
bufh, hath a fhrubby ftem and branches, armed with
fpines mollly at the axillas, and prickly fruit in
clufters.
All the above feven fpecies of ribes, both currants
and goofeberry kinds, and their refpeftive varieties, are
very hardy flirubs, that profper almoft any where,
both in open and fhady fituations, and in any com¬
mon foil ; bearing plentifully in any expofure, tho’ in
opeh funny fituations they produce the lafgeft and
faired fruit, ripening to a richer vinous flavour; but
it is eligible to plant them in different fituations^ and
afpe&s, in order to have the fruit as early and late as
pofiible.
They are commonly planted in the kitchen-garden,
moftly as dwarf ftandards, in the open quarters, for
the general fnpply ; being difpofed fometimes in con¬
tinued plantations in rows, eight or ten feet by fix
afunder, where great quantities of the fruit are re¬
quired for market or other large fupplies; and are
fometimes difpofed in Angle ranges round the outward
edge of the quarters, eight feet afunder; frequently in
Angle crofs rows, in order to divide the ground into
feparate wide plats or breaks, of from 20 to 30 or 40
feet wide, which alfo ferves to ftielter the ground a
little in winter; in all of which methods of planting
them as ftandards, they flionld be generally trained up
to a Angle ftem about a foot high, then fuffered to
branch out every way all around into bufhy heads,
keeping the middle however open, and the branches
moderately thin, to admit the fun and free air ; tho’
if fome are fanned, that is, trimmed on two ftdes op-
pofitely, fo as to make the other branches range in a
line like an efpalier, they will take up much lefs
of the ground, and, by admitting the fun and air
more freely, they will produce large fair fruit. They
are llkewife trained againft walls or palings, like other
wall-trees, but principally fome of the large red and
white Dutch currants, in which they will produce fine
large fruit, and thofe againft any fouth fence will ri¬
pen early and be high flavoured ; but it is proper to
plant a few both againft fouth, north, eaft, and weft
walls, in order to obtain the fruit ripe both early
and late, in a long fucceflion. It is alfo proper to
plant a few of the fined forts of goofeberries againft a
warm fence, both to have early green goofeberries for
tarts, &c. as well as to ripen early ; and they will grow
very large and fine. Sometimes both currants and
goofeberries are alfo trained in low efpaliers for varie¬
ty, and they produce very fine fruit.
The fruits both of the currant and goofeberry are
of an acid and cooling nature, and as fuch are fome-.
times ufed in medicine, efpecially the juice reduced to
large
R I C [ 6713 1 R I C
Rkaut a gelly by boiling with fugar. From the juice of cur-
|| rants alfo & very agreeable wine is made.
■ichardfon R1CAUT, or Rvcaut, (Sir Paul), an eminent
Englifh traveller, of the time of whofe birth we find
no account ; but in 1661, he was appointed fecretary
to the earl of Wincheilea, who was fent ambafiador
extraordinary to the Ottoman Porte. During his
continuance in that ftation, he wrote, “ The prefent
ftate of the Ottoman empire, in three books, contain¬
ing the maxims of the Turkilh policy, their religion,
and military difcipline,” London, folio, 1670. He
afterwards refided 11 years as conful at Smyrna,
where at the command of Charles II. he compofed
“ The prefent date of the Greek and Armenian
churches, anno Chrifti 1678.” On his return, lord
Clarendon, being appointed lord lieutenant of Ireland,
made him his principal fecretary for Leinfter and Con¬
naught r king James II. knighted him ; and made
him one of the privy council in Ireland, and judge of
the court of admiralty ; all which he held to the revo¬
lution. He was employed by king William as refident
at the Hanfe-towns in Lower Saxony, where he con¬
tinued for ten years ; but being worn out with age
and infirmities, he obtained leave to return in 1700,
and died the fame year. Ricaut continued Knolles’s
Hiftory of the Turks, and Platino's Lives of the Popes ;
befides which there are fome other productions under
his name.
RICHARD I. II. and III. kings of England. See
Hiftory c/'England.
RICHARDSON (Samuel), a celebrated Englifh
fentimental novel-writer, born in 1688, was bred to
the bufinefs of a printer, which he exercifed all his life
with eminence. Though he is faid to have underftood
no language but his own, yet he acquired great repu¬
tation by his three epiftolary novels, intitled Pamela,
Clarijfa, and Sir Charles Grandifon; which fhow an
uncommon knowledge of human nature. His purpofe
being to promote virtue, his pictures of moral excel¬
lence are by much too highly coloured; and hehasde-
fcribed his favourite characters fuch rather as we might
wifh them to be, than as they are to be found in rea¬
lity. It is alfo objeCted by fome, that his writings
have not always the good effeCt intended: for that, in-
ftead of improving natural characters, they have fa-
fhioned many artificial ones; and have taught delicate
and refined ladies and gentlemen to defpife every one
but their own felf-exalted perfons. But after all that
can be urged of the ill-effeCts of Mr Richardfon’s no¬
vels on weak minds, eager tq adopt characters they
can only burlefque; a fenfible reader will improve more
by ftudying fuch models of perfection, than of thofe
nearer to the natural ftandard of human frailty, and
where thofe frailties are artfully exaggerated fo as to fix
and mifemploy the attention on them. A ftroke of the
palfy Carried off Mr Richardfon, after a few days ill-
nefs, upon the 4th of July 1761. He was a man of
fine parts, and atover of virtue; which, for aught we
have ever heard to the contrary, he flowed in his life
and converfation as well as in his writings. Befides
the works abovementioned, hC is the author of an iE-
fop’s Fables, a Tour through Britain, 4 vols, and a
volume of Familiar Letters upon bufinefs and other
fubjefls. He is faid from his childhood to have de¬
lighted, in letter-writing; and therefore was the more
Vol. IX. 1
eafily led to throw his romances into that form; which, Rjchelet,
if it enlivens the hiftory in fome refpefts, yet length- Ric*ll'eiI‘
ens it with uninterefting prate, and formalities that
mean nothing, and on that account is fometimes found
a little tedious and fatiguing.
RICHELET (Caefar Peter), a French writer, born
in 1631 at Chemin in Champagne. He was the friend
of Patru and Ablancourt; and like them applied him-
felf to the ftudy of the French language with fuccefe.
He compiled a dictionary of that language, full of new
and ufeful remarks; but exceptionable, as containing
many fatirical reflections and obfcenities. The beft
edition is that of Lyons, 3 vols folio, 1728. He alfo
collected a fmall dictionary of rhymes, and compofed
fome other pieces in the grammatical and critical way.
He died in 1698.
RICHLIEU (John Armand du Pleffis de), cardi¬
nal of Richlieu and Fronfac, bifliop of Lucon, &c.
was born at Paris in 1585. He was of excellent parts;
and at the age of 22 had the addrefs to obtain a dif-
penfation to enjoy the bifhopric of Lucon in 1607.
Returning into France, he applied himfelf in a parti¬
cular manner to the function of preaching; and his re¬
putation this way procured him the office of almoner to
the queen Mary de Medicis. His abilities in the ma¬
nagement of affairs advanced him to be fecretary of
ftate in 1616; and the king foon gave him the prefe¬
rence to all hrs other fccretaries. The death of the
marquis d’Ancre having produced a revolution in ftate-
affairs, Richlieu retired to Avignon; where he em-?
ployed himfelf in compofing books of controverfy and
piety. The king having recalled him to court, he was
made a cardinal in 1622 ; and, two years after, firft mi-
nifter of ftate, and grand mafter of the navigation. In
1626, the ifle of Rhee was preferved by his care, and
Rochelle taken, having flopped up the haven by that
famous dyke which he ordered to be made there. He
accompanied the king to the fiege of Cazal, and con¬
tributed not a little to the raifing of it in 1629. He
alfo obliged the Huguenots to the peace at Alets, which
proved the ruin of that party ; he took Pamerol, and
fuccoured Cazal befieged by Spinola. In the mean
time the nobles found fault with his condudl, and per-
fuaded the king to difcard'him. The cardinal, for his
part, was unmoved with it; and by his reafonings
overthrew what was thought to be determined againft
him; fo that, inftead of being difgraced, he from that
moment became more powerful than ever. He punifhed
all his enemies in the fame manner as they would have
had him fuffer; and the day which produced this event,
fo glorious to cardinal Richlieu, was called the day of
dupes. This able minifter had from thenceforwards
an afcendency over the king’s mind; and he now re-
folved to humble the exceffive pride of the houfe of
Auftria. For that purpofe he concluded a treaty with
Guftavus Adolphus king of Sweden, for carrying the
war into the heart of Germany. He alfo entered into
a league with the duke of Bavaria; fecured Lorrain ;
raifed a part of the princes of the empire againft the
emperor; treated with the Dutch to continue the war
againft Spain; favoured the Catalans and Portuguefe
till they fhook off the Spanifh yoke; and, in fhort,
took fo many different meafures, that he accompliftied
his defign ; and after having carried on the war with
fuccefs, was thinking of concluding it by a peace, when
37 R be
RID L 6714 1 RID
Ricinus he died at Paris on the 4th of December 1642, aged
II jg. He was interred in the Sorbonne, where a mag-
Ridicule. n;ficeDt mauf0leum is erefted to his memory. This
great politician made the arts and fciences flourifh;
formed the botanical garden at Paris, called the kings
garden; founded the French academy; eftablilhed the
royal printing-houfe; erefted the palace now called
Le Palais Royal, which he prefented to the king; and
rebuilt the Sorbonne with a magnificence that appears
truly royal. Befides his books of controverfy and piety,
there go under the name of this minifter, A Journal,
in 2 vols i2mo ; and a PoliticalTeftament, in 121x10;
all treating of politics and ftate-affairs. Cardinal Ma¬
zarine purfued Richlieu’s plan, and completed many
of the fchemes which he had begun but left unfinifhed.
RICINUS, or palma Christi, in botany; a ge¬
nus of the monadelphia order, belonging to the mo-
noecia clafs of plants. There are three fpecies, of
which the moft remarkable is the communis, or com¬
mon palma Chrifti. This rifes with an upright, ftrong,
herbaceous, jointed ftem, eight or ten feet high; ha¬
ving fub-palmated pehated fawed leaves, and at the
axillas long fpikes of whitifh green flowers, fucceeded
by ripe feeds in autumn. Of this there are a great
many varieties; all of them fine majeftic plants, annual,
or at moft biennial, in this country; but in their na¬
tive foil they are faid to be perennial both in root and
flem. They are propagated by feeds fown on a hot¬
bed, and require the fame treatment as other tender
exotics. From the feeds of this plant is expreffed an
oil which in fome cafes is an ufeful purgative.
RICKETS, in medicine. See there, n° 216.
RICOCHET, in gunnery, is when guns, howit¬
zers, or mortars, are loaded with fmall charges, and
elevated from 5 to 12 degrees, fo as to fire over the
parapet, and the fhot or fhell rolls along the oppofite
rampart: it is called rictchet-firing, and the batteries
are likewife called ricochet-batteries. This method of
firing was firft invented by M. Belidor, and firft ufed
at the fiege of Ath in 1697. This method of firing
out of mortars, was firft tried in 1723 at the mili¬
tary fchool at Strafbourg, and with fuccefs. At the
battle of Rofbach, in 1757, the king of I’ruflia had
feveral 6-inch mortars made with trunnions, and
mounted on travelling-carriages, which fired obliquely
on the enemy’s lines, and amongft their horfe, loaded
with 8 ounces of powder, and at an elevation of one
degree 15 minutes, which did great execution; for
the fhells rolling along the lines, with burning fuzes,
made the ftouteft of the enemy not wait for their burft-
ing.
RIDGE, in agriculture, a long piece of riling land
between two furrows. See Agriculture, n° 101.
RIDGLING, or Ridgel, among farriers, &c.
the male of any beaft that has been but half-gelt.
RIDICULE, in matters of literature, is that fpe¬
cies of writing which excites contempt with laughter.
The ridiculous, however, differs from the rifible, (fee
Risible.) A rifible objedt produceth an emotion of
laughter merely: a ridiculous objedl is improper as
well as rifible; and produceth a mixed emotion, which
is vented by a laugh of derifion or fcorn.
Burlefque, though a great engine of ridicule, is not
confined to that fubjeft; for it is clearly diftinguilh-
ible into burlefque that excites laughter merely, and
burlefque that provokes derifion or ridicule. A grave Ridicule
fubjedl in which there is no impropriety, may be
brought.down by a certain colouring fo as to be ri¬
fible; which is ithe cafe of Virgil Travejlie, and alfo
the cafe of the Secchia Repita: the authors laugh firft,
in order to make their readers laugh. The Lutrin is
a burlefque poem of the other fort, laying hold of a low
and trifling incident, to expofe the luxury, indolence, Cr(-^(r,ym<
and contentious fpirit of a fet of monks. Boileau, the
author, gives a ridiculous air to the fubjeft, by dref-
fing it in the heroic ftyle, and affedting to confider it
as of the utmoft dignity and importance. In a com-
pofition of this kind, no image profefledly ludicrous
ought to find quarter, becaufe fuch images deftroy the
contrail; and accordingly the author fhowsalways the
grave face, and never once betrays a fmile.
Though the burlefque that aims at ridicule produces
its effedts by elevating the ftyle far above the fubjedt,
yet it has limits beyond which the elevation ought not
to be carried: the poet, confulting the imagination of
his readers, ought to confine himfelf to fuch images as
are lively and readily apprehended: a ftrained eleva¬
tion, foaring above an ordinary reach of fancy, makes
not a pleafant impreffion: the reader, fatigued with
being always upon the ftretch, is foon difgulled; and,
if he perfevere, becomes thoughtlefs and indifferent.
Further, a fi&ion gives no pleafure unlefs it be paint¬
ed in colours fo lively as to produce fome perception
of reality; which never can be done effeftually where
the images are formed with labour or difficulty. For
thefe reafons, we cannot avoid condemning the Batra-
chomuotnachia, faid to be the compofition of Homer:
it is beyond the power of imagination to form a clear
and lively image of frogs and mice, adling with the
dignity of the higheft of our fpecies; nor can we form
a conception of the reality of fuch an aflion, in any
manner fo diftinft as to intereft our affedlions even in
the flighteft degree.
The Rape of the Lock is of a charadler clearly diftin-
guilhable from thofe now mentioned; it is not proper¬
ly a burlefque performance, but what may rather be
termed an heroi-comical poem: it treats a gay and fa¬
miliar fubjedl with pleafantry, and with a moderate
degree of dignity: the author puts not on a made like
Boileau, nor profeffes to make us laugh like Taffoni.
The Rape of the Lock is a genteel fpecies of writing,
Jefs ftrained than thofe mentioned; and is pleafant or
ludicrous without having ridicule for its chief aim; gi¬
ving way however to ridicule where it arifes naturally
from a particular charafter, fuch as that of Sir Plume.
Addifon’s Speflalor* upon the exercife of the fan is ex- * no j0i
tremely gay and ludicrous, refembling in its fubjeft
the Rape of the Lock.
There remains to (how, by examples, the manner
of treating fubjeds fo as to give them a ridiculous ap¬
pearance.
II ne dit jamais, je vous donne, mais, je vous pn te le
bon jour. Moliere.
Orleans. I know him to be valiant.
Conftable. I was told that by one that knows him
better than you.
Orleans. What’s he ?
Conjlable. Marry, he told me fo himfelf; and he faid,
he car’d not who knew it. Henry V. Shakefpear.
   “ ' He
RID [ 6715 ] RID
Ridicule- He never broke any man’s head but his own, and
'that was againft a poll when he was drunk. Ibid.
Millament. Sententious Mirabel ! prithee don’t
look with that violent and inflexible wife face, like So¬
lomon at the dividing of the child in an old tapeftry-
hanging. Way of the World.
A true critic, in the perufal of a book, is like a dog
at a feaft, whofe thoughts and ftomach are wholly fet
upon what the guefts fling away, and confequently is
apt to fnarl molt when there are the feweft bones.
Tale of a Tub.
In the following inftances, the ridicule arifes from
abfurd conceptions in the perfons introduced.
Mafcarille. Te fouvient-if, vicomte, de cette de¬
milune, que nous emportames fur les ennemis au fiege
d’Arras ?
Jodelet. Que veux-tu dire avec ta demi-lune ? c’etoit
bien une June tout entiere.
Moliere, les Preeieufes Ridicules,fc. ir.
Slender. I came yonder at Eaton to marry Mrs
Anne Page ; and (he’s a great lubberly boy.
Page. Upon my life then you took the wrong.
Slender. What need you tell me that ? I think fo
when I took a boy for a girl: if I had been marry’d
to him, for all he was in woman’s apparel, I would not
have had him. Merry Wives of Windfor.
Valentine. Your blefiing, Sir.
Sir Sampfon. You’ve had it already, Sir: I think
I fent it you to-day in a bill for four thoufand pound ;
a great deal of money, Brother Forefight.
Forefight. Ay indeed, Sir Sampfon, a greal deal of
money for a young man; I wonder what can he do
with it. Love for Love, aft 2. fc. 7.
Millament. I naufeate walking ; ’tis a country di-
verfion ; I lothe the country, and everything that re¬
lates to it.
Sir Wilful. Indeed: hah! look ye, look ye, you
do ? nay, ’tis like you may here are choice of pa-
ftimes, here in town, as plays and the like j that muft
be confefs’d indeed.
Millament. Ah 1’etourdie! I hate the town too.
Sir Wilful. Dear heart, that’s much hah! that
you fliould hate ’em both ! hah ! ’tis like you may ;
there are fome can’t reliih the town, and others can’t
away with the country ’tis like you may be one of
thefe, Coufin. Way of the World, aft. 4. fc. 4,
Lord Froth. I allure you, Sir Paul, I laugh at no¬
body’s jefts but my own, or a lady’s: I affure you,
Sir Paul.
Brif. How? how, my Lord? what, affront my
wit ? Let me perilh, do I never fay any thing worthy
to.be laugh’d at ?
Lord Froth. O foy, don’t mifapprehend me, I
don’t fay fo, for I often fmile at your conceptions.
But there is nothing more unbecoming a man of qua¬
lity, than to laugh ; ’tis fuch a vulgar expreffion of
the paffion ! every body can laugh. Then efpecially
to laugh at the jell of an inferior perfon, or when any
body elfeof the fame quality does not laugh with one;
ridiculous! To be pleas’d with whatpleafes the crowd!
Now, when I laugh I always laugh alone.
Double Dealer, aft. r. fc. 4.
So lharp-fighted is pride in blemilhes, and Co will-
2
ing to be gratified, that it takes up with the very Ridicule,
flighted improprieties ; fuch as a blunder by a fo-
reigner in fpeakitag our language, efpecially if the
blunder can bear a fenfe that reflefts on the fpeaker:
Quickly. The young man is an honed man.
Caius. What fhall de honed man do in my clofet?
dere is no honed man dat (hall come in my clofet.
Merry Wives of Windfor.
Love-fpeeches are finely ridiculed in the following
paffage.
Quoth he. My faith as adamantine.
As chains of dediny, I’ll maintain ;
True as Apollo ever fpoke.
Or oracle from heart of oak ;
And if you’ll give my flame but vent,
Now in clofe hugger mugger pent,
And fhine upon me but benignly,
With that one and that other pigfney.
The fun and day lhall fooner part,
Than love, or you, fhake off my heart ;
The fun, that (hall no more difpenfe
His own, but your bright influence :
I’ll carve your name on barks of trees,
With true love-knots and flouriflves;
That (hall infufe eternal fpring,
And everlading flourilhing :
Drink ev’ry letter on’t in flum.
And make it brilk champaign become.
Where-e’er you tread, your foot (hall fet
The primrofe and the violet ;
All fpices, perfumes, and fweet powders,
Shall borrow from your breath their odours ;
Nature her charter (hall renew
And take all lives of things from you ;
The world depend upon your eye,
And, when you frown upon it, die.
Only our loves (hall dill furvive,
New worlds and natures to out-live ;
And, like to herald’s moons, remain
All crefcents, without change or wane.
Hudibras, part 2. canto T.
Thofe who have a talent for ridicule, which is fel-
dom united with a tafte for delicate, and refined beau¬
ties, are quick-fighted in improprieties; and thefe
they eagerly grafp, in order to gratify their favourite
propenfity. Perfons galled are provoked to maintain,
that ridicule is improper for grave fubjefts. Subjefts
really grave, are by no means fit for ridicule; but
then it is urged againd them, that, when called in que-
flion whether a certain fubjeft be really grave, ridi¬
cule is the only means of determining the controverfy.
Hence a celebrated quedion, Whether ridicule be or
be not a ted of truth ?
On one fide, it is obferved, that the objefts
of ridicule are falfehood, incongruity, impropriety,
or turpitude of certain kinds : but as the objeft
of every excited paffion mud be examined by rea-
fon, before we can determine whether it be proper
or improper; fo ridicule mud, apparently at lead,
edablilh the truth of the improprieties defigned to
excite the paffion of contempt. Hence, it comes in
to the aid of argument and reafon, when its impref-
fions on the imagination are confident with the nature
of things; but when it drikes the fancy and affeftmns
37 R 2 wilh
R I D
Ridicule, with fi6titious images, it becomes the inftrument of
Riding, deceit. But however ridicule may imprefs the idea of
apparent turpitude, or falfehood, in the imagination,
yet ftill reafon remains the fupreme judge; and thus
ridicule can never be the final teft or touchftone of
truth and falfehood.
On the other fide, it is contended that ridicule is
not a fubjeft of reafoning, but of fenfe or tafte ; (fee
and compare the articles Risible and Congruity
and Propriety). Stating the queftion, then, in more
accurate terms, Whether the fenfe of ridicule be the
proper teft for diftinguifiaing ridiculous objedts from
what are not fo ? they proceed thus. No perfon doubts
that our fenfe of beauty is the true teft of what is beau¬
tiful ; and our fenfe of grandeur, of what is great or
fublime. Is it more doubtful whether our fenfe of ridi¬
cule be the true teft of what is ridiculous ? It is not
only the true teft, but indeed the only teft ; for this
fubjeft comes not, more than beauty or grandeur, un¬
der the province of reafon. If any fubjedl, by the in¬
fluence of falhion or cuftom, have acquired a degree
of veneration to which naturally it is not entitled,
what are the proper means for wiping off the artificial
colouring, and difplaying the fubjedf in its true light?
A man of true tafte fees the fubjeft without difguife ;
but if he hefitate, let him apply the teft of ridicule,
which feparates it from its artificial connexions, and
expofes it naked with all its native improprieties.—
But it is urged, that the graveft and moft ferious mat¬
ters may be fet in a ridiculous light. Hardly fo ;
for where an objeX is neither rifible nor improper, it
lies not open in any quarter to an attack from ridi¬
cule.
RIDING, in general, fignifies the being carried
along on any vehicle.
Riding on horfeback. See Horsemanship.
Riding, in medicine. During this exercife all the
vifcera are lhaken, and preffed againft each other; at
the fame time the pure air adts with a greater force
on the lungs. Weakly perfons, or thofe whofe fto-
machs are infirm, Ihould, however, be cautious of ri¬
ding before their meals are fomewhat digefted.
Riding, in naval affairs, is the ftate of a fhip’s be¬
ing retained in a particular ftation, by means of one
or more cables with their anchors, which are for this
purpofe funk into the bottom of the fea, &c. in order
to prevent the veffcl from being driven at the mercyi
of the wind or current A rope is faid to ride, when
one of the turns by which it is wound about the capftern
or windlafs lies over another, fo as to interrupt the
operation of heaving.
Riding Athwart, the pofition of a (hip which lies
acrofs the direXion of the wind and tide, when the
former is fo ftrong as to prevent her from falling into
the current of the latter.
Riding between the Wind and Tide, thefituation of
a veffel at anchor, when the wind and tide aX upon
her in direX oppofition, in fuch a manner as to de-
ftroy the effort of each other upon her hull; fo that
fhe is in a manner balanced between their reciprocal
force, and rides without the lead drain on her cables.
When a (hip does not labour heavily, or feel a great
drain when anchored in an open road or bay, (lie is
faid to ride eafy. On the contrary, when fhe pitches,
violently into the fea, fp as to ftrain her cables, mafts,
R I D
or hull, it is called riding hard, and thfe veffel is termed Riding, j
a bad roader. A (hip is rarely faid to ride when fhe ! -
is faftened at both the ends, as in a harbour or river,
that fituation being comprehended in the article Moor¬
ing.
Riding, a diftriX vifited by an officer.—Yorkrtn're is
divided into three ridings, viz. the eaft, weft, and north
ridings. In all indiXments in that county, both the
town and riding mu ft be expreffed.
Riding, as conneXed with gardening, and fufcep- j;
tible of embellifhment. See Gardening, n° 62.
A riding, though in extent differing fo widely from
a garden, yet agrees with it in many particulars : for,
exclufive of that community of charaXer which refults°^rT;fl,!"<,j|
from their being both improvements, and both deftined ^
to pleafure, a clofer relation arifes from the property
of a riding, to extend the idea of a feat, and appro¬
priate a whole country to the manfion ; for which pur- ,
pofe it mud be diftingnifhed from common roads, and Decora- •
the marks of diftinXion muft be borrowed from a gar- dons °f a-;
den. Thofe which a farm or a park can fupply are faint ric*iB£-
and few; but whenever circumftances belonging to a
garden occur, they are immediately received as evi¬
dence of the domain. The fpecies of the trees will
often bedecifive; plantations of firs, whether placed
on the fides of the way, or in clumps or woods in the
view, denote the neighbourhood of a feat: even limes,
and horfe-chefnuts are not indifferent; for they have
always been frequent in improvements, and rare in the
ordinary fcenes of cultivated nature. If the riding be
carried through a wood, the fhrubs, which for their
beauty or their fragrance have been tranfplanted from
the country into gardens, fuch as the fweet-briar, the
viburnum, the euonymus, and the wood-bine, (hould
be encouraged in the underwood ; and to thefe may be
added feveral which are ftill peculiar to (hrubberies, but ,
which might eafily be transferred to the wildeft co¬
verts, and would require no further care.
Where the fpecies are not, the difpofition may be
particular, and any appearance of defign is a mark of
improvement. A few trees (landing out from a hedge¬
row, raife it to an elegance above common rufticity :
and ftill more may be done by clumps in afield; they
give it the air of a park. A clofe lane may be deco¬
rated with plantations in all the little vacant fpaces:
and even the groupes originally on the fpot, (whether
it be a wood, a field, or a lane), if properly feleXed,
and thofe only left which arc elegant, will have an ef-
feX : though every beauty of this kind may be found
in nature, yet many of them are feldom feen together^
and never unmixed. The number and the choice are
fymptoms of defign.
Another fymptom is variety. If the appendages of
the riding be different in different fields, if in a lane, or
a wood, fome diftinguiftiing circumftance be provided
for every bend ; or when, carried over an open expo-
fure, it winds to feveral points of view ; if this be the
conduX throughout, the intention is evident^ to amufe
the length* of the way : variety of ground is alfo a
charaXeriftic of a riding, when it feems to have pro¬
ceeded from choice; and pleafure being the purfuit,
the changes of the feene both compcnfate and account
for the circuity.
But a part undiftinguifhed from a common road,
fucceeding to others more adorned, will by the con-
traii.
[ 6716 ]
R I D
Riding, traft alone be fometimes agreeable ; and there are
  beauties frequent in the high-way, and almoft peculiar
to it, which may be very acceptable in a riding : a
green lane is always delightful ; a paffage winding be¬
tween thickets of brambles and briars, fometimes with,
I fometimes without a little fpring-wood rifing amongft
them, or a cut in a continued fweep through the furze
of a down or the fern of a heath, is generally plea-
fant. Nor will the chara&er be abfolutely loft in the
interruption, it will foon be refumed, and never for¬
gotten ; when it has been once ftrongly imprefied,
very flight means will preferve the idea.
Simplicity may prevail the whole length of the way
when the way is all naturally pleafant, but efpecially
if it be a communication between feveral fpots, which
in charafter are raifed above the reft of the country :
A fine open grove is unufual, except in a park or a
garden ; it has an elegance in the difpofition which
j i cannot be attributed to accident, and it feems to re¬
quire a degree of prefervation beyond the care of mere
hufbandry. A neat railing on the edge of a fteep which
commands a profpeft, alone diftinguifhes that from
other points of view. A building is ftill more
ftrongly charafteriftic: it may be only ornamental, or
it may be accommodated to the reception of company;
for though a place to alight at interrupts the range of
a riding, yet, as the object of an airing, it may often
be acceptable. A. fmall fpot which may be kept by
the labour of one man, enclofed from the fields, and
converted into a fhrubbery or any other feene of a gar¬
den,. will fometimes be a pleafing end to a fhort ex-
curfion from home : nothing fo effe&ually extends the
idea of a feat to a diftance; and not being conftantly
vifited, it will always retain the charms of novelty and
t variety.
taf a village. When a riding is carried along a high road, a
kind of property may in appearance be claimed even
there, by planting on both fides trees equidiftant from
each other, to give it the air of an approach : regu¬
larity intimates the neighbourhood of a manfion. A
village therefore feems to be within the domaine if
any of the inlets to it are avenues ; other formal plan¬
tations about it, and ftill more trivial circumftances,
when they are evidently ornamental, fometimes pro¬
duce and always corroborate fuch an effedt; but even
without raifing this idea, if the village be remarkable
for its beauty, or only for its lingularity, a paffage
through it may be an agreeable incident in a riding.
The fame ground which in the fields is no more
than rough, often feems to be romantic when it is the
file of a village the buildings and other circumftances
mark and aggravate the irregularity. To ftrengthen
this appearance, one cottage may be placed on the edge
of a fteep, and feme winding fteps of unhewn ftone
lead up to the door; another in a hollow, with all its
little appurtenances hanging above it. The pofition
of a few trees will fometimes anfwer the fame purpofe;
a foot-bridge here and there for a communication be¬
tween the Tides of a narrow dip, will add to the cha-
rafter ; and if there be any rills, they may be con¬
duced fo as greatly to improve it.
A village which has not thefe advantages of ground,
may, however, be beautiful ; it is diftinguilhed by its
elegance, when the larger intervals between the houfes
are filled with open groves, and little clumps are in-
R I D
troduced upon other occafions. The church often is, Riding.
it generally may be, made a pidurefque objedf. Even 
the cottages may be neat, and fometimes grouped
with thickets. If the place be watered by a ftream,
the croffings may^ be in a variety of pleafing defigns ;
and if a fpring rife, or only a well for common ufe be
funk by the fide of the way, a little covering over it
may be contrived which fiiall at the fame time be fimple
and pretty.
There are few villages which may not eafily be ren¬
dered agreeable. A fmall alteration in a houfe will
fometimes occafion a great difference in the appear¬
ance. By the help of a few trifling plantations, the
obje&s which have a good tffeC may be ftiown to ad¬
vantage, thofe which have not may be concealed, and
fuch as are fimilar be difguifed. And any form which
offends the eye, whether of ground, of trees, or of
buildings, may fometimes be broken by the flighted
circumftances, by an advanced paling, or only by a
bench. Variety and beauty, in fuch a fubjeft, are
rather the effefts of attention than expence. 3
But if the paffage through the village cannot be Of the
pleafant; if the buildings are all alike, or ftand inbuildings
unmeaning rows and fimilar fituations; if the place df^c<? £ot
furnifties no opportunities to contraft the forms offing! m *
dwellings with thofe of out-houfes; to introduce trees
and thickets; to interpofe fields and meadows; to
mix farms with cottages ; and to place the feveral ob-
jedts in different pofitions: yet on the outfide even of
fuch a village, there certainly is room for wood; and
by that alone, the whole may be grouped into a mafs,
which (hall be agreeable when ikirted by a riding ;
and ftill more fo when feen from a diftance. The fe-
parate farms in the fields, alfo, by planting fome trees
about them, or perhaps only by managing thofe al¬
ready on the fpot, may be made very interefting ob-
jedts ; or if a new one is to be built, beauty may be
confuited in the form of the houfe, and the difpofition
of its appurtenances. Sometimes a charadter not their
own, as thefemblance of a caftle or an abbey, maybe
given to them; they will thereby acquire a degree of
confideration, which they cannot otherwife be entitled
to: and objedts to improve the views are fo important
to a riding, that buildings muft fometimes be eredted
for that purpofe only; but they fliould be fuch as by
an adfual effedl adorn or dignify the feene; not thofe
little flight deceptions which are too well known to
fuceecd, and have no merit if they fail : for though a
fallacy fometimes contributes to fupport a chara&er,
or fuggefts ideas to the imagination, yet in itfelf it
may be no improvement of a feene ; and a bit of tur¬
ret, the tip of a fpire, and the other ordinary fubjedls
of thefe frivolous attempts, are fo infignificant as ob-
jedds, that whether they are real or fidtitious is almott
a matter of indifference.
The fame means by which the profpedls from a 0f a4,anjcw,
riding are improved, maybe applied to thofe from fimiUHo ^
a garden; though they are not eftential to its cha-diarafter to-
radder, they are important to its beauty ; and where-a riding-
ever they abound, the extent only of the range which
commands them, determines whether they /hall be
feen from a riding or a garden. If they belong to
the latter, that affumes in fome ddgree. the predomi¬
nant properties of the former, and the two charadters
approach very near to each other: . but ftill each has
its^
[ 6717 ]
RID [671
Riding, its peculiarities. Progrefs is a prevailing idea in a
 riding ; and the pleafantnefs of the way is, therefore,
a principal confideration : but particular fpots are
more attended to in a garden ; and to them the com¬
munications ought to be fubordinate ; their dire&ion
muft be generally accommodated, their beauties fome-
times facrificed to the lituation and the charadler of
the fcenes they lead to; an advantageous approach to
thefe muft be preferred to an agreeable line for the
walk ; and the circumftances which might otherwife
become it are mifplaced, if they anticipate the open¬
ings ; it fliould fometimes be contrafted to them ; be
retired and dark if they are fplendid or gay, and
fimple if they are richly adorned. At other times it
may burft unexpeftedly out upon them; not on ac¬
count of the furprize, which can have its effeft only
once; but the impreffions are ftronger by being fud-
den ; and the contraft is enforced by the quicknefs of
the tranfition.
In a riding, the fcenes are only the amufements of
of the way, through which it proceeds without flop¬
ping : in a garden they are principal; and the fubor-
dination of the walk raifes their importance. Every
art, therefore, fhould be exerted to make them feem
parts of the place. Didant profpeCts cannot be fo ;
and the alienation does not offend us ; we are famili¬
arized to it; the extent forbids every thought of a
clofer connexion ; and if a continuation be preferred
between them and the points which command them, we
are fatisfied. But home-views fuggeft other ideas;
they appear to be within our reach: they are not only
beautiful in profpeft, and we can perceive that the
fpots are delightful ; but we wifh to examine, to in¬
habit, and to enjoy them. Every apparent impedi¬
ment-to that gratification is a difappoinment ; and
when the fcenes begin beyond the-opening, the con-_
fequence of the place, is lowered ; nothing within it
engages our notice: it is an exhibition only of beauties,
the property of which does not belong to it ; and that
idea, though indifferent in a riding, which is but a
paffage, is very difadvantageous to fuch a refidence as
a garden. To obviate fuch an idea, the points of view
thould be made important; the objefts within be ap¬
pendages to thofe without; the feparations be re¬
moved or concealed ; and large portions of the garden
be annexed to the fpots which are contiguous to it.
The ideal boundary of the place is then carried be¬
yond the fcenes which are thus appropriated to it; and
the wide circuity in which they lie, the different pofi-
tions in which they may be fhown, afford a greater
variety than can generally be found in any garden, the
S feenery of which is confined to the inclofure.
Defcription Persfield is not a large place; the park con-
o ers ed>ta;ns about three hundred acres ; and the houfeftands
in the midft of it. On the fide of the approach, the
inequalities of the ground are gentle, and the planta-
^ lions pretty ; but nothing there is great. On the other
- fide, a beautiful lawn falls precipitately every way into
a deep vale which (helves down the middle; the de¬
clivities are diverfified with clumps and with groves-;
and a number of large trees draggle along the bottom.
This lawn is enc.ompaffed with wood ; and through
the wood are walks, which open beyond it upon thofe
romantic fcenes which furround the park, and which
18 ] RID
are the glory of Persfield. The Wye runs immedi- Riding,
ately below the wood: the river is of a dirty colour ; - '
but the ihape of its courfe is very various, winding
firft in the form of a horfe-lhoe, then proceeding in a
large fweep to the town of Chepftowe, and afterwards
to the Severn. The banks are high hills; in different
places fteep, bulging out, or hollow ort the fides;
rounded, flattened, or irregular at top 5 and covered
with wood, or broken by rocks. They are fometimes
feen in front; fometimes in perfpeftive ; falling back
for the paffage, or clofing behind the bend of the
river; appearing to meet, rifing above, or {hooting
out beyond one another. The wood which enclofes
the lawn crowns an extenfive range of thefe hills,
which overlook all thofe on the oppofite fhore, with
the country which appears above or between them ;
and winding themfelves as the river winds, their fides,
all rich and beautiful, are alternately exhibited ; and
the point of view in one fpot becomes an objed to the
next.
In many places the principal feature is a continued
rock, in length a quarter of a mile, perpendicular,
high, and placed upon a height. To refemble ruins is
common to rocks: but no ruin of any Angle ftru&ure
was ever equal to this enormous pile; it feems to be
the remains of a city; and other fmaller heaps fcat-
tered about it, appear to be fainter traces of the
former extent, and ftrengthen the fimilitude. It
ftretches along the brow which terminates the foreft
of Dean ; the face of it is compofed of immenfe blocks
of ftone, but not rugged; the top is bare and uneven,
but not carggy; and from the foot of it, a declivity,
covered with thicket, dopes gently towards the Wye,
but in one part is abruptly broken off by a ledge of
rocks, of a different hue, and in a different diredion.
From the grotto it feems to rife immediately over a
thick wood, which extends down a hill below the
point of view, acrofs the valley through which the Wye
flows, and up the oppofite banks, hides the river,
and continues without interruption to the bottom of
the rock: from another feat it is feen by itfelf with¬
out even its bafe; it faces another, with all its ap¬
pendages about it ; and fometimes the fight of it is
partially intercepted by trees, beyond which, at a
diftance, its long line continues on through all the
openings between them.
Another capital objed is the caftle of Chepftowe,
a noble ruin of great extent; advanced to the very
edge of a perpendicular rock, and fo immediately
rivetted into it, that from the top of the battlements
down to the river feems but one precipice : the fame
ivy which overfpreads the face of the one, twines and
clufters among the fragments of the other; many
towers, much of the walls, and large remains of the
chapel, are (landing. Clofe to it is a moft romantic
wooden bridge, very ancient, very grotefque, at an
extraordinary height above the river, and feeming to
abut againft the ruins at one end, and fome rocky
hills at the other. The caftle is fo near to the alcove
at Persfield, that little circumftances in it may be
difeerned ; from other fpots more diftant, even from
the lawn, and from a (hrubbery on the fide of the lawn,
it is diftinftly vifible, and always beautiful, whether
it is feen alone, or with the bridge, with the town, with
more
(a) The feat of Mr Morris, near Chepftowe, in Monmouthfhire.
RID [ 67x9 ] RID
Riding, more or with lefs of the rich meadows which lie along
 the banks of the Wye, to its jundlion three miles off
with the Severn. A long fweep of that river alfo, its
red cliffs, and the fine rifing country in the counties of
Somerfet and Glcucefter, generally terminate the
profpeft.
Moft of the hills about Persfield are full of rocks;
fome are intermixed with hanging woods, and either
advance a little before them, or retire within them,
and are backed, or overhung, or feparated by trees.
In the walk to the cave, a long fucceffion of them is
frequently feen in perfpe&ive, all of a dark colour,
and with wood in the intervals between them. In
other parts the rocks are more wild and uncouth; and
fometimes they ftand on the tops of the higheft hills;
at other times down as low as the river; they are
home-obje&s in one fpot; and appear only in the
back-ground of another.
The woods concur with the rocks to render the
fcenes of Persfield romantic : the place every where
abounds with them; 'they cover the tops of the hills;
they hang on the fteeps; or they fill the depths of the
valleys. In one place they front, in another they rife
above, in another they fink below the point of view :
they are feen fometimes retiring beyond each other,
and darkening as they recede; and fometimes an
opening between two is clofed by a third at a diftance
beyond them. A point, called the Lover's Leap,
commands a continued i'urface of the thickeft foliage,
which overfpreads a valt hollow immediately under¬
neath. Below the Chinefe feat the courfe of the Wye
is in the (hape of a horfe-fhoe : it is on one fide in-
clofed by a femi-circular hanging wood ; the direct
fteeps of a table-hill fhut it in on the other; anc| the
great rock fills the interval between them : in the
mid ft of this rude fcene lies the peninfula formed by
the river, a mile at the lead in’length, and in the
higheft (late of cultivation: near the ifthmus the
ground rifes confiderably, and thence defcends in a
broken furface, till it flattens to the water’s edge at
the other extremity. The whole is divided into corn¬
fields and paftures; they are feparated by hedge-rows,
coppices, and thickets; open clumps and Angle trees
ftand out in the meadows; and houfes and other
buildings, which belong to the farms, are fcattered
amonglt them : nature fo cultivated, furrounded by
nature fo wild, compofe a moft lovely landlkip to¬
gether.
The communications between thefe feveral points
are generally by clofe walks; but the covert ends near
the Chinefe feat; and a path is afterwards conduced
through the upper park to a ruftic temple, which over¬
looks on one fide fome of the romantic views which
have been defcribed, and on the other the cultivated
hills and valleys of Monmouthfhire. To the rude and
magnificent fcenes of nature now fucceeds a pleafant,
fertile, and beautiful country, divided into inclofures,
not covered with woods, nor broken by rocks and pre¬
cipices, but only varied by eafy fwells and gentle de¬
clivities. Yet theprofpedt is not tame : the hills in it
are high ; and it is bounded by a vaft fweep of the
Severn, which is here vifible for many miles together,
and receives in its courfe the Wye and the Avon.
From the temple a road leads to the Windcliff, an
eminence much above the reft, and commauding the
whole in one view. The Wye runs at the foot of the Riding,
hill; the peninfula lies juft below; the deep bofom of Ri<lley-
the femi-circular hanging wood is full in fight; over
part of it the great rock appears; all its bafe, all its
accompaniments are feen; the country immediately
beyond it is full of lovely hillocks; and the higher
grounds in the counties of Somerfet and Gloucefter
rife in the horizon. The Severn feems to be, as it
really is, above Chepftowe, three or four miles wide ;
below the town it fpreads almoft to a fea ; the county
of Monmouth is there the hither fhore, and between
its beautiful hills appear at a great diftance the moun¬
tains of Brecknock and Glaraorganfliire. In extent,
in variety, and grandeur, few profpexfts are equal to
this. It comprehends all the noble fcenes of Persfield,
encompaffed by fome of the fineft country in Britain.
See Gardening.
RIDLEY (Nicholas), bilhop of London, and a
martyr to the reformation, was defeended of an an¬
cient family, and born in the beginning of the 16th
century, at Wilmontfwick in Northumberland. From
the grammar-fchool at Newcaftle upon Tyne, he was
fent to Pembroke-hall in Cambridge, in the year 1518,
where he was fupported by his uncle Dr Robert Rid¬
ley, fellow of Queen’s college. In 1522 he took his
fir it degree in arts ; two years after, was ele&ed fel¬
low; and, in 1525, he commenced mailer of arts.
In 1527, having taken orders, he was fent by his
uncle, for further improvement, to the Sorbonne at
Paris ; from thence he went to Louvain, and continued
abroad till the year 1529. On his return to Cam¬
bridge he was chofen under-treafurer of the univerfity;
and, in 1533, was elected fenior prodtor. He then
proceeded bachelor of divinity', and was chofen chap¬
lain of the univerfity, orator, and magijierglo?neria.
At this time he was much admired as a preacher and
difputant. He loft bis kind uncle in 1536 ; but was
foon after patronifed by Dr Cranmer archbifhop of
Canterbury, who made him his domeftic chaplain, and
prefented him to the vicarage of Herne in Eaft Kent;
where, we are told, he preached the dodtrine of the
Reformation. In 1540, having commenced dodlor
of divinity, he was made king’s chaplain ; and, in the
fame year, was ele&ed mailer of his college in Cam¬
bridge. Soon after, Ridley was collated to a prebend
in the church of Canterbury ; and it was not long be¬
fore he was accufed in the biihop’s court, at the infli-.
gation of biihop Gardiner, of preaching againft the
dodlrine of the Six Articles. The matter being re¬
ferred to Cranmer, Ridley was acquitted. In 1545,
he was made a prebendary of Weitminiter abbey ; in
1547 was prefented, by the fellows of Pembroke-hall,
to the living of Soham, in the di’ocefe of Norwich ;
and the fame year was confecrated biihop of Rochefter.
In 1550 he was tranflated to the fee of London ; in
which year he was one of the commiffioncrs for exa¬
mining biihop Gardiner, and concurred in his depri¬
vation. In the year 1552, our prelate returning from
Cambridge, unfortunately for himfelf, paid a vifit to
the princefs, afterwards queen Mary ; to whom,
prompted by his zeal for reformation, he expreffed
himfelf with too much freedom : for ihe was fcarce-
ly^feated on the throne, when Ridley was doomed
a vidlim to her revenge. With Cranmer and Latimer,
he was burnt ahvs at Oxford, on the 16th of Odlober
*555'
RIG [ 6720 ] RIG
Rtfli 1555. He wrote, 1. A treatife concerning images in
Jl, churches. 2. Brief declaration of the Lord’s Supper.
lg C' 3. Certain godly and comfortable conferences between
bifhop Ridley and Mr Hugh Latimer, during their
imprifonment. 4. A comparifon between the com¬
fortable doftrine of the Gofpei, and the traditions of
the Popifh religion ; and other works.
RIFLE, in gunnery. See Gunnery, n° 36, et
fev-
RIGA, a large, ftrong, populous, and rich town
of the Ruffian empire, and capital of Livonia. It is
a large trading place, andhasa veryconfiderable fort-
refs ; the trade is chiefly in corn, fkins, leather, and
naval ftores. It was taken by the Ruffians in 1710,
after they had blocked it up a long while, during which
the inhabitants were affli&ed with the plague. The
caftle is fquare, and defended by four towers and fix
baftions; befidcs which, it has a fine arfenal. The
•Proteftants have Hill a handfome college here. It is
feated on a large plain on the river Dwina, E. Long.
24. 25. N. Lat. 57. o.
RIGADOON, a gay and bride dance, borrowed
originally from Provence in France, and performed in
figure by a man and woman.
RIGGING of a Ship, a general name given to all
the ropes employed to fupport the mails, and to extend
or reduce the fails, or arrange them to the difpofition of
the wind. The former, which are ufed to fuftain the
malls, remain ufually in a fixed pofition, and are
called Jlanding rigging; fuch are the fhrouds, flays, and
back-ltays. The latter, whofe office is to manage the
fails, by communicating with various blocks or pul-
lies, fituated in different places of the malls, yards,
Ihrouds, &c. are comprehended in the general term of
running-rigging; fuch are the braces, ffieets, haliards,
clue-lines, brails, &c.
In rigging a mad, the firft thing ufually fixed upon
its head is a circular wreath or rope, called the gromet,
or collar, which is firmly beat down upon the top of
the hounds. The intent of this is to prevent the Ihrouds
from being fretted or worn by the trellle-trees, or
ftoulders of the mall; after this are laid on the two
pendants, from whofe lower ends the main or fore
tackles are fufpended ; and next, the Ihrouds of the
flarboard and larboard fide, in pairs, alternately. The
whole is covered by the flays, which are the largeft
ropes of the rigging.—When a yard is to be rigged,
a gromet is alfo driven firft on each of its extremities;
next to this are fitted-on the horfes, the braces, and
laftly the lifts or top-fail fheet-blocks.
The principal obje&s to be confidered in rigging a
fhip, appear to ftrength, convenience, and fimpli-
city : or, the properties of affording fufficient fecurity
to the malls, yards, and fails; of arranging the whole
machinery in the moll advantageous manner, to fu¬
ftain the malls, and facilitate the management of the
fails; and of avoiding perplexity, and reje&ing what¬
ever is fuperfluous or unneceffary. The perfection of
this art,' then, confifts in retaining all thofe qualities,
and in preferving a judicious medium between them.
RIGHT, in geometry, fignifies the fame with
ftraight; thus, a llraight line is called a right one.
Right, in law, not only denotes property, for which
a writ of right lies; but alfo any title or claim, either
by virtue of a condition, mortgage, &c, for which no
a&ion is given by law, but an entry only. Right.
Right, or Reftitude. See Rectitude.   
Right is alio a title conferred, 1. Upon all bi-
ffiops. 2. Together with Honourable, upon earls, vif-
counts, and barons. 3. By courtefy, together with
Honourable, upon the Ions of dukes, marquifes, and
the eldelt Tons of earls. 4. Together with Honourable,
to the fpeaker of the houfe of commons: but to no
commoner excepting thofe who are members of his
majefty’s moll honourable privy-council ; and the
three lord mayors of London, York, and Dublin, and
the lord provoflof Edinburgh, during their office. See
Honourable.
Hereditary Right. See Hereditary.
Rights and Liberties. See the article Liberty.—
Gur rights, it was there obferved in general, may be
reduced to thefe principal articles; the right of per-
fonal fecurity, the right of perfonal liberty, and the
right of private property ; the confideration of which
was referred to this place.
I. The right of perfonal fecurity confifts in a per-
fon’s legal and uninterrupted enjoyment of his life, bis
limbs, his body, his health, and his reputation.
1. Life is the immediate gift of God, a right in¬
herent by nature in every individual; and it begins, in
contemplation of law, as foon as an infant is able to
ftir in the mother’s womb. For if a woman is quick
with child, and by a potion or otherwife killeth it in
her womb ; or if any one beat her, whereby the child
dieth in her body, and fhe is delivered of a dead child;
this, though not murder, was by the ancient law ho¬
micide or manflaughter. But Sir Edward Coke doth
not look upon this offence in quite fo atrocious a light,
but merely as a heinous mifdmeanour.
An infant in ventre fa mere, or in the mother’s
womb, is fuppofed in law to be born for many pur-
pofes. It is capable of having a legacy, or a furren-
der of a copyhold eftate made to it. It may have a
guardian affigned to it; and it is enabled to have an
eftate limited to its ufe, and to take afterwards by
fuch limitation, as if it were then adlually born. And
in this point the civil law agrees with ours.
2. A man’s limbs, (by which for the prefent we
only undeiftand thofe members which may be ufeful
to him in fight, and the lofs of which alone amounts
to Mayhem by the common law), are alfo the gift of
the wife Creator, to enable man to protect himfelf
from external injuries in a ftate of nature. To thefe,
therefore, he has a natural inherent right; and they
cannot be wantonly deflroyed or difabled without a
manifeft breach of civil liberty.
Both the life and limbs of a man are of fuch high
value, in the eftimation of the law of England, that it
pardons even homicide if committed fe defendendo, or in
order to preferve them. For whatever is done by a
man, to fave either life or member, is looked upon as
done upon the higheft neceffity and compulfion. There¬
fore if a man, through fear of death or mayhem, is
prevailed upon to execute a deed, or do any other
legal ad ; thefe, though accompanied with all other
the requifite folemnities, may be afterwards avoided,
if forced upon him by a well-grounded apprehenfion
of lofing his life, or even his limbs, in cafe of his non-
compliance. Andthe.fame is alfo a fufficient excufe for
the commiffion of many mifdeme%anours. The conilraint
Right.
\\ladft.
Comment.
RIG [ 6721 ] RIG
a man under In thefe circumftances is called In lawdurej},
' from the Latin durities, of which there are two forts;
durefs of imprifonment, where a man a&ually lofes his
liberty, of which we (hall prefently fpeak; and durefs/>er
viinas, where the hardihip is only threatened and im¬
pending, which is that we are now difeourfing of.
Durefs per minas is either for fear of lofs of life, or
clfe for fear of mayhem or lofe of limb. And this
fear mnft be upon fufficient reafbn ; nin, as Braflon
exprefles it, fufpicio cujujlibet vani et meticuloji hominis,
fed tails qui pofit codere in virum conftantem ; tails enim
debet ejfe onetus, qui in fe covtineat vitee periculum, out
corporis cruciatum. A fear of battery, or being
beaten, though ever fo well-grounded, is no durefs;
neither is the fear of having one’s houfe burned, or
one’s goods taken away and deftroyed ; becaufe in
thefe cafes, fhould the threat be performed, a man may
have fatisfa&ion by recovering equivalent damages:
but no fuitable atonement can be made for the lofs of
life, or limb. And the indulgence fliown to a man
under this the principal fort of durefs, the fear of
lofing life or limbs, agrees alfo with that maxim of the
civil law ; ignofeitur ei qui fanguinem fuurn qualiter re¬
dew ptum voluit.
The Taw not only regards life and member, and
protefts every man in the enjoyment of them, but alfo
furniihes him with every thing neceflary for their fup-
porr. For there is no man fo indigent or wretched,
but he may demand a fupply fufficient for all the ne-
ceffities of life from the more opulent part of the com¬
munity, by means of the feveral ftatutes enadted for
the relief of the poor. A humane provifion ; yet,
though di&ated by the principles of fociety, dif-
countenanced by the Roman laws. For the edi&s of
the emperor Conftantine commanding the public to
maintainthechildren ofthofe who were unable toprovide
for them, in order to prevent the murder and ex-
pofure of infants, an inftitution founded on the fame
principle as our foundling-hofpitals, though comprifed
in the Theodofian code, were rejetted in Juftinian’s
collettion.
Thefe rights, of life and member, can only be de¬
termined by the death of the perfon ; which is either
a civil or natural death. The civil death commences,
if any man be baniihed the realm by the procefs of the
common law; or enters into religion; that is, goes
into a monaftery, and becomes there a monk profefied:
in which cafes, he is abfolutely dead in law, and his
next heir (hall have his eftate. For, fuch banifhed
man is entirely cutoff from fociety; and fuch a monk,
upon his profeffion, renounces folemnly all fecular
concerns: and befides, as the Popiih clergy claimed
an exemption from the duties of civil life and the com¬
mands of the temporal magiftrate, the genius of the
Englifh law would not fuffer thofe perfons to enjoy
the benefits of fociety, who fecluded themfelves from
it, and refufed to fubmit to its regulation. A monk
was therefore accounted civiliter rfwrtuus; and when
he entered into religion might, like other dying men,
make his teftament and executors ; or, if he made
none, the ordinary might grant adminiftration to his
next of kin, as if he were attually dead inteftate.
And fuch executors and adminiftrators had the fame
power, and might bring the fame aftions for debts due
to the religious, and were liable to the fame attions
Vol. IX. 2
for thofe due from him, as If he were naturally de- Right.
ceafed. Nay, fo far has this principle been carried, —
that when one was bound in a bond to an abbot and
his fuccefibrs, and afterwards made his executors, and
profefTed himfelf a monk of the fame abbey, and in
procefs of time was himfelf made abbot thereof; here
the law gave him, in the capacity of abbot, an attion
of debt againft his own executors to recover the
money due. In Ihort, a monk or religious was fo
effettually dead in law, that a leafe made even to a
third perfon, during the life (generally) of one who
afterwards became a monk, determined by fuch his
entry into religion: for which reafon leafes, and
other conveyances, for life, are ufually made to have
and to hold for the term of one’s natural life. But,
even in the time of Popery, the law of England took
no cognizance of profeffion in any foreign country,
becaufe the fatt could not be tried in our courts; and
therefore, fince the Reformation, the difability is held
to be abolifhed.
The natural life being, as was before obferved, the
immediate donation of the great Creator, cannot le¬
gally be difpofed of or deilroyed by any individual,
neither by the perfon himfelf nor by any other of his
fellow-creatures, merely upon their own authority.
Yet neverthelefs it may, by the divine permiffion, be
frequently forefeited for the breach of thofe laws of
fociety, which are enforced by the fanttion of capi¬
tal punifhment; the nature, reftrittions, expedience,
and legality of which has been confidered under
the article Crime and Punijhment. Here it lhall
only be obferved, that whenever the conftitution of
a ftate veils in any man, or body of men, a power
of deftroying at pleafure, without the direttioq of
laws, the lives or members of the fubjeft, fuch con-
llitution is in the higheft degree tyrannical : and
that whenever any laws dirett fuch ddtruttion for
light and trivial caufes, fuch laws are likewife ty¬
rannical, though in an inferior degree ; becaufe here
the fubjett is aware of the danger he is expofed to,
and may by prudent caution provide againft it. The
ftatute law of England does therefore very feldom,
and the common law does never, inflitt any punilh-
ment extending to life or limb, unlels upon the higheft
neceffity : and the conftitution is an utter ftranger to
any arbitrary power of killing or maiming the fubjett
without the exprefs warrant of law. Nullus liber homo,
fays the great charter, aliquo modo dejlruatur, nift per
legale judicium parium fuorum aut per legem terra.
Which words, aliquo modo dejlruatur, according to Sir
Edward Coke, includes a prohibition not only of
killing, and maiming, but alfo of torturing (to which
our laws are ftrangers) and of every oppreffion, by
colour of a legal authority. And it is enatted by
the ftatute 5 Edw. III. c. 9. that no man lhall be fore¬
judged of life or limb, contrary to the great charter
and the law of the land: and again, by ftatute
28 Edw. III. c. 3. that no man lhall be put to death,
without being brought to anfwer by due procefs of
law.
3. Befides thofe limbs and members that may be ne-
celfary to a man, in order to defend himfelf or annoy
his enemy, the reft of his perfon or body is alfo en¬
titled, by the fame natural right, to fecurity from the
corporal infults of menaces, aflaults, beating and
37 S wounding;
RIG [ 6722 ] RIG
wounding *, though fuch infults amount not to deftruc-
tion of life or member.
4. The prefervation of a man’s health from fuch
pra&ices as may prejudici or annoy it, and
5. The fecurity of his reputation or good name
from the arts of detraction and dander, are rights to
which every man is entitled, by reafon and natural
juftice ; fince without thefe it is impofiible to have the
perfeCt enjoyment of any other advantage or right.
II. Next to perfonal fecurity, the law of England
regards, afferts, and preferves, the perfonal liberty of
individuals. This perfonal liberty confifts in the power
of loco-motion, of changing iituation, or removing
one’s perfon to whatfoever place one’s own inclination
may direCt; without imprifonment or reftraint, unlefs
by due courfe of law. Concerning which we may
make the fame obfervations as upon the preceding
article: that it is a right ftriCtly natural; that the laws
of England have never abridged it without fufficient
caufe; and that in this kingdom it cannot ever be
abridged at the mere difcretion of the magiftrate, with¬
out the explicit permifSon of the laws. Here again the
language of the charter is, that no freemen {hall be
taken or imprifoned, but by the lawful judgment of
his equals, or by the law of the land. And many fub-
fequent old ftatutes exprefsly direft, that no man
{hall be taken or imprifoned by fuggeftion or petition
to the king or his council, unlefs it be by legal indict¬
ment, or the procefs of the common law. By the pe¬
tition of right, 3 Car. I. it is enaCted, that no free¬
man (hall be imprifoned or detained without caufe
fhown, to which he may make anfwer according to,
law. By 16 Car. I. c. 10. if any perfon be reftrain-
ed of his liberty by order or decree of any illegal
court, or by command of the king’s majefty in perfon,
or by warrant of the council-board, or of any of the
privy-council; he {hall, upon demand of his council,
have a writ of balsas corpus^ to bring his body before
the court of king's bench or common pleas; who (hall
determine whether the caufe of his commitment be juft,
and thereupon do as to juftice {hall appertain. And
by 31 Car. II. c. 2. commonly called the balsas cor¬
pus aft, the methods of obtaining this writ are fo
plainly pointed out and enforced, that, fo long as this
ilatute remains unimpeached, no fubjedt of England
can be long detained in prifon, except in thofe cafes in
which the law requires and juftifies fuch detainer. And,
left this a£t Ihould be evaded by demanding unreafon-
able bail, or fureties for the prifoner’s appearance, it is
declared by 1 W. & M. ft. 2. c. 2. that excefBve bail
ought not to be required.
Of great importance to the public is the preferva¬
tion of this perfonal liberty : for if once it were left in
the power of any, the higheft, magiftrate, to imprifon
arbitrarily whomever he or his officers thought proper,
(as in France it is daily praftifed by the crown), there
would foon be an end of all other rights and immuni¬
ties. Some have thought, that unjuft attacks, even
upon life or property, at the arbitrary will of the ma¬
giftrate, are lefs dangerous to the commonwealth, than
fuph as are made upon the perfonal liberty of the fub-
\t£l. To bereave a man of life, or by violence to con-
iifcate his eftate, Without accufation or trial, would be
£0 grofs and notorious an aft of defpotifm, as muft at
once convey the alarm of tyranny throughout the
whole kingdom. But confinement of the perfon, by Right.
fecretly hurrying him to goal, where his fufferings are  
unknown or forgotten, is a lefs public, a lefs ftriking,
and therefore a more dangerous ehgine of arbitrary
government. And yet fometimes, when the ftate is in
real danger, even this may be a ntceflary meafure. But
the happinefs of our conftitution is, that it is not left
to the executive power to determine when the danger
of the ftate is fo great, as to render this meafure expe¬
dient. For the parliament only, or legiflative power,
whenever it fees proper, can authorize the crown, by
fufpending the balsas corpus aft fora ftiort and limited
time, to imprifon fufpefted perfons without giving any
reafon for fo doing : As the fenate of Rome was wont
to have recourfe to a diftator, a magiftrate of abfolute
authority, when they judged the republic in any immi¬
nent danger. The decree of the fenate, which ufually
preceded the nomination of this magiftrate, Dsnt ope-
ram confules, ne quid refpullica detriment's capiat, was
called the fenatus confultum ultimanecejjitatis. In like
manner this experiment ought only to be tried in
cafes of extreme emergency ; and in thefe the natioo
parts with its liberty for a while, in order to preferve
it for ever..
The confinement of the perfon, in any wife, is an
imprifonment. So that the keeping a man againft his
will in a private houfe, putting him in the Itocks, ar-
refting or forcibly detaining him in the ftreet, is an
imprifonment. And the law fo much difeourages un¬
lawful confinement, that if a man is under durefs of
imprifonment, by which is meant a compulfion by
an illegal reftraint of liberty, until he feals a bond
or the like; he may allege this durefs, and avoid
the extorted bond. But if a man be lawfully im-
prifoned, and either to procure his difeharge, or on
any other fair account, feals a bond ora deed, this is
not by durefs of imprifonment, and he is not at liber¬
ty to avoid it. To make imprifonment lawful, it
muft either be by procefs from the courts of judica¬
ture, or by warrant from fome legal officer having au¬
thority to commit to prifon ; which warrant muft be
in writing, under the hand and feal of the magiftrate,
andexprefs the caufes of the commitment, in order to
be examined into (if neceftary) upon a balsas corpus.
If there be no caufe exprefled, the gaoler is not
bound to detain the prifoner. For the law judges in
this refpeft, faith Sir Edward Coke, like Feftus the
Roman governor ; that it is unreafonable to fend a
prifoner, and not to fignify withal the crimes alleged
againft him.
A natural and regular confequence of this perfo¬
nal liberty, is, that every Briton may claim a right
to abide in his own country fo long as he pleafes ; and
not to be driven from it unlefs by the fentence of the
law. The king indeed, by his royal prerogative, may
iffue out his writ ne exeat regnum, and prohibit any of
his fubjefts from going into foreign parts without H-
cenfe. This may be neceffary for the public fervice
and fafeguard of the commonwealth. But no power
on earth, except the authority of parliament, can fend
any fubjeftof Britain out of the land againft his will ;
no, not even a criminal. For exile, or tranfportation,
is a ‘puniftiment unknown to the common law ; and,
wherever it is now inflifted, it is either by the choice
of the criminal himfelf to efcape a capital punifhment,
1 or
Right.
RIG [ 6723 ] RIG
or e!fe by the exprefs dire&ion of fome modern aft of
parliament. To this purpofe the great charter de¬
clares, that no freeman thall be banifhed, unlefs by the
judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land. And
by th? habeas carpus aft, 31 Car. II. c. 2. (that fe-
cond magna carta, and liable bulwark of our liberties)
it is enafteJ, that no fubjeft of this realm, who is an
inhabitant of England, Wales, or Berwick, lhall be
fent prifoner into Scotland, Ireland, Jerfey, Guernfey,
or places beyond the feas, (where they cannot have
the proteftion of the common law); but that all fuch
imprifonments (hall be illegal ; that the perfon who
fhall dare to commit another contrary to this law, lhall
be difabled from bearing any office, lhall incur the
penalty of a prxmunire, and be incapable of recei¬
ving the king’s pardon : and the party fuffering fhall
alfo have his private aftion again!! the perfon com¬
mitting, and all his aiders, advifers, and abettors, and
fhall recover triple colls ; befides his damages, which
no jury fhall aflefs at lefs than 500 pounds.
The law is in this refpeft fo benignly and liberally
conftrued for the benefit of the fubjeft, that though
within the realm the king may command the attend¬
ance and fervice of all his liegemen, yet he cannot fend
any man out of the realm, even upon the public fervice;
excepting failors and foldiers, the nature of whofe em¬
ployment neceflarily implies an exception; he cannot
even conftitute a man lord deputy or lieutenant of Ire¬
land againll his will, nor make him a foreign ambaf-
fador. For this might in reality be no more than an
honourable exile.
III. The third abfolute right inherent in every Bri¬
ton, is that of property: which confifts in the free ufe,
enjoyment, and difpofal of all acquifitions, without any
controul or diminution, fave only by the laws of the
land. The original of private property is probably found¬
ed in nature, as is more fully explained under the ar¬
ticle Proper rv: but certainly the modifications under
which we at prefent find it, the method of conferving.
it in the prefent owner, and of tranflating it from man
to man, are entirely derived from fociety; and are fome
of thofe civil advantages, in exchange for which every
individual has refigned a part of his natural liberty.
The laws of England are therefore, in point of honour
and juftice, extremely watchful in afcertaining and pro-
tefting this right. Upon this principle the great char¬
ter has declared that no freeman (hall be diffeifed, or
divefted of his freehold, or of his liberties, or free cu-
ftoms, but by the judgment of his peers, or by the law
of the land. And by a variety of ancient ftatutes it
is enafted, that no man’s lands or goods fhall be feifed
into the king’s hands, againll the great charter, and
the law of the land; and that no man fhall be difinhe-
rited, nor put out of his franchifes or freehold, unlefs
he be duly brought to anfwer, and be forejudged by
conrfe of law; and if any thing be done to the con¬
trary, it fhall be redrefled, and holden for none.
So great, moreover, is the regard of the law for pri¬
vate property, that it will not authorize the lead vio¬
lation of it; not, not even for the general good of the
whole community. If a new road, for inftance, were
to be made through the grounds of a private perfon,
it might perhaps be extenfively beneficial to the pub¬
lic; but the law permits no man, or fet of men, to do
this without content of the owner of the land. In vain
may it be urged, that the good of the individual ought Right
to yield to that of the community ; for it would be .
dangerous to allow any private man, or even any pub- Rimin;‘
lie tribunal, to be the judge of this common good, and
to decide whether it be expedient or no. Befides, the *
public, good is in nothing more eflentially interefted,
than in the proteftion of every individual’s private
rights, as modelled by the municipal law. In this and
fimilar cafes the legiflature alone can, and indeed fre¬
quently does interpofe, and compel the individual to
acquiefce. But how does it imerpofe and compel ?
Not by abfoluiely ftripping the fubjeft of his property
in an arbitrary manner; but by giving him a full in¬
demnification and equivalent for the injury thereby fu-
flained. The public is now confidered as an individual
treating with an individual for an exchange. All that
the legiflature does is to oblige the owner to alienate
his poffeffions for a reafonable price; and even this is
an exertion of power which the legiflature indulges
with caution, and which nothing but the legiflature
can perform.
Nor is this the only inllance in which the law of the
land has poftponed even public neceflity to the facred
and inviolable rights of private property. For no fub¬
jeft of Britain can be conftrained to pay any aids or
taxes, even for the defence of the realm or the fupport
of government, but fuch as are impofed by his own
confent, or that of his reprefentatives in parliamenr.
By the flatute 25 Edw. I. c. 5. and 6. it is provided,
that the king fhall not take any aids or talks, but by
the common aflent of the realm. And what that
common aflent is, is more fully explained by 34 Ed. I.
il. 4. c. 1. which enafts, that no talliage or aid fhall
be taken without the aflent of the archbifhops, bifhops,
earls, barons, knights, burgefles, and other freemen
of the land: and again, by 14 Edw. III. ft. 2. c. 1.
the prelates, earls, barons, and commons, citizens, bur-
gefles, and merchants, fhall not be charged to make
any aid, if it be not by the common aflent of the great
men and commons in parliament. And as this funda¬
mental law had been fhamefully evaded under many
fucceeding princes, by compulfive loans, and benevo¬
lences extorted without a real and voluntary confent, it
was made an article in the petition of right 3 Car. L
that no man fhall be compelled to yield any gift, loan,
or benevolence, tax, or fuch like charge, without com¬
mon confent by aft of parliament. And, laftiy, by the
ftatute l W. & M. ft. 2. c. 2. it is declared, that levy¬
ing money for or to the ufe of the crown, by pretence
of prerogative, without grant of parliament, or for
longer time or in other manner than the fame is or fhall
be granted, is illegal.
RIGIDITY, in phyfics, denotes a brittle hardnefs.
It is oppofed to duftility, malleability, and foftnefs.
RIGOR, in.medicine, a convulfive fhuddering from
fevere cold, an ague fit, or other diforder.
RIMINI, an ancient, populous, and handfome
own of Italy, in Romagna, which is part of the ter¬
ritory of the church, with a bifhop’s fee, an old caftle,
and a llrong tower ; as alfo many remains of antiqui¬
ty, and very fine buildings. It is famous for a coun¬
cil in 1359, confiding of 400 bilbops, who were all
Avians except 20. It is feated in a fertile plain, at
the mouth of the river Marecchia, on the gulph of Ve¬
nice. E. Long. 12. 39. N. Lat. 44. 6.
37 s 2
RIND
RIO [ 6724 ] RIP
Rind RIND, the Aim of any fruit that may be cut off or
.11 pared. Rind is alfo ufed for the inner bark of trees,
R!0t' or that whitifh foft fubftance which adheres immedi-
A ately to the wood. See Plant, p. 6203.
RING, an ornament of gold and filver, of a circu¬
lar figure, and ufually worn on the finger.
RinG-Bone. See Farriery, $ xxviii.
RiNG-Oaze/, in ornithology, a fpecies of Turdus.
RIO-grande, a river of Africa, which runs from
call to weft through Negroland, and falls into the At¬
lantic ocean, in 11 degrees of latitude. Some take it
to be a branch of the Niger, of which there is not the
lead proof.
Rio-Grand?, a river of South America, in Brafil,
which has its fource in an unknown country: it croffes
the captainlhip of Rio-Grande, and falls into the fea
at Natal los Reyes.
Rio-Janeiro., a river of South America, which rifes
in the mountains weft of Brafil, and, running eaft thro’
that country, falls into the Atlantic Ocean, in S. Lat.
23. 30. The province of Janeiro is one of the richeft
in Brafil; and produces gold, filver, diamonds, and
other precious ftones.
RIOM, a town of France, in Auvergne; feated on
a hill, in fo agreeable a country, that it is called the
garden of Auvergne. E. Long. 3. 12. N. Lat. 45. 51.
RIOT, in law. The riotous affembling of 12 per-
fons, or more, and not difperfing upon proclamation,
was firft made high treafon by ftatute 3 & 4 Edw. VI.
c.5. when the king was a minor, and a change of religion
to be effefted: but that ftatute was repealed by ftatute
1 Mar. c. 1. among the other treafons created fince
the 25 Edward III. ; though the prohibition was
in fubftance re-ena<fted, with an inferior degree of
punilhment, by ftatute 1 Mar. ft. 2. c. 12. which
made the fame offence a fingle felony. Thefe fta-
tutes fpecified and particularized the nature of the
riots they were meant to fupprefs; as, for example,
fuch as were fet on foot with intention to offer violence
to the privy-council, or to change the laws of the king¬
dom, or for certain other fpecific purpofes; in which
cafes, if the perfons were commanded by proclamation
to difperfe, and they did not, it was by the ftatute of
Mary made felony, but within the benefit of clergy;
and alfo the aft indemnified the peace-officers and their
affiftants, if they killed any of the mob in endeavour¬
ing to fupprefs fuch riot. This was thought a necef-
fary fecurity in that fanguinary reign, when Popery
was intended to be re-eftablifhed, which was like to
produce great difcontents: but at firft it was made
only for a year, and was afterwards continued for that
queen’s life. And, by ftatute 1 Eliz. c. 16. when a
reformation in religion was to be once more attempted,
it was revived and continued during her life alfo; and
then expired. From the acceffion of James I. to the
death of queen Anne, it was never once thought ex¬
pedient to revive it; but, in the firft year of George I.
it was judged neceffary, in order to fupport the execu¬
tion of the aft of fettlement, to renew it, and at one
ftroke to make it perpetual, with large additions. For,
whereas the former afts exprefsly defined and fpecified
what fhould be accounted a riot, the ftatue 1 Geo. I.
c. 5. enafts, generally, that if any 12 perfons are un¬
lawfully aflembled to the difturbance of the peace, and
any one jullice of the peace, (heriff, undcr-iheriff, or
mayor of a town, fiiall think proper to command them Riot,
by proclamation to difperfe, if they contemn his orders RiPen*
and continue together for one hour afterwards, fuch
contempt lhall be felony without benefit of clergy.
And farther, if the reading of the proclamation be by
force oppofed, or the reader be in any manner wilfully
hindered from the reading of it, fuch oppofers and hin-
derers are felons without benefit of clergy; and all per¬
fons to whom fuch proclamation ought to have been
made) and knowing of fuch hindrance, and not dif¬
perfing, are felons without benefit of clergy. There
is the like indemnifying claufe, in cafe any of the mob
be unfortunately killed in the endeavour to difperfe
them; being copied from the aft of queen Mary. And
by a fubfequent claufe of the new aft, if any perfon, fa
riotoufly affembled, begin even before proclamation to
pull down any church, chapel, meeting-houfe, dwtell-
ing-houfe, or out-houfes, they ftiall be felons without
benefit of clergy.
Riots, routs, and unlawful affemblies, muft have three
perfons at leaft to conftitute them. An unlawful af
fembly is, when three, or more, do afiemble themfelves
together to do an unlawful aft, as to pull down inclo-
fures, to deftroy a warren or the game therein ; and
part without doing it, or making any motion towards
it. A rout is where three or more meet to do an un¬
lawful aft upon a common quarrel, as forcibly break¬
ing down fences upon a right claimed of common, or
of way, and make fome advances towards it. A riot
is where three or more aftually do an unlawful aft of
violence, either with or without a common caufe or
quarrel: as if they beat a man; or hunt and kill game
in another’s park, chafe, warren, or liberty; or do any
other unlawful aft with force and violence; or even do
a lawful aft, as removing a nufance, in a violent and
tumultuous manner. The punilhment of unlawful af¬
femblies, if to the number of 12, we have juft now feen,
may be capital, according to the circumftances that at¬
tend it; but, from the number of three to eleven, is
by fine and imprifonment only. The fame is the cafe
in riots and routs by the common law; to which the
pillory in very enormous cafes has been fometimes fu-
peradded. And by the ftatute 13 Hen. IV. c. 7. any
two juftices, together with the fheriff or under-fheriff
of the county, may come with the poffe comitatuS) if
need be, and fupprefs any fuch riot, affembly, or rout,
arreft the rioters, and record upon the fpot the nature
and circumftances of the whole tranfaftion ; which re¬
cord alone lhall be a fufficient conviftion of the offen¬
ders. In the interpretation of which ftatute it hath
been Holden, that all perfons, noblemen and others,
except women, clergymen, perfons decrepit, and in¬
fants under 15, are bound to attend the juftices in fup-
preffing a riot, upon pain of fine and imprifonment;
and that any battery, wounding, or killing the rioters,
that may happen in fuppreffing the riot, is juftifiable.
So that our ancient law, previous to the modern riot-
aft, feems pretty well to have guarded againft any vio¬
lent breach of the public peace; efpecially as any riot¬
ous affembly on a public or general account, as to re-
drefs grievances or pull down all inclofures, and alfo re¬
filling the king’s forces if fent to keep the peace, may
amount to overt afts of high treafon, by levying war
againft the king.
RIPEN, a town of Denmark, in North Jutland,
and
R I S [ 6725 ] R I 8
Riphcean, and capital of a diocefe of the fame name* with a bi-
Rtfible. (hop’s fee, a good harbour, a caftle, two colleges, and
" a public library. The tombs of feveral of the kings
of Denmark are in the cathedral church, which is a
very handfome ftru&ure. The harbour, which has con¬
tributed greatly to the profperity of this place, is at a
fmall diftance, being feated at the mouth of the river
Ni'pfaa, in a country which fupplies the bell beeves in
Denmark, It is 45 miles north-weft of Slefwick, and
25 fouth-by-weft of Wiburg. E. Long. 8. 94. N.
Lat. 55. 25. The diocefe is bounded on the north by
thofe of Wiburg and Athuys, on the fouth by the du¬
chy of Slefwick, and on the eaft and weft by the fea.
RIPHCEAN mountains, arc a chain of high
mountains in Ruffia, to the north-eaft of the river
Oby, where there are faid to be the fincft fables of the
whole empire.
RISIBLE, any thing capable of exciting laughter.
Ludicrous is a general term, fignifying, as may ap¬
pear from its derivation, what is playfome, fportive, or
jocular. Ludicrous therefore feems the genus, of which
rifible is a fpeeies, limited as above to what makes us
laugh.
However eafy it may be, concerning any particular
objed, to fay whether it be rifible or not, it feems dif¬
ficult, if at all pra&icable, to eftablifh any general cha-
rafter, by which objedls of that kind may be diftin-
guilhed from others. Nor is that a Angular cafe* for,
upon a review, we find the fame difficulty in moft of
the articles already handled. There is nothing more
eafy, viewing a particular object, than to pronounce
that it is beautiful or ugly, grand or little: but were
we to attempt general rules for ranging oBjefts under
different claffes according to thefe qualities, we fbould
be much gravelled. A feparate caufe increafes the
difficulty of diftinguilhing rifible objedls by a general
charadler: all men are not equally affe&ed by rifible
objedls, nor the fame man at all times j for in high fpi-
rits a thing will make him laugh outright, which will
fcarce provoke a fmile in a grave mood. Rifible ob¬
jedls however are circumfcribed within certain limits.
No objedl is rifiblc but what appears flight, little, or
trivial; for tve laugh at nothing that is of importance
to our own intereft or to that of others. A real di-
ftrefs raifes pity, and therefore cannot be rifible ; but
a flight or imaginary diftrefs, which moves not pity, is
rifibie. The adventure of the fulling-mills in Don
Qmxote, is extremely rifible; fo is the fcene where
Sancho, in a dark night, tumbling into a pit, and at¬
taching himfelf to the fide by hand and foot, hangs
there in terrible difmay till the morning, when he dif-
covers himfelf to be within a foot of the bottom. A
nofe remarkably long or fhort, is rifible; but to want
it altogether, £0 far from provoking laughter, raifes
horror in the fpedlator. With refpedl to works both
of nature and of art, none of them are rifible but what
are out of rule, fome remarkable defedl or excels; a
very long vifage, for example, or a very fhort one.
Hence nothing juft, proper, decent, beautiful, pro¬
portioned, or grand, is rifible.
Even from this High Iketch it will be readily con-
jedlured, that the emotion raifed by a rifible objedl is
of a nature fo Angular, as fcarce to find place while
the mind is occupied with any other paffion or emo¬
tion : and tbe conjedlure is verified by experience; for
we fcarce ever find that emotion blended with any Rifible,
other. One emotion we muft except; and that is,   
contempt raifed by certain improprieties: every im¬
proper adl infpires us with fome degree of contempt
for the author ; and if an improper adl be at the fame
time rifible to provoke laughter, of which blunders
and abfurdities are noted inftances, the two emotions
of contempt and of laughter unite intimately in the
mind, and produce externally what is termed a laugh
of derifion or offcorn. Hence objedls that caufe laugh¬
ter may be diftinguifh into two kinds: they are either
rifible or ridiculous. A rifible objedl is mirthful only:
a ridiculous objedl is both mirthful and contemptible.
The firft raifes an emotion of laughter that is altoge¬
ther pleafant: the pleafant emotion of laughter raifed
by the other, is blended with the painful emotion of
contempt; and the mixed emotion is termed the emo¬
tion of ridicule. The pain a ridiculous objedl gives me,
is refented and punifhed by a laugh of derifion. A
rifible objedl, on the other hand, gives me no pain :
it is altogether pleafant by a certain fort of titillation,
which is expreffed externally by mirthful laughter.
See Ridicule.
Rifible objedls are fo common, and fo well un-
derftood, that it is unneceffary to confume paper or
time upon them. Take the few following examples.
Falflaff. I do remember him at Clement’s inn, like
a man made after fupper of a cheefe-paring. When
he was naked, he was for all the world like a forked
radilh, with a head fantaftically carved upon it with a
knife. Second part, Henry IV. ail. 3, fc. 5.
The foregoing is of difproportion. The following
examples are of flight or imaginary misfortunes
Falftaff. Go fetch me a quart of fack, put a toad
in’t. Have I liv’d to be carried in a bafket, lik a bar-
row of butcher’s offal, and to be throwrir into the
Thames! Well, if 1 be ferved fuch another trick, I’ll
have my brains ta’en out and butter’d, and give them
to a dog for a new-year’s gift. The rogues flighted
me into the river with as little remorfe as they would
have drown’d a bitch’s blind puppies, fifteen i’th’lit-
ter; and you may know by my fize, that I have a kind
of alacrity in finking: if the bottom were as deep as
hell, I ftiould down. I had been drown’d, but that the
ftiore was ftielvy and fhallow; a death that I abhor:
for the water fwells a man; and what a thing fhould t
have been when I had been fwell’d? I ftiould have been
a mountain of mummy.
' Merry IVives of Wind for, aft 3. fc. 15.
Falflaff. Nay, You fhail hear, Mailer Brook, what
I have fuffer’d to bring this woman to evil for your
good. Being thus cramm’d in the balket, a couple of
Ford’s knaves, his hinds, were call’d forth by their
miftrefs, to carry me in the name of foul cloaths to
Datchet-lane. They took me on their {boulders, met
the jealous knave their mailer in the door, who afk’d
them once or twice what they had in their balket. I
quak’d for fear, left the lunatic knave would have
fearch’d it; but Fate, ordaining he ftiould be a cuc¬
kold, held his hand. Well, on went he for a ftarcb,
and away went I for foul cloaths. But mark the fe-
quel, Mailer Brook. I fuffer’d the pangs of three
egregious deaths : firft, an intolerable fright, to be
dete&td by a jealous rotten bell-weather; next, to be
com--
R I V [ 6726 ] R I V
conspafsM like a good bilbo, in the circumference of
a peck, hilt to point, heel to head; and then to be
ftopt in, like a ftrongdift illation, with (linking cloaths
that fretted in their own greafe. Think of that, a
man of my kidney ; think of that, that am as fubje&
to heat as butter ; a man of continual diffolution and
thaw ; it was a miracle to ’fcape fuffocation. And in
the height of this bath," when I was more than half
ftewM in greafe, like a Dutch diih, to be thrown into
the Thames, and coolM glowing hot, in that furge,
like a horfe-fhoc ; think of that ; biffing hot; think
of that, Matter Brook.
Merry Wives of Wind/or, ad fc. 17.
RITE, among divines, denotes the particular man¬
ner of celebrating divine fervice in this or that country.
RITORNELLO, or Repeat, in mufic, the bur¬
den of a fong, or the repetition of the firft or other
verfes of a fong at the end of each couplet.
RITTERHUSIUS (Conrad), a learned German
civilian, born at Brunfwick in 1560. He was pro-
feflor of civil law at Altdorf, and publifiled a variety
of works, particularly as a civilian ; together with an
edition of Oppian in Greek and Latin : he was more¬
over an excellent critic; his notes upon many eminent
authors having been inferted in the beft editions of
them. He died in 1613.
RITUAL, a book direfling the order and man¬
ner to be obferved in performing divine fervice in a
articular church, diocefe, or the like. The ancient
eathens had alfo their rituals, which contained their
rites and ceremonies to be obferved in building a city,
confccrating a temple or altar, in facrificing, deify¬
ing, &c.
RIVAL, a term applied to two or more perfons
who have the fame pretenfions; and which is properly
applied to a competitor in love, and figuratively to
an antagonift in any other purfuit.
RIVER, a current or itream of frefh water flow¬
ing in a bed or channel, from its fource into the fea.
See the article Spring.
The great, as well as the middle-fized rivers, pro¬
ceed either from a confluence of brooks and rivulets,
or from lakes; but no river of confiderable magnitude
flows from one fpring, or one lake, but is augmented
by the acceflion of others. Thus the Wolga receives
above 200 rivers and brooks before it difcharges itfelf
into the Cafpian fea ; and the Danube receives no
fewer before it enters the Euxine fea. Some rivers are
much augmented by frequent rains, or melted fnow.
In the country of Peru and Chili, there are fmall ri¬
vers that only flow in the day; becaufe they are only
fed by the fnow upon the mountains of the Andes,
which is then melted by the heat of the fun. There
are alfo feveral rivers upon both fides the extreme parts
of Africa, and in India, which for the fame reafon
are greater by day than by night. The rivers alfo in
thefe places are almoft dried up in fummer, but fwell
and overflow their banks in winter or in the wet fta-
fon. The Wolga in May and June is filled with wa¬
ter, and overflows its (helves and iflands, though at
other times of the year it is fo (hallow, as fcarcely to
afford a jiaflage for loaded (hips. The Nile, the Gan¬
ges, th? Indus, Sec. are fo much fwelled with rain or
melted fnow, that they overflow their banks; and
thefe deluges happen at different times of t&e year,
beeaufe they proceed from various caufes. Thofe that River,
are fwelled with rain, are generally higheft in winter, '
becaufe it is ufually then more frequent than at other
times of the year; but if they proceed from fnow,
which in feme places ia melted in the fpring, in others
in fummer, or between both, the deluges of the*rivers
happen accordingly. Again, fome rivers hide them-
felves under ground, and rife up in other places, as if
they were new rivers. Thus the Tigris meeting with
mount Taurus, runs under it, and flows out at the
other fide of the mountain ; alfo, after it has run thro*
the lake Tofpia, it again immerges, and being carried
about 18 miles under ground, breaks out again, &c.
In a memoir of the academy of fciences lately pu-
blifhed, we have fome curious obfervations and con-
je&ures concerning the difappearing of rivers, by the
abbe Guettard. “ It is very furprifing, (he obferves),
if we refleft on it, that a river in its courfe, which is
often very extenfive, fliould not meet with fpongious
foils to fwallow up its waters, or gulphs in which they
are loft : neverthelefs, as there has been hitherto known
but a fmall number of rivers whofe waters thus difap-
pear, this phsenomenon has been accounted very ex¬
traordinary, both by the ancients and moderns. Pliny
fpeaks of it with an energy familiar to him; and Se¬
neca mentions it in his Quejiiones Naturales ; he even
diftinguiflies thefe rivers into two forts, thofe that are
loft by degrees, and thofe which are fwallowed up all
at once or ingulphed; which would make one be¬
lieve that the ancients had colleded fome obfervations
concerning them.
But leaving apart what may be wonderful in thefe
rivers, it may be afked, how they are loft ? From what
particular qualities of the foil over which they flow,
and from what fituation of the places through which
they pafs, does this phenomenon arife ? Upon this
head we find but little light in authors. We might,
perhaps, be informed a great deal more, if the obfer¬
vations of the ancients had reached us.
M. Guettard has undertaken to remove part of
this obfeurity by deferibing what he has obferved in
feveral rivers of Normandy, which are loft and after¬
wards appear again ; thefe are five in number, viz. the
Rille, the Ithon, the Aure, the river of Sap-Audre,
and the Drome.
The three firft difappear gradually, and then come
in fight again ; the fourth lofes itfelf entirely by de¬
grees, but afterwards re-appears; the fifth lofes fome
of its water in its courfe, and ends by precipitating
itfelf into a cavity, from whence it is never feen to rile
again.
What feems to occafion the lofs of the Rille, the
Ithon, and the Aure, is the nature of the foil through
which they pafs. M. Guettard has obferved that it is
in general porous, and compofed of a thick fand, the
grains of which are not well compared together ; it
finks f ddenly down by its own weight in fome places,
and there forms great holes ; and when the water
overflows the meadows, it frequently makes many ca¬
vities in feveral parts of them. If we therefore Tup-
pofe inequalities in the channels of thefe rivets, and
that there are certain places in which the water ftag-
nates longer than in others, it muft there dilute the
ground, if we may ufe that expreflion ; and having
carried away the parts which united the grains of fand
toge-
R I V [ 6727 ] R I V
together, thofe grains will become afterwards no other we go deep, we often find it compaft. It is therefore River
than a kind of fieve, through which the waters will fil- hard for us to imagine that it can contain fubterraneous —"
tratethemfelves, providedneverthelefs that they find paf- cavities fuflicient to form channels for hidden rivers, or
fage under ground through which they may run. This for any confiderable body of water; in a word, that
conje&ure appears to be fo well founded, that each of it can contain vatt caverns ; and yet every thing feems
thefe three rivers lofes itfelf nearly in the fame manner, to indicate the contrary. A fa6t that is obferved in
that is, thro’ cavities which the people of the country the betoirs of the rivers concerning which we have
call betoirswdiich fwallow up more or lefs accord- fpoken, and particularly of the Rille, proves in fome
ing to their largenefs. M. Guettard, who has care- meafure that there are confiderable lakes of waters in
fully examined them, remarks, that thefe betoirs are the mountains which limit its courfe: this faft is, that
holes in the form of a tunnel, whofe diameter and in winter the greateft: part of their betoirs become
aperture is at lead two feet, and fometimes exceeds fprings, which fupply anew the river’s channel with as
eleven ; and whofe depth varies in like manner from ’much water as they had abforbed from it during the
one and two feet to five, fix, and even twenty. The fummer. Now from whence can that water come, un¬
water generally gets into thefe cavities, when the ri- lefs from the refervoirs or lakes that are inclofed in
ver is not very high, making a guggling noife, and the mountains, which being lower than the river in
turning round in an eddy. A proof that waters are fummer, abforb its water, and being higher in winter
there filtered and abforbed among the grains of this by occafion of the rain they receive, fend it back again
lharp diluted fand, is, that frequently in a betoir two in their turn ?
or three feet deep, and through which a great deal of Mr Guettard ftrengthens this conje&ure by feveral
water is loft, one^annot thruiil a flick farther than the inftances that render it very probable : he remarks at
furface of its bottom. Wherefore as thefe betoirs fo the fame time, that this alternate effect of the betoirs
frequently occur in the bed and banks of the Rille, fwallowing up the water and reftoring it again, caufes
the Ithon, and the Aure, it is not furprifing that thefe perhaps an invincible obftacle to the reftraining of the
rivers fhould be thus loft. The Rille during the fum- water within the channel of the river. It has indeed
mer feafon lofes almoft all its water in the fpace of two been feveral times attempted to flop thofe cavities; but
fhort leagues; the Ithon does very near the fame. But the water returns with fuch violence in winter, that it
M. Guettard obferves fomething curious concerning generally carries away the materials with which they
this river, to wit, that formerly it was not loft, but were flopped.
kept its courfe without any interruption, as appears The river of Sap-Andre is loft in part, as we have
by the hiftory of the country : very likely; the mud before faid, in the fame manner as the Ithon and the
which had been collefled together in feveral parts of Rille: but there is fomething more remarkable in it
Its channel, might have occafioned the waters remain- than in thofe rivers; to wit, that at the extremity of
ing in others, and thereby have caufed many betoirs. its courfe, where there is no perceptible cavity, it is,
This is the more likely, as the mud having been col- as it were ingulphed, but without any fall • the water
ledled together in the bed of the river Aure, it appears pafies between the pebbles, and it is impofiible to force
that, in confequence thereof, the cavities were greatly a flick into that place any further than into the betoirs
increafed, which makes it lofe itfelf much fooner than of which we have fpoken. What makes this river take
formerly ; however, it has been refolved to cleanfe its that fubterraneous direction, is an impediment which
channel to remedy this inconvenience. Befides, pof- its ftream meets with in that place: it is there flopped
fibly an earthquake happening in the country might by a rifing ground fix or feven feet high, whofe bottom
have caufed feveral fubterraneous canals through which it has very likely undermined,, to gain a free paffage,
the water of the Ithon (which before very likely could not having been able to make its way over it. At fome
not pafs through the foil beneath its bed) has forced diftance from thence it appears again ; but in win¬
ds way. In effeft, it appears, that a foil’s being po- ter, as there is a greater quantity of Water, it paffcs
rousis not fufficient to caufe the lofs of a river ; for if over that eminence, and keeps an uninterrupted eouvfe.
it were, then to do fo it would occafion many fens Laftly, the Drome, after having loft fome of its water
round about, nor would it renew its courfe after ha- in its courfe, vanifhes entirely near the pit of Soucy :
ving difappeared a certain time : it mull befides, as we in that place it meets with a fort of fubterraneous cavi-
have before faid, find ways under ground thro’ which ty near 25 feet wide, and more than 15 deep, where
it may take its courfe. M. Guettard feems alfo much the river is in a manner flopped, and into which it en-
inclined to believe, that there are, in thefe parts, fub- ters, tho’ without any perceptible motion, and never
terraneous cavities through which the waters may flow; appears again.
and in confequence of this he reports a number of fafls, We fee by thefe obfervalions of M. Guettard, that
all tending to prove the truth of it, or at lead to prove rivers which lofe themfelves are not fo few as is gene-
that there mjuft be hollow quarries ferving for ftrainers rally imagined, fince there are five of them in this part
to thefe waters. Upon which occafion he goes into a of Normandy, which is but of fmal! extent. Gne might
difcuffion of this queftion : Are there any fubterra- fancy that this-is owing to the nature of the ground :
neons rivers, and is the prepoffeffion of fome perfons yet M. Guettard obferves, that in a part of Lorrain;
in favour of this particular well founded ? He makes which likewife is not very extenfive, five other rivers
appear by feveral inftances which he quotes, and by are known to lofe themfelves in the fame manner: and
many reafons which he alleges, that there are at lead without doubt we ftiall find by new obfervations that
very great prefumptions in favour of this opinion. We they are much more common ; for, as we have remark-
are too apt not to look beyond the exterior of things: ed, it perhaps is not more furprifing that a river lofes
we feel refiftance upon the furface of. the earth j when itfelf, than it is extraordinary that it does not fo.
R I V [ 6728 ] R I V
River. M. Guettard finiflies this memoir with Ibme obfer-
vations upon the lerre. This river is loft in the fame
manner as the Rille; and though it is very near Paris,
this fiugularity is unknown to almoft every body; were
it not for the account of M. I’Abbe le Boeuf,M. Guet¬
tard would have been alfo ignorant of it. And as he
thinks the chief objeft of a naturalift’s obfervation
ought to be the public good, he examines the means
which might be employed to rcftrain the water of the
lerre. The fame objeft has made him add a defcrip-
tion of the manner how the Rone is loft,or rather how
its courfe is difturbed; for it is now very certain that
it does not lofeitfelf, but that its channel is extremely
confined, in the place where it was pretended that it
loft itfelf, by two mountains, between whofe feet it
runs. M. Guettard makes it appear that it might not
be impoffible to widen that place, and give a fufficient
channel to the river ; which would render it navigable,
and be of vaft utility to all the country.
We may add to the above account, that w'e have in
Surrey the river Mole, which rifes in Darking hun¬
dred, and, after a confiderable courfe, paffes by Wit-
chill, near Darking; a little beyond which this river
hides itfdf, or is iwallowed up, in a cavern, at the foot
of the hill, from whence Cambden fays it is called the
Swallow: he alfo takes notice of its running under
ground for about two miles, and rifing again, and
fpreading itfelf into a wide ilream. It is alfo frequent¬
ly reported that there are feveral of thefe dipping ri¬
vers in Wales, and others in the fouthern counties of
England.
The channels of rivers, except fuch as were formed
at the creation, Varenius thinks, are artificial. His
reafons are, that, when a new fpring breaks out, the
water dots not make itfelf a channel, but fpreads over
the adjacent land; fo that men were neceffitated to cut
a channel for it, to fecure their grounds. He adds, that
a great number of channels of rivers are certainly
known from hiftory to have been dug by men.
The water of molt rivers flow impregnated with
particles of metals, minerals, &c. Thus fome rivers
bring fands intermixed with grains of gold 5 as in Ja¬
pan, Peru, and Mexico, Africa, Cuba, &c. particu¬
larly in Guinea is a river, where the negroes feparate
the gold-duft from the fand, and fell it to the Euro¬
peans, who traffic thither for that very purpofe. The
Rhine in many places is faid to bring a gold mud. As
to rivers that bring grains of filver, iron, copper, lead,
&c. we find no mention of them in authors ; though,
doubtlefs, there are many.
Theory of the Motion of Rivers. The running of
rivers is upon the fame principle as the defcent of bo¬
dies on inclined planes: for water, no more than a fo-
lid, can move on an horizontal plane ; the re-aftion of
fuch a plane being equal and contrary to gravity, en¬
tirely deftroys it, and leaves the body at reft. Here we
fpeak of a plane of fmall extent, and fuch as coincides
with the curved furface of the earth. But if we con-
fider a large extent or long courfe of water, then we
fliall find that fuch water can never be at reft, but
when the bottom of the channel coincides every where
with the curved furface of the earth.
Plate Let ADF be the curved furface of the earth, C its
CCLVIII. centre, CD, CE, two right lines drawn from thence,
fig. 3. n° i..'and EG a tangent to the earth in the point D. Then
it is plain, if BD were a channel of water, the water River,
could not run or move, becaufe they are every where '"
at an equal diftance from the centre C, and therefore
equally affeifted by gravity. But if there beany place
above the furface of the earth, as E, where water can
be found, it is evident that water can defcend in a
channel to any part of the earth’s furface between B
and D, becaufe every point in the line ED is nearer to
the centre of* the earth, and therefore below the point
or place E ; and its velocity will be fo much the
greater as it tends to a point nearer B, and floweft of
ail when it moves in the diredtion of the tangent ED.
Hence it appears, that the fource E of all rivers and
ftreams muft be more than a femi-diameter of the
earth CB diftant from the centre C. And fince all
great rivers run to the fea or ocean, where they difem-
bogue their waters at the point D, the line DC is a
femidiameter, and = 4000 miles nearly. Alfo the
courfe of all long rivers being in the dire&ion of the
tangent at the point D, if they were reprefented by
the tangent-line EG, then the height of the fource E
above the common lurface of the earth at B would be
eafily found. Thus, fuppofe ED were the river Niger
in Africa, whofe fource is faid to be more than 3000
miles from the fea ; but put ED = 3000, and fince
CD =4000, we (hall have CE =5000, and CE—CB
= 1000= BE = the height of the fonrce. But fince
we know of no mountains above three or four miles
high, it is plain the river Niger, and all fuch long ri¬
vers, are fo far from moving in a tangent, that their
courfe muft be very nearly of the fame curvature with
the earth’s furface, and infenfibly diftant from it.
Since bodies move on planes ever fo little inclined,
except fo far as they are prevented by fri&ion, and
fince thefridtion of the particles of water among them-
felves is inconfiderable, it follows that the water fitua-
ted on a plane ever fo little inclined, will commence a
motion ; and if the plane be confiderably inclined, and
the quantity of water great, its velocity will be pro¬
portional, and its momentum fuch as will foon begin to
wear away the earth, and create itfclf a courfe or chan¬
nel to glide in. In rivers that are made, it isufual to
allow the fall of one foot in 300.
If we allow the fame declivity to rivers which make
their own way, then we find their height at their
fource above the furface of the fea, as in example of
the Niger thus: As 300 : 1 :: 5280: the
height at one mile, or 5280 feet. Then again fay, as
, 3o0o:?.?jgJ<iS^=5i8c, X .0= .o
300 •’ 300
miles. From whence it is evident, that the continents
and iflands ought to be much above the furface of the
fea, to give a neceffary defcent and courfe to the waters
through them.
Let ABCD be the fedlion of a rcfervoir, and Fig-3-n®
BCIK the fedtion of a canal of water fupplied from
thence, and ABN the horizontal line. Now, fince
the particles of water are governed by the common
laws of gravity, the velocity of a particle at any part
of the bottom of the canal, as F or H, will be the fame
as it would acquire by falling thro’ the perpendicular
altitude OF or LH, that is, as to y^LH.
Hence the velocity of the ftream is accelerated.
For
R I V [ 6729 ] R I V
For the fame reafon the velocity of a particle at the
* bottom of the ftream _H is to the velocity of a particle
at the top G, as */LH to \/M.G; confcquently the
ftream moves with a greater celerity at bottom than at
top.
The quantity of the water which pafles through the
feflion of the ftream HG, is the fame that pafles thro’
thefe&ion of the refervoir BC in the fame time. The
fame may be faid of any other fe&ion FE; there¬
fore the quantity of water, paffing by any two fec-
tions of the ftream FE and GH, in the fame time, is
the fame.
Since there runs the fame quantity of water by GH
as by FE in the fame time ; and fince the velocity at
GH is greater than at FE ; and laftiy, fince the
breadth of the canal is fuppofed to be every where the
fame ; therefore it follows, that the depth GH mull be
lefs than the depth FE, and fo the depth of the ftream
muft continually decreafe as it rims.
As the ftream proceeds, the depth HG decreafing,
the lines MG and LH will approach nearer to an equa¬
lity; and therefore, the different velocities of the wa¬
ter at top and bottom will approach much fafter to an
equality, as being proportionate to the fquare roots of
thofe lines. This approach to an equality is much far¬
ther promoted, by the upper parts being continually
accelerated by the lower, and the lower parts retarded
continually by the flower motion of the waters above,
and prefling upon them.
Since the difference of the defcending velocities is
greateft near the head of the ftream, the waters will
there fall or defcend with the greateft impetuofity, or
caufe the loudeft noife. But in the courfe of rivers, the
accelerated velocity is quickly reduced to an equable
or uniform velocity, by the refiftance it meets with
from the bottom and lides of the channel, which re¬
fiftance will be as the fquares of the velocities, and
therefore foon becomes fo great as to equal the accele¬
rating force, and be communicated to the middle part
of the ftream, caufing the whole to move uniformly.
Hence, in rivers, the motion of the water is flowed at the
fides and bottom of the channel, becaufe there the refift¬
ance begins, which is afterwards communicated to all
the other parts; and in different parts of the fame river,
the uniform velocity is greateft, where the bottom of
the channel has the greateft inclination, or declivity,
becaufe the relative gravity of the moving particles is
here greateft. Again, in thofe parts of the river
where the velocity of the ftream is lead, the depth of
the water is greateft, and vice verfa, becaufe equal
quantities pafs through unequal feftions of the river in
the fame time. Hence alfo it follows, that the mo¬
mentum of running water .muft be every where the
fame, or a given quantity.
The many advantages which accrue to a country
from an abundance of rivers, efpecially large navigable
ones, are too obvious to require any particular detail:
but the difadvantages and calamities occafioned by them
are frequently no lefs obvious and fatal. Whole trafts of
country are femetimes overflowed onafudden, and every
thing fwept away at once ; or if the deluge proceeds
not fuch a length, yet by the quantity of ftagnating
water which is left, marfhes are produced, which
bring on the moft violent difeafes in the neighbouring
parts. It becomes therefore an objeft well worthy the
Vol. IX. 2
public attention how to fecure the banks of rivers, or River.
to form their channels in fuch a manner that the fu-  
perfluous water may be carried off into the ocean with¬
out producing the mifchievous effe&s abovementioned.
In a treatife on rivers and canals publifhed in the Phil.
Tranfac. vol. 69, by Mr Mann, he treats this 1'ubjecl
at‘great length. Having laid down a number of
theorems concerning the defcent of the water in rivers
fimilar to thofe abovementioned, he points out a me¬
thod of determining whether the motion of a river in
any particular place is derived from the inclination of
the bottom of its channel, or merely from the preffure
of the upper parts of the water upon the lower. For
this purpofe, fays he, a pole muft be thruft down to
the bottom, and held perpendicularly to the current
of the water, with its upper end above the furface :
if the water fwells and rifts immediately againft the
pole, it ftiows that its flowing is by virtue of a prece¬
ding declivity ; if, on the contrary, the water ffops
for fbme moments before it begins to rife againft the
pole, it is a proof that it flows by means of the com-
prefiion of the upper waters upon the lower.
The beft and moft Ample method of meafuring the
velocity of the current of a river, according to our au¬
thor, is as follows. “ Take a cylindrical piece of dry
light wood, and of a length fomething lefs than the
depth of the water in the river: round one end of it
let there be fufpended as many fmall weights as may
be jneceffary to keep up, the cylinder in a perpendicu¬
lar fituation in the water, and in fuch a manner that
the other end of it may juft appear above the furface
of the water. Fix to the centre of that end which ap¬
pears above water a fmall and flraight rod, precifely
in the dire&ion of the cylinder’s axis ; to the end that,
when the inftrument is fufpended in the water, the de¬
viations of the rod from a perpendicularity to the fur-
face of it may indicate which end of the cylinder ad¬
vances the fafteft, whereby may be difeovered the dif¬
ferent velocities of the water at different depths : for if
the rod inclines forwards according to the direftion of
the current, it is a proof that the furface of the water
has the greateft velocity ; but if it inclines back, it
fhows that the fwifteft current is at-the bottom ; if it
remains perpendicular, it is fign that the velocities at
the furface and bottom are equal.
“ This inftrument being placed in the current of a
river or canal receives all the percuflions of the water
throughout the whole depth, and will have an equal
velocity with that of the whole current froin the fur¬
face to the bottom at the place where it is put in ; and
by that means may be found, both with eafe and ex-
adlnefs, the mean velocity of that part of the river for
any determinate diftance and time.
“ But to obtain the mean velocity of the whole
feftion of the river, the inftrument muft be put fuccef-
fively both in the middle and towards the fides, be¬
caufe the velocities at thofe places are often very diffe¬
rent From each other. Having by this means found
the difference of time required for the currents to run
over an equal fpace, or the different diflances run over
in equal times ; the mean proportional of all thefe trials,
which is found by dividing the common fum of them
all by the -number of trials, <will be the mean velocity of
the river or canal.
“ If it be required to find the velocity of the cur-
37 T rent
R I V [ 6730 ] R I V
River, rent only at the furface, or at the middle, or at the
‘ ' ~ bottom, a fphere of wood, of fuch a weight as will re¬
main fufpended in equilibrium with the water at the
furface or depth which we want to meafure, will be bet¬
ter for the purpofe than a cylinder, becaufe it is only
affefted by the water of that part of the current where
it remains fufpended.
“ It is very eafy to guide both the cylinder and the
globe in that part which we want to meafure, by
means of two threads or fmall cords, which two per-
fons mull hold and diredl, one on each fide the river;
taking care at the fame time neither to retard nor acce¬
lerate the motion of the inftrument.”
Our author next proceeds to deduce from his theory
the bed methods of removing the defedts and inconve-
niencies which mull neceffarily happen torivers and canals
in a feries of years. From the theory formerly laid down
he draws the following conclufion, that the deeper the
•waters are in their bed in proportion to its breadtht the
more their motion is accelerated; fo that their velocity
increafes in an inverfe ratio of the breadth of the bed,
and alfo of the greatnefs of the feflion ; from whence are
deduced the two following univerfal pra&ical rules :
ill, To augment the velocity of water in a river or
canal, without augmenting the declivity of the bed,
we mull increafe the depth and diminifh the breadth of
its bed.
2dly, But to diminilh the velocity of water in a ri¬
ver or canal, we mull, on the contrary, increafe the
breadth and diminifh the depth of its bed.
The above propofition is perfectly conformable to
obfervation and experience: for it is conftantly feen,
that the current is the fwiftell where the waters are
deepeft and the breadth of the bed the lead, and that
they flow flowed where their depth is the lead and the
breadth of the bed the greated. “ The velocity of
waters,” fays M. de BufFon, “ augments in the fame
proportion as the feftion of the channel through which
they pafs dim ini flies, the force of impulfion from the
lack-waters being fuppofed always the fame. Nothing,”
continues he, “ produces fo great a diminution in
the fwiftnefs of a current as its growing (hallow; and,
on the contrary, the increafe of the volume of water
augments its velocity more than any other caufe
whatever.” The celebrated Wolfe, in his Hydrau¬
lics, affures us, that “ it is a condant and univerfal
praflice, for accelerating the current of waters, to
deepen the bed, and at the fame time to render it
narrower.”
When the velocity which a river has acquired by
the elevation of its fprings and the impulfe of the
back-water, is at lad totally dedroyed by the different
caufes of refidance becoming exactly equal or greater
than the fird,the bed and current at the fame time being
horizontal, nothing elfe remains to propagate the mo¬
tion, except theyc/?/>er/>eW/Vr</<rrcaw/ir^s« of the upper
waters upon the lower, which is always in a dirett ra¬
tio of their depth. But this neceffary refource, this
remaining caufe of motion in rivers, augments in pro¬
portion as all the others diminilh, and as the want of it
increafes: for as the waters of rivers in extenfive
plains lofe the acceleration of motion acquired in their
defcent from their fprings, their quantity accumulates
in the fame bed by the junftion of feyeral dreams to¬
gether, and their depth increafes in confequeoce there¬
of. This junftion and fuccefiive accumulation of R!v>>
many dreams in the fame bed, which we fee univerfal-
ly in a greater or leffer degree in all rivers throughout
the known world, and which is fo abfolutely neceffary
to the motion of their waters, can only be attributed,
fays Signor Guglielmini,. to the infinite wifdom of the
fupreme Author of Nature.
The velocity of flowing waters is very far from be¬
ing in proportion to the quantity of declivity in their
bed. If it was, a river whofe declivity is uniform and
double to that of another, ought only to run with
double the fwiftnefs when compared to it: but in ef¬
fect it is found to have a much greater, and its rapi¬
dity, indead of being only double, will be triple, qua¬
druple, and fometimes even more ; for its velocity de¬
pends much more on the quantity and depth of the
water, and on the compreflion of tftfc upper, waters on
the lower, than on the declivity of the bed. Confe-
quently, whenever the bed of a river or canal is to be
dug, the declivity mud not be didributed equally
throughout the whole length ; but, to give a fwifter
current to the water, the declivity mud be made much
greater in the beginning of its courfe than towards the
end where it difembogues itfelf, and where the decli¬
vity mud bo almod infenfible, as we fee is the cafe in
all natural rivers: for when they approach near the
fea, their declivity is little or nothing; yet they flow
with a rapidity, which is fo much greater, as they con¬
tain a greater volume of water; fo that in great rivers,
although a large extent of their bed next the fea (hould
be abfolutely horizontal, and without any declivity at
all, yet their waters do not ceafe to flow, and to
flow even with great rapidity, both from the impul¬
fion of the back waters, and from the compreflion of
the upper waters upon the lower in the fame fedlion.
Whoever is well acquainted with the principles of
the higher geometry, willeafily perceive that it would
be no difficult matter fo to dig the bed of a canal or
river, that the velocity of the current Jhould be every
where equal. It would be only giving it the form of
a curve along which a moving body (hould recede
from a given point, and defcribe fpaces every where
proportional to the times, allowance being made there¬
in for the quantity of effedl of the compreffion of the
upper waters upon the lower. This curve is what is
called the horizontal if chronic, being the flatted of an
infinity of others which would equally anfwer the pro¬
blem where fluids were not concerned. Upon thefe
curves may be feen Leibnitz, Huygens, and the two
Bernouilli’s, who were the fird that determined and.
analyfed them, and alfo many fucceeding geometri¬
cians, if any one is defirous to occupy himlelf in fucL.
fpeculations as are more curious than ufeful.
Notwithdanding all we have faid concerning the ne-
ceffity of augmenting the depth of a river in a grea¬
ter proportion than its breadth, if we would accelerate
its current; yet it is certain, that this can only be
done to a certain point, without dedroying that equi¬
librium which ought to reign between the depth and
the breadth of the feftion of the dream, and thereby
putting the river into a date of. continual violence,
which will inceffantly exert itfelf to the.dedrudlion of
the banks and wiers made to keep it in, and that ac¬
tion will always exert itfelf in a direft ratio of the
greater or lefs want of equilibrium, as it would be
R I V
eafy to demonftrate by the principles of hydraulics.
Thefe fame principles give likewife the juft propor¬
tions of this equilibrium between the perpendicular and
lateral compreffion of the water in any river or canal
whatfoever, which vary in an inverfe proportion, ac¬
cording to the different degrees of the declivity and ve¬
locity of the current; and in a direft one of the grea¬
ter or lefs coherence and hardnefs of the fubftances
which compofe the bed. Rivers which flow in beds
compofed of homogeneous matter of little confiftency,
fuch as fand, &c. are always more broad than deep,
when compared to thofe which run in beds of matter
of greater tenacity. It is manifeft, that the equili¬
brium here fpoken of is real, becaufe rivers remaining
in the fame ftate only widen their beds to a certain
pitch which they do not furpafs.
M. de Buffon remarks, “ That people accuftomed
to rivers can eafily foretell when there is going to be
a fudden increafe of water in the bed from floods pro¬
duced by fudden falls of rain in the higher countries
through which the rivers pafs. This they perceive by
a particular motion in the water, which they exprefs
in their dialed, by faying that tbs river’s bottom
moves; that is, the water at the bottom of a channel
runs off fafter than ufual; and this increafe of motion
at the bottom of the river always announces a fudden
increafe of water coming down the ftream. Nor does
their opinion therein,” continues the fame author,
“ feem to be ill-grounded orr the nature of things:
for the motion and weight of the waters coming down,
though not yet arrived, muft aft upon the waters in
the lower parts of the river, and communicate by im-
pulfion part of their motion thereto ; fince a canal or
river contained in its bed is to be confidered in fome de¬
gree as a column of water contained in a long tube,
where the motion is communicated at once throughout
the whole length.” In a river or canal, open above,
it is only communicated to a certain diftance ; that is,
as far as the impulfive force of the new increafe and fu-
perior rapidity of the back-waters afts upon the
ftream, which will always be as far as till this force is
.gradually, and at laft wholly, deftroyed by the fupe-
rior gravitation of the fuperincumbent waters in the
ftream. Something of the fame kind happens when a
very great additional weight comes fuddenly upon the
furface of a river or canal; for inftance, by the lanch-
ing of a fhip or of feveral boats together upon it.
Thefe caufes increafe the velocity of the water in the
lower parts of the bed, and moreover retard its mo¬
tion at the furface, which effeft may properly be call¬
ed making the river’s bottom move. For the famerea-
fon, the increafe of weight of the waters in a fudden
flood, as well as the increafe of their impulflve force,
muft contribute to produce this effeft, and, by increa¬
sing the motion in the bottom of the river, may hin¬
der for fome fpace of time the ftream from fenfibly ri¬
ling in the bed.
All obftacles whatever in the bed of a river or
canal, fuch as rocks, trunks of trees, banks of fand
and mud, &c; muft neceffarily hinder proportionably
the free running off of the water; for it is evident,
from what we have faid, that the waters fo far back
from thefe obftacles, until the horizontal level of the
bottom of the bed becomes higher than the top of
the obftacles, muft be entirely kept up and hindered
R I V
from running off in proportion thereto. Now as the River,
waters muft continue to come down from their fources, '
if their free running off is hindered by any obftacles
whatever, their relative height back from them muft
neceffarily be increafed until their elevation, combined
with the velocity of their current proceeding from if,
be arrived to fuch a pitch at the point where the ob¬
ftacles exift, as to counterbalance the quantity of op-
pofition or impediment proceeding from thence, which
frequently does not happen until all the lower parts of
the country round about are laid underwater.
Now it is certain from all experience, that the beds
of rivers and canals in general are fubjeft to fome or
others of the obftacles above-mentioned. If rocks or
trees do not bar their channels, at lead the quantity
of fand, earth, and mud, which their dreams never
fail to bring down, particularly in floods, and which
are unequally depofited according to the various wind¬
ings and degrees of fwiftnefs in the current, muft una¬
voidably, in courfe of time, fill up, in part, different
places in the channel, and thereby hinder the free
running off of the back-waters. This is certainly the
cafe, more or lefs, in all rivers, and in all canals of
long Handing, as is notorioOs to all thofe well ac*
quainted with them. Hence, if thefe accidents are
not carefully and with a conftant attention prevented,
come inundations, which fomrtimes lay wafte whole
diftrifts, and ruin the fined trafts of ground, by
covering them with fand : hence rivers become un-
navigable, and canals ufelefs for the purpofes for
which they were conftrufted. Canals, in particular*
by reafon that their waters for the mod part remain
ftagnant in them, are ftill more liable than rivers to
have their beds fill up by the fubfiding of mud, and
that efpecially for fome diftance above each of their
fluices; infomuch, that if continual care be not taken
to prevent it, or remedy it as often as it happens, they
will foon become incapable of receiving and palling
the fame veffels as formerly. Nay, the very fluices
themfelves, if the floors of their bottoms are not of a
depth conformable to the bed of the canal, will pro¬
duce the fame accidents as thofe we have been fpeak-
ing of; for if they are placed too low, they will be
continually filling up with fand or mud; if too high,
they have the fame effeft as banks or bars in the bed
of a river, that is, they hinder all the back-waters
under their level from running off, and foon fill up the
bed to that height by the fubfiding of mud. This
effeft is much accelerated by the Ihutting of the lower
fluices, which makes a great volume of water flow
back to thofe next above them, till the whole is filled
and becomes dagnant. Now it is evident, that this
ftate of things muft contribute far more to the fub-
fidency of mud and all other matters brought down
by the waters in canals, than can be the cafe in rivers
whofe currents conftantly flow.
The waters of all rivers and canals are from time to
time muddy: their ftreams, particularly during rains
and floods, carry along with them earth and other
fubftances which fubfide in thofe places where their
currents are the lead, whereby their beds are continually
raifed : fo that the fucceffive increafe of inundations in
rivers, and of unfitnefs for navigation in canals, when
they are neglefted and left to themfelves, is a natural
and neceffary confequence of the ftate of things, which
37 T 2 no
[ 6731 i
R I V [ 6732 ] R I V
no Intelligent perfon can be at a lofe to account for;
and yet whole countries regain in this habitual ftate of
negligence, to their very great detriment.
Having thus thown the principal accidents which
rivers and canals are liabte to, with the caufes of them,
our author proceeds to point out the mod efficacious
methods of preventing them, or at lead of diminifhing
their effefts. They flow immediately from the prin¬
ciples laid down in bis eflay, and do not need many
Words to make them completely underftood. A work
of this kind, he obferves, if it is properly conduced,
mud be begun at the lower end of the river or canal; that
is to fay, at that end where their waters are difcharged
into the fea, or where they fall into fome other greater
river or canal, from whence their waters are carried
off without farther hindrance. If it is a river whofe
bed, by being filled up with mud, fand, or other ob-
dacles, and by being otherwife become irregular in its
courfe, is thereby often'fubjedl to inundations, and
incapable of internal navigation, the point, from which
the work mud be begun and direfted throughout all
the red of the channel, is from the lowed water-mark
of fpring-tides on the (bore at the naouth of the river;
or even fomething below it, if it can be done; though
this part will foon fill up again by the fand, mud, Sec.
which the tides ceafe not to roll in.
If it is a canal whofe bed is to be dug anew, or
one already made, which is to be cleaned and deepen¬
ed from the fea-fhore or fome large river back into the
country, and where no declivity is to be lod, aa is
the cafe in all flat countries ; the work mud be begun,
and the depth of the whole channel dire&ed, from the
low water-mark of fpring tides, if the mouth is to the
fea, or from fuch a depth in the channel of the river,
if the canal falls into one, that there may be fuch a
communication of water from the canal to the river,
in all fituattons of the current, as may let boats freely
pafs from one to the other- This, of courfe, mud alfo
idireA the depth of the floor of the lad fluke towards
the mouth of the canal, be it to the fea or into a
river. If the bottom or floor of a fluice already con-
dru&ed be too low, it will foon fill up with fand or
mud, and thereby hinder the gates from opening, un-
lefs it be continually cleaned out; if, on the contrary,
this floor be too high, and in a canal whofe natural
declivity is too little for the free current of the water,
as is generally the cafe in Holland and Flanders, all
depth of the bed of the canal helow the horizontal
level of the bottom of the fluice will ferve to no man¬
ner of purpofe, either for navigation, or for carrying
off the back-waters, but will foon fill up with mud,
in fpite of all means ufed to the contrary, except
that of digging it continually anew to no manner of
purpofe.
Setting off from this determinate point, at the
mouth of a river, or at the bottom of the lad fluice
upon a canal, which are to be cleaned and deepened ;
the work mud be carried on, in confequence, uni¬
formly throughout their whole courfe backwards into
the country as far as is found neceffary for the pur-
pofes intended. This is to be done after the following
manner:
id. One mud dig up and carry away all irregula¬
rities in the bottom and Tides of the bed, fuch as banks
of fand and mud, rocks, flumps or trunks of trees,
and whatever elfe may caufe an obdacle to the re¬
gular motion of the water, and to the free paffage of
veffels upon It.
zdly, If the declivity of the bed (hould be dill too
little to give a fufficient current to carry off the water
as often and as fad as is fieceffary, the whole bed itfelf
mud be regularly deepened, and what is dug out
from the bottom mud be laid upon the fides, to ren¬
der it narrower in proportion to its depth.
3dly, Wherever the banks are too low to contain the
dream in all its fituations, they mud be Efficiently
raifed ; which may be conveniently done with what
is dug out from the bed : and the whole being covered
with green turf will render thefe banks firm and folid
againd the corrofion of the water. It is proper at all
times to lay upon the banks what is dug from the bed,
by which they are continually drengthened againd the
force of the current.
4thly, It is often neceffary to diminifli the windings
and finuofities in the channel as much a& poffible, by
making new cuts whereby its courfe may approach to¬
wards a right line. This is a great refource in flat
countries fubjeft to inundations ; becaufe thereby all
the declivity of a great extent of the river, through its
turns and windings, may be thrown into a fmall fpace
by cutting a new channel in a draight line; as may
generally be done without obdacle in fuch countries-
as we are fpeaking of, and hereby the velocity of the
current will be very greatly augmented, and the back¬
waters carried off to a furprifing degree.
5thly, Wherever there is a confluence of rivers or
canals, the angle of their junftion mud be made as
acute as poffible, or elfe the word of confequences will
a rife from the corrofion of their refpeAive dreams;
what they carry of from the fides will be thrown into
irregular banks in the bottom of the bed. This
acute angle of the jun&ion may always be procured
by taking the direAion at fome diftance from the point
of confluence.
6thly, Wherever the fides or banks of a river are
liable to a more particular corrofion, either from the
confluence of dreams, or from irremediable windings
and turns in the channel, they mud be fecured againd
it as much as poffible by weirs: for this corrofion
not only deftroys the banks, and alters by degrees
the courfe of the river, but alfo fills up the bed, and
thereby produces all the bad effefts we have fpoken of
above.
7thly, But the principal and greated attention in
digging the beds of rivers and canals mud be had to the
quantity and form of their declivity. This muft be
done uniformly throughout their whole extent, or fo
much of it as is neceffary for the purpofes in hand,
according to the principles laid down. Conform¬
able thereto, the depths of their beds, and of the
floors of their fluices, at the mouths whereby they
difeharge their waters, being fixed, the depth of the
red of the beds, and the quantity of declivity therein,
mud be regulated in confequence thereof, fo as to in-
creafe regularly the quantity of the declivity in equal
fpaces the farther we recede from their mouths, and
proceed towards their fpurces or to the part where the
regular current is to take place.
If the depth and volume of water in a river or canal
confiderable, it will fuffice, in the part the
mouth;
R I V [ 6733 ] R I V
River, mouth, to allow one foot perpendicular of declivity
  through fix, eight, or even, according to Defchales,,
ten thoufand feet in horizontal extent; at moft it
mud not be above one in fix or feven thoufand. From
hence the quantity of declivity in equal fpaces mull
flowly and gradually increafe as far as the current is
to be made fit for navigation ; but in fuch a manner,
as that at this upper end there may not be above one
foot of perpendicular declivity in four thoufand feet of
horizontal extent. If it be made greater than that in
a regular bed containing a confiderable volume of
water, the current will be fo ftrong as to be found
very unfit for the purpofes of navigation.
I dare boldly affirm, fays Mr Mann, from the cer¬
tain principles of hydrodynamics laid down in this efiay,
that if the abovementioned things were carried into
execution in a proper manner, the velocity of currents,
and the acceleration of motion of the waters in rivers,
and in canals when their fluices are open, might be in-
creafed to any degree that can be required for opening
their beds, and for preventing inundations during great
rains or hidden floods ; by carrying off more fwiftly
the great acceffion of water which then takes place. It
would not be difficult, by thefe means, to increafe the
velocity of the current to double and triple what it is
in rivers and canals, whofe beds for a long fpace of
time have been left to themfelves. There is not, per¬
haps, a country on earth but what might be freed from
inundations by thefe means. But it may be objefled,
that if all I have advifed were put in execution, even
in the flatted countries, the currents of rivers (for ca¬
nals (hut up with fluices are here out of the queftion)
would become incommodious, if not unfit for naviga¬
tion, efpecially againft their ftreams. This objection
would be of weight, if it were not evident that the va¬
rious means which I have pointed out may be execu¬
ted in whole or in part, to a certain degree, and no
farther than neceflary for the purpofes required. But,
as it is certain that a itrong and regular current in a
river is the beft of all means for keeping it open and
deep, and for preventing the formation of banks in the
bed, by the fubfidency of mud, &c. which it does not
allow time to precipitate; I leave it to be confidered,
whether it is better to have a free and open navigation
fomething incommoded by the ftrength of the current,
or foon to have no navigation at all, without repeatedly
digging the bed anew.
Rivers flowing along plains, as well as through val¬
leys, have naturally their beds in the loweft part of the
ground comprifed between the oppofite hills and moun¬
tains: neverthelefs, the furfaee of the water of a river
in the midft of a plain is often higher than the furface
of the grounds adjacent to the banks of the river.
This proceeds from the continual fubfiding of the mud,
&c. brought down by the flream during floods; the
waters in that cafe ufually overflowing the banks fpread
themfelves over the plain, where they lofe a great part
of the fwiftnefs of their current, which contributes
greatly to the fubfiding of the mud they contain; fa
that the farther they flow upon the plain, the clearer
they grow, and the lefs remains to fubfide. From hence
the gteateft precipitation of mud muft be in the parts
of the plain neareft the fides of the river, which in
length of time will raife thefe grounds above the reft
of the plain. Again,, the waters in the bed itfelf de;
pofiting inceflantly a part of the mud, &c. brought River.
down by the ftream, muft continually, though infen-  
fibly (for a long fpace of time), raife the channel and
banks of the river above the reft of the plain. Thefe
caufes may at laft contribute to the forming of an en¬
tire new bed for the river: for as all rivers carry down
in their ftreams more or lefs mud and other heteroge¬
neous matters, which do not fubfide regularly in all
parts alike, but muft precipitate fafteft where the cur¬
rent is floweft; there muft accumulate by little and
little in thefe parts, fuch banks of fand and mud as will
in time binder the current of the waters, make them
reflow, and at laft totally change their direftion.
Canals are ftill more fubjeft than rivers to have their
beds raifed and their currents flopped by the fubfiding
of mud and heterogeneous matter in different places,
and efpecially juft above their fluices; becaufe of the
fudden ftagnation of the water which firft begins there
as often as the fluices are ftiut: and as there is a ne-
ceffity for keepiqg them for the moft part fhut, the
flagnating waters in their beds muft precipitate their
mud, &c. in a much greater proportion than can be
done in the currents of rivers which are in a continual
motion towards the fea.
Mr Mann calls centre of the current^ or, more pro¬
perly, line of greatejl current, that line •which pajfes
through all the fettions of a river, in the point •where the
velocity of the current is the greateft of all. If the cur¬
rent of a river is regular, and in a right line, its centre
or line of greateft velocity will be precifely in the centre
of the fedtions: but, on the contrary, if the bed is ir¬
regular and full of turns and windings, the centre, or
line of greateft current, will like wife be irregular, and
often change its diftance and diredtion with regard to
the centres of the fedlions through which the waters
flow, approaching fucctffively, and more or lefs, to all
parts of the bed, but always in proportion and confor¬
mably to the irregularities in the bed itfelf.
This deviation of the line of greateft current from
the centres of the fedlions through which it paffes, is a
caufe of many and great changes in the beds of rivers,
fuch as the following:
ift, In a ftraight and regular bed, .the greateft cor-
rofion of the current will be in the middle of the bot¬
tom of the bed; becaufe it is that part which is near-
eil to the line of greateft current, and at the fame time
which is moft adled upon by the perpendicular com-
preffion of the water. In this cafe, whatever matters
are carried off from the bottom will be thrown, by the
force of the current, equally towards the two fides,
where the velocity of the ftream is the leaft in the
whole fedlion.
zdly, If the bed is irregular and winding, the line
of greateft current will be thrown towards one fide of
the river, where its greateft force will be exerted in
proportion to the local caufes which turn it afide: in
fhort turns of a river there will be a gyration, or turn¬
ing round of the ftream, by reafon of its beating againft
the outer fide of the angle; this part will be corroded
away, and the bottom near it excavated to a great
depth. The matters fo carried off will be thrown a-
gainft the oppofite bank of the river where the current
is the leaft, and produce a new ground, called an al¬
luvion.
jjdly, at the bottom of a river retain and
R I V [ 6734 ] R I V
River, dlminifli the velocity of the water, and fometimes may
be fo great as to make them reflow: all thefe effe&s
contribute to the fubfiding of fand, earth, and other
matters thereon, which ceafe not to augment the vo¬
lume of the obftacles themfelves, and produce (hallows
and banks in the channel. Thefe in time, and by a
continuance of the caufes, may become iflands, and fo
produce great and permanent changes and irregulari¬
ties in the beds of rivers.
4thly, The percuffions of the centre of the current
againft the fides of the bed are fo much the greater as
they are made under a greater angle of incidence ;
from whence it follows, that the force of percufiion,
aod the quantity of corrofion and of detriment done to
the banks and weirs of rivers, and to the walls of build¬
ings made therein, and which are expofed to that per-
cuffion, are always in a direft compound proportion of
the angle of incidence, of the greatnefs and depth of
the fedion together, and of the quantity of velocity of
the current.
jthly, It may happen in time, that the excavation
of the bottom, and the corrofion of the fides, will have
fo changed the form of the bed as to bring the force
of percuflion into equilibrium with the velocity and di-
reftion of the current; in that cafe, all farther corro¬
fion and excavation of the bed ceafes.
6thly, This gives the reafon why when one river
falls into another almoft. in a perpendicular direction,
and makes with it too great an angle of incidence, this
direction is changed in time, by corrofions and allu¬
vions, into an angle much more acute, till the whole
comes Into equilibrium.
ythly, So great and fuch continued irregularities,
from local caufes, may happen in the motion of a river
as will entirely change its ancient bed, corrode thro’
the banks where they are expofed to the greateft vio¬
lence of percuflion of the ftream, and open new beds in
grounds lower than what the old one is become.
8thly, Hereupon the ftate of the old bed will entire¬
ly depend on the quantity of water, and on the velo¬
city and direftion of the current in the new onej for
immediately after this divifion of the waters into two
beds is made, the velocity of the current in the old one
will be diminiflied in proportion to its lefs depth. In
confequence thereof, the waters therein will precipitate
more of their mud, &c. in equal fpaces than they did
before; which will more and more raife up the bottom,
fometimes even till it becomes equal with the furface
of the ftream. In this cafe, all the water of the river
will pafs into the new bed, and the old one will re¬
main entirely dry. It is well known, that this has hap¬
pened to the Rhine near Leyden, and to many other
rivers.
pthly, Hence the caufe of the formation of the new
branches and mouth, whereby many great rivers dif-
charge their waters into the fea.
But in proportion as a river that has none of thefe
obftaclcs in its bed, approaches towards its mouth,
we fee the velocity of its current augment, at the fame
time that the declivity of the bed diminifhes, the
caufes of which have been explained above. It is for
this reafon that inundations are more frequent and con-
Cderable, and do more damage in the interior parts of
a country, than towards the mouths of moft rivers.
Jn the Po, for example, the height of the baaks
made to keep in the waters, diminifhes as the river ap- River.
proaches to the fea. At Ferrara, they are 20 feet —  
high ; whereas, nearer the fea, they do not exceed 10
or 12 feet, although the channel of the river is not
larger in one place than in the other.
The mouths of rivers, by which they difcharge
their waters into the fea, are liable to great varia¬
tions, which produce many changes in them.
ift, The velocity and dire&ion of the current at
thefe mouths are in a continual variation, caufed by
the tides, which alternately retard and accelerate the
ftream.
2dly, During the flowing of the tide, the current
of the river is firft flopped, then turned into a direc¬
tion entirely contrary throughout a confiderable ex¬
tent : if we may believe M. de Buffon, there are ri¬
vers in which the effe& of the tides is fenfible at 150
or 200 leagues from the fea.
3dly, This ftate of things is a caufe of a great
quantity of fand, mud, &c. being precipitated and ac¬
cumulated in the channel near the mouth. This con¬
tinually raifes and widens the bed, and at laft changes
it entirely into a new place, or at leaft opens new
mouths to difcharge the waters at. The Rhine, the
Danube, the Wolga, the Indus, the Ganges, the
Nile, the Miflifippi, and many other rivers, are inftances
of this.
4thly, All thefe effe&s are lefs fcnfible at the mouths
of little rivers, as their currents oppofe no fenlible ob-
ftacle to the flowing of the tides ; fo that the ebb car¬
ries off again what the flow had brought in.
Whenever the courfe of a river throughout a con¬
fiderable extent of country, approaches towards a right
line, its current will have a very great rapidity; and
the velocity wherewith it runs diminifhing the effeft
of its natural gravitation, the middle of the current
will rife up, and the furface of the river will form a
convex curve of fufficient elevation to be perceived by
the eye ; the higheft point of this curve is always di-
re&ly above the line of greateft current in the ftream.
On the contrary, when rivers approach near enough
to their mouths for a fenfible effeft to be produced in
them by the flowing of the tides; and alfo, when in
other parts of their courfe they meet with obftacles a£
the fides of their channel ; in both thefe cafes the fur¬
face of the water at the fides of the current is higher
than in the middle, even though the ftream be rapid.
In this fituation of things, the furface of the river
forms a concave curve, the lowed point of which, or
that of inflexion, is dire&ly over the line of greatetl
current. The reafon thereof is, that there are in this
cafe two different and oppofite currents in the river ;
that whereby the waters flow towards the fea, and
preferve their motion therein even to a confiderable
diftance ; and that of the waters which re-mount, ei¬
ther by the flowing of the tide, or by their meeting
with local obftacks, which form a counter current, fo
much the more fenfible as the flowing of the tide is
ftronger, or as the percufflon of the water is made
againft greater obftacles, and in a dire&ion nearer to
a perpendicular to them. From both thefe caufes,
the greater of which by far is that of the tides, the
water near the fides of the channel, where the velocity
of the defcending ftream is naturally the leaft, takes a
contrary direftion, and runs back in the river, while
I'
R I V [ 6735 ] R O A
River, that in the middle continues to flow oil towards the
'1 fea. This counter current is what the French call a
rsimus.
An ifland in the middle of a river produces the fame
effett as obftacles at the fides, regard being had to the
difference of fituation of each.
Eddies and whirlpools in rivers, in the centre of
which there appears a conical or fpiral cavity, and
about which the water turns with great rapidity and
fucks in whatever approaches it, proceed in general
from the mutual percuffion of thefe two counter cur¬
rents ; and the vacuity in the middle is produced by
the a&ion of the centrifugal force, whereby the water
endeavours to recede, in a direct ratio of its velocity,
from the centre about which it moves.
If rivers perfevered always nearly in the fame ftate,
the belt means of diminifhing the velocity of the cur¬
rent, when it is found too great for the purpofes of
navigation, would be by widening the canal: but as
all rivers are fubjedi to frequent increafe and diminu¬
tion, and confequently to very different degrees of ve¬
locity and force in the current, this method is liable
to produce very detrimental effedts ; for, when the
waters are low, if the channel is very large in propor¬
tion, the ftream will excavate a particular bed, which,
according to the irregularities of the bottom, will form
various turnings and windings with regard to the prin¬
cipal bed ; and, when the waters come to increafe,
they will follow, to a certain degree, the directions
which the bottom waters take in this particular bed,
and thereby will ftrike againft the fides of the channel,
fo as to deltroy the banks and caufe great damages.
It would be poffible to prevent in part the bad ef¬
fects proceeding from the current ftriking againft the
banks, by opening, at thofe places where it ftrikes,
little gulphs into the land, dug in fuch a form and di¬
rection as that the ftriking current fhould enter and
circulate therein, fo as to deftroy, or at leaft greatly
diminiih, its velocity. This effeCt would be felt for a
confiderable way down the river.
This fame method might probably be ufed with fuc-
cefs againfl; the deftruCtion of bridges, weirs, &c. by
the violence of the ftream during floods. Such gulfs
being dug into the outer-fide of thofe turnings in the
river which are immediately above the place to be fe-
cured from the violence of the ftreara, would fuccef-
fively diminifti its velocity, its force and dangerous
effeCls, a confiderable way down the river. It is true,
this method might contribute to produce an overflow¬
ing of the river upon the grounds adjacent to thofe
artificial gulphs, this being a natural confequence of
the decreafe of the velocity of the current in thofe
places; and it would remain to be confidered whether
thofe local inundations, or the danger of deftruCtioa
of the bridges or edifices in the river, were the lefler
evil.
The nature of inundations, and the manner of their
formation, merit a particular attention in this place.
While the volume of water in the bed of a river in-
creafes, the velocity of the current increafes in propor¬
tion ; but from the moment that part of this water
overflows the bed, the velocity thereof begins to di-
minifh, and does fo more and more, the farther it flows
and fpreads on the plain. So that the overflowing
being once begun, It is a natural confequence,. that
the inundation ftiould continue for feverai days ; for River
though the volume of water brought down by the il ■
flood during that time fhould decreafe, yet, as thp Road.
quantity of what runs off decreafes likewife, from the
great decreafe of velocity in what overflows the plains,
it will continue to produce the fame effedt as if the
volume of water coming down had not diminiftied, un¬
til the whole of the ftream be every where contained
again within the bed of the river. When that is be¬
come the cafe, the waters that have overflowed the
plain will decreafe thereon, by gradually and flowly
running off, and alfo by evaporation, till they wholly
difappear. If this was not fo, we ftiould fee rivers
overflow for an hour or two, and then return again
within their beds, a thing contrary to general obfer-
vation ; for we conftantly fee inundations, once begun
in flat countries, laft for feverai days together, altho*
in the mean while the rain ceafes, and the quantity of
water coming down diminifhes. This muft be cafe,
becaufe as the overflowing diminifties the velocity, and
confequently the quantity of water carried off, it has
the lame effedt as if a greater quantity ftill continued
to come down.
It may not be ufelefs to remark here, that if the
wind blows dire&ly contrary to the current of the ri¬
ver, the overflowing will be greater than it would
have been otherwife, becaufe this accident diminiflies
the velocity of the ftream : but, on the contrary, if
the winds blow in the fame diredlion with the current
of the river, the inundation will be lefs than other-
wife, and fooner at an end ; becaufe this accidental
caufe augments the velocity of the ftream.
River-This is generally much fofter and bet¬
ter accommodated to oeconomical purpofes than fpring-
water. For though rivers proceed originally from
fprings, yet, by their rapid motion, and by being ex-
pofed during a long courfe to the influence of the fun
and air, the earthy and metallic falls which they con¬
tain are decompofed, the acid flies off, and the terre-
ftrial parts precipitate to the bottom. Rivers are alfor
rendered fofter by the vaft quantity of rain-water,
which, palling along the furface of the earth, is con¬
veyed into their channels. But all rivers carry with
them a great deal of mud and other impurities ; and,
when they flow near large and populous towns, they
become impregnated with a number of heterogeneous
fubftances, in which ftate the water is certainly unfit
for the purpofes of life; yet, by remaining for fome
time at reft, all the feculencies fubfide, and the water
becomes fufficiently pure and potable.
RIVULET, a diminutive of river. See River.
ROACH, in ichthyology. See Cyprinus.
ROAD, an open way, or public pallage, forming
a communication between one place and another.
Of all the people in the world the Romans took the
molt pains in forming roads ; and the labour and ex-
pences they were at in rendering them fpacious, firm,
ftraight, and fmooth, are incredible. They ufually
ftrengthened the ground by ramming it, laying it with
flints, pebbles, or fands, and fometimes with a lining
of mafonry, rubbilh, bricks, &c. bound together with
mortar. In fome places in the Lionois, F. Meneftrier
obferves, that he has found huge clufters of flints cer
mented with lime, reaching 10 or 12 feet deep, and
making a mafs as hard and compad as marble ; and
which,,
ROB [ 6736 ] ROB
Road which, after refilling the injuries of time for 1600
ll years, is ftill fcarce penetrable by all the force of ham-
Robbery. mergt mattocks, &c. and yet the flints it confids of
are not bigger than eggs. The mod noble of the
Roman roads was the Via Appia, which was carried
to fuch a vaft length, that Procopius reckons it five
days journey to the end of it, and Leipfius computes
it at 350 miles: it is 12 feet broad, and made of fquare
free-done generally a foot and a half on each fide ;
and though this has laded for above 1800 years, yet
in many places it is for feveral miles together as entire
as when it was fird made.
The ancient roads are difiinguiflied into military
roads, double roads, fubterraneous roads, &c. 'Hie mi¬
litary roads were grand roads, formed by the Romans
formarching their armies into the provinces of the
empire ; the principal of thefe Roman roads in Eng¬
land are, Watling-llreet, Ikenild-dreet, Fofe-way,
and Erminage-dreet. Double roads among‘the Ro¬
mans, were roads for carriages, with two pavements,
the one for thofe going one way, and the other for
thofe returning the other : thefe were feparated from
each other by a caufeway raifed in the middle, paved
with bricks, for the conveniency of foot paffengers 5
with borders and mounting-dones from fpace to fpace,
and military columns to mark the didance. Subter¬
raneous roads are thofe dug through a rock, and left
vaulted ; as that of Puzzoli near Naples, which is near
half a league long, and is 15 fee: broad and as many
high.
Road, in navigation, a bay, or place of anchorage; at
fome diftance from the fhore, on the fea-coad, whither
(hips or veffels occafionally repair to receive intelligence,
orders, or neceffary fupplies ; or to wait for a fair
wind, &c. The excellence of a road confifts chiefly
in its being protefted from the reigning winds and
the fwell of the fea ; in having a good anchoring-
ground, and being at a competent didance from the
fhore. Thofe which are not fufficiently enclofed are
termed open roads.
ROAN, in the manege. A roan horfe is one of a
bay, forrel, or black colour, with grey or white fpots
intciTperfed very thick. When this party-coloured
coat is accompanied with a black head and black extre¬
mities, he is called a roan-borfe with a black-a-rnoor’s
head: and if the fame mixture is predominant upon
a deep forrel, he is called claret-roan.
ROANOAK, an ifland of North America, near
the coad of North Carolina. Here the Englifh fird
attempted to fettle in 1585, but were obliged to leave
it for want of provifions. E. Long. 75. o. N. Lat.
35- 4°-
Roanoak, a river of North America, which rifes
in Virginia, runs through Carolina, and at length
falls into the fea, where it forms a long narrow bay
called Albemarle found.
ROASTING, in metallurgic operations, fignifies
the diflipation of the volatile parts of an ore by heat.
See Metallurgy,
ROB, in pharmacy, the juices of fruits purified and
infpiflated till it is of the confidence of honey.
ROBBERY, the rapina of the civilians, is the fe¬
lonious and forcible taking, from the perfon of ano¬
ther,' of goods or money to any value, by violence or
putting him in fear. x. There mud be a taking,
otherwife it is no robbery. A mere attempt to rob Robbery,!
was indeed held to be felony, fo late as Henry the
Fourth’s time ; but afterwards it was taken to be only ' \
a mifdemeanour, and punifhable with fine and imprifon-
ment; till the datute 7 Geo. II. c. 21. which makes
it a felony (tranfportable for feven years) unlawfully
and malicioufly to affault another, with any offenfive
weapon or inllrument ;—or by menaces, or by other
forcible or violent manner, to demand any money or
goods;—with a felonious intent to rob, If the thief,
having once taken a purfe, returns it, dill it is a rob¬
bery : and fo it is whether the taking be dri&ly from
the perfon of another, or in his prefence only ; as
where a robber by menaces and violence puts a man
in fear, and drives away his fheep'or his cattle before
his face. 2. It is immaterial of what value the thing
taken is: a penny, as well as a pound, thus forcibly
extorted, makes a robbery. 3. Ladly, the taking
mud be by force, or a previous putting in fear; which
makes the violation of the perfon more atrocious than
privately dealing. For, according to the maxim of
the civil law, “ qui v: rapuit, fur improbior effe videtur.""
This previous violence, or putting in fear, is the cri¬
terion that didinguifhes robbery from other larcigies.
For if one privately deals fixpence from the perfon of
another, and afterwards keeps it by putting him in
fear, this is no robbery, for the fear is fubfequent:
neither is it capital as privately dealing, being under
the value of t'welvepence. Not that it is indeed ne¬
ceffary, though ufual, to lay in the indiftment that the
robbery was committed by putting in fear: it is fuffi-
cient, if laid to be done by violence. And when it is
laid to be done by putting in fear, this does not imply
any great degree of terror or affright in the party rob¬
bed: it is enough that fo much force or threatening,
by word or gedure, be ufed, as might create an ap-
prehenfion of danger, or induce a man to part with his
property without or againd his confent. Thus, if a
man be knocked down without previous warning, and
dripped of his property While fenfelefs, though driftly
he cannot be faid to be put in fear., yet this is undoubt¬
edly a robbery. Or, if a perfon with a fword drawn
begs an alms, and I give it him through midrud and
apprehenfion of violence, this is a felonious robbery.
So if, under a pretence of fale, a man forcibly extorts
money from another, neither flrall this fubterfuge avail
him. But it is doubted, whether the forcing a bigler,
or other chapman, to fell his wares, and giving him the
full value pf them, amounts to fo heinous a crime as
robbery.
This fpecies of larciny is debarred of the benefit
of clergy by datute 23 Hen. VIII. c. 1. and other
fubfequent llatutes; not indeed in general, but only
when committed in a dwelling-houfe, or in or near the
king’s highway. A robbery therefore in a didant
field, or footpath, was not punifhed with death; but
was open to the benefit of clergy, till the ftatute
3 & 4 W. and M. c. 9. which takes away clergy from
both principals and acceffories before the fadl, in rob¬
bery, wherefoever committed. See Law, N° clxxxvi.
3°-
ROBERT bruce, king of Scotland, in 1306; a
renowned general, and the deliverer of his country from
a date of vaffalage to the Englilh. See Scotland.
Robert (of Bavaria), prince palatine of the Rhine,
and
ROB
t <5737 1
and duke of Cumberland; the fon of Frederic, ele&or
Palatine, by Elifabeth, daughter of James I. king of
England. Diftinguifhed himfelf by his valour as a
general and admiral; firft in the Dutch, and then in
the Engliih fervice. He was unfuccefsful in the caufe
of his uncle, Charles I. againft the parliament forces;
but under Charles II. he defeated the Dutch fleet, and
was made lord high admiral of England in 1673. This
prince was a lover of the faiences, and particularly fkil-
ful in chemiltry. Died in 1682.
ROBIN hood. See Wikv-Games.
Robin Rsd-Breaji. See Motacilla.
ROBINIA, false-acacia ; a genus of the decan-
dria order, belonging to the diadelphia clafs of plants.
There are feveral fpecies, but the moft remarkable is
the caragnana. The leaves of this fpecies are conju¬
gated, and compofed of a number of fmall folioles, of
an oval figure, and ranged by pairs on one common
itock.
The flowers are leguminous, and are cluttered on a
filament. Every flower confifts of a fmall bell-fliaped
petal, cut into four fegments at the edge, the upper
part being rather the wideft. The keel is final!, open,
and rounded. The wings are large, oval, and a little
railed. Within are 10 ftamina united at the bafe, cur¬
ved towards the top, and rounded at the fummit. In
the midlt of a flieath, formed by the filaments of the
ttamina, the piftil is perceivable, confifting of an oval
germen, terminated by a kind of button. This ger-
men becomes afterwards an oblong flattifh curved pod,
containing four or five feeds, of a fize and fhape irre¬
gular and unequal; yet in both refpe&s fomewhat re-
fembling a lentil.
This tree graws naturally in the fevere climates of
Northern Alia, in a fandy foil mixed with black light
earth. It is particularly found on the banks of great
rivers, as the Oby, Jenifia, &c. It is very rarely met
with in the inhabited parts of the country, becaufe
cattle are very fond of its leaves, and hogs of its roots;
and it is fo hardy, that the fevereft winters do not af¬
fect it. Gmelin found it in the neighbourhood of To-
bolfli, buried under 15 feet of fnow and ice, yet had
it not fuffered the leaf! damage. Its culture confifts in
being planted or fowed in a lightifti fandy foil, which
mutt on no account have been lately manured. It
thrives beft near a river, or on the edge of a brook or
fpring; but prefently dies if planted in a marfliy fpot,
where the water ftagnates. If it is planted on a rich
foil, well tilled, it will grow to the height of 20 feet,
and in a very few years will be as big as a common
birch tree.
In a very bad foil this tree degenerates, and be*
comes a mere fhrub: the leaves grow hard, and theic
fine bright green colour is changed to a dull deep
green. The Tongufian Tartars, and the inhabitants
of the northern parts of Siberia, are very fond of the
fruit of this tree, it being almoft the only fort of pulfe
they eat.
M. Strahlemberg, author of a well-efteemed defcrip-
tion of Siberia, affures us that this fruit is tolerably
pleafant food, and very nourifhing. Thefe peafe are
firft infufed in boiling water, to take off a certain acrid
tafte they have, and are afterwards drefled like com¬
mon peafe or Windfor beans; and being ground into
meal, pretty good cakes are made of them. The leaves
Vol. IX.
ROB
and tender fhoots of this tree make excellent folder Robins,
for feveral forts of cattle. The roots, being fweet and ~ ~
fucculent, are very well adapted to fattening hogs;
and the fruit is greedily eaten by all forts of poultry.
After feveral experiments fomewhat fimilar to the me¬
thods uftd with anil and indigo, a fine blue Colour was
procured from its leaves. The fmaller kind of this tree
feems ttill better adapted to anfwer this purpofe. The
ftriking elegance of its foliage, joined to the pleafing
yellow colour of its beautiful flowers, fhould, one would
imagine, bring it into requeft for forming nofegays, or
for fpeedily making an elegant hedge.
Befides the qualities above recited, it poffeffes the
uncommon advantage of growing exceedingly quick,
and of being eafily tranfplanted.
There are large plantations of it now in Sweden,
Norway, Lapland, and Iceland.
Linnaeus aflures us, that, after the Firms fol. quinii,
erroneoufly called the cedar tree of Siberia, this tree, of
all that are to be found in Siberia, is molt worthy of
cultivation.
ROBINS (Benjamin), a moft ingenious Englilh
mathematician, born at Bath in 1707. His parents
were Quakers and of low condition, confequently
neither able nor willing to have him much inltru&ed
in human learning. Neverthelefs his own propenfuy to
fcience procured him a recommendation to Dr Pem¬
berton at London ; by whofe afliftance, while be at¬
tained the fublimer parts of mathematical knowledge,
he commenced teacher of the mathematics. But the
bufinefs of teaching, which required confinement, not
fuiting his adlive difpofition, he gradually declined it,
and engaged in bufinefs that required more exercife.
Hence he tried many laborious experiments in gun¬
nery, from the perfuafion that the refiftance of the
air has a much greater influence on fwift projedtiles
than is generally imagined. Hence alfo he was led to
confider the mechanic arts that depend on mathema¬
tical principles; as the conftrudfion of mills, the
building of bridges, the draining of fens, the render¬
ing of rivers navigable, and the making of harbours.
Among other arts, fortification much engaged his at¬
tention ; and he met with opportunities of perfedting a
himfelf by viewing the principal ftrong places of Flan¬
ders, in fome tours he made abroad with perfons of
diftindtion.
Upon his return from one of thefe excurfions, he
found the learned amufed with Dr Berkley’s work,
intitled The Analyft, in which an attempt was made to
explode the method of fluxions. Mr Robins was
therefore advifed to clear up this affair by giving a
dittindl account of Sir Ifaac Newton’s do&rines, in
fuch a manner as to obviate all the objedtions that had
been made without naming them. Accordingly he
publiflied, in 1735, A Difcourfe concerning the Na¬
ture and Certainty of Sir Ifaac Newton’s Method of
Fluxions; and fome exceptions being made to his
manner of defending Sir Ifaac Newton, he afterwards
wrote two or three additional difeourfes. In 1738 he
defended the fame great philofopher againft an objec¬
tion contained in a note at the end of a Latin piece,
called Matho, five Cofmotheoria puerilis; and the fol¬
lowing year printed Remarks on M. Euler’s Treatile
of Motion, on Dr Smith’s fyftem of Optics, and on
Dr Jurin’s Difcourfe of diftinft and indittindl Villon
37 U
ROB [ 6738 ] ROC
Robins, annexed to Dr Smith’s work. In the mean while Mr
Roborants. R0hins did not folely confine hinafelf to mathematical
ftibjecls: for in 1739 he publifhed three pamphlets on
political affairs, without his name; when twoofthem,
relating to the convention and negotiations with Spain,
were fo univerfally efteemed, as to occafion his being
employed in a very honourable poft ; for on a com¬
mittee being appointed to examine into the paft con-
dud of Sir Robert Walpole, he was chofen their fe-
cretary.
In 1742, Mr Robins publifhed a fmall treatife, in-
tilled i\Tew containing the refult
of many experiments; when a Difcourfe being pub-
lifhed in the Philofophical Tranfadions, in order to
invalidate fome of his opinions, he thought proper, in
an account he gave of his book in the fame Tranfac-
tions, to take notice of thofe experiments: in confe-
quence of which feveral of his Differtations on the Re¬
finance of the Air were read, and the experiments ex¬
hibited before the Royay Society, for which he was pre-
fented by that honourable body with a gold medal.
In 1748 appeared lord Anfon’s Voyage round the
World, which, though Mr Walter’s name is in the
title, was in reality written by Mr Robins. Mr
Walter, chaplain on board the Centurion, had indeed
brought it down to his departure from Macao for
England, when he propofed to print the work by
fubfcription. It was however thought proper that an
able judge fhould review and corred it, and Mr
Robins was appointed; when, upon examination, it
was refolved that the whole fhonld be written by Mr
Robins, and that what Mr Walter had done fhould
only ferve as materials. Hence the introdudion entire,
and many differtations in the body of the work, were
compofed by him, without receiving the lead affiftance
from Mr Walter’s manufcript, which chiefly related
to the wind and the weather, the currents, courfes,
bearings, diftances, the qualities of the ground on
which they anchored^ and fuch particulars as generally
fill up a failor’s account. No prodndion of this kind
ever met with a more favourable reception ; four large
impreffions were fold within a twelvemonth ; and it
has been tranflated into mod of the languages of Eu¬
rope. The fifth edition printed at London in 1749,
was revifed and correded by Mr Robins himfelf.
Having thus rendered himfelf famous for his ability
in writing, he was defired to compofe an apology for
the unfortunate affair at Predon-Pans in Scotland,
which was prefixed as as preface to The Report of the
Proceedings of the Board of general Officers, on their
examination into the condud of Lieu. Gen. Sir John
Cope ; and this preface was edeemed a mader-piece
in its kind. He afterwards, through the intered of
lord Anfon, contributed to the improvements made in
the royal obfervatory at Greenwich. Having thus
edablifhed his reputation,, he was offered the choice of
two confiderable employments ; either to go to Paris
as one of the commiffaries for adjuding the limits of
Acadia, or to be engineer general to the Ead India
company. He chofe the latter, and arrived in the
Ead Indies in 1750; but the climate not agreeing
with hisconditution, he diedtherethe year following.
ROBORANTS, in pharmacy, medicines w'hich
drengthen the parts, and give new vigour to the con-
Uitution..
ROCHEFORT, a handfome and confiderable fea- Rochel -
port town of France, in the territory of Aunis, with RoJ[e }3t
a very commodious harbour, and one of the mod fa-   |
mous in the kingdom. It is a department of the ma¬
rine, and has large magazines of naval dores. There
is alfo one of the fined halls of arms in the kingdom,
and a great many workmen employed in making
them; there are alfo forges for anchors, and work-houfes
for (hip carpenters, who are employed in every thing |
that relates to the fitting out of ffiips, that comes jl
within the compafs of their province. They likewife I
cad great guns here; and have artids, whole employ¬
ment is fculpture and painting. There are alfo docks
for building men of war, rope-walks, magazines of.
provifions and powder, a manufaflory of fail-cloth, an
hofpital for failors, and proper places to clean the fliips.
Add to thefe, the houfes of the intendant, the fquare of I
the capuchins, and the fuperb drufture which contains 1,
lodgings for 300 marine guards,, where they are
taught the bufinefs and exercifes belonging to feamen
and officers who go on board the men of war. It is jji
feated on the river Charente, four miles from its b
mouth ; and the entrance of the river is defended by !
feveral forts. W. Long. o. 54. N. Lat. 46. 3.
ROCHEFOUCAULT (Francis, duke de la)
prince of Marfilac, governor of Poitou, was the fon 4
of Francis, the fird duke of Rochefoucault, and di- I
dinguiflied himfelf on feveral occafions by his courage
and prudence.. He wrote two excellent works; the |
one a book of Maxims, which M. de Voltaire fays
has contributed more than any thing elfe to form the
tade of the French nation ; and the other, Memoirs
of the Regency of Queen Anne of Audria. It was
partly at the indigation of the beautiful duchefs de
Longueville, that the duke de Rochefoucault engaged
in the civil wars, in which he fignalized himfelf parti¬
cularly at the battle of St Antoine. Beholding one
day a portrait of this lady, he wrote underneath it
thofe two lines from the tragedy of Alcyoneus.
“ Pour meriter fon coeur, pour plaire a fes beaux yeux,
“ J’ai fait la guerre aux rois, je I’aurois fait aux deux.”
Which may be thus rendered in Englifli:
“ To gain her heart, and pleafe her fparkling eyes,
“ I’ve war’d with kings, and would have brav’d the flcies.”
The author of the maxims was not a member of
the French academy. The neceffity of making a
public fpeech the day of his reception, was the only
caufe that he did not claim admittance. This noble¬
man, with all the courage he had difplayed upon va¬
rious critical occafions, and with his fuperiority of
birth and underltanding over the common run of men,
did not think himfdf capable of facing an audi¬
ence, to utter only four lines in public, without be¬
ing out of countenance. He died at Paris in i68o>
aged 68.
ROCHELLE, a handfome, large, ftrong, rich, and
celebrated city of France, capital of the territory of
Aunis, with a very commodious and fafe harbour, a
bifhop’s fee, a college for humanities, an academy, a
fchool for medicine, anatomy, and botany, and a mint.
The houfes are fine, and fupported with piazzas, un¬
der which perfons may walk in all weathers; and the
ftrettsin general as ftraight as a line: there are feveral
handfome churches and other ftruftores, belide? a re¬
marks
ROC [ 6739 ] R O G
Lochefier marltEble pump in the fquare of Dauphiny, which
It throws out the water through feveral pipes. There
Roc et' are no remains of the old fortifications, except on the
fide of the harbour, where there are bulwarks and
ftrong towers to defend the entrance. The new for.
\ tifications are in the manner of Vauban. The inhabi¬
tants carry on a confiderable trade, efpecially in wines,
brandy, fait, paper, linen-cloth, and ferge. Lewis
XIII. took this place from the Huguenots in 1628,
after 13 months fiege. It is feated on the ocean, in
W. Long- 1. it. N. Lat. 46'. 10.
ROCHESTER, an epifcopal city of Kent in
England, feated on the river Medway in E. Long, o,
34. N. Lat. 51. 22. It was formerly much more con¬
fiderable than at prefent; and had a caftle, now in ruins.
Rochester, (earl of). SeeWtLMOT.
ROCK, a large mafs or block of hard done rooted
in the ground. See Mountain.
Rock, in ornithology, a fpecies of Vultur.
V^oCK.'CryJial) in natural hiftory, otherwife called
fprig-cryftal, a name given to the third order of cry-
ftals, from their being affixed to a rock or other folid
body. This kind of cryftal is the moft common of all
others, and is what the generality of authors defcribe
under the name of cry/ial of the jhops> The cleared,
pared, and mod traniparent that can be had is to be
chofen: and to prove its genuinenefs, it may be tried
with aquafortis ; true crydai making no effervefcence
with that medium.
'Roc's.-Fifh. See Gobius.
ROCKET, an artificial fire-work, confiding of a
cylindrical cafe of paper, filled with a compofition of
certain combudible ingredients ; which, being tied to
a dick, mounts into the air, and then burfts. See Pv-
ROTECHNY.
Theory of the Flight of S/fy-RoCKETS. Mariotte
takes the rife of rockets to be owing to the impulfe or
refidance of the air againd the flame. Dr Defaguliers
accounts for it otherwife.
Conceitie the rocket to have no vent at the choak,
and to be fee on fire in the conical bore ; the confe-
quence will be, either that the rocket would burd in the
weaked place, or, if all its parts were equally drong,
and able to fudain the impulfe of the dame, the rocket
would burn out immoveable. Now, as the force of
the dame is equable, fuppofe its a£lion downwards, or
that upwards, fufficient to lift 40 pounds. As thefe
forces are equal, but their dire&ions contrary, they
will dedroy each other’s action.
Imagine then, the rocket opened at the choak ; by
this means the aftion of the dame downwards is taken
away, and there remains a force equal to 40 pounds
acting upwards, to carry up the rocket, and the dick
it is tied to. Accordingly, we find that if the com¬
pofition of the rocket be very weak, fo as not to give
an impulfe greater than the weight of the rocket and
dick, it does not rife at all ; or if the compofition be
flow, fo that a fmall part of it only kindles at firfl, the
rocket will not rife.
The flick ferves to keep it perpendicular; for if the
rocket Ihould begin to Humble, moving round a point
in the choak, as being the common centre of gravity of
rocket and dick, there would be fo much fridlion
againd the air by the fiick between the centre and
the point, and the point would beat againd the air
with fo much velocity, that the friftioa of the medium Rod
would reflore it to its perpendicularity.
When the compofition is burnt out, and the impulfe Ro^er‘
upwards is ceafed, the common centre of gravity is
brought lower towards the middle of the flick ; by
which means the velocity of the point of the dick is
decreafed, and that of the point of the rocket increa-
fed ; fo that the whole will tumble down, with the
rocket-end foremod.
All the while the rocket burns, the common centre
of gravity is drifting and getting downwards, and Hili
the fader and the lower as the flick is the lighter, fo
that it fometimes begins to tumble before it be burnt
out; but when the dick is a little too heavy, the
weight of the rocket bearing a lefs proportion to that
of the dick, the common centre of gravity will not get
fo low but that the rocket will rife draight, though not
fo fad.
ROD, a land-meafure of 16 feet and a half; the
fame with perch and pole.
Black Rod, a flaff carried by the king’s gentleman-
ufher, as a badge of his office : this rod or flafl- is
black, and has a lion in gold on its top. See Usher.
Fijhing- Rod, along taper rod or wand, to which,
the line is fadened for angling. See Fishing-/?^.
ROE, the feed or fpawn of fiflr. That of the male
fiflies is ufually didinguiflred by the name of foft roet
or milt; and that of the female, hard roe or fpa<wn.
So inconceivably numerous are thefe ovula or fmall
eggs, that M. Petit found 342144 of them in a carp
of 18 inches; but M. Lieuwenhoek found in a carp no
more than 211,629. This lad gentleman obferves,
that there are four times this number in a cod; and
that a common one contains 9,344,000 eggs.
Roe, in zoology. See Cervus.
ROGA, in antiquity, a prefent which the emperors
made to the fenators, magidrates, and even to the
people ; and the popes and patriarchs to their clergy.
Thefe rogae were diflributed by the emperors on the
firfl day of the year, on their birth-day, or on the na-
talis dies of the cities; and by the popes and patriarchs
in paffion-week. Roga is alfo ufed for the common
pay of the foldiers.
ROGATION (rogatio), in the Roman jurifprn-
dence, a demand made by the confuls or tribunes of the
Roman people, when a law was propofed to be paffed,
Rogatio is alfo ufed for the decree itfelf made in con-
fequence of the people’s giving their aflent to this de¬
mand; to didinguilh it from a fsnatus confultum, or de¬
cree of the fe'nate.
Rogation-the week immediately fucceeding
Whitfunday ; fo called from the three fads therein,
viz. on Monday, Tuefday, and Wednefday.
ROGER de Hoveden, a learned man of the X3th
century, was born in Yorkfhire, mod probably at the
town of that name, now called Ho’wden, fome time in
the reign of Henry I. After he had received the firfl
parts of education in his native country, he dudied the
civil and c'anon law, which were then become the moft
fafhionable and lucrative branches of learning. He
became domeftic chaplain to Henry II. who employ¬
ed him to tranfafl feveral ecclefiaftical affairs; in which
he acquitted himfeif with honour. But his moft me¬
ritorious work was, his Annals of England, from
Y. D. 731, when Bede’s ecclefiaftical hiftovy ends,
3 7 U 2 to
R O L [ 6740 ] R O L
Rogue to A. D. 1202. This work, which is one of the moft
R voluminous of our ancient hiftories, is more valuable
° ’ for the lincerity with which it is written, and the great
variety of fafts which it contains, than for the beauty
of its ftyle, or the regularity of its arrangement.
ROGUE, in law, an idle fturdy beggar ; who by
ancient ftatutes is for the firft offence called a rogue of
the firft degree, and punifhed by whipping, and bo¬
ring through the .griltle of the right ear with a hot
iron ; and for the fecond offence, is termed a rogue of
the fecond degree, and, if above 18 years of age, order¬
ed to be executed as a felon.
ROHAULT (James), a celebrated Cartefian phi-
lofopher, was the fon of a merchant of Amiens, where
he was born in 1620. He became well fkilled in the
mathematics, and taught them at Paris, where he be¬
came acquainted with M. Clerfelier, an advocate*, who
gave him his daughter in marriage. Rohault alfo
taught philofophy in the fame city, with uncommon
applaufe. He there improved the arts, and gave ex¬
cellent le&ures to the artifls and workmen. He died
at Paris in 1675. He wrote, in French, 1. A Trea-
tife on Natural Philofophy. 2. The Elements of the
Mathematics. 3. A Treatife on Mechanics, which is
very curious. 4. Philofophical Converfations; and
other works. His Phyfics have been tranflated into
Latin, by Dr Samuel Clarke, with notes, in which
the Cartdian errors are corre&ed upon the Newtonian
fyftem.
ROLL, in manufa&ories, fomething wound and
folded up in a cylindrical form.
Few fluffs are made up in rolls, except fattins, gaw-
fes, and crapes ; which are apt to break, and take
plaits not eafy to be got out, if folded otherwife. Rib¬
bons, laces, galloons, and paduas of all kinds, are alfo
thus rolled.
A roll of tobacco is tobacco in the leaf, twifted on
the mill, and wound twifl over twift about a flick or
roller. A great deal of tobacco is fold in America in
rolls of various weights; and it is not till its arrival in
England, Spain, France, and Holland, that it is cut.
A roll of parchment, properly denotes the quanti¬
ty of 60 fkins.
The ancients made all their books up in the form of
rolls, and in Cicero’s time the libraries confided wholly
of fuch rolls.
Roll, in law, fignifies a fchedule or parchment
which may be rolled up by the hand into the form of
a pipe. ^
In thefe fchedules of parchment all the pleadings,
memorials, and afts of court, are entered and filed by
the proper officer -, which being done, they become re¬
cords of the court. Of thefe there are in the exchequer
feveral kinds, as the great wardrobe roll, the cofferer’s
roll, the fubfidy-roll, &c.
Roll is alfo ufed for a lift of the names of perfons of
the fame condition, or of thofe who have entered into
the fame engagement. Thus a court-roll of a manor, is
that in which the names, rents, and fervices, of each
tenant are copied and enrolled.
Calves-head Roll, a roll in the two temples, in
which every bencher is taxed yearly at 2 s. every barri-
fter at t s. 6d. and every gentleman under the bar at
is. to the cook and other officers of the houfe, in
confideration of a dinner of calves-heads provided in
Eafter-term.
Afa/fcr-RoLL, that in which are entered the foldiers
of every troop, company, regiment, &c. As foon as a
foldier’s name is written down on the roll, it is death
for him to defert.
RoLLS-C^fc.?, is an officer in Chancery-lane, Lon¬
don, appointed for the cuftody of the rolls and records
in chancery.
Rider-'R.oL'L, a fchedule of parchment frequently
fewed or added to fome part of a roll or record.
Rolls of Parliament, are the manufcript regifters
or rolls of the proceedings of our ancient parliaments,
which before the invention of printing were all engrofs-
ed on parchment, and proclaimed openly in every
county. In thefe rolls are alfo contained a great many
decifions of difficult points of law, which were fre¬
quently in former times referred to the decifion of that
high court.
Roll, or Roller, is alfo a piece of wood, iron, brafs,
&c. of a cylindrical form, ufed in the conftru£iion of
feveral machines, and in feveral works and manufac¬
tures.
Thus in the glafs manufa&ure they have a running-
roll, which is a thick cylinder of caft brafs, which
ferves to conduct the melted glafs to the end of the
table on which large looking-glafies, &c. arc caft.
Founders alfo ufe a roll to work the fand which they
ufe in making their moulds.
The preffes called callendars, as ferving to calendar
fluffs withal, confift, among other effential parts, of two
rollers. It is alfo between the two rollers that the
waves are given to filks, mohairs, and other fluffs pro¬
per to be tabbied.
Impreffions from copper-plates are alfo taken.by
palling the plate and paper between two rollers. See
Rollitig-preft Printing.
Rolls, in flatting-mills, &c. are two iron inftru-
ments of a cylindrical form, which ferve to draw or
ftretch out plates of gold, filver, and other metals.
Rolls, in fugar-works, are two large iron barrels
w’hich ferve to bruife the canes, and to exprefs the
juice. Thefe are call hollow, and their cavities are
filled up with wood, the cylinders of which are pro¬
perly the rollers.
ROLLER, in furgery, a long and broad bandage,
ufually of linen-cloth, rolled round any part of the
body, to keep it in, or difpofe it to a ftate of health.
ROLLIN (Charles), a juftly celebrated French
writer, was the fon of a cutler at Paris, and was born
there on the 30th of January 1661. He ftudied at
the college du Pleffis; and acquired the regard of M.
Gobinet, principal of that college, who had a particu¬
lar efteem for him. He afterwards became profeffor
of rhetoric in the fame college; and, in 1688, fucceed-
ed Horfan, his mafter, as profeffor of eloquence, in the
royal college. No man ever exercifed the functions of
it with greater eclat: he often made Latin orations,
to celebrate the memorable events of the times; and
frequently accompanied them with poems, which were
read and efteemed by every body. In 1694, he was
chofen reflor of the univerfity ; and continued in that
office two years, which was then a great mark of di-
ftinftion. By virtue of his office, he fpoke the annual
... . pane-
R O L [ 6741 ] R O L
i Rollin. panegyric upon Lewis XIV. He made many very ufe-
   ful regulations in the univerfity ; and particularly re¬
animated the ftudy of the Greek language, whjch
was then growing into great negleft. He was a man
of indefatigable attention; and trained innumerable per-
fons, who did honour to the church, the date, and the
army. The firft prefident Portail was pleafed one day
to reproach Rollin in a jocular drain, as if he exceed¬
ed even himfelf in doing bufinefs: to whom Rollin re¬
plied, with that plainnefs and fmcerity which was na¬
tural to him, “ It becomes you well, Sir, to reproach
me with this; it is this habit of labour in me which
has didinguiihed you in the place of advocate-general,
which has railed you to that of fird prefident: you owe
the greatnefs of your fortune to me.”
Upon the expiration of the re£tor(hip, cardinal No-
ailles engaged him to fuperintend the dudies of his
nephews, who were in the college of Laon; and in this
office he was agreeably employed, when, in 1699, he
was with great rdutfance made coadjutor to the prin-
(i eipal of the college of Beauvais. This college was then
a kind of defart, inhabited by very few dudents, and
1 without any manner of difcipline: but Rollin’s great
reputation and indudry foon re-peopled it, and made
it that flourilhing fociety it has ever fince continued.
In this lituation he continued till 1712; when the war
between the Jefuits and the Janfenids drawing towards
a crifis, he fell a facrifxce to the prevalence of the for¬
mer. Father le Tellier, the king’s confefibr, and fu¬
rious agent of the Jefuits, infufed into his mader pre¬
judices againd Rollin, whole connexions with cardinal
de Noailles would alone have fufficed to have made him
0 Janfenid ; and on this account he lod his ffiare in the
principality of Beauvais.. No man, however, could
liave lod lefs in this than Rollin, who had every thing
left him that was necdfary to make him happy; re¬
tirement, books, and enough to live on. He now be¬
gan to employ himfelf upon Quintilian; an author he
judly valued, and faw negleXed npt without nneafinefs.
He retrenched in him whatever he thought rather cu¬
rious, than ufefu! for the indruXion of youth; he pla¬
ced fummaries or contents at the head of each chapter;
and he accompanied the text with fhort feleX notes.
His edition appeared in 1715, inavols 12010. with an
elegant preface fetting forth his method and views.
In 1710, the univerfity of Paris willing to have a
head fuitable to the importance of their intereds in
the then critical conjunXure of affairs, chofe Rolifn
again reXor: but be was difplaced in about two
months by a letter de cachet. The univerfity had pre-
fented to the parliament a petition, in which it pro-
teded againd taking any part in the adjudment of the
late difputes; and their being congratulated in a pub¬
lic oration by Rollin on this dep, occafioned the let¬
ter which ordered them tochoofe a reXor of more mo¬
deration. Whatever the univerfity might fuffer by the
removal of Rollin, the public was probably a gainer;
for he now applied himfelf to compofe his excellent
treatife upon the Manner of Studying and Teaching
the Belles Lettres. This work was publidted, two vo¬
lumes in 1726, and two more in 1728, 8vo.
Encouraged by the great fuccefs of this work, he
undertook another of equal ufeand entertainment: his
Hijloire Ancienne, &c. or “ Ancient Hidory of the
Egyptians, Carthaginians, Affyrians, Babylonian?,
Medes and Perftans, Macedonians, and Greeks,” which Rollin.
he finifhed in 13 vols 8vo. and publifhed between 1730 “~ '
and 1738. M. Voltaire, after having obferved that
Rollin was “ the fird member of the univerfity of Pa¬
ris who wrote French with dignity and correXnels,”
fays of this work, that “ though the lad volumes,
which were written in too great a hurry, are not equal
to the fird, it is neverthelefs the bed compilation that
has yet appeared in any language; becaufe it is feldom
that compilers are eloquent, and Rollin was remark¬
ably fo.” While the lad volumes of his ancient hi¬
dory were printing, he publifhed the fird of his Ro¬
man Hidory; which he lived to carry on, through the
eighth and into part of the ninth, to the war againd:
the Cimbri, about 70 years before the battle of Ac-
tium. Mr Crevier, the worthy difcipleof Rollin, con¬
tinued the hidory to the battle of AXium, which clofes
the tenth volume; and has fince completed the origi¬
nal plan of Rollin, in 16 vols 12mo, which was to bring
it down from the foundation of the city, to the reign
of Condantine the Great. All thefe works of Rollin
have met with univerfal approbation, and been tranfla-
ted into feveral languages.
This excellent perfon died in 1741. He had been
named by the king a member of the academy of in-
feriptions and belles lettres in 1701 : but as he had
not then babught the college of Beauvais into repute,
and found he had more bufinefs upon his hands than
was confident with a decent attendance upon the func¬
tions of an academician, he begged the privileges of a1
veteran, which were honourably granted him. Never¬
thelefs, he maintained his connexions with the aca¬
demy, attended their affemblies as often as he could,,
laid the plan of his ancient hiflory before them, and
demanded an academician for his cenfor. Rollin was
a man of an admirable compofition: very ingenious,
confummate in polite learning, of rigid morals, and
eminently pious. He was rather too religious, his re¬
ligion carrying him into the territories fuperdition ;
and he wanted nothing but a mixture of the philo-
fophic in his nature, to make him a very complete
perfon. When he was difeharged from the reXor-
Ihip in 1720, the words of the letter de cachet were,
That the uviverjity Jhould choofe a red or of tnore modt-
ration. But this was hardly poffible: for nothing could
be more benign, more pacific, more fweet, more mo¬
derate, than Rollin’s temper. He ffiowed, it muft be
owned, fome zeal for the caufe of Janfenifm. In all
other refpeXs he was a molt refpeXable perfon. We
find in his works generous and exalted fentiments, a
zeal for the good of fociety, a love of virtue, a venera¬
tion for Providence, and in Ihort every thing, though
on profane fubjeXs, fanXified with a fpirit truly reli¬
gious; fo that it is impoffible to read him without feel¬
ing ourfelves more virtuous. How noble his reflec¬
tions! Right reafon, religion, honour, probity, infpi-
red them ; and we can never enough admire the art
which has made them appear fo natural. This is Mr
Voltaire’s eloge on Rollin: to which we may add the
teftimony of the celebrated poet Roufleau, who concei¬
ved fuch a veneration for him, that he came out of ba-
nilhment incognito to Paris, on purpofe to vifit and
pay his refpeXs to him. He looked upon his hifto-
riee, not only as the heft models of the hiftoric kind,
but as a complete fyrtem of politics and morals, and a
molt
R O L [ 6742 ] ROM
'Rolling, mod inftruftive fchool for princes as well as fubje&a to
Rol!0, learn all their duties in.
ROLLING, the motion by which a fhip rocks
from fide to fide like a cradle, occafioned by the agi¬
tation of the waves.
Rolling, therefore, is a fort of revolution about an
imaginary axis paffing through the centre of gravity
of a {hip: fo that the nearer the centre of gravity is to
the keel, the more violent will be the rolling-motion;
becaufe the centre about which the vibrations are made,
is placed fo low in the bottom, that therefiftance made
by the keel to the volume of water which it difplaces
in rolling, bears very little proportion to the force of
the vibration above the centre of gravity, the radius of
which extends as high as the maft-heads.
But if the centre of gravity is placed higher above
the keel, the radius of vibration will not only be dimi-
nifhed, but an additional force to oppofe the motion of
rolling will be communicated to that part of the {hip’s
bottom which is below the centre of gravity.
So far as relates to the effef! of rolling, when pro¬
duced by the quality or ftowage of the ballaft, and to
the manner by which it may be prevented, viz. a
change of the quantity or difpofition of the ballaft, we
ihall endeavour to explain under the article Trim. It
may, however, be nectffary to remark, that the con-
ftrudion of the {hip’s bottom may alfo contribute to
diminifh this movement confiderahly.
Many fatal difafters have happened to {hips, arifing
from a violent rolling; as the lofs of the malls, loofen-
ing of the cannon, and ftraining violently on the decks
and fides, fo as to weaken the {hip to a great degree.
See Pitching.
Rolling-Tat-f/e, a pulley or purchafe faftened to
that part of a fail-yard which is to the windward of
the maft, in order to confine the yard clofe down to
the keward when the fail is furled.
It is ufed to prevent the yard from having a great
friftion againft the maft in a high fea, which would be
equally pernicious to both.
ROLLO, the conqueror of Normandy, was a Nor¬
wegian duke, baniftied from his country by Harold
Harfagre, who conquered Norway in 870, on account
of the piracies he exercifed. He firft retired with his
fleet among the iflands of the Hebrides to the north-
weft of Scotland, whither the flower of the Norwe¬
gian nobility had fled for refuge ever fince Harold had
become mafter of the whole kingdom. He was there
received with open arms by thofe warriors, who, eager
for conqueft and revenge, waited only for a chief to
undertake fome glorious enterprize. Rollo fetting
himfelf at their head, and feeing his power formidable,
failed towards England, which had been long as it
were a field open on all fides to the violences of the
northern nations. But the great Alfred had fome
years before eftabliftted fuch order in his part of the
ifland, that Rollo, after feveral fruitlefs attempts, de-
fpaired of forming there fuch a fettlement as ftiould
make him amends for the lofs of his own country. He
pre tended, therefore, to have had a fupernaturai dream,
which promifed him a glorious fortune in France, and
which ferved at leaft to fupport the ardour of his fol¬
lowers. The weaknefs of the government in that
kingdom, and the confufion in which it was involved,
were ftill more perfuafive reafon? to ipfure them of
fuccefs. Having therefore failed up the Seine to Rollo
Rouen, he immediately took, that capital of the pro- II
vince, then called Netiflria, and making it his maga- Roffiance|ji(
zine of arms, he advanced up to Paris, to which he
laid fiege in form. This war at length ended in the
entire ceflion of Neuftria, which Charles the Simple
was obliged to give up to Rollo and his Normans in
-order to purchafe a peace. Rollo received it in per¬
petuity to himfelf and his pofterity, as a feudal duchy
dependant on the crown of France. A defeription of
the interview between Charles and this new duke,
gives us a curious pi&ure of the manners of thefe Nor¬
mans, (as they were called by foreigners) ; for the lat¬
ter would not take the oath of fealty to his fovereign
lord, any other way than by placing his hands within
thofe of the king ; and abfolutely refufed to kifs his
feet, as cuftom then required. It was with great dif¬
ficulty he was prevailed on to let one of his warriors
perform this ceremony in his ftead ; but the officer to
whom Rollo deputed this fervice, fuddenly raifed the
king’s foot fo high, that he overturned him on his
back ; a piece of rudenefs which was only laughed at:
to fuch a degree were the Normans feared and Charles
defpifed.
Soon after, Rollo was perfuaded to embrace Chri-
ftianity, and he was baptized with much ceremony by
the archbiftrop of Rouen in the cathedral of that city.
As foon as he faw himfelf in full pofleffion of Nor¬
mandy, he exhibited fuch virtues as rendered the pro¬
vince happy, and deferved to make his former out¬
rages forgotten. Religious, wife, and liberal, this
captain of pirates became, after Alfred, the greateft
and moft humane prince of his time.
ROMAN, in general, fomething belonging to the
city of Rome. See Rome.
King of the Romans, in modern hiftory, is a prince
eledted to be fucceflbr to the reigning emperor of Ger¬
many.
ROMANCE, in matters of literature, a fabulous
relation of certain adventures defigned for the enter¬
tainment and inftrudlion of the readers.
The true nature and genuine charadleriftics of this
fpecies of writing, are excellently explained by the in¬
genious author of the Rambler; who obferves, that
the works of fidlion, with which the prefent genera¬
tion feems more particularly delighted, are fuch as
exhibit life in its true ftate, diverfified only by the ac¬
cidents that daily happen in the world, and influenced
by thofe paffions and qualities which are really to be
found in converfing with mankind.
This kind of writing may be termed not improperly
the comedy of romance, and is to be conne&ed nearly
by the rules of comic poetry. Its province is to bring
about natural events by eafy means, and to keep up
curiofity without the help of wonder : it is therefore
precluded from the machines and expedients of the he¬
roic romance, and can neither employ giants to fnatch
away a lady from the nuptial rites, nor knights to
bring her back from captivity ; it can neither bewilder
its perfonages in defarts, nor lodge them in imaginary
caftks.
Scaliger, upon Pontanus, remarks, that all his wai¬
tings are filled with images ; and that if you take from
him his lilies and his roles, his fatyrs and bis dryads,
he will have nothing left that can be called poetry. In
like
ROM [ 6743 ] R O M ^
Romance, like manner, almoft all the fi&iona of the lafi age will regulate their own pra&ices when they .{hall be en-
' 'vanirti, if you deprive them of a hermit and a wood, gaged in the like part.
a battle and a flvipwreck. For this reafon, thefe familiar biftories may perhaps
Why this wild (train of imagination found reception be made of greater ufe than the folemnities of pro-
fo long, in polite and learned ages, it is not eafy to feflld morality, and convey the knowledge of vice and
conceive: but we cannot wonder, that, while readers virtue with more accuracy than axioms and definitions.
could be procured, the authors were willing to con¬
tinue it ; for when a man had, by practice, gained
fome fluency of language, he had no farther care than
to retire to his clofet, to let loofe his invention, and
heat his mind with incredibilities ; and a book was
produced without fear of criticifm, without the toil of
ftudy, without knowledge of nature, or acquaintance
with life.
The tafk of our prefent writers is very different ; it
requires, together with that learning which is to be
gained from books, that experience which can never be
attained by folitary diligence, but muff arife from ge¬
neral converfe, and accurate obfervation of the living
world. Their performances have, as Horace expreffes
it, plus oneris quantum Venice minus, little indulgence,
and therefore more difficulty. They are engaged in
portraits of which every one knows the original, and
can therefore deleft any deviation from exaftnefs of
refemblance. Other writings are fafe, except from the
malice of learning: but thefe are in danger from every
common reader ; as the flipper was cenfured by a
flioemaker, who happened to flop in his way at the
Venus of Apelles.
But the danger of not being approved as juft co¬
piers of human manners, is not the mod important
apprehenfion that an author of this fort ought to have
before him. Thefe books are written chiefly to the
young, the ignorant, and the idle, to whom they ferve
as leftures of conduft, and introduftions into life.
They are the entertainment of minds unfurniftted with
ideas, and therefore eafily fufceptible of impreffions ;
not fixed by principles, and therefore eafily following
the current of fancy ; not informed by experience, and
confequently open to every falfe fuggeftion and partial
account.
That the higheft degree of reverence (houldbe paid
to youth, and that nothing indecent or unfeemly (hould
be fuffered to approach their eyes or ears, are precepts
extorted by fenl’e and virtue from an ancient writer,
by no means eminent for chaftity of thought. The
fame kind, though not the fame degree of caution, is
required in every thing which is laid before them, to
fecure them from unjuft prejudices, perverfe opinions,
and improper combinations of images.
In the romances formerly written, every tranfaftion
and fentiment was fo remote from all that paffes among
men, that the reader was in very little danger of ma¬
king any applications to himfelf ; the virtues and
crimes were equally beyond his fphere of aftivity ; and
he amufed himfelf with heroes and with traitors, de¬
liverers and profecutors, as with beings of another fpe-
cies, whofe aftions were regulated upon motives of
their own,.and who had neither faults nor excellencies
in common with himfelf.
But, when an adventurer is levelled with the reft of
the world, and afts in fuch fcenes of the univerfal
drama as may be the lot of any other man, young
fpeftators fix their eyes upon him with clofer attention,
and hope, by obferving his behaviour and fucctfs, to
But, if the power of example is fo great as to take
pofftflion of the memory by a kind of violence,, and
produce effefts almoft without the intervention of the
will, care ought to be taken, that, when the choice
is unreftrained, the bed examples only (hould be ex¬
hibited ; and that which is likely to operate fo (Irong-
Jy, (hould not be mifchtevous or uncertain in its ef¬
fefts.
The chief advantages which thefe fiftions have over
real life, is, that their authors are at liberty, though
not to invent, yet to feleft objefts, and to cull from
the mafs of mankind thofe individuals upon which the
attention ought mod to be employed ; as a diamond,
though it cannot be made, maybe poliftied by art,
“and placed in fucb a fituation as to difplay that luftre
which before was buried among common ftones.
ROMAGNA, a province of Italy, in the pope’s
territories, bounded on the north by the Ferrarefe,
on tlie fouth by Tufcany and the duchy of Urbino,
on the eaft by the gulph of Venice, and on the weft
by the Bolognefe and a part of Tufcany. It is fertile
in corn, wine, oil, fine fruits, and paftures. It has
alfo mines, mineral waters, and fait-works, which make
its principal revenue. Ravenna is the capita! town.
ROMANIA, a province of Turky in Europe,,
bounded on the north by Bulgaria, on the eaft by the
Black Sea, on the fouth by the Archipelago and the
fea of Marmora, and on the weft by Macedonia and
Bulgaria; being 200 miles in length, and 150 in
breadth. It was formerly called Thrace, and is the
principal and largeft of all the provinces the Turks
poffefs in Europe. It is a fruitful country in corn and
allures, and there are mines of filver, lead, and alum,
t is divided into three great governments or fangia-
cates; namely, Kirkel, of which Philipoli is the ca¬
pital ; Galipoli, whole capital is of the fame name ;
and Byzantium, or Byzia, or Viza, of which Con-
ftantinople is the capital. The Turks bellow the
name of ifewe/nz on all the territories they poffefs in
Europe.
ROMANO (Giulio), a famous painter, was the
difciple of Raphael, who had fuch an affeftiou for him,,
that he appointed him, with John Francis Penni, his
heir. His conceptions were more extraordinary and
more elevated than even thofe of his mafter, but not
fo natural. He was wonderful in the choice of atti¬
tudes ; but did not perfeftly-underftand the lights and
(hades, and is frequently hard) and ungraceful. The
folds of his draperies, fays Du Frefnoy, are neither
beautiful,nor great, eafy nor natural, but all extrava¬
gant, like the fantaftical habits of comedians. He was,
however, fuperior to moil painters, by his profound
knowledge of antiquity ; and, by converfing with the
works of the mod excellent poets, particularly Homer,
he made-himfdf mafter of the qualifications neceffa-
rily required in a great defigner. Julio Romano was
alfo well (killed in architefture. He was employed by
cardinal de Medicis, who was afterwards pope under
the name of Clement VII.; and afterwards went to
Mantua*,
Romagna
Ronlnno
ROM [ 6744 ] ROM
Rome. Mantua, whither he was invited by Frederic Gon-
zaga, marquis of that city, in order to avoid his
being jultly puniflied for his having drawn at Rome
the defigns of 20 obfcene plates, engraved by Mark
Antony, to which Aretine added the fame number of
fonnets. Julio Romano embellilhed the city of Man¬
tua with many of his performances both in painting
and archite&ure; and died in that city in 1545, 3154
years of age, much regretted by the marquis, who had
an extraordinary friendfliip for him.
ROME, a very ancient and celebrated city of Ita¬
ly, fituated on the river Tiber, in E. Long. 13''. N.
Lat. 41. 45. once the capital of the greateft empire in
the world; and famous in modern hiftory for being the
centre of an ecclefiaftical tyranny, by which for many
ages the greateft part of the world was held in fnbjec-
tion.
Romans anc'ent Romans derived, their original from
defeended -fEneas the Trojan hero: and though fome hiftorians
from jEneaspretend to treat his voyage into Italy as a mere fable,
yet no fufficient reafons for rejefting this account have
been offered, nor has any more probable hiftory of the
origin of the Roman name been given; fo that, with¬
out entering into the difpute, we {hall proceed to the
hiftory of ^Eneas and his fucceffors as they are record¬
ed by the generality of Latin writers.
When the Greeks, by the treachery of the fons of
Antenor, or by whatever other means it happened,
were become mafters of Troy, iEneas with the forces
under his command retired into the fortrefs of tlie city,
a and defended it bravely for fome time; but yielding at
iEneas flies length to neceflity, he conveyed away his gods, his fa-
t—oViher, wife, and children, with every thing he had that
j(jai was valuable, and, followed by a numerous crowd of
Trojans, fled to the ftrong places of mount Ida. Hi¬
ther all thofe of his countrymen, who were more an¬
xious than the reft to preferve their liberty, flocked to
him from the feveral towns of Troas. His army thus
augmented and advantageoufly polled, he continued
quiet, waiting for the departure of the Greeks, who,
it was imagined, would return home as foon as they
had pillaged the country. But thefe, after they had
enriched themfelves with the fpoils of Troy and of the
neighbouring towns, turned their arms againft the fu¬
gitives, refolving to attack them in their ftrong-holds
upon the mountain. iEneas, to avoid the hazard of
being forced in his laft refuge, had recourfe to nego-
3 ciation ; and, by his heralds, intreated the enemy not
Makes to conftrain him to a battle. Peace was granted him,
peace with on condition that he with his followers quitted the Tro-
and leases'5 j3n terr‘tor‘eiJ 5 an^ l^e Greeks, on their part, prorpi-
A(-ia> fed not to moleft him in his retreat, but to let him
fafely pafs through any country within the extent of
their domination.
Upon this affurance iEneas equipped a fleet, in or¬
der to feek a fettlement in fome foreign land. We are
told, that at his departure he left his eldeft fon Afca-
nius with the Dafylites, a people of Bithynia, who de-
fired to have him for their king ; but that the young
prince did not remain long with them: for when Sca-
mandrius (Aftyanax), with the the relLof the Hedto-
ridse whom Neoptolemus permitted to return home
from Greece, repaired to him, he put himfelf at their
head, and led them back to their native country.
The Trojan having croffed the Hellefpont, arrived
in the peninfula of Pallene, where he built a city, call- Rome.; [n
ed from him JEneia, and left in it a part of that mul- 3 r
titude which had followed him. From thence he fail¬
ed to Delos; and thence to Cythera, where he credled
a temple to Venus. He built another to the fame god-
defs in Zacynthus, in which ifbnd he likewife inftitu-
ted games, called the races of JEneas and Venus: the
ftatues of both, fays Dionyfius, are Handing to this
day. In Leucas, where the Trojans landed, was to
be feen in the fame author’s time, a temple ereded to
Venus the mother of iEneas. Nor were Adtium and
Ambracia without monuments that teftified his arrival
in thofe places. At Dodona were found brazen vafes,
upon which the name of the Trojan hero, who had i]
made an offering of them to Jupiter, was engraven in
old chara&ers. Not far from Buthrotos, in Epirus, a
Trojan camp which had efcaped the injuries of time,
retained the name of Try a. Al! thefe antiquities, dill
fubfitling in the reign of Auguftus, were then looked
upon as indifputable proofs of iEneas’s voyage to Epi¬
rus: “ and that became into Italy, (adds the fame
Dionyfius) we have the concurrent teftimony of all the
Romans; the ceremonies theyobferve in their facri-
fices and feftivals bear witnefs to it, as alfo the Sibyl¬
line books, the Pythian oracles, and many other things
which nobody can reafonably rejedt as invented merely
for ornament.”
The firft land of Italy which iEneas made, after
crofting the Ionian fea, was cape Minerva, in lapygia;
and here he went on fhore. Sailing afterwards from
hence, and coafting along the fouth-eaft of Italy and
the eaft and fouth fides of Sicily, he arrived with his
fleet either by choice or ftrefs of weather at the port
of Drepanum in that ifland. Elymus and iEgellus who
had efcaped from Troy a little before him, had brought
a Trojan.colony to this place. ./Eneas augmented it
by a good number of his followers, whom, pleafed to
have found a fafe reding place after many dangers and
fatiguing voyages, he willingly left behind him at their
requeft; though certain authors pretend that he was
conftrained to it by the difficulty of tranfporting them,
becaufe fome Trojan women, weary of the fea, had
burnt a confiderable part of his (hips.
./Eneas, leaving Drepanum, fleered his courfe for
Italy acrofs the Tyrrhenian fea. To the cape where
he firft landed, he gave the name Palinurus, from one
of his pilots who died there. The little ifland of Leu-
cafia, not far diftant, whither he failed next, got its
name in like manner from a daughter of /Eneas’s fi-
fter, who there ended her days. The port of Mifenum,
the ifland of Prochyta, and the promontory of Cajeta,
where he fucceffively arrived, were fo called from be¬
ing the burial-places, the firft of a noble Trojan his
companion, the fecond of his kinfwoman, and the third
of his nurfe. At length the Trojan prince and his cho-
ftn band finifhed their tedious and painful voyages on 4
the coaft of the fince famous Latium. This was a fmall Lands in
territory on the eaft fide of the river Tiber, contain- Laly,
ing a part of the prefent Campagna di Roma: Latinus
was the king of it; his capital town, Laurentum; his
fubjedls, a people who, till his time called Aborigines,
had from him taken the name of Latins. Plere, far
removed from their implacable enemies the Greeks,
/Eneas and his followers undertook to raife a fecond
Troy: they fortified a camp near the mouth of the Ty-
ROM [ 6745 ] ROM
, Rome, ber, gave it the name of Troy, and flattered themfelves
f ■—  with the hopes of a quiet fettleraent, and a period to
il t all their unhappy adventures.
When ^Eneas arrived in Italy, Latinus was engaged
in a war with the Rutuli, a neighbouring people, in
which he was Attended "but with very indifferent fnc-
cefs, when news was brought him that a foreign army
had made a defecnt on his coafls, pillaged the maritime
part of his dominions, and were fortifying themfelves
in a camp at a fmall diftance from the fea. Hereupon
I he marched againft them with all his forces, hoping to
oblige them to reimbark and abandon his dominions,
without meeting with any great refiftance from a band
of vagabonds, as he fuppofed, or pirates, come only to
feek for plunder: but finding them, as he drew near,
well armed, and regularly drawn up in battalia, he
thought it advifable to forbear engaging troops that
appeared fo well difciplined; and, inttead of venturing
a battle, to defire a parley. In this conference Lati-
Intts underflanding who they were, and being at the
fame time ftruck with terror, and touched with com¬
panion for thofe brave but unfortunate men, entered
into a treaty with them, and afligned them a trad of
land for a fettlement, on condition that they fhould
employ their arms and exert their valour in defence of
1 s his dominions, and look upon the Rutuli as a common
Snters into enemy* This condition iEneas readily accepted; and
jn alliance complied with his engagement fo faithfully, that La-
l^ith Lad-' tinus came at length to repofe an entire confidence in
harries his t^le Trojan; and in proof of it, gave him Lavinia, his
laughter, daughter and only child, in marriage, fecuring to him
by that means the fucceflion to the throne of Latium.
.ZEneas, to tellify his gratitude to Latinus, and affec¬
tion for Lavinia, gave her name to the camp he had
pitched; and inftead of Troy, called it Lavinium. The
Trojans followed the example of their leader; and by
marriages making alliances with Latin families, be¬
came, in a fhort time, one and the fame people with
the Latins.
In the mean time Turnus, the queen’s nephew, who
had been brought up in the palace under the eye of
Latinus, and entertained hopes of marrying Lavinia
and fucceeding to the throne, feeing the princefs be¬
llowed on a flranger, and all his views defeated, went
over to the Rutuli; and by ftirring them up, brought
on a battle between them and the Latins, in which
both he and Latinus were killed. Thus jEneas, by
the death of his father-in-law, and by that of a trou-
blefome rival, came into the quiet poflefiion of the king¬
dom of Latium, which he governed wih great wifdom,
and tranfmitted to his pofterity.
/Eneas is faid to have reigned three years; during
which lime he eftablifhed the worlhip of the gods of
his own country, and to the religion of the Latins
added that of Troy. The two Palladiums, which had
been the protestors of that city, became the tutelary
deities of Lavinium, and, in after ages, of the whole
Roman empire. The w'orlhip of Vella was likewife
f Introduced by iEneas; and virgins, from her called Ve~
Jials, were appointed to keep a fire continually burning
in honour of that goddeis. Jupiter, Venus, and many
other deities who had been revered in Troy, became,
in all likelihood, known to the Latins by means of
jEneas; which gave occafion to the poets of reprefent-
ing him under the characler of a pious heio.
Vol. IX. 1
While iEneas wasjhus employed, the Rutuli, an- Rome,
cient enemies of the Latin name, entering into an alii-
ance with Mezentius king of the Tyrrhenians, took
the field with a defign to drive out thofe new-comevs,
of whofe power they began to conceive no fmall jea- 6
loufy. ./Eneas marched out againll them at the head HU death,
of his Trojans and Latins. Hereupon a battle enfued,
which lafled till night; when ./Eneas being pufhed to
the banks of the Numicus, which ran clofe by Lavi¬
nium, and forced into that river, was there drqwned.
The Trojans concealed his body; and pretending that
he had vanilhed away on a fudden, made him pafs for
a deity among his credulous fubje6ls, who accordingly
eredled a temple to him under the title of Jupiter In-
diges. 7
Upon the death of /Eneas, his fon Euryleon, called Succeeded
aKo dfcaniu* and lulus, afeended the throne; but as
the young king did not think it advifable to ventureA camUS*
a battle in the very beginning of his reign, with a for¬
midable enemy, who promifed himfelf great fuccefs
from the death of /Eneas, he had the prudence to con¬
fine himfelf within the walls of Lavinium, and to try
whether he could, by an honourable treaty, put an end
to fo dangerous a war. But the haughty Mezentius
demanding of the Latins, as one of the conditions of
a peace, that they fliould pay him yearly, by way of
tribute, all the wine produced in the territory of La¬
tium, Afcanius reje£led the propofal with the utmoft
indignation; and having caufed all the vines through¬
out his dominions to be confecrated to Jupiter, and by
that means put it out of his power to comply with the
enemy’s requeft, he refolved to make a vigorous fally,
and try whether he could, by force of arms, bring the
infulting Tyrrhenian to more reafonable terms. The
main body of the enemy’s army was encamped at fome
diftance from Lavinium; but Laufus, the fon of Me¬
zentius, with the flower of their youth under his com¬
mand, lay entrenched at the very gates of the city.
The Trojans, who had been long accuftomed to make
vigorous fallies, marching out in the night, attacked
the pod where Laufus commanded, forced his intrench-
ments, and obliged the troops he had with him to fave
themfelves by flight to the main body of the army en- g
camped on the plain ; but the unexpedled arrival and
overthrow of their advance-guard ftruck them with fuch feats the
terror, that, inftead of flopping the flight of their com- Rutuli.
panions, they fled with them, in great diforder, to the
neighbouring mountains. The Latins purfued them,
and in the purfuit Laufus was killed: whofe death fo
difeouraged Mezentius, that he immediately fued for
peace; which was granted him, upon condition, that
for the future the Tiber ftiould be the boundary be¬
tween the Latin and Hetnirian territories. 9
In the mean time Lavinia, who had been left with His kind-
child by /Eneas, entertaining a ftrong jealoufy of the^!1®^"
ambition of her fon-in-law, reined to tlie woods, andhgr'fon'!
was there peaceably delivered of a fon, who, from his
father, was named Mneas, and, from the place of his
birth, had the furname of Sylvius: but as the queen’s
flight, who had difappeartd on a fudden, raifed fufpi-
cions at Lavtnium prejudicial to the-reputation of Af¬
canius, he ufed all poffible means to remove them, cau¬
fed diligent fearch to be made after Lavinia, calmed
her fears, and prevailed upon her to return to the town
with her fon, whom he ever after treated as a brother.
37 X La-
ROM [ 6746 ] R O
Rome. Lavinium grew every day more populous; but as it be carefully watched, till fhe
was in reality the patrimony of Lavinia, and the inhe¬
ritance of her fon Sylvius, Afcanius refolved to refign
it to them, and build elfewhere another city for him-
.Afcanhis felf. This he made the place of his refidence, and the
M
founds Alba capital of his new kingdom, calling Alba Longa,
Longa, Alba, from a white fow, which* we are told iEneas
had found in the place where it was built; and
to diftingnifh it .from another town of the fame name
in the country of the Marfi; or rather, becaufe it ex¬
tended, without having much breadth, the whole length
of a lake near which it was built. It was 30 years af¬
ter the building of Lavinium, that Afcanius fixed his
abode, at Alba; and there he died, after a reign of a-
bout 38 years, 12 of which he had refided at his new
fettlement. He left a fon called lulus; fo that be¬
tween him and Sylvius lay the right of fucceflion to
the Latin throne; the latter being the fon, and the for¬
mer the grandfom, of JEneas.
The Latins not thinking it their intereft to continue
divided, as it were, into two Hates, refolved to unite
Alba and Lavinium into one fovereignty; and as Syl¬
vius was born of Lavinia the daughter of Latinus, and
had thereby an undoubted title to the kingdom of his
grandfather, whereas the other was but the fon of a
llranger, the Latins beftowed the crown on Sylvius;
and, to make lulus fome amends, decreed to him the
fovereign power in affairs of religion ; a power which
thenceforth continued in his family. Sylvius was fuc-
ceeded by 13 kings of the fame race, who for near 400
years reigned at Alba; but we fcarce know any thing
of them befides their names, and the years of their re-
Refigns tl
kingdom.
fpeftive reigns. iEneas Sylvius died, after a reign of prifed Remus, and carried him before Numitor, to be
Origin of
the name
Tiber.
29 years. His fon, called alfo JEneas Sylvius, go¬
verned Latium 31 years. Latinus Sylvius, who fuc-
ceeded him, fwayed the feeptre for the fpace of 51
years. Alba reigned 39 ; Capetus, by Livy named
Atys, 26; Capis, 28; and Capetus, 13- Tiberinus,
who fucceeded him, engaged in a war which proved
fatal to him; for in a battle which was fought on the
banks of the Albula,. he was forced into that river and
drowned. From him the river took the name of ‘Ti¬
ber, which it has borne ever fince. Agrippa fucceed¬
ed Tiberinus, after a reign of eight years ; and left the
throne, which he had held 41 years, to Alladius; who
reigned 19, and was fucceeded by Aventinus, who left
his name to the hill Aventinus, where he was interred.
Procas, who fucceeded him, and reigned 23 years, was
the father of Numitor and Amulius; and at his death,
bequeathed the throne to his elder fon Numitor. But
Amulius, who furpaffed his brother in courage and un-
derftanding, drove him from the throne; and to fe-
cure it to himfelf, murdered iEgeftns, Numitor’s only
fon, and confecrated his daughter Rhea Sylvia to the
worlhip of Vefta, by which fire was obliged to perpe-
punilhed according to his deferts. But Numitor feel¬
ing himfelf touched in the prifoner’s favour, allied him
where he was born, and who were his parents. His
anfwer immediately (truck Numitor with a lively re¬
membrance of his two grandfons ; their age, which
was about 18 years, agreed with the time when' the
two infants were expofed upon the Tiber; and there
needed no more to change his anger into tendernefs.
In the mean time Romulus, eager to refeue his bro¬
ther, and purfue thofe who had carried him off, was
preparing to be revenged on them ; but Faullulus dif-
fuaded him from it, and, on that occafion, difclofing
to' him his birth, awakened in his breaft fentiments
worthy of his extradlion. He refolved, at all adven¬
tures, to attempt the delivering of his mother and grand¬
father from opprellion. With this view, he affembled
the country people, over whom he had affumed a kind
of fovereignty, and engaged them to come to the city
on an appointed day, and enter it by different gates,
provided with arms, which they were to conceal.
While Romulus was thus difpofing every thing for the
execution of his defign, Numitor made the fame dxf-
tual virginity. But this precaution proved intffeftual; covery to Remus concerning his parents, and the op-
of Rhea
Sylvia.
: for as the Veflal was going to a neighbouring fpring
to fetch water for the performance of a facrifice to
Mars, Ihe was met and ravilhed by a man in a mili¬
tary habit, like that in which the god Mars is repre-
preffions they groaned under ; which fo fired him,
that lie was ready to embark in any enterprize.
Rut Numitor took care to moderate the tranfports
of his grandfon, and only defired him to acquaint
fented. Seme authors think that this counterfeit Mars his brother with what he had heard from him, and to
was a lover come thither by her appointment ; others
charge Amulius himfelf with ufing this violence to his
niece, not fo much to gratify his luff, as to have a pre¬
fend him to his houfe. Romulus foon came, and was
followed by Fauftulus, who took with him the trough
(kiff in which the twins had been expofed, to (how
tence to deftroy her. For ever after he caufed her to it to Numitor: but, as the (hepherd betrayed an air
delivered of two fons; Rom^f c
and then exaggerating her crime in an affembly of the
people, he prevailed upon them to fentence her to
death, and to condemn the fruit of her criminal amour °f Ron^'v
to be thrown into the Tiber. The fentence againft*us anii
Rhea was, according to fome authors, changed by A-im,s' !
mulius, at the requett of his daughter Antho, into per¬
petual confinement, but executed againlt the twins;
who being laid in a wooden trough, and carried to the
foot of mount Palatine, were there turned adrift on
the Tiber, which at that time overflowed tis banks.
But the wind and dream proved both fo favourable,
that at the fall of the water the two infants were left
fafe on the ftrand, and there happily found by Fauftu-
lus, the chief of the king’s (hepherds, and fuckled by
his wife Acca Laurentia, who for her diforderly life
was called Lupa; and this probably gave rife to the
fabulous miracle of their being nurfed by a wolf.
As Faurtulus was probably well acquainted with the
birth of the twins, he took more than ordinary care of
their education, and fent them to Gabii to be inftruc-
ted there in Greek literature. As they grew up, they
appeared to have fomething great in their mien and air
which commanded refpecl ; and the afeendant which
they affumed over the other (hepherds, made them
dreaded in the forelts, where they exercifed a fort of
empire. A quarrel happening between the herdfmen
of Amulius and thofe of Numitor, the two brothers
took the part of the former againft the latter ; and
fome, blood being (bed in the fray, the adverfe party
to be revenged on Romulus and Remus (for fo the
twins were called), on the feflival of Lupercalia, fur-
ROM [ 6747 ] ROM
of concern and earneftnefs in his looks, he was flopped
at the gate of the city, led before Amulitts, and exa¬
mined concerning his burden. It was eafily known by
its make and infeription, which was ftilklegible ; and
therefore Fauflus owned what it was, and confefled
that the twins were living; but, in order to gain time,
pretended that they were feeding flocks in a re¬
mote defart. In the mean time, the ufurper’s death
being refolved on, Remus undertook to raife the city,
and Romulus to invert the king’s palace. The coun¬
try people came at the time appointed, and formed
themfelves into companies each conlifting of too men.
They had no other enfigns but bundles of hay hang¬
ing upon long poles, which the Latins at that time
called manipuli ; and hence came the name of manipu-
{ares, originally given to troops raifed in the coun¬
try. With this tumultuous army Romulus befet the
avenues of the palace, forced the guard, and having
killed the tyrant, after he had reigned42 years, refto-
red his grandfather Numitor to the throne.
Affairs being thus fettled at Alba, the two bro¬
thers, by the advice of Numitor, undertook the found¬
ing of a new colony. The king beftowed on them
thofe lands near the Tiber where they had been
brought up, fupplied them with all manner of inftru-
roents for breaking up ground, with (laves, and beafts
of burden, and granted full liberty to his fubjefts to
join them. Hereupon moft of the Trojans, of whom
there ftill remained 50 families in Auguftus’s time,
chofe to follow the fortune of Romulus and Remus, as
did alfo the inhabitants of Pallantium and Satur-
nia, two fmall towns. For the more fpeedy carry¬
ing on of the work, it was thought proper to divide
thofe who were to be employed in the building of the
city into two companies, one under the command of
Romulus, the other of Remus ; but this divifion, which
was defigned purely with a view to the public welfare,
and that the two parties might work by way of emu¬
lation, gave birth to two faftions, and produced a jea*
loufy between the two brothers, which broke out when
they came to choofe a place for the building of their
new city; for Remus was for the Aventine, and Ro¬
mulus for the Palatine mount. Upon which, the mat¬
ter being referred to their grandfather, he advifed the
contending parties to have recourfe to the gods, and to
put an end to the difpute by augury, to which he was
himfelf greatly addifted. The day appointed for the
ceremony being come, the brothers ported themfelves
each upon his hill ; and it was agreed, that whoever
fhould fee the firft flight, or the greateft number, of
vultures, fhould gain his caufe. After the two rivals
had waited fome time for the appearance of a favour¬
able omen, Romulus, before any had appeared, fent to
acquaint his brother, that he had feen fome vultures;
but Remus, having actually feen fix, while his bro¬
ther’s meffengers were yet on their way, haftened, on
their arrival, to mount Palatine, to examine the truth
of what they had told him. He had no fooner got
thither, than by an unexpected good fortune twelve vul¬
tures appeared to Romntus. Thefe he immediately
fhowed to his brother; and, tranfported with joy, de¬
fied him to judge himfelf of the truth of what his mef¬
fengers had told him. However, Remus difco.vered
the deceit; and, being told that Romulus had not
feen the twelve vultures till after he had feen fix, he infill¬
ed on the time of his feeing them, and the other on the Rome,
number of birds he had feen. This widened the breach ~ ~
between the two brothers ; and, their parties being
divided, while each man efpoufed the caufe of his lea¬
der, the difpute grew fo warm, that, from words they
came at length to blows. The fliepherd Faurtulus,
who was equally dear to both the brothers, endeavour¬
ing to part the combatants, was, by an unknown hand,
laid dead on the fpot. Some writers tell us, that Re- r)eat^0j.
mus likewife loft his life in the fray; but the greater Rcnnis>'
number place his death later, and fay that he was kill¬
ed by one Fabius, for having, in derifionj leaped over
the wall of the new city : but Livy fays, the more
common report was, that Remus fell by the hand of
his brother.
Romulus, being now head of the colony, by having
got the better of his brother’s party in the late engage- Foundation
ment, applied his thoughts wholly to the building of of Rome,
the city, which he propofed to call after his own name.
He chofe mount Palatine for its fituation, and per¬
formed all thofe ceremonies which the fuperftition of
the Hetrurians had introduced. He firft offered faert-
fices to the gods, and ordered all the people to do the
fame: and, from that time decreed, that eagles fliould
be the aufpices of his new colony. After this, great .
fires were kindled before their tents, and all the people
leaped through the flames to purify themfelves. When
this ceremony was over, they dug a trench round the
fpot where the affemblies of the people were afterwards
held, and threw into it the firft-fruits of whatever
they were allowed to make ufe of for food : every man
of the colony was ordered to caft into the fame trench
an handful of earth, brought either from his own, or
fome neighbouring country. The trench they called
Mundus, that is, the 'world, and made it the centre
round which the city was to be built. Then Romu¬
lus, yoking an ox and a cow to a plough, the coulter
whereof was brafs, marked out, by a deep furrow, the
whole compafs of the city. Thefe two animals, the
fymbols of marriage, by which cities are peopled, were
afterwards (lain upon the altar. All the people fof-
lowed the plough, throwing inwards the clods of
earth which the plough-fhare fometimes turned out¬
wards. Wherever a gate was to be made, the plough
was lifted up, and carried ; and hence came the Latin
word porta, “ a gate,” derived from the verb portare,
“ to carry.” As mount Palatine flood by itfelf, the
whole was inclofed within the line made by the plough,
which formed almqft the figure of a fquare; whence
by Dionyfius Halicarnaffenlis, it is called Ro?fia §>ua-
drata.
As to the exa& year of the foundation of Rome, there
is a great difagreement among hiftorians and chronolo-
gers. Fabius Piclor, the mod ancient of all the Roman
writers, places it in the end of the feventh Olympiad;
that is, according to the computation of Ufher, in the
year of the world 3256, of the flood 1600, and 748
before the Chriftian aera. The Romans, if we may fo
call them, began to build, as Plutarch and others in¬
form us, on the 21ft of April ; which day was then
confecrated to Pales, goddefs of the (hepherds; whence
the feftival of Pales, and that of the foundation of the
city, were afterwards jointly celebrated at Rome. At firft but
When Rome had received the utmoft perfe&ion a poor vil-
which its poor aad rude founder could give it, it con-Uge.
37 X 2 fitted
ROM [ 6748 ] ROM
Rome, fifted of about 1000 houfes, or rather huts; and was,
properly fpeaking, a beggarly village, whereof the
principal inhabitants followed the plough, being obli*
ged to cultivate with their own hands the ungrateful
foil of a barren country which they had (hared among
themfelves. Even the walls of Romulus’s palace were
made of rufhes, and covered with thatch. As every
one had chofen his ground to build upon, without any
regard to the regularity and beauty of the whole, the
itreets, if we may fo call them, were both crooked
and narrow. In Ihort, Rome, till it was rebuilt after
the burning of it by the Gauls, was rather a diforder-
ly heap of huts, than a city built with any regularity
or order.
As foon as the building of the city was fioKhed, Ro-
mulus affembled the people, and defined them tochoofe
Romulus what kind of goveruincnt they would obey. At that
ekfted king time monarchy was the unanimous voice of the Ro¬
mans, and Romulus was elected king. Before he
afcended the throne, however, he confulted the will of
the gods by augury ; and having received a favour¬
able anfwer, it thence became an eftablifhed cuftom
to have recourfe to augury before the railing any one
to the dignity of king, prieft, or any public employ¬
ment. After this he applied himfelf to the eftablilhment
of good order and fubordination among his fubjeds.
He put on a habit of diflin&ion for himfelf, appointed
tz lidors to attend him as guards, divided his fub-
jeds, who at this time confilted only of 33,000 men,
into curia, decuria, patricians, plebeians, patrons, cli¬
ents, &c. for an account of which, fee thefe articles
as they occur in the order of the alphabet. After this
he formed a fenate confifting of 100 perfons, chofen
from among the patricians; and a guard of 300 young
men called celeves, who attended the king, and fought
either on foot or on horfeback as occafion required.
The king’s office at home was to take care of religious
affairs, to be the guardian of laws and cuftoms; to de¬
cide the weightier caufes between man and man, refer¬
ring thofe of fmaller moment to the fenate ; to call to¬
gether the fenators, and affemble the people, firil de¬
livering his own opinion concerning the affair he pro-?
pofed, and then ratifying by his confent what was
agreed on by the majority. Abroad, and in the time
of war, he was to- command the army with abfolute
authority, and to take care of the public money. The
fenate were not only to be judges in matters of fmall
importance, but to debate and r'efolve upon fuch pub¬
lic affairs as the king propofed, and to determine them
by a plurality of voices. The people were allowed to
create magiftrates, enadf laws, and refolve upon any
war which the king propofed; but in all thefe things
the confent of the fenate was neceffary.
Romulus next proceeded to fettle the religious af¬
fairs of his people. Many of the Trojan and Phry¬
gian deities were added to thofe whom the Aborigines,
or Italian natives already worfhipped. He chofe
priefts. inftituted feftivals, and laid the foundation of
a regular fylletn of religion ; after which, as his colo¬
ny was Hill thinly peopled, he opened an afylum for
fugitive (laves, homicides, outlaws, and debtors. Thefe,
however, he did not at firil receive within the walls,
but appointed for their habitation the hill Saturnius
called afterwards Capitolinas, op which he eredted a
temple to a divinity of his own invention, whom he
named the Afylean god, under whofe protedlion all cri- Romc.j uti
minals were to live fecurely. But afterwards, when the *
city was enlarged, the afylum was inclofed within the
walls, and t!»ofe who dwelt in it included among the
citizens of Rome.
When Romulus had thus fettled every thing relating
to his new colony, it was found that a fupply of wo¬
men were wanting to perpetuate its duration. This Rape ti
occafioned fome difficulty ; for the neighbouring na-Sabine wc'»
tions refufed to give their daughters in marriage toroe*1*
fuch a crew of vagabonds as had fettled in Rome ;
wherefore Romulus at laft refolved on the following
expedient. By the advice of his grandfather Numitor,
and with the confent of the 'fenate, he proclaimed a fo-
lemn feaft and public games in honour of the Eque-
ftrian Neptune called Catrifus. This occafioned a
great concourfe of people, who flocked from the adja¬
cent parts to behold thefe pompous (hows together
with the new city. But, in the roidft of the folem-
nity, the Romans, ruffiing in with their fwords drawn,
feized all the young women, to the number of 683,
for whom Romulus chofe hufbands. Among all thofe
who were thus feized, only one married woman, named
HerJUia, was found ; and Romulus is faid to have kept
her for himfelf.
This violence foon brought on a war with the neigh- Occafions |
bouring nations, Acron king of Caenina, a city on war with '
the confines of Latium, having entered into a league tIie
with the inhabitants of Cruftuminum and Antemnas, 153
invaded the Roman territories. Romulus marched
againft them without delay, defeated the confederate
army, killed their king in lingle combat, decreed
himfelf a triumph, and confecrated the fpoils of A-
cron to Jupiter Feretrius, under the name of Qpima
Spolia. The city of Cxnina was razed to the ground,
and the inhabitants tranfplanted to Rome, where they
were admitted to the privileges of citizens. The king
then marched with one legion (confiding at this time
of 3QOO foot and 300 horfe) againft the Cruftumini
and Antemnates, both of whom be defeated in battle,
and tranfplanted the inhabitants to Rome ; which be- 21
ing incapable of holding fuch a number, Romo- Rome en-
his took in the hill Saturnius abovementiontd, on the lar£ctl*
top of which he built a citadel, committing the care
of it to a noble Roman named Tarpeius. The citadel
was furrounded on all fides with ramparts and towers,
which equally commanded the. city and country. From
the foot of the hill Saturnius a wall was carried on
quite to the Tiber, and a gate opened in it named
Carmentalis, from Carmenta the mother of Evander,
who either lived there, or had fome chapel or altar
eredled to her.
Romulus had now become fo formidable to his neigh¬
bours, and had fo well eftahliflied his reputation for
clemency, that feveral cities of Hetruria voluntarily
fuhmicted to him. Coelius, an Hetrurian general, led
the troops under his command to Rome, and fettled on
an hill near the city, which from him took-the name
of Mount Ccelius. The Sabines, however, not in the
leaft difmayed at this increafe of the Roman forces,
fent a deputation to Romulus, demanding reftitution
of the young women who had been carried off; and,
upon his refufal, marched to Rome with an army of
25,0,00 foot and 1000 horfe, under the command ofInvafion o£
their king Titus Tatius. Romulus, having received‘he Sabines.;
ROM [ 6749 ] ROM
|) Rome, fupplies from Namitor and from Hetruria, likewife
1 T~ took the field with 20,000 foot and 800 horfe, with
whom he feized an advantageous poft, and fortified
himfelffo ftrongly that he could not be attacked. The
Sabine monarch, perceiving the military Ikill of Ro¬
mulus, began to be apprehenfive of the event; but was
extricated out of his difficulties by the treachery of
j The citadel Tarpeia daughter to the governor of the citadel, who
^ befieged. agreed to betray that important fortrefs to the enemy,
on condition, of being rewarded with the bracelets
which the Sabines wore on their left arms. But when
once they became mafters of this important place, they
are faid to have crufhed Tarpeia under the weight of
their bucklers, pretending that thus they difcharged
. their promife, as they wore their bucklers alfo on their
left arms. The poflefiion of the citadel enabled the
Sabines, to carry on the war with more fuccefs ; but,
at laft, in a general engagement, they had the mif-
fortune to be driven back into the citadel, whither
they were purfued by the Romans, who expefted to
have retaken that important poft ; but the enemy, roll¬
ing down great (tones from the top of the hill, wound¬
ed Romulus, on the head, fo that he was carried in-
fenfibie out of the field of battle, while in the mean
time his troops were repulfed, and purfued to the very
gates of Rome. However, the king foon recovering
hitnfelf, encouraged his routed troops, and drove the
enemy back into the citadel. But while the two na¬
tions were thus fiercely contending, the women, for
whofe caufe the war had been commenced, undertook
the office of mediators; and having obtained leave from
the fenate, marched in a body to the camp of the Sa¬
bines, where they pleaded the caufe of their hufbands
aJ fo effe&ually, that a treaty of union between the two
Peace con- nations was fet on foot, and a peace was at laft con¬
cluded, and eluded on the following terms. 1. That the two
f) thetw<> ,na* kings fhould refide and reign jointly at Rome. 2. That
i t’jns um' the city fhould ftill, from Romulus,, be called Rome;
but the inhabitants ghiirites, a name till then peculiar
to the Sabines. 3. That the two nations fhould be¬
come one; and that the Sabines fhould be made free in
Rome, and enjoy all the privileges of Roman citizens.
As Rome was chiefly indebted for this increafe of her
power and fplendor to the Sabine, women, honourable
privileges and marks o'f diftindUcm were allowed them.
I Every one was commanded to give way to them ; in
capital caufes they were exempted from the jurifdic-
tion of the ordinary judges; and their children were
allowed to wear a golden ball hanging from their
necks, and a particular kind of robe called
to diftinguifh them from the vulgar.
The two kings reigned with great harmony for the
fpace of five years; during which time the only military
exploit they accomplifhed was the reduction of the city
of Cameria, at a fmall diftance from Rome. Four thou-
fand of the Camerini were tranfplanted to Rome,, and
a Roman colony fent .to repeople Cameria ; foon after
Tatiusmur-which the Sabine king was murdered by the Lavini-
(jj dered, anS) on account of his granting protedfion to fome of
his friends who had ravaged their territories. The La-
vinians, fearing the refentment of Romulus, deliver¬
ed y.p the afiaffins into his hands ; but he fent them
back unpunifhed, which gave occafion to fufpedt that
he was not difpleafed with the death of his colleague.
Soon after the death of Tatius, Rome was afflidted
with famine and peftilence, which encouraged the Ca- Rome,
merini to revolt; but Romulus marching.againft them ’ ’
fuddenly, defeated them with the lofs of 6©oo men.
After which he attacked the Fidenates, wbofe city
flood about five miles from Rome, took their capital,
and made it a Roman colony. This drew upon him
the refentment of the Vtientes, a powerful nation in
the neighbourhood, who claimed Fideme as within
their jurifdidlion ; but their forces being defeated in
two engagements, and a great number of them taken
prifoners, they were obliged to fue for peace. Romulus
granted them a truce for 100 years, on condition that
they delivered to him feven fmall towns on the Tiber,
together with fome falt-pits near the mouth of that ri¬
ver, and fend 50 of their chief citizens as hoitages
to Rome. The prifoners taken in this war were all fold
for (laves.
The remaining part of the life of Romulus was fpent
in making laws for the good of his people; but to¬
wards the latter end of his reign, being elated with
fuccefs, he began to enlarge the bounds formerly fee
to his prerogative, and to behave in an arbitrary man¬
ner. He paid no longer any regard to the voice of the
fenate, but affembled them only for form’s fake to ratify
his commands. The fenate therefore confpired to de-
ftroy him, and accomplifhed their purpofe while be
was reviewing his troops. A violent ftorm of hail and
thunder difperfed the army ; and the fenators taking
this opportunity, when they were left alone with the
king, inftantly killed him, and conveyediiis body out And like-
of fight. Some writers tell us, that, the better towifeRomu-
conceal the faft, they cut his body in.pieces, each oflus‘
them carrying away a part under his robe ; after which
they told the multitude that their king was on a hid¬
den furrounded by flame, and fnatched up into heaven.
This ftratagem, however, did not fatisfy the foldiery,
and violent difturbances were about to enfue, when Jul ius
Proculus, a fenator of great dittin£lion, having affem-
bled the Curias, told them that Romulus bad appeared
to him, and enjoined him to acquaint the people, that
their king was returned to the gods from whom he
originally came, but that he would continue to be pro¬
pitious to them under the name &i ^utrinus; and to
the truth of this ftory Julius fwore.,
Romulus reigned, according to the common com¬
putation, 37 years: but fome hiftorians reduce the
length of his reign to little more than 17; it being
very unlikely, as they obferve, that a prince of fuch
an adive difpolition fhould perform nothing worthy of ig
record during a period of 20 years. Be this as it will, His death;
however, the death of Romulus was followed by an in-followed by
terregnum, during which the fenators, to prevent an-an 1,,terrcS"
arehy and confufion, took the government into theirnum’-
own hands. Tatius added another hundred to that
body; and thefe 2.QO fenators divided themfelves into
decuries or tens. Thefe decuries drew lots which
(hould govern firft; and the decury to whole lot it fell,
enjoyed the fupreme authority for five days; yet in
fuch a manner, that one perfon only of the governing
decury had theenfigns of fovereignty at a time.. To thefe
another decury fucceeded, each of them fitting on the
throne in his turn, &c. But the people foon growing
weary of fuch frequent change of mafters, obliged the
fenate to refolve on the deflion of a king. The fe¬
nate referred the ele&ion to the people, and the people.
to*
ROM [ 6750 ] ROM
Rome, to the fenate, who at iaft undertook the ta/k. Some
' ' difficulties, however, occurred : the Romans did not
choofe to be fubjeft to a Sabine; and the Sabines,
as they had been fubjeft to Romulus after the death
of Tatius, infifted that the king (honld be chofen out
of their nation. At laft it was agreed, that the king
ffiould be a Sabine, but that the Romans fhould make
Numa c^0*ce*
Pompilius •*-n confequence of this determination, the Romans
the fecond ele&ed Numa Pompilius, an auftere phiiofopher, who
king. had married Tatia, the daughter of Tatius the late
king. After the death of bis wife, he gave himfelf en¬
tirely up to philofophy and fuperftition, wandering
from folitude to folitude, in fearch of facred woods
and fountains, which gave the people a great opinion
of his fanftity. The phiiofopher at .firft rejeAed the
offer of the kingdom; hot being at laft prevailed upon,
he fet out for Rome, where he w’as received with loud
acclamations, and had his elefition unanimoully con¬
firmed by the fenate.
The reign of Numa is by no means memorable for
battles or conquefts. He was averfe to war; and made
it his ftudy to foften the manners of the Romans, ra¬
ther than to exalt them to fuperiority over their neigh¬
bours. He difmiffed the celeres, encouraged agricul¬
ture, and divided the citizens into diftinft bodies of
tradefmen. This laft meafure he took on purpofe to
abolifh the diftin&ion between Romans and Sabines,
which had hitherto rent the city into two fadions;
and this effedually anfwered his end : for now all of
each particular profeffion, whether Romans or Sabines,
were obliged to affociate together, and had each their
refpe&ive courts and privileges. In this divifion the
muficians held the firft rank, becaufe they were em¬
ployed in the offices of religion. The goldfmiths, car¬
penters, curriers, dyers, taylors, &c. formed alfo di~
Rind communities ; and were allowed to make bye¬
laws among themfelves, to have their own feftivals,
particular facrifices, See.
Though Numa himfelf is faid by Plutarch to have
had pretty juft notions of the Supreme Being, he ne-
verthelefs added innumerable fuperftitions to thofe he
found in Rome. He divided the minifters of religion
into eight claffes, appointing to each their office with
the greateft precifion ; he ereded a temple to Janus,
the fymbol of prudence, which was to remain open in
time of war, and to be {hut in time of peace. Ano¬
ther temple was ere6ted to Bona Fides ; and he in¬
vented a new kind of deities called Dii Termini, or
boundaries, which he caufed to be placed on the bor¬
ders of the Roman ftate, and of each man’s particular
lands.—The laft reformation which Numa undertook,
was that of the calendar. Romulus had divided his
year into ten months, which, according to Plutarch,
had no certain or equal number of days; fome con¬
fiding of 20, fome of 35, &c. However, by other
hiftorians we are informed, that he allotted to March,
May, Quintilis, and October, 31 days ; to April, June,
Sextilis, November, and December 30 ; making in all
304 days. But Numa being better acquainted with the
celeftial motions, added to thefe the two months of
January and February. To coropofe' theie two months
he added 50 days to the 304 ; and thus made the year
anfwer to the courfe of the moon. He then took fix
more from the months that had even daysj and added
one day merely out of fuperftition, that the year might Rome.
prove fortunate; for the pagans looked upon even J
numbers as unlucky, but imagined odd numbers to be
fortunate. However, he could make out no more
than 28 for February, and therefore that month was
always reckoned unlucky among the Romans. Be-
fides this he obferved the difference between the folar
and lunar year to be x 1 days; and to remedy the in¬
equality, he added an intercalary month named Mer-
cedinus or Mercedonius, of 22 days every two years :
but as he knew alfo that the folar year confided of
365 days 6 hours, he ordered that every fourth year
the month Mercedinus ffiould confift of 23 days. The
care of thefe intercalations was left to the priefts, who
lef out or put in the intercalary day or month as they
imagined it to be lucky or unlucky ; and by that means
created fuch confufion, that the feftivals came in procefs
of time to he kept at a feafon-quite oppofite to what
they had been formerly.
Thefe are all the remarkable tranfaftions of the succeed^
reign of Numa, which is faid to have continued 43 by Tullus
years ; though fome thjnk that its duration could not
be above 15 or 16. His death was followed by a
(hort interregnum ; after which Tullius Hoftilius, the
fon or grandfon of the famous Herfilia, was unani-
moufly chofen king. Being of a bold and fiery tem¬
per, he did not long continue to imitate his peaceful
predeceffor. The Albans, indeed, foon gave him an
opportunity of exercifing his martial difpofition. Cce-
lius, or, as he is called by Livy, Cluilius, who was at
the head of the Alban republic, jealous of the grow-
ing greatnefs of Rome, privately commiffioned fome
of the moft indigent of his fubje&s to wafte the Ro¬
man territory ; in confequence of which a Roman ar¬
my entered the territories of Alba, engaged the rob¬
bers, killed many, and took a great number prifoners.
A war foon commenced, in confequence of this, be- His war
tween the two nations ; but when the armies came with the
in fight of each other their ardour cooled, neither A^hans*
of them feeming inclined to come to an engage¬
ment. 1 his inaction raifed a great difeontent in the
Alban army againft Cluilius; infomuch that he came
to a refolution of giving battle to the Romans next
morning, or of ftorming their trenches if they fiiould
decline it. Next morning, however, he was found
dead in his bed; after which the Albans chofe in his
ftead one Mettus Fuffetius, a man remarkable for his
hatred to the Roman name, as Cluilius had been be¬
fore him. Fuffetius, however, continued in the fame
ftate of inactivity with his predeceffor, until he re¬
ceived certain intelligence that the Veientes and Fide-
nates had refolved to deftroy both Romans and Albans
when they (hould be weakened by a battle. Fuffe¬
tius then refolved to come to an accommodation with
the Romans; and, having obtained a conference with
luilus, both feemed equally defirous of avoiding the
calamities of war. But, in order to eftablifh the peace
on the moft perfeft foundation, Tullus propofed that
all, or at leaft the chief families in Alba, {hould re¬
move to Rom.e ; or, in cafe they were unwilling to
leave their native city, that one common council {hould
be eftablifhed to govern both cities, under the direc¬
tion of one of the two fovereigns. Fuffetius took afide
thofe who attended him, to confult with them about
this propofal; but they, though willing to come to
an
ROM [ 6751 ] ROM
^ome. an accommodation with Rome,* abfolufely refufed to
leave Alba. The only difficulty remaining, then, was
to fettle which city (hould have the fuperiority ; and,
as this could not be determined by argument, Tullus
propofed to determine it by tingle combat betwixt
himfelf and Fuffetius. This propofal, however, the
Alban general thought proper to, decline ; and it was
at laft agreed, that three champions fhould be chofen
out of each camp to decide the difference. This pro¬
duced the famous combat between the Horatii and
Guriatii, by which the fovereignty was decided in fa¬
vour of Rome, See Horatii.
Tullus now refolved to call the Fidenates to an ac¬
count for their treacherous behaviour during the war
with Alba, and therefore cited them to appear before
the fenate ; but they, confcious of their guilt, refufed
to appear, and took up arms in conjunftion with the
Veientes. Fuffetius, in obedience to the orders of
Tullus, joined him with the Alban troops; but the
day before the battle he acquainted the principal
officers with his defign, which was to {land neuter till
fortune had declared for one fide, and then to join
with the conqueror. This defign being approved,
Fuffetius, during the engagement, retired with is forces
to a neighbouring eminence. Tullus perceived his
treachery; but difembling his uneafinefs, told his men
that Fuffetius had poffefled himfelf of that hill by his
order, and that he was from thence to ruth down upon
the enemy. The Veientes, in the mean time, who
had expefted that Fuffetius was to join them, were
difmayed, and the Romans obtained the vi&ory. After
the battle, Tullus returned privately to Rome in the
night; and having confulted with the fenate about the
treachery of Fuffetius, returned to the camp by break
of day. He then detached Horatius, who had con¬
quered the three Curiatii, with a chofen body of horfe
and foot, to dcmolirti Alba, as had been concerted at
Rome. In the mean time he commanded both the
Roman and Alban troops to attend him unarmed, but
gave private orders to the Romans to bring their
fwords concealed under their garments. When they
were affembled, he laid open the treachery of Fuffe¬
tius, and ordered him to be torn in pieces by horfes.
^3^ His accomplices were all put to the fword; and the
molifted inhabitants of Alba carried to Rome, where they were
and the in- admitted to the privilegesof citizens, and fomeofthetn
habitants even admitted to the fenate.
ported Tullus now turned his arms againft Fidenas, which
ome' he again reduced under the Roman yoke ; and took
Medulia, a ftrong city of tlie Latins ; after which he
waged a fuccefsful war with the Sabines, whofe union
with the Romans feems to have ceafed with the time
of Numa. This was the laft of his martial exploits ;
after which we hear no more of him, but that he be¬
came extremely fuperftitions in his advanced years,
giving ear to many foolifh ftories, as that it rained
Hones, thu-. miraculous voices were heard from heaven,
&c. and for this he appointed nine days-expiatory
facrifices; whence it became a cuftom to appoint nine
53 days to appeafe the wrath of the gods, as often as men
® Death of were alarmed with prodigies. As to the manner of
! i his death authors are not agreed. Some tell us that
i [)UC" he was killed by lightning, together with his wife,
1 AncusMar-children, and his whole family; while others are of
i tins. opinion that he was murdered with his wife and chil?
dren by Ancus Martins who fucceeded him. He died Rome,
after a reign of 33 years, leaving the city greatly in-' “ *
creafed, but the dominions much the fame as they had
been in the time of Romulus.
After a fhort interregnum, Ancus Martius, the
grandfon of Numa by his daughter Pompilia and
Marcus his relation, was unanimoufly cholen by the
people and fenate. Though naturally inclined to war,
he began his reign with attempting to reftore the
ceremonies of Numa, which had been negledled under
Tullus Hoftilius. He endeavoured alfo to draw the
attention of his people to hufbandry and the peaceful
arts; advifing them to lay afide all forts of violence,
and to return to their former employments. This
gained him the affedlions of his fubjedls, but brought
upon him the contempt of the neighbouring nations.
The Latins, pretending that their treaty with Rome
was expired, made inroads into the Roman territories. ^
Ancus, after ufingthe ceremonies dire£ledvby Numa, h;s warjjjSff
took the field with an army confifting entirely of new exploits
levied troops, and reduced the cities of Politorium, Title- and death,
na and Ficana, tranfplanting the inhabitants to Rome.
A new colony of Latins repeopled Politorium; but
Ancus retook the place next year, and entirely demo-
liffied it. He then laid liege to Medulia ; which,
though it had been ruined by Tullus Hoftilius, was
now ftronger than ever. It fubmitted after a fiege of
four years, when Ancus found himfelf obliged to un¬
dertake a fecond expedition againlt Ficana, which he
had before reduced, as we have already related ; and
it was not without the utmoft difficulty that he re¬
duced it a fecond time. After this he defeated the
Latins in a pitched battle ; vanquilhed the Fidenates,
Veientes, and Sabines; and having taken in the hill
Janiculum to be included within the walls, and built
the port of Oftia, he died in the 24th year of his reign.
Ancus Martius left two fons behind him, one an
infant, and the other about 15 years of age. Both
of thefe he put under the tuition of Tarquin, the fon of
a rich merchant in Corinth, who baffled from that city
to fecure his wealth from Cypfelus tyrant of the place. sf
He fettled in Tarquinii, one of the principal cities in|?is*|ous
Hetruria ; but finding that he could not there attain
to any of the principal pOfts in the city, onaccountof hisi.
foreign extra&ion, he removed to Rome, where he.
had been gradually raifed to the rank of patrician and
fenator. The death of Ancus Martius gave him an
opportunity of affuming the regal.dignity, and fetting
afide his pupils; and in the beginning of his reign he
took care to ftrengthen his party in the fenate by-
adding another hundred to that body. Thefe were
called fenatores minorum gentium, becaufe they were
chofen out of the Plebeians; how'ever, they had the
fame authority in the fenate as the others, and their
children were called patricians.
Tarquin was not inferior to any of his predeceffors
either in his inclination or abilities to carry on a
war. As foon as he afeended the throne, he recom- 3<S'
menced hoftilities with the Latins; from whom he tookTarqnin':;
the cities of Apiolas, Cruftuminum, Nomentum, and^ucce^s-
Collatia. The inhabitants of Apiolae were fold for
flaves; but thofe of Cruftuminum and Nomentum,
who had fubmitted after their revolt, were treated
with great clemency. The inhabitants of Collatia.
were, difarmed, and obliged to pay a large fum of
money ;
Rome.
ROM [ 6752 ] ROM
money; the fovereignty of it in the mean time being
given to Egerius, the fon of Arunx Tarquin's brother;
from whence he took the name of Collatinus, which
he tranfmitted to his pofterity. Corniculum, another
city of Latium, was taken.by (form, and reduced to
afhes. This progrefs having greatly alarmed the
Latins, feveral of them joined their forces in order to
oppofe fuch a formidable enemy; but being defeated
in a bloody battle near Fidense, they were obliged to
enter into an alliance wi^t Rome; upon which the
Latins having held a national conference, entered into
a league with the Hetrurians, and again took the
field with a very numerous army. But Tarquin, ha¬
ving defeated the confederate armies in two very bloody
battles, obliged the Latin cities to fubmit to a kind
of dependence on Rome ; and, having entered the city
in triumph, built the circus maximus with the fpoils
which he had taken from the enemy.
The war with the Latins was fcarce ended, when
another commenced with Hetruria. This was ac¬
counted the mod powerful nation in Italy, and was at
that time divided into 12 tribes or lucomonies. Thefe
appointed a national affembly, in which it was decreed
that the whole force of Hetruria fhould be employed
againfl Tarquin ; and, if any city prefumed only to
ftand neuter, it fhould be forever cut off from the na¬
tional alliance. Thus a great army was raifed, with
which they ravaged the Roman territory, and took
Fidenae by the treachery of fome of its inhabitants.
Tarquin, not being in a condition to oppofe them at
firft, was obliged to fubmit to the lofs occafioned by
their ravages for a whole year ; after which he took
the field with all the forces he could raife. The Ro¬
man army was divided into two bodies, one under the
king himfelf, the other commanded by his nephew
Collatinos. The latter, having divided his forces in
order to plunder the country, was defeated ; but Tar¬
quin, in two engagements, vanquifhed the army which
oppofed him. He then marched againft Fidenae, where
he gained a third battle ; after which he took the city.
Such of the citizens as were fufpefted to have been
concerned in betraying it to the enemy, were whipped
to death ; the relt were fent into banifhment, and their
lands divided by lot among the Roman foldiers. Tar¬
quin now haftened to oppofe the new army of the
Hetrurians before their forces could be properly col-
leffed ; and having come up with them at Eretum, a
place about 10 milts from Rome, defeated them with
great (laughter, for which viftory he was decreed a
triumph by the fenate ; while the enemy, difheartened
by fo many misfortunes, were glad to fue for peace;
^ which Tarquin readily granted upon the foie condi-
Enfigns of t'on t^e'r owning his fuperiority over them. In
royalty fent compliance with this the Hetrurians fent him all the
him by the enfigns of royalty which were in ufe among them, viz.
Hetrurians. a Crown 0f gold, a throne of ivory, a fceptre with
an eagle on the top of it, a tunic embroidered with
gold and adorned with figures of palm-branches, to¬
gether with a purple robe enriched with flowers of
feveral colours. Tarquin, however, would not wear
thefe magnificent ornaments till fuch time as the fenate
and people bad confented to it by an exprefs law.
He then applied the regalia to the decoration of his
triumph, and never afterwards laid them afide. In
this triumph he appeared in a gilt chariot drawn by
four horfes, clothed in a purple robe and a tunic em- Rome. ;
broidered with gold, a crown on his head, and a *1
fceptre in his hand, attended by 12 lidtors with their
axes and fafees.
Tarquin, having now obtained fome refpite from
war, applied himfelf to the beautifying and ornament¬
ing the city. He built the walls of Rome with hewn
done, and erefted thofe famous common fewers which
have defervedly been accounted one of the wonders of
the world. Rome at this time contained four hills
within its compafs, viz. the Palatinus, Tarpeius, Qui-
rinalis, and Ccelius. In the valleys between thefe hills,,
the rain-water and fprings uniting, formed great pools
which laid under water the ftreets and public places. 5g
The mud likewife made the way impaflable, infefted Builds the
the air, and rendered the city unhealthy. Tarquin common
undertook to free the city from this nuifance, by con- fewers> antl
veying off thefe waters by fubterraneous channels ‘nto
the Tiber. In doing this it was neceffary to cut thro’
hills and rocks, a channel large enough fora navigable
ftream, and covered with arches ftrong enough to bear
the weight of houfes, which were frequently built upon
them, and flood as firm as on the mod folid founda¬
tions. All thefe arches were made of hard done, and
neither trouble nor expence were fpared to make the
work durable. Their height and breadth were fo con-
confiderable, that a cart loaded with hay could eafily
pafs through them under ground. The expence of
condrudting thefe fewers was never fo thoroughly un-
derdood as when it became neceifary to repair them ;
for then the ceufors gave no lefs than 1000 talents to
the perfon appointed for this purpofe.
Befides thefe great works, Tarquin adorned the fo¬
rum, furrounding it with galleries in which were drops
for tradefmen, and building temples in it for the youth
of both fexes, and halls for the adminidration of pub¬
lic judice. He next engaged in a war with the Sa¬
bines, on pretence that they had aflided the Hetru¬
rians. Both armies took the field, and came to an
engagement on the confines of Sabinia, without any
confiderable advantage on either fide ; neither was any
thing of confequence done during the whole campaign.
Tarquin then, confidering with himfelf that the Ro¬
man forces were very deficient in cavalry, refolved to
add fome new bodies of knights to thofe already in-
dituted by Romulus. But this projeA met with great
oppofition from the fuperftitious augurs, as the ori¬
ginal divifion of horfe into three bodies had been de¬
termined by auguries ; and AtSius Nsevius, the chief of
the diviners at that time, violently oppofed the king’s
will. On this Tarquin, defirous to expofe the ^eceitAdventure
of thtfe people, fummontd Naevius before an aflembly 0f Ns:Vjns
of the people, and defired him to fhow a fpecimen of the augur,
his art by telling the king if what he thought of at
that time could be done or not. The augur replied,
after confulting his birds, that the thing was very pof-
fihle ; on which Tarquin told him, that Ik- had been
thinking whether it was poflible to cut a flint with a
razor, pulling at the fame time a razor and flint from
below his robe. This fet the people a-laughing : but
Nsevius gravely defiring the king to try it, he wasfur-
prifed to find that the flint yielded to the razor; and
that with fo much eafe, as to draw blood from his
hand. The people teftiiied theirfurprife by loud ac¬
clamations, and Tarquin himfelf continued to have a
great
ROM [ 6753 ] ROM
R-jme. great veneration for augurs ever after. A ftatue of
brafs was erefted to the memory of Naevius, which
continued till the time of Auguftus ; the razor and
flint were buried near it, under an altar, at which
witneffes were afterwards fworn iu civil caufes.
This adventure, whatever was the truth of it, caufed
Tarquin abandon his defign of increafing the number
of bodies of horfe, and content himfelf with augment¬
ing the number in each body. He then renewed the
war with the Sabines, ravaged their country, defeated
them in three pitched battles, obliging them at laft
to fubmit to him and put him in poffeffion of their
country. In the decline of life he employed himfelf
. 40 in further decorating the city, building temples, &c.
i Aflaffinated He was aflaffinated in his palace, in the 80th year of
; by the fonshis age, by the fons of Ancus Martius, whom he had
I of Aijcus originally deprived of the kingdom.
artius. After the death of Tarquin I. his wife Tanaquil
preferved the kingdom to her fon-in-law Servius Tul¬
lius, by artfully giving out that the king was only
(tunned, and would foon recover; upon which the fons
of Ancus went voluntarily into banifhment. The fecond
day after his deceafe, Servius Tullius heard caufes from
the throne in the royal robes and attended by the lie-
tors; but as he pretended only to fupply the king’s
place till he fhould recover, and thought it incumbent
On him to revenge the wicked attempt upon his life,
he fummoned the fons of Ancus to appear before his
tribunal; and on their non-appearance, caufed them to
I 4l be declared infamous, and their eftates to be confifca-
Bervius ted. After he had thus managed matters for fome
[Tullius fuc- time in fuch a manner as to engage the affe&ions of
ceeds. pCOple, the death of Tarquin was publilhed as a
thing that had newly happened, and Servius Tullius
affumed the enfigns of royalty, having none to difpute
the honour with him.
The new king (howed himfelf every way worthy of
the throne. No fooner were the Hetrurians informed
of Tarquin’s death, than they (hook off the yoke; but
Servius quickly reduced them to obedience, depriving
them of their lands, which he (hared among the poor
Roman citizens who had none. ' For this he was de¬
creed a triumph by the people, in fpite of the oppo-
fition of the fenate, who could never be brought to
approve of his ele&ion to the kingdom, though he was
foon after legally chofen by the tribes.
After Servius had obtained the fanftion of the po¬
pular voice, he marched a fecond time againft the re-
t volted Hetrurians; and having again vanquifhed them,
Enlarges was decreed another triumph. He then applied him-
|ihecity,and felf to the enlarging and adorning the city. To the
| dds a hills Palatinus, Tarpeius, Quirinalis, Coelius, and Aven-
I®l|Jit^(;tra1J’_etinus, he added the Efquilinus and Viminalis, fixing
eady infti- h*3 own palace on the Efquilinus, in order to draw in-
jted. habitants thither. He likewife added a fourth tribe,
. . which he called Tribus E/quilina, to thofe inftituted
by Romulus. He divided alfo the whole Roman ter¬
ritory into diftinft tribes, commanding that there (hould
be at lead one place of refuge in each tribe, fituated
on a rifing ground, and ftrong enough to fecure the
effedls of the peafantsin cafe of a bidden alarm. Thefe
ftrong-holds he called pagi, that is, “ villages;” and
commanded that each of them (hould have their pecu¬
liar temple, tutelary god, and magiftrates. Each of
them had likewife their peculiar fettival, called paga-
Vol. IX.
nalta; when every perfon was to pay into the hands Rome,
of thofe who prefided at the facrifices, a piece of mo- ‘
ney, the men of one kind, the women of another, and
the children of a third. By this means an exaft com¬
putation was made of the men, women, and children,
in each tribe.
In the mean time, his two wards, Lucius Tarquinius
and Arunx, the grandchildren of Tarquin, being grown
up, in order to fecure their fidelity he married them to
his two daughters. And though the elder of thefe
daughters, who was of a mild and tradable difpofition,
refembled in chara&er the younger of his pupils, as
the elder of his pupils did the younger of his daugh¬
ters, who was of a violent and vicious temper, yet he
thought it advifable to give his elder daughter to Tar¬
quin, and the younger to Arunx; for by that means
he matched them according to their ages, and at the
fame time hoped, that the elder Tullia’s fweet difpofi¬
tion would temper Tarquin’s impetuofity, and the
younger Tullia’s vivacity roufe the indolence of Arunx.
During the public rejoicing for this double mar¬
riage, the twelve lucumonies of Hetruria, uniting their
forces, attempted to (hake off the Roman yoke; but
were in feveral battles defeated by Servius, and obliged
to fubmit to him on the fame conditions on which they
had fubmitted to his predeceffor. For this fuccefs Ser¬
vius was honoured with a third triumph. 43
The king being thus difengaged from a troublefome^ef°rnis
war, returned to the purfuit of his political fchemes;1 e ate‘
and put in execution that mafterpiece of policy which
Rome made ufe of ever after, and which eftablifhed a
perpetual order and regularity in all the members of
the (late, with refpedl to wars, to the public revenues,
and the fuffrages of the comitia. The public fupplies
had hitherto been raifed upon the people at fo much
an head, without any diftindtion of rich and poor :
whence it likewife followed, that when levies were made
for the war, the rich and poor were equally obli¬
ged to take the field, according to the order of their
tribe; and as they all ferved at their own expence, the
poorer fort could hardly bear the charges of a cam¬
paign. Befides, as the moft indigent of the people faw
themfelves burdened with the fame taxes as the rich,
they pretended to an equal authority in the comitia:
fo that the ele&ion of kings and magiftrates, the ma¬
king of peace or war, and the judging of criminals,
were given up into the hands of a populace who were
eafily corrupted, and had nothing to lofe. Servius
formed a projeft to remedy thefe evils, and put it in
execution, by ena&ing a law, enjoining all the Roman
citizens to bring in an account in writing of their own
names and ages, and of thofe of their fathers, wives,
and children. By the fame law, all heads of families
were commanded to deliver in upon oath a juft eftimate.
of their effedls, and to add to it the places of their
abode whether in town or country. Whoever did not
bring in an account of his effedls, was to be deprived
of his eftate, to be beat with rods, and publicly fold
for a (lave. Servius, from thefe particular accounts,
which might be pretty well relied on, undertook to eafe
the poor by burdening the rich, and at the fame time
to pleafe the latter by increafing their power. 44
To this end he divided the Roman people into fix His divifion
claffes: the firft clafs confifted of thofe whofe eftatesof the Peo*
and effedls amounted to the value of 10,000 dfachmse,^1^0
37 Y or
ROM
or 100,000 afes of brafs; the firft way of computing be
■ ing ufed by the Greeks, and the latter by the Latins.
This clafs was fubdivided into So centuries, or com¬
panies of foot. To thefe Servius joined 18 centuries
of Roman knights, who fought on horfeback; and
appointed this confiderable body of horfemen to be at
the head of the firft clafs, becaufe the eftates of thefe
knights, without all doubt, exceeded the fum neceffary
to be admitted into it. However, the public fupplied
them with horfes; for which a tax was laid upon wi¬
dows, who were exempt from all other tributes. This
[ 6754 1
ROM
confiderable citizens, who underftood the public inte* Rome,
reft much better than the blind multitude, liable to be *
impofed upon, and eafily corrupted.
And now the people being thus divided into feveral The cenfu*
orders, according to the cenfus or valuation of theirand lu-
eftates, Servius refolved to folemnize this prudent re- ftrum.
gulation by fome public aft of religion, that it might
be the more refpefted, and the more lading. Accord¬
ingly, all the citizens were commanded to appear, on
a day appointed, in the Campus Martius, which was
a large plain, lying between the city and the Tiber,
firft clafs, including infantry and cavalry, confided of formerly confecrated by Romulus to the god Mars.
98 centuries. The fecond clafs comprehended thofe
whofe eftates were valued at 5700 drachmae, or 75,000
Here the centuries being drawn up in battalia, a folemn
luftration or expiatory facrifice was performed in the
afes of brafs. It was fubdivided into 20 centuries, all name of all the people. The facrifice confided of a fow.
foot. To thefe were added two centuries of carpen¬
ters, fmiths, and other artificers. In the third clafs
were thofe who were efteemed worth 5000 drachmae,
or 50,000 afes. This clafs was fubdivided into 20 cen¬
turies. The fourth clafs was, of thofe whofe effefts
were rated at the value of 500 drachms, or 25,000
afes, and was divided into 20 centuries; to which were
added two other centuries of trumpets, apd blowers of
the horn, who fupplied the whole army with this mar¬
tial mufic. The fifth clafs included thofe only whofe
whole fubftance did not amount to more than 1250
drachmae, or 12,500 afes ; and this clafs was divided
into 30 centuries. The fixth clafs comprehended all
thofe who were not worth fo much as thofe of the fifth
clafs: they exceeded in number any other clafs, but ne-
■verthelefs were reckoned but as one century.
The king drew from thefe regulations all the ad¬
vantages he had expefted. Levies for the army were
no longer raifed by tribes, nor were taxes laid at fo
much a head as formerly, but all was levied by centu¬
ries. When, for inftance, an army of 2Q,Q0O men, or
a large fupply of money, was wanted for the war, each
century furnilhed its quota both of men and money :
fo that the firft clafs, which contained more centuries,
though fewer men, than all the other together, furniih-
ed more men and more money for the public fervice
than the whole Roman (late befides. And by this
means the Roman armies confifted for the moft part,
ef the rich,citizens of Rome; who, as they had lands
and effefts to defend, fought with more refolution,
while their riches enabled them to bear the expence
of a campaign. As it was but juft the king fhould
make the firft clafs amends for the weight laid on it,
he gave it almoft the whole authority in public affairs;
changing the comitia by curiae, in which every man
gave his vote, into comitia by centuries, in which the
majority was not reckoned by Angle pcrfons, but by
centuries, how few foever there might be in a century.
Hence the firft clafs, which contained more centuries
than the other five taken together, had every thing at
its difpofal. The votes of this clafs were firft taken;
and if the 98 centuries happened to agree, or only 97
. fheep, and a bull, whence it took the name offuove-
taurilia. The whole ceremony was called lufirum, 4
luendo; that is, from paying, expiating, clearing, or
perhaps from the goddefs Lua, who prefided over ex¬
piations, and to whom Servius had dedicated a temple.
This wife king confidering, that in the fpace of five
years there might be fuch alterations in the fortunes of
private perfons as to intitle fome to be raifed to an
higher clafs, and reduce others to a lower, enjoined,
that the cenfus (hould be renewed every five years. As
the cenfus was ufually clofed by the luftrum, the Ro¬
mans henceforth began to compute time by luftrums,
each luftrum containing the fpace of five years. How¬
ever, the luftrums were not always regularly obferved,
but often put off, tho’the cenfus had been made in the
fifth year. Some writers are of opinion, that Servius
at this time coined the firft money that had ever ap¬
peared at Rome ; and add, that the cireumftances of
the luftrum probably led him to ftamp the figures of
the animals there flain, on pieces of brafs of a certain
weight. _
The government of the city being thus eftabliflied The freed-|l
in fo regular a manner, Servius, touched with compaf- men'
fion for thofe whom the misfortunes of an unfuccefsful
war had reduced to flavery, thought that fuch of them
as had by long and faithful fervices deferved and ob¬
tained their freedom, were much more worthy of be¬
ing made Roman citizens, than untraftable vagabonds
from foreign countries, who were admitted without di-
ftinftion. He therefore gave the freedmen their choice,
either to return to their own country, or continue at
Rome. Thofe who chofe to continue there, he divided
into four tribes, and fettled them within the city; and
though they were diftinguifhed from the plebeians by
their old name of liberti, or freedmen, yet they enjoy¬
ed all the privileges of free citizens. The fenate took
offence at the regard which the king fhewed to fuch
mean people, who had but lately ftiaken off their fet¬
ters ; but Servius, by a moft humane and judicious,
difeourfe, entirely appeafed the fathers, who paffed
his inftitution into a law, which fubfifted ever after.
The wife king, having thus eftabliftied order among Ref0
of them, the affair was determined; becaufe thefe made the people, undertook at laft to reform the royal power the royal
the majority of the 193 centuries which compofed the
fix claff'es. If they difagreed, then the fecond, the third,
and the other claffcs in their order, were called to vote,
though there was very feldom any occafion to go fo
low as the fourth clafs for a majority of votes: fo that
by this good order, Servius brought the affairs of the
ftate to be determined by the judgment of the moft
itfelf; his equity, which was the main fpring of all his.power.
refolutions, leading him to aft contrary to his own in-
tereft, and to facrifice one half of the royal authority
to the public, good. His predeceffors had referred to
themfelvcs the cognizance of all caufes both public and
private; but Sergius, finding the duties of his office
too much for one man to difeharge well, committed the
cog-
ROM [ 6755 ] ROM
•Rome, cognizance of ordinary fuits to the fenate, and refer-
i ' ved that only of hate-crimes to himfelf.
Endeavours All things being now regulated at home, both in
to attach the city and country, Servius turned his thoughts
1 nd ly-this5 abroach anc^ formed a fcheme for attaching the Sabines
to the*R(>- an(^ Latins to the Romans, by fuch focial ties as fliould
mans. be ftrengthened by religion. He fummoned the La¬
tin and Sabine cities to fend their deputies to Rome,
to confult about an affair of great importance. When
they were come, he propofed to them the building of
a temple in honour of Diana, where the Latins and
Sabines fliould meet once a-year, and join with the Ro¬
mans in offering facrifices to that goddefs; that this
feftival fhould be followed by a council, in which all
difputes between the cities (hould be amicably deter¬
mined ; that there proper meafures ftiould be taken to
purfue their common intereft ; and, laftly, in order to
draw the common people thither, a fair fhould be kept,
at which every one might furnifh himfelf with what he
wanted. The king’s defign met with no oppofnion :
the deputies only added to it, that the temple fhould
be an inviolable afylum for the united nations; and
that all the cities fhould contribute toward the expence
of building it. It being left to the king to choofe a
proper place for it, he pitched upon the Aventine hill,
where the temple was built, and affemblies annually
held in it. The laws which were to be obferved in
thefe general nv^etings, were engraved on a pillar of
brafs, and were to be feen in Auguflus’s time, in the
Latin tongue, but in Greek charadters.
Wicked in- But now Servius was grown old; and the ambition
trigues of of Tarquin his fon-in-law revived in proportion as the
his daugh- k;ng advanced in years. His wife ufedher utmoflen-
ter and fon-jeavours to check the rafhnefs and fury of her hufband,
n aW‘ and to divert him from all criminal enterprizes; while
her younger fitter was ever inftigating Arunx, who
placed all his happinefs in a private life, to the moll
villainous attempts. She was continually lamenting
her fate in being tied to fuch an indolent hufband, and
wifhing fhe had either continued unmarried, or were
become a widow. Similitude of temper and manners,
formed, by degrees, a great intimacy between her and
Tarquin. At length fhe propofed nothing lefs to him
than the murdering of her father, fitter, and hufband,
that they two might meet and afeend the throne to¬
gether. Soon after, they paved their way to an ince-
ftuous marriage, he by poifoning his wife, and fhe her
hufband ; and then had the affurance to aflc the king’s
and queen’s confent to their marriage. Servius and
Tarquinia, though they did not give it, were filent, thro’
too much indulgence to a daughter in whom now was
their only hope of pofterity. But thefe criminal nup ¬
tials were only the firft flep towards a yet greater ini¬
quity. The wicked ambition of the new-married couple
firft; fhowed itfelf againft the king : for they publicly
declared, that the crown belonged to them ; that Ser¬
vius was an ufurper, who, being appointed tutor to
Tarquin’s grandchildren, bad deprived his pupils of
their inheritance ; that it was high time for an old
man, who was but little able to fupport the weight of
public affairs, to give place to a prince who was of a
mature age, &c.
The patricians, whom Servius had taken great plea-
fure in humbling during the whole time of his reign,
were eafily gained over to Tarquin’s party; and, Rome,
by the help of money, many of the poorer citizens'
were alfo brought ever to his intereft. The king, be¬
ing informed of their treafonable pra&ices, endeavour¬
ed to diffuade his daughter and fon-in-law from fuch
proceedings, which might end in their ruin ; and ex¬
horted them to wait for the kingdom till his death.
But they, defpifing his counfels and paternal admo¬
nitions, refolved to lay their claim before the fenate ;
which Servius was obliged tofumroon : fo that the af¬
fair came to a formal procefs. Tarquin reproached his
father-in-law with having afeended the throne without
a previous interregnum ; and with having bought the
votes of the people, and defpifed the fuffrages of the
fenate. He then urged his own right of inheritance to
the crown, and injuftice of Servius, who, being only
his guardian, had kept poffefiion of it, when he him¬
felf was of an age to govern. Servius anfwered, That
he had been lawfully ele&ed by the people; and that,
if there could be an hereditary right to the kingdom,
the fons of Ancus had a much better one than the
randfons of the late king, who muft himfelf have
een an ufurper. He then referred the whole to an
affembly of the people : which befng immediately pro¬
claimed all over the city, the forum was foon filled;
and Servius harangued the multitude in fuch a manner
as gained all their affeftions. They all cried out with
one voice, Let Servius reign ; let him continue to make
the Romans happy. Amidft their confufed clamours,
thefe words were likewife heard: Let Tarquin perijh;
let him die; let us kill him. This language frightened
him fo, that he retired to his houfe in great hafte ;
while the king was conduced back to his palace with
the acclamations of the people.
The ill fuccefs of this attempt cooled Tarquin’s ar¬
dent defire of reigning ; but his ambition made him aft
a new part. He undertook to regain the favour of his
father-in-law, by careffes, fubmiffions, and protefta-
tions of a fincere regard and affeflion for him ; info-
much, that the king, who judged of the policy bT
others from his own, was fincertly reconciled to him,
and tranquillity re-eftablifhed in the royal family. But
it was not long ere Tarquin, roufed by the continual
reproaches of his wife, began to renew his intrigues
among the fenators ; of whom he had no fooncr gain¬
ed a confiderable party, than he clothed himfelf in the
royal robes, and caufing the fafees to be carried before
him by fome of his domeftics, croffed the Roman forum,
entered the temple where the fenate ufed to meet, and
feated himfelf on the throne. Such of the fenators as
were in the faftion he found already in their places
(for he had given them private notice to be there ear¬
ly) ; and the reft, being fummoned to affemblein Tar¬
quin s name, made what hafte they could to the ap¬
pointed place, thinking that Serv.us was dead, fince
Tarquin affumed the title and fun&ions of king. When
they were all affembled, Tarquin made a long fpeecb,
reviling his father-in-law, and repeating the invedlives
againft him, which he had fo often uttered, calling
him a flave, an ufurper, a favourer of the populace,
and an enemy to the fenate and patricians. When he
was yet fpeaking, Servius arrived; and, rattily giving
way to the motions of his courage, without confider-
ing his ftrength, drew near the throne, to pull Tar-
37 Y 2 quin
ROM [ 6756 j ROM
Rome, quin down from it. This raifed a great noife in the
affembly, which drew the people into the temple ; but
nobody ventured to part the two rivals. Tarquin
therefore, being more ftrong and vigorous, feized the
old man by the waift, and, hurrying him through the
temple, threw him down from the top of the fteps into
the forum. The king, who was grievou'fly wounded,
raifed himfelf up with fome difficulty : but all his
friends had abandoned him ; only two or three of the
people, touched with compaffion, lent him their arms
to conduit him to bis palace.
As they were leading him on fo flowly, the cruel
Tullia appeared in the forum, whither the had batten¬
ed in her chariot on the firil report of what had pafs-
ed in the fenate. She. found her huffiand on the top
of the fteps of the temple; and, tranfported with joy,
was the firft who fainted him king. The example was
immediately followed by the fenators of Tarquin’s
party. Nor was this enough for the unnatural daugh¬
ter : the took afide her hufband, and fuggefted to
5<j him, that he would never be fafe fo long as the ufur-
Serv'ms per of his crown was alive. Hereupon Tarquin in-
jmudered ^ant^y difpatched fome of his domeftics to take away
the remains of the unfortunate king’s life. The orders
for the wicked parricide were no fooner given, than
Tullia mounted her chariot again, with an air of
triumph, to return home. The way to her houfe was
through a narrow ftreet, called vicus cypriui, or the
goodJlreet. There the affaffins had left the king’s
body, which was ftill panting. At this fight, the cha¬
rioteer, (truck with horror, checked his horfes, and
made a (top: but Tullia forced him to go on ; and the
blood of the father is faid to have dyed the wheels of
the chariot, and even the clothes of the inhuman
daughter, whence the ftreet was called ever after vicus
s t feeler atus.
Tarquin II. The new king proved a mod defpotic and cruel ty-
a cruel ty- rant; receiving, in the very beginning of his reign, the
rant. furname of proud, on account of his capricious humour
and haughty behaviour. All controverfies whatever
were decided by himfelf and his friends; and he banifh-
ed, fined, and even executed, whom he pleafed. The
cenfus and luftrum, the divifion of citizens into claffes
and centuries were abolifhed ; and all kinds of affem-
blies, even thofe for amufement and recreation, were
prohibited, both in town and country. Nay, to fuch
a height did Tarquin carry his infolence and tyranny,
that the molt virtuous of the fenators went into volun¬
tary banifhment; while many of ihofe jwho remained
were cut off on various pretences, that the king might
enjoy their eftates.
Tarquin could not but be fenfible of the extreme
danger in which he (food by lofing the affeftions of his
people in fuch a manner. He therefore provided a
fufficient number of foldiers, byway of guard, to pre¬
vent attempts upon his perfon; and gave his daughter
to Odtavius Mamilius, one of the moft confiderable
men among the Latins, in order to (Lengthen his in-
tereft by this foreign alliance, in cafe of a revolt among
his fubje&s. Mamilius accordingly procured many
friends to his father-in-law, but he had like to have
loft them again by his haughty behaviour. He had
defired the Latins to call a national council at Feren-
tiiutm, where he would meet them on a day appoint¬
ed by himfelf. The Latins accordingly met ; but af- Rome,
ter waiting for feveral hours, Tarquin did not appear. — “
On this, one Turnus Herdonius, an enterprifing and
eloquent man, who hated Tarquin, and was jealous of
Mamilius, made a fpeech, in which he inveighed againlt
the haughty behaviour of Tarquin, fet forth the con¬
tempt which he had put upon the Latins, and conclu¬
ded with defiring the council to break up and return
home without taking any further notice of him. Ma¬
milius, however, prevailed upon them to return the
day following ; when Tarquin made his appearance,
and told the affembly that his defign in calling them
together was to claim his right of commanding the
Latin armies, which he faid was derived from his
grandfather, but which he defired to be confirmed to ja ?
him by them. Thefe words were fcarce out of his His infa- 1
mouth, when Herdonius, rifing up, entered into a de- mmis fh-a-i
tail of Tarquin’s tyranny and arbitrary behaviour attaSfmt^fi
Rome, which, he faid, the Latins would foon feel^n-°J! ”
in an equal degree, if they complied with Tarquin’s
demand. To this fpeech the king made no reply at
that time, but promifed to anfwer him next day. In
the mean time, however, he bribed the domeftics of
Herdonius to admit among his baggage a large
quantity of arms: and then, telling the Latins that
Herdonius’s oppofition proceeded only from Tar¬
quin’s having refufed him his daughter in marriage,
accufed him of having laid a plot to cut off all the de¬
puties there prefent, and to ufurp a jurifdi&ion over
the Latin cities ; as a proof of which he appealed to
the arms hid among the baggage of Herdonius. The
accufed, confcious of his innocence, defired that his
baggage might be fearched; which being accordingly
done, and the arms found, he was hurried away with¬
out being allowed to make any defence, and thrown
into a bafon at the head of the fpring of Ferentinum,
where a hurdle being laid upon him, and (tones laid
upon the hurdle, he was preffed down into the water
and drowned.
In confequence of this monftrous treachery, Tar¬
quin was looked upon by the Latins as their deliverer,
and declared general of the Latin armies; foon after
which, the Hernici and two tribes of the Volfci entered
into an alliance with him on the fame terms. In or¬
der to keep thefe confiderates together, Tarquin, with
their confent, erefted a temple to Jupiter Latialis on
an hill near the ruins of Alba, where he appointed
certain feafts called Feria Latina to be held on the *3
27th of April, where the feveral nations were to fa-
crifice together, and on no account to commit any Latin®"3*!
hoftilities againft each other during their continuance.
The king then proceeded to make war on the reft of
the Volfci who had refufed to enter into an alliance with
him. Some depredations which they had committed
in the territories of the Latins ferved for a pretence to
begin the war; but as Tarquin had no confidence in
the Romans, his army was compofed only of a fmall
body of them who were incorporated among the Latin
auxiliaries, However, he defeated the enemy, took
one of their cities by ftorm, and gave the booty to
his, foldiers:. He next turned his arms againft the Sa¬
bines, whom he entirely defeated in two engagements,
and made the whole nation tributary ; for which ex¬
ploits he decreed himfelf two triumphs, and qn bis
return. j
ROM [ 6757 ] R O M
Rome, return to Rome he employed the populace in finifli-
r ing the fewcrs and and circus which had been begun
^ by his grandfather Tarquin I.
deduces In the mean time the perfecutions of Tarquin
bdiiii by ag-iinfl his own fubje&s daily drove fome of the mod
peachery. COnliderable into baniihment. A great number of
Patricians took refuge in Gabii, a city of Latium
about 13 miles from Rome ; where the inhabitants,
touched with compaffion for their misfortunes, not
only received them with kindnefs, but began a war
with Tarquin on their account. The Gabini feem to
have been the mod formidable enemies whom the
Romans had hitherto met with ; fmce Tarquin was
obliged to raife a prodigious bulwark to cover the city
on the fide of Gabii. The war lafted feven years;
during which time, by the mutual devaftations com¬
mitted by the two armies, a great fcarci'ty of pro-
vifions took place in Rome. The people foon grew
clamorous; and Tarquin being unable either to quiet
them, or to reduce the Gabini, fell upon the follow¬
ing difhonourable and treacherous expedient. His
fon Sextus Tarquinius pretended to be on very bad
terms with his father, and openly inveighed againfl
him as a tyrant ; on which he was proclaimed a rebel,
and publicly beaten in the forum. This being re¬
ported at Gabii, by perfons fent thither on purpofe,
the inhabitants became very defirous of having Sextus
among them ; and accordingly he foon went thither,
having previoufly obtained a folemn promife from the
inhabitants never to deliver him up to his father.
Here he made frequent inroads into the Roman terri¬
tories, and always came back laden with fpoil, his
father fending againft him only fuch weak parties as
muft infallibly be worlted. By this means he foon
came to have fuch a high degree of credit among the
Gabini, that he was chofen general of their army, and
and was as much matter at Gabii as Tarquin was at
Rome. Finding then that his authority was fufficient-
ly eftablilhed, he difpatched a flave to his father for
inftruftions ; but the king, unwilling to return an
explicit anfwer, only took the meflenger into the
garden, where be (truck off the heads of the talleft
poppies. Sextus underftood that by this hint the
king deiired him to put to death the leading men in
the city of Gabii, which he immediately put in exe¬
cution ; and while the city was inconfuffion on account
of this miflacre, he opened the gates to his father, who
took poffeffion of the city with all the pride of a con¬
queror.—The inhabitants dreaded every thing from
the haughty tyranny of the Roman monarch : how¬
ever, on this occafion he confulted his policy rather
than his revenge; granted them their life, liberty,
and eftates, and even entered into a treaty of alliance
with them. The articles were written on the hide of
an ox, which was ftill to be feen in the time of Au-
guftus, in the temple of Jupiter Fidius. After this,
however, he made his fon Sextus king of Gabii;
fending off alfo his two other fons, Titus and Arunx,
the one to build a city at Signia, the other at Cir-
cseum, a promontory of the Tyrrhene fea, and both
thefe to keep the Volfci in awe.
For fome time Tarquin now enjoyed a profound
peace ; the Romans, being accuftomed to oppreffion
and the yoke of an imperious matter, making no op-
poiiiion to his will. During this interval Tarquin
met with the celebrated adventure of the Sibyl * ; Rome,
whofe books were ever afterwards held in high eftima- • see SiSyl.
tion at Rome, and Tarquin appointed two perfons of 55
diftinftion to take care of them. Thefe were called Books c.f
Duumviri: but their number was afterwards increafedthe
to 10, when they, were called Decemviri; and then
to 15, when , they were termed §)uindecemviri. At
this time alfo the written civil law had its origin
among the Romans ; all the ftatutes enadled by the
kings being colledted into one body; which, from
Papirius the name of the colle&or, was called the
Papirian law. The temple of the capitol was alfo
fimfhed ; for which purpofe the moft fkilful architedts
and workmen were brought from Hetruria, the po¬
pulace being obliged to ferve them in the moft la¬
borious parts.
We now come to the important revolution which Downfal o£
put an end to the regal power at Rome, and intro-the regal
duced a new form of government, to which this city is Power*
allowed to owe the greateft part of her grandeur.
Tarquin, as we have already feen, had left himfelf no
friends among the rich citizens by reafon of the op-
prefiidn under which he made them labour ; and the
populace were equally difaffedled on account of their
being obliged to labour in his public works. Among
the many perfons of diftindtion who had been facrificed
to the avarice or fufpicions of Tarquin, was one M.
Junius, who had married the daughter of Tarquin
This nobleman had a fon named L. Junius Brutus,
who efcaped the cruelty of the tyrant by pretending
to be an idiot, w'hich part he had ever fince continued
to adl. Soon after the finifhing of the works above-
mentioned, a violent plague happening to break out
at Rome, Tarquin fent his fons Titus and Arunx to.
confult the oracle of Delphi ; and the princes took
Brutus along with them, to divert themfelves with his
pretended folly by the way. Brutus chofe for his
offering to the Delphic Apollo, a ftiekof elder; which
occafioned much laughter. However, he had the pre¬
caution to inclofe a rod of gold within the (lick; and
to this probably it was owing that the priettefs gave
the princes the following riddle, that he who fhould
firft kifs his mother, fhould fucceed Tarquin in the
government of Rome. This anfwer had been given
to their inquiries concerning the fucceffion • upon
which the two brothers either drew lots which of them
fhould kifs their mother at their return, or agreed to do
it at once that both might reign jointly : but Brutus,,
imagining the oracle had another meaning, fell down
and kitted the earth the common mother of all living.
This, in all probability, the prieftefshadmeant; andhad
given the anfwer on purpofe to have another proof of
Brutus’s ingenuity, which had already difeovered itfelf
by his offering of the elder-flick.
On the return of the princes to Rome, they found
their father engaged in a war with the Rutuli. The
treafury being exhaufted by the fums which Tarquin
had expended in his public works, he had marched to
Ardea the capital of that nation, which lay about 20
miles from Rome, in hopes of taking it without op-
pofition. Contrary to his expectation, however, he
was obliged to befiege it in form; and this conftrained
him to lay a heavy tax upon his fubjeCls, which increa*
fedthe numberof malcontents,and difpofed every thing
for a revolt. As the fiege was carried on very (lowly.
ROM [ 6758 ] ROM
Rome.’ the general officers frequently made entertainments for
one another in their quarters. One day, when Sextus
Tarquiriius was entertaining his brothers, the conver-
fation happened to turn upon their wives: every one
extolled the good qualities of his own ; but Collations
bellowed fuch extravagant praifes on his Lucretia,
that the difpute ended in a kind of quarrel. It was
then refolved that they Ihould mount their horfes and
furprife their wives by their unexpected return. The
king’s daughters-in-law were employed in feafting and
diverlion, and feemed much difconcerted by the ap¬
pearance of their hulbands ; but Lucretia, though the
night was far advanced, was found, with her maids
about her, fpinning and working in wool. She was
not at all difcompofed by the company whom her
hufband brought with him, and they were all pleafed
with the reception (he gave them. As Lucretia was
very beautiful, Sextus Tarquinius conceived a paffion
57 for her, which, refolving to fatisfy at all events, he
Lucretia, foon returned to Collatia in the abfence of Lucretia’s
Sextus Tar-hu^>and» an(^ was entertained by her wuth great
quhiius, 3 "civility and refpeft. In the night-time he entered
kills herfelf. Lucretia’s apartment, and threatened her with imme¬
diate death if Ihe did not yield to his defires. But
finding her not to be intimidated with this menace,
he told her, that, if fhe Hill perfifted in her refufal, he
would kill one of her male flaves, and lay him naked
by her when (he was dead, and then declare to all the
world that he had only revenged the injury of Col-
latirtus. On this the virtuous Lucretia (who, it feems,
dreaded proftitution lefs than the infamy attending it)
fubmitted to the defires of Sextus ; but refolved not
to outlive the violence which had been offered her. She
dreffed herfelf in mourning, and took a poinard under
herrobe, havingprevioufly wrote toherhufband to meet
her at her father Lucretius’s houfe, where file refufed
to difcover the caufe of her grief except in a full af-
fembly of her friends and relations. Here, addreffing
herfelf to her hufband Collatinus, file acquainted them
with the whole affair; exhorted them to revenge the
injury ; and protefted that file would not outlive the
lofs of her honour. Every one prefent gave her a fo-
lemn promife that they would revenge her quarrel ;
but while they endeavoured to comfort her, file fud-
denly (tabbed herfelf to the heart with the dagger
which file had concealed under her robe.
This extravagant aftion inflamed beyond meafure
the minds of all prefent. Brutus, laying afide his pre¬
tended folly, drew the bloody dagger out of Lucre¬
tia’s body ; and, (bowing it to the affembly, fwore by
the blood upon it that he would purfue Tarquin and
his family with fire and fword: nor would he everfuf-
fer that or any other family to reign in Rome. The
fame oath was taken by all the company ; who were
fo much furprifed at the apparent tranfition of Brutus
from folly to wifdom, that they did whatever he de-
fired them. By his advice the gates of the city were
flint, that nobody might go out of it to inform
Tarquin of what was going forward; which, as Lu¬
cretius had been left governor of the city by Tarquin,
was put in execution without difficulty. The corpfe
of Lucretia was then expofed to public view ; and
Brutus having made a fpeech to the people, in which
he explained the myftery of his conduct in counter-
2
feiting folly for many years pad, proceeded to tell Rome.* w
them that the patricians were come to a refolution of a it
depofing the tyrant, and exhorted them to concur in 59 ]|
the fame defign. The people teftified their approba-Tarquincji
tion, and called out for arms; but Brutus did notP0^’ ;|
think proper to truft them with arms till he had fird
obtained a decree of the fenate in favour of the defign.
This was eafily procured : the fenate enabled that
Tarquin had forfeited all the prerogatives belonging
to the regal authority, condemned him and all his po-
fterity to perpetual banifluneot, and devoted to the
gods of hell every Roman who ftiould hereafter by
word or deed endeavour his reftoration ; and this de¬
cree was unanimoufly confirmed by the curiae. 59 ) I
Tarquin being thus depofed, the form of govern-The
ment became the next objed. Lucretius was for the
prefent Inter Rex; but Brutus being again gej, |
confulted, declared, that though it was by no means
proper for the (late to be without fupreme magiftrates,
yet it was equally neceffary that the power (hould not
be centered in one man, and that it (hould not be per¬
petual. For this reafon he propofed, that two magi-
llrates, called confuls, (hould be elefted annually;
that the (late (hould thenceforth have the name of re¬
public; that the enfigns of royalty (hould be aboliflied ;
and that the only enfigns of confular dignity fiiould be
an ivory chair, a white robe, and 12 li&ors for their
attendants. However, that he might not utterly abo-
lifh the name of king, he propofed that this title fhould
be given to him who had the fuperintendency of reli¬
gious matters, who (honld thenceforth be called re.v
facroruiH, or king of [acred things.
This fcheme of Brutus being approved of, Brutus
and Collatinus were propofed by Lucretius as the two
firft confuls, and unanimoufly accepted by the people,
who thought it was impoffible to find more implacable
enemies to the Tarquins. They entered on their of-Tuiijus ;
fice in the year 508 B. C. ; and Tullia, perceiving leaves
that now all was loll, thought proper to leave the city Rorne*
and retire to her hulband at Ardea. She was fuffered
to depart without moleftation, though the populace
hooted at her and curfed her as (he went along. Tar¬
quin, in the mean time, being'informed by fome who
had got out of Rome before the gates were (hut, that
Brutus was railing commotions to his prejudice, re¬
turned in hade to the city, attended only by his fons
and a few friends; but, finding the gates (hut, and
the people in arms on the walls, he returned again to
the camp : but here again, to his furprife, he found
•that the confuls had taken the opportunity of gainihg
over the army to their intercft:; fo that, being refufed
admittance into the camp alfo, he was forced to fiy
for refuge, at the age of 76, with his wife and three
fons, to Gabii, where Sextus had been made king.
Here he contiftued for fome time : but not finding the
Latins very forward to revenge his caufe, he retired
into Hetruria; where, being the country of his mother’s
family, he hoped to firid more friends, and a readier
affiftance for attempting the recovery of his throne. Gt
The Romans now congratulated themfelveson their state of the
happy deliverance from tyranny. However, as Tar- Roman em-
quin had by his policy procured himfelf many friends Pirc at this ;
abroad, thefe now became enemies to the Romantime‘
name ; and, by the defection of their allies, the Ro¬
man
ROM [ 1759 ] ROM
Rome, man dominions were left in much the fame ftate as
, —^ tjjCy jja(] ;n the t;me 0f Romulus. The terri¬
tory of Rome had always been confined to a very nar¬
row compafa. Though almoft conftantly viftorious in
in war for 243 years, they had not yet gained land
enough to fupply their city with provifions. The main
ftrerigth of the ftate lay in the number of the citizens
of Rome; which the cuftom of tranfplanting the in¬
habitants of the conquered cities thither had fo pro-
digioufly increafed, that it put the Romans in a. con¬
dition of ufurping the authority over other nations, the
moft inconfiderable of which had an extent of territory
far exceeding theirs. By frequent depredations and
incurfions they fo harrafied the petty ftates of Latium
and Hetruria, that many of them were conftrained to
Ji enter into treaties with Rome, by which they obliged
themfelves to furnifh her with auxiliaries whenever
fhe ftiould be pleafed to invade and pillage the lands
of her other neighbours. Submiffions of this kind the
Romans called, making alliances with them, and thefe
ufeful alliances fupplied the want of a larger territory:
but now, upon the change of her government, all the
allies of Rome forfook her at once, and either ftood
neuter, or efpoufed the caufe of the baniftied king;
fo that ihe was now obliged to maintain her liberties
as (he beft might.
The new confuls in the mean time took the moft
effe&ual methods they could for fecuring the liberties
of the republic. The army which had been employed
in the fiege of Ardea, marched home under the con-
duft of Herminius and Horatius, who concluded a
truce with the Ardeates for 15 years. The confuls
then again affembled the people by centuries, and had
the decree of Tarquin’s baniftiment confirmed ; a rex
facrorwn was eleded to prefide at the facrifices, and
many of the laws of Servius Tullius were revived, to
the great joy of the people, who were thusreftored to
their ancient right of voting in all important affairs.
Tarquin, however, refolved not to part with his king*
dom on fuch eafy terms. Having wandered from city
to city in order to move compaflion, he at length
made Tarquinii the feat of his refidence ; where he
r ^ engaged the inhabitants to fend an embaffy to Rome,
farquin with a modeft, fubmiffive letter from himfelf, direded
prites to to the Roman people. The ambaffadors reprefented
he Roman Jn fuc}j ftrong terms to the fenate how reafonable it
seopie. was to ]et king be heard before he was condemned,
and the danger which threatened the ftate from the
neighbouring powers if that common juftice were re-
fufed, that the confuls inclined to bring thefe agents
before the people, and to leave the decifion thereof to
the curise; but Valerius, who had been very adive in
the revolution, ftrenuoufly oppofed this, and by his
influence in the fenate got it prevented. As that il-
luftrious body had been greatly thinned by the mur¬
ders committed by Tarquin, new members were eleded
from among the knights, and the ancient number of
300 again completed. The old fenators had been
called patres or fathers ; and as the names of the new
ones were now written on the fame roll, the whole
body received the name of patres confcripti.
The old king was not to be foiled by a Angle at¬
tempt. He prevailed on the inhabitants of Tarquinii
to fend a fecond embaffy to Rome, under pretence of
demanding the eftates of the exiles, but with private
inftrudions to get the confuls affaflinated. The re- Rome,
ftoration of the eftates of the exiles was oppofed by
Brutus, but Collatinus was for complying with it;
whereupon Brutus accufed his colleague of treachery,
and of a defign to bring back the tyrant. The mat¬
ter was then referred to the people, where it was car- gj
ried by one vote in favour of the Tarquins. But wbilfrA confpi-
the people were employed in loading carriages with racy formed
the effe<fts of the exiles, and in felling what could not^"ul!s a'
be carried off, the ambaffadors found means to draw
fome of the neareft relations of the confuls into a plot
with them. Thefe were three young noblemen of the
Aquilian family (the fons of Collatinus’s After), and
two of the Vitellii (whofefifter Brutus had married) ;,
and thefe laft engaged Titus and Tiberius, the two
fons of Brutus, in the fame confpiracy. They all
bound themfelves by folemn oaths, with the dreadful"
ceremony of drinking the blood of a murdered man
and touching his entrails. They met at the houfe of
the Aquilii, where they wrote letters to Tarquin and
gave them to the ambaffadors. But though they ufed
all imaginable precaution, their proceedings were
overheard by one Vindicius a flave, who immediately
communicated the whole to Valerius; upon which all ^
the criminals were apprehended. Bratus ftood judge Brutus
over his own fons; and, notwithftanding the interceffion caufes two
of the whole affembly, and the tears and lamentations-
of his children, commanded them to be beheaded ; norl)e}ieg(jetj>
would he depart till he faw the execution of the fen-
tence. Having performed this piece of heroic barba¬
rity, he quitted the tribunal, and left Collatinus to
perform the reft. Collatinus, however, being inclined
to fpare his nephews, allowed them a day to clear
themfelves ; and caufed Vindicius, the only witnefs
againft them, to be delivered up to his mailers. This
roufed the indignation of the people in general, efpe-
cially of Valerius, who had promifed to prated the
witnefs, and therefore he refufed to deliver him up to
the lidlors. The multitude called aloud for Brutus to
return; which, when he had done, he told them that
he had executed his two fons in confequence of his own
paternal authority over them, but that it belonged to
the people to determine the fate of the reft. Accor¬
dingly, by a decree of the curiae, all the delinquents
fuffered as traitors except the ambaffadors, who were
fpared out of refped to their charader. The flave
Vindicius had his liberty granted him ; and was pre-
fented with 25,000 afes of brafs, in value about 801.
149. yd. of our money. The decree for reftoring
the eftates of the exjled Tarquins was annulled, their
palaces were deftroyed, and their lands divided among
the indigent people. The public only retained a piece
of ground, near the Campus Martius, which the king
had ufurped. This they confecrated to Mars, and it
afterwards became a common field where the Roman
youth afterwards exercifed themfelves in running and
wreftling. But after this confecration, the fuperfti*
tious Romans fcr-upled to ufe the corn which they
found there ready reaped to their hands: fothat, with
fonae trees, it was thrown into the Tiber; and the
water being low, it flopped in the middle ot the ri¬
ver, and began to form a fine ifland named afterwards
Infula Sacra.
The behaviour of Brutus towards his two fons ftruck
fuch a terror into the Romans, that fcarce any perfoo
durft
ROM
Rome, durft oppofe him; and therefore, as he hated Collatinus,
“he openly accufed him before the people, and without
6s ceremony depofed him from the confulihip, banilhing
[ 6760 ]
R O M
Depofes bishim at the fame time from Rome. The multitude ac-
Collatfnuc qu>efced 'n every thing he fa id, and refufed to hear
Collatinus fpeak in his own defence; fo that the con*
ful was on the point of being driven out with ignominy
and difgrace, when Lucretius interpofed, and prevailed
upon Brutus to allow his colleague quietly to refign
the fafces, and retire of his own accord from the city.
Brutus then, to remove all fufpicions of perfonal en¬
mity, procured him a prefent of 20 talents out of the
public treafury, to which he added live of his own.
Collatinus then retired to Lavinium, where he lived in
peace, and at lalt died of old age.
After the abdication of Collatinus, Valerius was cho-
fen in his room; and as his temper agreed much better
with Brutusthan that of Collatinus, the two confuls lived
in great harmony. Nothing, however, could make the
ge dethroned king forego the Jiope of recovering his king-
The Volfci dom by force. He firft engaged the Volfci and Tar-
and Tarqui-qUjmen.fes t0 join xheir forces in order to fupport his
clare in fa-
Tarquin.
" rights. The confuls marched out without delay to
meet them. Brutus commanded the horfe and Vale¬
rius the foot, drawn up in a fquare battalion. The two
armies being in fight of each other, Brutus advanced
with his cavalry, at the fame time that Arunx, one of
Tarquiri’s fons, was coming forward with the enemy’s
horfe, the king himfelf following with the legions.
Arunx no fooner difcovered Brutus, than he made to-
67 wards him with all the fury of an enraged enemy.
Brutus and Brutus advanced towards him with no lefs fpeed; and
each'other' 33 k01*1 were aftuated only by motives of hatred, with-
C ° er' out thoughts of felf-prefervation, both of them were
pierced through with their lances. The death of the
two generals ferved as a prelude to the battle, which
continued with the utmoft fury till night, when it
could not be known which fide had got the viftory, or
which had loft the greateft number of men. A report
was fpread, however, that a voice had been heard out
of a neighbouring wood, declaring the Romans con¬
querors ; and this, probably a ftratagem of Valerius,
operated fo powerfully on the fuperftitious minds of
the Volfci, that they left their camp in confufion, and
returned to their own country. It is faid that Vale¬
rius, having caufed the dead to be numbered, found
that the Volfci had loft 11,300 men, and the Romans
only one fhort of that number.
Valerius being left without a colleague in the con-
fuHhip, and having for fomei reafons delayed to choofe
one, began to be fufpe&ed by the people of afpiring
at the fovereignty; and thefe fufpicions were in fome
meafure countenanced by his building a fine houfe on
the fteep part of the hill Palatinus, which overlooked
the forum, and was by them confidered as a citadel.
But of this Valerius was no fooner informed, than he
caufed this houfe to be pulled down, and immediately
called an affembly of the people for the ele&ion of a
conful, in. which he left them entirely free. They chofe
Lucretius, and, being aihamed of having fufpe&ed Va¬
lerius, they complimented him with a large ground-
plot in an agreeable place, where they built him a
houfe. The new conful died a few days after his pro¬
motion, fo that Valerius was once more left foie go¬
vernor. In the interval betwixt the death of Lucre¬
tius and the choice of another conful, Valerius gave Romei
the people fo many ftriking proofs of his attachment"
to their intereft, that they beftowed upon him the fur-
name of Poplicola or Popular; nor was he ever called
by another name afterwards.
When Poplicola’s year of confullhip expired, the
Romans thought fit, in confequence of the critical fi-
tuation of affairs, to cleft him a fecond time, and join¬
ed with him T. Lucretius, the brother of the famous
Lucretia. They began with reftoring the cenfus and
luftrum; and found the number of Roman citizens, at
or above the age of puberty, to amount to 130,000.
As they apprehended an attack from the Latins on ac¬
count of Tarquin, they were at great pains to fortify
Sinquirinum or Singliuria, an important poll on that
fide. Contrary to their expeftations, however, the La¬
tins remained quiet; but an haughty embaffy was re- 6S
ceived from Porfena king of Clufium in Hetruria, com- Porftna ii
manding them either to take back the Tarquins to vades the
Rome, or to reftore them their eftates. To the firftI?-om.an te
of thefe demands the confuls returned an abfolute re- ntonef».
fufal: and, as to the fecond, they anfwered, that it was
imprafticable; a part of thofe eftates having been con-
fecrated to Mars, and the reft divided among indigent
people, from whom they could not be recovered. The
imminent danger which now threatened the city, pro¬
cured Valerius the honour of a third confullhip; and
with him was joined Horatius Pulvilius, who had en-
enjoyed the dignity for a few months before in the in¬
terval betwixt the death of Lucretius and the expira¬
tion of the firft confulate. e
While the Romans were making the moft vigorous And defea;!
preparations for defence, Porfena, attended by his fon their army
Arunx and the exiles, marched towards the city at the
head of a formidable army, which was quickly joined
by a confiderable body of Latins under Mamilius, the
fon-in-law of Tarquin. The confuls and the fenate
took all imaginable care to fupply the common people
with provifions, left famine Ihould induce them to
open the gates to Tarquin; and they defired the coun¬
try people to lodge their effefts in the fort Janiculum,
which overlooked the city, and which was the only for¬
tified place poffeffed by the Romans on that fide the
Tiber. Porfena, however, foon drove the Romans out
of this fort; upon which the confuls made all their
troops pafs the river, and drew them up in order of
battle to defend the bridge, while Porfena advanced to
engage them. The viftory was a long time doubtful;
but at laft the Romans fled. Horatius Codes, nephew Bravery of
to the conful, with Sp. Lartius and T. Herminius,Horatius
who had commanded the right-wing, polled themfelvesCocles'
at the entrance of the bridge, and for a long time
bravely defended it: but at laft, the defenfive arms of
Lartius and Herminius being broken, they retired; and
then Horatius defiring them to advife the confuls from
him to cut the bridge at the other end, he for a while
fuftained the attack of the enemy alone. At laft, be¬
ing wounded in the thigh, and the fignal given that
the bridge was almoft broken down, he leaped into
the river, and fwam acrofs it through a Ihowerof darts.
The Romans, in token of gratitude for this eminent
fervice, erefted a ftatue to him in the temple of Vulcan,
gave him as much land as he himfelf with one yoke of
oxen could plough in one day; and each of the inha¬
bitants, to the number of 300,000, gave him the value
of
ROM
7*
Attempt
of Mutius
Cordus to
afiafTinate
Porfcna.
of as much food as each confumed In a day. But not-
vvithftanding all this, as he had loll one eye, and from
his wounds continued lame throughout the remainder
of his life, thefe defedls prevented his ever being raifed
to the confulate, or invefted with any military com¬
mand.
The city was not yet fully invefted ; but as it was
very difficult to find provifions for fuch a multitude,
the inhabitants foon began to be in want. Porfena
being informed of their difficulties, told them that he
would fupply them with provifions if they would take
back their old mailers; but to this they replied, that
hunger was a lefs evil than flavery and bppreffion. The
conftancy of the Romans, however, was on the point
of failing, when a young patrician, named Mutius Cor¬
dus, with the confent of the fenate and confuls, under¬
took to afiaffinate Porfena. He got accefs to the He-
trurian camp, difguifed like a peafant, and made his
way to the king’s tent. It happened to be the day on
which the troops were all reviewed and paid; and Por-
fena’s fecretary, magnificently drefled, was fitting on
the fame tribunal with the king. Mutius, miltaking
him for Porfena, inftantly leaped upon the tribunal
and killed him. He then attempted to make his efcape;
but being feized and brought back, he owned his de-
fign; and with a countenance expreffivc of defperate
rage and difappointment, thruft his hand which had
miffed the blow into a pan of burning coals which
flood by, and there held it for a confiderable time. On
this, Porfena, changing his refentment into admiration,
granted him his life and liberty, and even reftored him
the dagger with which he intended to have ftabbed
himfelf. Mutius took it with his left-hand, having loll
the ufe of the other; and from this time had the name
of Scavola, or “ left-handed.” He then, in order to
induce Porfena to break up the fiege, invented a ftory
that 300 young Romans, all of them as refolute as
himfelf, had fworn to take away the life of the king of
Hetruria, or to perilh in the attempt. This had the
defired effeft ; Porfena fent deputies to Rome, whole
only demands were, that the Romans ffiould reftore
the efta'tes of the Tarquins, or give them an equiva¬
lent, and give back the feven fmall towns which had
been formerly taken from the Veientes. The latter of
thefe demands was cheerfully complied with ; but the
former was ftill refufed, until Porfena ffiould hear the
flrong reafons they had to urge againft it. A truce be-
ing agreed on, deputies w’ere fent to the Hetrurian
camp to plead the Roman caufe againft the Tarquins,
and with them ten ybung men, and as many virgins,
by way of hoftages for performing the other article.
The reception which Porfena gave the deputies, rai¬
fed the jealoufy of the Tarquins; who ftill retaining
their ancient pride, refufed to admit Porfena for a
judge between them and the Romans. But the king,
without any regard to their oppofition, refolved to fa-
isfy himfelf, by an exa£l inquiry, whether the protec-
t 6761 ]
ROM
fore ventured to fwim crofs the river; and having~en-  
couraged her companions to follow her, they all got
fafe to the oppofite ffiore, and returned to their fathers
houfes. The return of the hoftages gave the conful
Poplicola great uneafinefs; he was afraid left this rath
adtion might be imputed to want of fidelity in the Ro¬
mans. To remove therefore all fufpicions, he fent a. de¬
putation to the Hetrurian camp, affuring the king that
Rome had no fhare in the foolifn attempt of the young
women; and promifing to fend them immediately back 73
to the camp from whence they had fled. Porfena wasTrachfiT
eafily appeafed; but the news of the fpeedy return ofof.the Tar*
the hoftages being known in the camp, the Tarquins,tlU1DS'
without any regard to the truce, or refpedl to the king
their prote&or, lay in ambuffi on the road to furprife
them. Poplicola having put himfelf at the head of the
Roman troops who efcorted them, fu Gained the attack
of the Tarquins, though fudden and unexpe&ed, till
his daughter Valeria rode full fpeed to the Hetrurian
camp, and gave notice of the danger her father and
companions were in; and then Arunx, the king’s fon,
flying with a great body of cavalry to their relief, put
the aggreffors to the rout.
This notorious piece of treachery in the Tarquins
gave Porfena ftrong fufpicions of the badnefs of their
taufe. He therefore affembled the chief commanders
of the Hetrurians; and having heard in their prefence
the complaints of the Romans, and the juftification of
their proceedings againft the Tarquins, he was fo flruck Porfena
with horror at recital of the crimes the Tarquins werebandons
charged with, that he immediately ordered them to their caufe-
leave his camp; declaring, that he renounced his alli¬
ance with them, and would no longer continue the hof-
pitality he had fhown them. He then commanded the
ten young virgins to be brought before him, and in¬
quired who w'as the firfl, author and chief manager of
the enterprize. They all kept filence, till Claslia her-
felf, with an air of intrepidity, confeffed, that ffie alone
was guilty, and that ffie had encouraged the others by
her advice. Upon this, the king, extolling her refo-
lution above the bravery of Horatius and the intre¬
pidity of Mutius, made her a prefent of a fine horfe, 7*
with fumptuous furniture. After this he concluded aConcludes
peace with the Romans, and reftored to them all
hoftages; declaring, that their bare word was to him aRomans>
fufficient fecurity for the performance of the articles, and rc- ’
And now Porfena being about to return to Clufium, hcves them,
gave, before'his departure, a further teftimony of his
refpeft and friendffiip for the Romans. He knew that
Rome was greatly diftreffed for want of provifions; but
being afraid to offend the inhabitants by relieving them
in a diredt manner, he ordered his foldiers to leave be¬
hind them their tents and provifions, and to carry no¬
thing with them but their arms. As his camp abound¬
ed with all forts of provifions, Rome was hereby much
relieved in her wants. The moveables and corn of the
Hetrurians were fold Ipy audlion to private’ perfons;
tion he had given the Tarquins was juft. But while and on this occafion the Romans took up the cuftom.
the caufe was ready to be opened before the Roman of making a proclamation by an herald, whenever any
deputies, news were brought, that the young women effedls belonging to the public were to be fold, in the
■whom the Romans had fent as hoftages, had ventured following words, Tbefe are Porfeua’s goods. The de-
: to fwim acrofs the Tiber, and were returned to Rome.
They had gone to bathe in the river, and Clselia hap¬
pening to turn her eyes towards her native city, that
fight raifed in her a defire of returnirg to it. She there-
Vol. IX. i
fign of this was to preferve the memory of that prince’s
kindnefs. The fenate, not fatisfied with this, ere&ed
a ftatue of the king near the comitium, and fent an
embaffy to him with a prefent of a throne adorned with
37 Z ivory,
ROM [ 6762 ] ROM
Rome, ivory, a fceptre, a crown of gold, and a triumphal
robe.
Thus the Romans efcaped the greateft danger they
had hitherto been in. However, they did not yet enjoy
tranquillity. The Sabines revolted, and continued the
war for feme time with great obfti’nacy : but being
defeated in feveral engagements, they were at laft ob¬
liged to fubmit ; and icarce was this war ended, when
55 another began with the Latins, who now declared for
The Latins king Tarquin. Before they began this war, hovv-
declare for ever, an embaffy was fent to Rome, the purport of
iarqiun. was> ti,at the Romans rtiould raife the fiege of
Fideuae which had revolted, and receive the Tarquins;
who, on their part, fhould grant a general amnefty.
The ambaffadors were to allow the Romans a whole
year to conlider on thefe overtures ; and to threaten
them with a war in cafe they refufed to comply with
them. The chief view of Tarquin and his partifans
in promoting this embafiy, was, to lay hold of that
opportunity to raife a fedition in the city. To the
embaffadors therefore, of the Latins he joined fome of
his own erniflaries, who, on their arrival in the ci¬
ty, found two forts of people difpofed to enter into
their meafures } to wit, the Haves, and the meaner ci-
n tizens,
A dange- The Haves had formed a confpiracy the year before
rouscon- t0 feize the Capitol, and fet lire to the city in feveral
aPainft the tluarUrs at ^le ^ame l'me' ®ut l^e P^ot being difeo-
vered, thofe who were concerned in it had been all
crucified, and this execution had highly provoked the
whole body of Haves. As to the meaner citizens, who
were for the moft part overwhelmed with debt, and
cruelly ufed by their creditors, they were well appri-
fed that there could happen no change in the govern¬
ment but to their advantage. Thefe were the confpi-
rators pitched upon, and to them were given the fol¬
lowing parts to aft : the citizens were to make them-
felves matters of the ramparts and gates of the city, at
an appointed hour of the night; and then to raife a
great (bout as a fignal to the Haves, who had engaged
to m a fiacre their matters at the fame inftant: the gates
of the city were then to be opened to the Tarquins,
who were to enter Rome while it was yet reeking with
the blood of the fenators. The confpiracy was ripe
for execution, when Tarquin’S principal agents, Pub¬
lius and Marcus, both of his own name and family,
being terrified with frightful dreams, had not courage
enough to proceed in their defign, till they had con-
fulted a diviner. However, they did not difeover to
him the confpiracy.; but only afked him in general
terms, what fuccefs they might expeft in a projeft
they had formed. The foothfayer, without the leaft
78 hefitation, returned the following anfwer : Four pro-
ve'red d;lc°Vf^ to/// end in your ruin; dijburden, yourfilves of fo
heavy a load. Hereupon the Tarquins, fearing lelt
fome of the other confpirators fiiould be beforehand
wkh them in informing, went immediately to S. Sul-
pitius, the only conful then at Rome, and difeovered
the whole matter to him. The conful greatly com¬
mended them, and detained them in his houfe, till, by
private inquiries, he was aflured of the truth of their
depofitions. Then he afiembled the fenate, and gave
the Latin ambafladors their audience of leave, with an
anfwer to their propofals; which was, that the Ro¬
mans would neither receive the Tarquins, nor raife
the fiege of Fidentc, being all to a man ready to facri- Romev ,
fice their lives in defence of their liberties, and willing ^
to undergo any dangers rather than fubmit to the go¬
vernment of a tyrant.
The ambaffadors being difmifled with this anfwer,
and condufted out of the city, Sulpitius laid open to
the fathers the dreadful confpiracy. It ftruck them
with horror: but they were all at a lofs in what man¬
ner they fiiould apprehend and punifii the guilty; fince,
by the law of Poplicola, there was an appeal to the
people in all capital cafes; and the two witntfies, who
were (hangers, might be excepted againft by Ro¬
man citizens. In this perplexity they left the whole
conduft of this critical affair to Sulpitius ; who took a
method which he thought would equally ferve to prove
the guilt, and punifii the guilty. He engaged the
two informers to affemble the confpirators, and to ap¬
point a rendezvous at midnight in the forum, as if
they defigned to take the laft meafures for the execu¬
tion of the enterprize. In the mean time he ufed all
proper means to fecure the city, and ordered the Ro¬
man knights to hold themfdves ready, in the houfes
adjoining to the forum, to execute the orders they
(hould receive. The confpirators met at the time and
place appointed by the two Tarquins; and the knights,
upon a fignal agreed on beforehand, inverted the fo¬
rum, and blocked up all the avenues to it fo clofely,
that it was impoffible for any of the confpirators to
make their efcape.. As foon as it was light, the two
confuls appeared with a ftrong guard on the tribunal;
for Sulpitius had fent to his collegue Manius, who was
befieging Fidenae, defiriog him to haften to the city
with a chofen body of troops. The people were con¬
vened by curias, and acquainted with the confpiracy
which had been formed againft the common liberty.
The accufed were allowed to make their defence, if
they had any thing to offer againft the evidence;
but not one of them denying the faft, the confuls re¬
paired to the fenate, where fentence of death was pro¬
nounced againft the confpirators, in cafe the people
approved it. 19 j
This decree of the fenate being read to and ap-The confpt 11
proved by the affembly, the people were ordered to re-n!t°r* Pu'
tire, and the confpirators were delivered up to the1" 16
foldiers, who put them all to the fword. The peace
of R.ome was thought fufflciently fecured by this
ftroke of feverity; and therefore, though all the con¬
fpirators were not puniftied with death, it was judged
proper not to make any further inquiries. The two
informers were rewarded with all the privileges of Ro¬
man citizens, 100,000 afes, and 20 acres of land.
Three feftival-days were appointed for expiations, fa-
crifices, and public games, by way of thankfgiving to
the gods. But the general joy was difturbed by a
melancholy accident: as the people were condufting
Manius Tullius the conful from the circus to his houfe,
he fell from his chariot, and died three days after.
The city of Fidenas was not yet reduced: it held
out during the following confulfliip ofT. iEbutiusand
P. Veturius; but was taken the next year by T. Lar-
tius, who, together with Clselius, was raifed to
the confular dignity. The Latins, enraged at the lofs
of this town, began to complain of their leading men;
which opportunity Tarquin and Mamilius improved fo
far, as to make all the Latin cities, 24 in number, enter
into.
ROM [ 6763 ] ROM
Rome, into an alliance againft Rome, and to bind themfelves
^by oath never to violate their engagements. The La¬
tins made vaft preparations, as did likewife the Ro¬
mans ; but the latter could procure no affiftance from
their neighbours. As the Latin nation was much fu-
perior to them in Rrength, they fent deputies to folicit
fuccours from the feveral ftates with which they were
fuvrounded: but their negociations proved every where
unfuccefsful ; and, what was worfe than all, the re¬
public had rebellious fons in her own bofom, who re-
fufed to lend their aid in defence of their country. The
poorer fort of people, and the debtors, refufed to take
50 the military oaths, or to ferve ; alleging their poverty,
')l(lurban- and the fruitlefs hazards they ran in fighting for the
** at defence of a city, where they were oppreffed and en-
.0aie' fiaved by their creditors. This fpirit of mutiny fpread
among the inferior clafles, moft of them refufing to lift
themfelves, unlefs their debts were all remitted by a
decree of the fenate; nay, they began to talk of lea¬
ving the city, and fettling elfewhere.
The fenate, apprehending a general infurreftion,
affembled to deliberate on the means of quieting thofe
domeftic troubles. Some were for a free remiffion of
all debts, as the fafeft expedient at that jundure ;
others urged the dangerous confequences of fuch a
condefcenfion, advifing them to lift fuch only as were
willing to ferve, not doubting but thofe who refufed
their afiiftance, would offer it of their own accord
when it was no longer defired. Several other expe¬
dients were propofed: but at length this prevailed ;
to wit, that all adlions for debts fhould be fufpended
till the conclufion of the war with the Latins. But
this the indigent debtors thought only a fufpenfion of
their mifery ; and therefore it had not the intended
effed on the minds of the unruly multitude. The
fenate might indeed have profecuted the ringleaders of
the fedition ; but the law of Poplicola, called the Va¬
lerian law, which allowed appeals tothe affembly of the
people, was a protedion for the feditious, who were
fure of being acquitted by the accomplices of their
rebellion. The fenate therefore, to elude the effed
of a privilege that put fuch a reftraint upon their
power, refolved to create one fupreme magiftrate,
who, with the title of dittator, ftiould have an abfolute
power for a time : but as this could not be done with¬
out ftriking at the law of Poplicola, and transferring
the power of the people in criminal cafes to a ma¬
giftrate fuperior to ail laws, it was neceffary to ufe
artifice, in order to obtain the confent of the curise.
They therefore reprefented to tftem in a public affem¬
bly, that, in fo difficult a conjundure, when they had
their domeftic quarrels to decide, and at the fame
51 time a powerful enemy to repulfe, it would be ex-
di£Vator pedient to put the commonwealth under a fingle go-
seated. vernor, who, fuperior to the conful themfelves, Ihould
be the arbiter of the laws, and, as it were, the father
of his country ; that his power (houid have no limits:
but, however, left he ftiould abufe it, they ought not
to truft him with it above fix months.
The people, not forefeeing the confequences of this
change, agreed to it ; but the greateft difficulty was
to find a man duly qualified in all refpeds for
fo great a truft. T. Lartius, one of the confuls,
feemed to be of all men the moft unexceptionable ;
but the fenate, fearing to offend his colleague by an
invidious preference, gave the confuls the power of Rome,
choofing a didator, and obliged them to name one of
themfelves, not doubting but Ciselius would yield to
the fuperior talents of his colleague ; nor were they
difappointed in their expedation. But Lartius, with
the fame readinefs, name Claslius; and the only conteft
was, which of the two fhould raife the other to the
fupreme authority. Each perfifted obftinately in re¬
mitting the dignity to his colleague, till Cselius, ftart-
ing up on a hidden, abdicated the counfufhip, and,
after the manner of an interrex, proclaimed Titus Lar¬
tius didator, who thereupon was obliged to take up¬
on him the government of the republic. 81
Lartius indeed took as much llate upon him, after He choofcs
he had entered upon his office, as he had fhown mo-a gencral
defty in refufing it. He began by creating, withouthorfe’
the participation either of the fenate or people, a ge¬
neral of the Roman horfe; an office which lafted only
during the didatorfhip, and which all fubfequent dic¬
tators revived immediately after their eledion. Sp.
Caffius, formerly conful, and honoured with a triumph,
was the perfon he advanced to this fecond ftation in
the republic. Lartius, having by this means fecured
the Roman knights, refolved, in the next place, to
make the people refped and fear him. With this
view he never appeared in public, without being attended
by 24 lidors, to whofe fafees he again added the axes
which Poplicola had caufed to be taken from them.
The novelty of this fight was alone fufficient to awe
the feditious, and, without executions, to fpread con-
fternation throughout Rome. The murmurs of the
inferior claffes being by this means filenced, the dida¬
tor commanded acenfus to be taken, according to the
inftitution of king Servius. Every one, without ex¬
ception, brought in his name, age, the particulars of 8?
his eftate, &c. and there appeared to be in Rome Number of
150,700 men who were paft the age of puberty, the Ro-
Out of thefe the didator formed four armies : the firft mans*
he commanded himfelf; the fecond he gave to Claelius
his late collegue ; the third to Sp. Caffius his general
of the horfe; and the fourth he left in Rome, under
the command of his brother Sp. Lartius, who was to
guard the city. The Latins not being fo forward in
their preparations as was expeded, all their hoMities
againft Rome this campaign amounted to no more
than the fending a detachment into the Roman terri¬
tory to lay it wafte. The didator gained feme advan¬
tage over that party ; and the great humanity with
which he treated the prifoners and wounded, difpofed
the Latins to liften the more readily to the overtures
which he at the fame time made them for a fufpenfion
of hoftilities. At length a truce was agreed on for a
year ; and then Lartius, feeing the republic reftored
to its former tranquility, refigned the didatorlhip,
though the time appointed for its duration was not yet
expired.
The following confulfhfp of Sempronius Atratinus
and Minutius Angurinus, produced nothing memor¬
able. But the next year the truce expired, when
Aulus Pofthumius and T. Virginias took poffeffion of
the confullhip. Both Romans and Latins were bufied
in making the neceffary preparations for war. The
nobility of Latium, who were for the moft part in the
intereft of the Tarquins, having found means to ex¬
clude the citizens from the Latin diets, carried all
37 Z 2 before
ROM [ 6764 ] R -O M
Rome, before them in thofe affemblies: whereupon many of
' the citizens removed with their families to Rome,
where they were well received. The Latins being
bent upon war, the fenate, notwithftanding the per¬
fect harmony that reigned between them and the
people, thought it expedient to create a di&ator. The
two confuls were therefore impowered to name one of
themfelves to that dignity; whereupon Virginius readi¬
ly yielded it to his colleague Pofthumius, as the more
able commander. The new di&ator, having created
iEbutius Elva his general of the horfe, and divided
his army into four bodies, left one of them, under the
command of Sempronius, to guard the city; and with
the other three, commanded by himfelf, Virginius,
and iEbulius, marched out againft the Latins, who,
with an army of 40,000 foot and 3000 horfe, under
the command of Sextus Tarquinius, Titus Tarquinius,
and Mamilius, had already made themfelves mailers of
Corbio, a ftrong-hold belonging to the republic, and
g put the garrifon to the fword. Pofthumius encamped
Battle of in nigh1 on a fteeP hM near the lake Regillus,
Regillus. and Virginius on another hill over-againft him. iEbu-
tius was ordered to march filently in the night, with
the cavalry and light-armed infantry, to take poffefiion
of a third hill upon the road, by which provifions mull
be brought to the Latins.
Before JEbutius had fortified his new camp, he was
vigoroufly attacked by Lucius Tarquinius, whom he
repulfed three times with great lofs, the di&ator ha¬
ving fent him a timely reinforcement. After this,
.ffibutius intercepted two couriers fent by the Volfci
to the Latin generals, and, by letters found upon
them, difcovered, that a confiderable army of the
Volfci and Hernici were to join the Latin forces in
three days. Upon this intelligence, Pofthumius drew
his three bodies of troops together, which amounted in
all to no more than 24,000 foot and 1000 horfe, with
a defign to engage the enemy before the arrival of the
fuccours they expefled. Accordingly he encouraged
his men, and, with his army in battle-array, advanced
to the place where the enemy was encamped. The
Latins, who were much fuperior to the Romans in
numbers, and befides began to want provifions, did
not decline the engagement. Titus Tarquinius, at
the head of the Roman exiles and deferters, was in
the centre, Mamilius in the right wing, and Sextus
Tarquinius in the left. In the Roman army the dic¬
tator commanded in the centre, A£butius in the left
wing,., and Virginius in the right.
The firft body which advanced was that of the dic¬
tator ; and, as ibon as it began to march, T. Tar¬
quinius, fingling out the di&ator, ran full fpeed againft
him. The diQator did not decline the encounter, but,
flying at his adverfary, wounded him with a javelin in
the right fide. Upon this, the firft line of the Latins
advanced to cover their general; but he being carried
out of the field, they made but a faint r^fiftance when
charged by the troops of the diftator. They were
deftitute of a leader; and therefore began to retire,
when Sextus Tarquinius, taking the place of his bro¬
ther, brought them back to the charge, and renewed
the fight with fuch vigour, that the vi&ory in the
centre was ftill doubtful. On the fide of Mamilius
and Ebutius, both parties, encouraged by the example
of their leaders, fought with incredible bravery and
refolution. After a long and bloody conteft, the two Rome.
generals agreed to determine the doubtful vi&ory   
by a Angle combat. Accordingly the champions
pufhed on their horfes againft each other. zEbutius
with his lance wounded Mamilius in the breaft ; and
Mamilius with his fword iEbutius'in the right arm.
Neither of the wounds were mortal ; but, both gene¬
rals failing from their horfes, put an end to the com¬
bat. Marcus Valerius, the brother of Poplicola, fup-
plying the place of iEbutius, endeavoured, at the head
of the Roman horfe, to break the enemy’s battalions;
but was repulfed by the cavalry of the Roman royalifts.
At the fame time Mamilius appeared again in the van,
with a confiderable body of horfe and light-armed in¬
fantry. Valerius, with the afiiftance of his-two ne¬
phews, the fons of Poplicola, and a chofen troop of
volunteers, attempted to break through the Latin bat¬
talions, in order to engage Mamilius ; but, being fur-
rounded by the Roman exiles, he received a mortal
wound in his fide,, fell from his horfe, and died. The
dead body was carried off by the two fons of Popli¬
cola, in fpite of the utmoft efforts of the exiles, and
delivered to Valerius’s fervants, who conveyed it ta
the Roman camp; but the young heroes being after¬
wards inverted on all fides, and overpowered by num¬
bers, were both, killed on.the fpot. Upon their death,
the left wing of the Romans began to give ground,
but werefoon brought back by Pofthumius; who, with
a body of Roman knights, flying to their affiltance,
charged the royalifts with fuch fury, that they were,
after an obftinate refiftance, obliged to give way, and
retire in the utmoft confufion. In the mean time Ti¬
tus Horminius, one of the dilator’s lieutenants, ha¬
ving rallied tbofe who had fled, fell upon fome clofe
battalions of the enemy’s right wing, which ftill kept
their ground under the command of Mamilius, killed
him with his own hand, and put that body to flight.
But while he was bufy in dripping the body of Uis
enemy, he received himfelf a wound, of which he died
foon after.
Sextus Tarquinius in the mean time maintained the
fight with great bravery, at the head of the left wing,
againft the conful Virginius; and had even broke thro’’
the right wing of the Roman army, when the didlator
attacked him unexpedledly with his vi&orious fqua-
drons. Then Sextus, having loft at once all hopes of
vi&ory, threw himfelf, like one in defpair, into the
midft of the Roman knights, and there funk under a
multitude of wounds, after he had diftinguiflied him- gj
felf in a moft eminent manner. The death of the The Latins
three generals was followed by the entire defeat of the enlirely de*
Latin army. Their camp was taken and plundered, [hetfr5camii
and moft of their troops cut in pieces ; for, of the t2ken. P
43,000 men who came into the field, fcarce 10,000
returned home. The next morning the Volfci and
Hernici came, according to their agreement, to aflift
the Latins ; but finding, upon their arrival, how mat¬
ters had gone, fome of them were for falling upon the
Romans before they could recover from the fatigue oS
the preceding day; but others thought it more fafe
to fend ambafladors to the diflator, to congratulate-
him on his viftory, and affure him that they had left
their own country with no other defign than to aflift:
Rome in fo dangerous a war. Pofthumius, by pro¬
ducing their couriers and letters, gave them to under--
Rand
ROM [ 6765 ] ROM
Rome, {latul that he was well apprifed of their defigns and
  treacherous proceedings. However, out of a regard
to the law of nations, he fent them back unhurt, with
a challenge to their generals to fight the next day :
but the Volfci, and their confederates, not caring to
engage a victorious army, decamped in the night, and
returned to their refpeCtive countries before break of
| 86 day-
jirhe whole The Latins, having now no remedy but an entire
nation fub fubmifiion, fent ambaffadors to folicit a peace at Rome,
Plts- yielding themfelves abfolutely to the judgment of the
fenate. As Rome had long fince made it a maxim to
fpare the nations that fubmitted, the motion of Titus
Lartius, the late dictator, prevailed ; and the ancient
treaties with the Latins were renewed, on condition,
however, that they (hould reftore the prifoners they
had taken, deliver up the deferters, and drive the Ro¬
man exiles out of Latium. Thus ended the laft war
which the Romans waged with their neighbours on
account of their banifhed king; who, being now
abandoned by the Latins, Hetrurians, and Sabines,
a7 retired into Campania, to Ariftodemus tyrant of Cu-
|,rqwn mas, and there died, in the 90th year of his age and
lies. 14th of his exile.
The Romans were no fooner freed from thefe dan¬
gerous wars, than they began to opprefs one another,
88 and thofe domeftic feuds took place which continued
^Tew di- more or lefs during the whole time of the republic,
iurbances '[’he firft dilturbances were occafioned by the oppref-
tt Rome. gon Gf t^e plebeians who were debtors to the patri¬
cians. The fenate, who were at the head of the patri¬
cians, chofe to the confulate one Appius Claudius, who
violently oppofed the pretenfions of the plebeians ; but
gave him for his colleague one P. Servilius, who was
of a quite contrary opinion and difpofition. The con-
fequence of this was, that the confuls difagreed ; the
fenate did not know what to determine, and the people
were ready to revolt. In the midft of thefe diftur-
bances, an army of the Volfci advanced towards Rome;
the people refufed to ferve; and had not Servilius pro¬
cured fome troops who ferved out of a perfonal afifec-
tion to himfelf, the city would have been in great
danger.
But though the Volfci were for this time driven
back, they had no intention of dropping their defigns ;
they engaged in an alliance with them the Hernici and
Sabines. In the mean time, the difputes at Rome con¬
tinued with as much violence as ever. Nay, though they
were exprefsiy told that theVolfcian army was on its
way to befiege the city, the plebeians abfolutely refufed
to march againft them ; faying, that it was the fame
thing whether they were chained by their own country¬
men or by the enemy. In this extremity Servilius
promifed, that when the enemy were repulfed the fe¬
nate would remit all the debts of the plebeians. This
having engaged them to ferve, the conful marched out
at their head, defeated the enemy in a pitched battle,
and took their capital, giving it up to be plundered
by his foldiers without referving any part for the pu¬
blic treafury.
Whatever might have been the reafons of Servilius
for this ftep, it furnilhed Appius with a pretence for
refufing him a triumph, as a man of a feditious difpo¬
fition, who aimed at popularity by an exceffive indul¬
gence and profufenefs to his foldiers. Serviliusj.incen-
fed at this injuft ice, and encouraged by the acclama- Rome,
tions of the people, decreed himfelf a triumph in fpite ““
of Appius and the fenate. After this he marched
againft the Aurunci, who had entered Latium; and, in
conjun&ion with Pofthumius Regillens, he utterly de¬
feated them, and obliged them to retire into their own
country. But neither the fervices of the general nor
his foldiers could mollify the fenate and patrician party.
Appius even doubled the feverity of his judgments,
and imprifoned all thofe who had been fet at liberty
during the war. The prifoners cried for relief to Ser¬
vilius: but he-could not obtain the accompliftiment of
thofe promifes which the fenate never had meant to
perform; neither did he choofe to quarrel openly with
the whole patrician body; fo that, Itriving to preferve
the friendlhip of both parties, he incurred the hatred
of the one, and the contempt of the other. Perceiving
therefore that he had loft all his intereft with the ple¬
beians, he joined with the patricians againft them 5
but the plebeians rulhing tumultuoufly into the forum,
made fuch a noife, that no fentence pronounced by the
judges could be heard, and the utmoft confufion pre¬
vailed through the whole city. Several propofals wers
made to accommodate matters; but through the obfti-
nacy of Appius and the majority of the fenators, they
all came to nothing. In the mean time it was necef-
fary to raife an army againft the Sabines, who had in¬
vaded the territories of the republic; but the people
refufed to ferve. Manius Valerius, however, brother
to the celebrated Poplicola, once more prevailed upon
them to march out againft the common enemy; having
previoufly obtained afthrances from the fenate that
their grievances fhould be redrefled. But no fooner
had victory declared in favour of the Romans, than the
fenate, apprehending that the foldiers at their return
would challege Valerius, who had been nominated dic¬
tator, for the performance of their promifes, defired
him and the two confuls to detain them ftill in the
field, under pretence that the war was not quite finifh-
ed. The confuls obeyed; but the dittator, whofe au¬
thority did not depend on the fenate, difbanded his-
army, and declared his foldiers free from the oath which
they had taken; and as a further proof of his attach¬
ment to the plebeians, he chofe out of that order 400*
whom he invefted with the dignity of knights. After
this he claimed the accompliftiment of the promifes
made by the fenate: but inftead of performing them,
he had the mortification to hear himfelf loaded with
reproaches; on which he refigned his office as dila¬
tor, and acquainted the people with his inability to ful¬
fil his engagements to them. No fooner were thefe
tranfa&ions known in the army, than the foldiers, to arevolt° but;
man, deferted the confuls and other officers, and reti- all the
red to a hill called afterwards A/sw Sacer, three miles troubles are
from Rome, where they continued to obierve an exafteri<le‘l
difcipline, offering no fort of violence whatever. The^j^"^
fenate, after taking proper meafures for the defence of0f the
the city, fent a deputation to the malecontents; but people,
it was anfwered with contempt. In fhort, all things
tended to a civil war, when at laft matters were cotn-
promifed by the inftitution of tribunes of the people,
who had power to prevent the paffing of ^ny law that
might be prejudicial to the people, and whofe perfons
were declared facred, infomuch that whoever offered
the lea ft violence to the perfon of a tribune was decla¬
red .
ROM [ 6766 ] ROM
Rome, red accurfed, his effe&s were to be confecrated to Ceres,
  and he himfel-f might be killed with impunity; and all the
Romans were to engage themfelves, in their own name
and that of their polterity, never to repeal this law.
The people, after thefe regulations, erefted an altar to
Jupiter the Terrible, on the top of the hill where their
camp had flood; and when they had offered facrifices
to the god, and confecrated the place of their retreat,
they returned to Rome, led by their new magiftrates
and the deputies of the fenate.
Thus the Roman conftitution, which had originally-
been monarchic, and from thence had palled into an
ariftocracy, began now to verge towards a democracy.
The tribunes immediately after their ele&ion obtained
permiffion from the fenate to cleft two perfons as their
minifters or afliftants, who fltould cafe them a little in
the great multiplicity of their affairs. Thefe were call¬
ed plebeian tsdiles; and afterwards came to have the
infpeftion of the public baths, aquedufts, with many
other offices originally belonging to the confuls, after
which they were called Amply adiles.
AH oppofition to the making of regular levies be¬
ing now at an end, the conful Cominius led an army
againft the Volfci. He defeated them in battle, and
took from them Longula and Polufca; after which he
befieged Corioli, a city ftrongly fortified, and which
might be called their capital. He carried this place,
50 and gained a viftory over the Antiates, the fame day:
Bravery of but Caius Marcius, an eminent patrician, had all the
Caius Mar-glory 0f b0th aftions. The troops detached by the
lanusCOn°* con^u^ to ^ca'e t^e wa^8 Corioli being repulfed in
their firft affault, Marcius rallied the runaways, led
them on afrefh to the charge, drove back the enemy
within their walls, and, entering the city with them,
made himfelf matter of it. This exploit atchieved, he
with all expedition put himfelf in the foremoft ranks of
the canful’s main army, that was juff going to engage
with the Antiates, who were come to the relief of the
place ; and there he behaved with equal bravery, and
had equal fuccefs.
The next day the conful, having erefted his tribunal
before his tent, called the foldiers together. His whole
fpeech to them was little more than a panegyric upon
Marcius. He put a crown upon his head; affigned
him a tenth part of all the fpoil; and in the name of
the republic, made him a prefent of a fine horfe with
{lately furniture, giving him leave at the fame time to
choofe out any ten of the prifoners for himfelf; and
laftly, he allotted him as much money as he could carry
away. Of all thefe offers, Marcius accepted only the
horfe, and one captive of the ten, an old friend of his
family, that he might give him his liberty. To add
to the glory of the brave warrior, the conful bellowed
on him the furname of Coriolanus, transferring thereby
from himfelf to Marcius all the honour of the conqudl
of Corioli. Cominius, at his return to Rome, dilband-
ed his army; and war was fucceeded by works of re¬
ligion, public games, and treaties of peace. A cenfus
and a luftrum clofed the events of this memorable con-
Dim?nu- There appeared to be in Rome at this time no
tion of the more than 110,000 men fit to bear arms; a number by
number of many thoufands lefs than at the latt enrollment. Doubt-
the Ro- lefs great numbers bad run away to avoid being Haves
mans. t0 tbeir creditors.
Under the following adminiftration of T. Geganius
and P. Minucius, Rome was terribly afflifted by a fa- Rome. I
mine, occafioned chiefly by the negleft of ploughing "
and fowing during the late troubles; for the fedition
had happened after the autumnal equinox, about fow¬
ing-time, and the accommodation was not made till 5r
jutt before the winter folftice. The fenate difpatched A famine 1
agents into Hetruria, Campania, the country of thein thc cU^
Volfci, and even into Sicily, to buy corn. Thofe who
embarked for Sicily met with a tempeft which retarded
their arrival at Syracufe; where they were conftrained
to pafs the winter. At Cumae, the tyrant Ariftode-
nuis feized the money brought by the commiffaries;
and they themfclves with difficulty faved their lives by
flight. The Volfci, far from being difpofed to fuc-
cour the Romans, would have marched againtt them,
if a fudden and moft deftruftive peftilence had not de- {
feated their purpofe. In Hetruria alone the Roman
commiffaries met with fuccefs. They fent a confider-
able quantity of grain from thence to Rome in barks:
but this was in a fttort time confumed, and the mifery
became exceffive: the people were reduced to eat any
thing they could get; and nature in fo great extremity
loathed nothing.
During this diftrefs a deputation came from Velitra: A colony j |
a Vblfcian city, where the Romans had formerly plant- t0 ^C1'
ed a colony, reprefenting that nine parts in ten of its Uras'
inhabitants had been fwept away by a plague, and
praying the Romans to fend a new colony to re-people
it. The confcript fathers without much hefitation
granted the requeft, preffed the departure of the co¬
lony, and without delay named three leaders to con-
duft it.
The people at firft were very well pleafed with the
propofal, as it gave them a profpeft of relief in their
hunger: but when they reflefted on the terrible havoc
the plague had made among the old inhabitants ofVe-
litrae, they began to fear that the place might be ftill
infefted ; and this apprehenfion became fo univerfal,
that not one of them would confent to go thither.
Neverthelefs the fenate at length publiftied a decree
that all the citizens fhould draw lots; and that thofe
to whofe lot it fell to be of the colony, fhould inftantly
march for Velitrse, or fuffer the fevereft punilhments
for their difobedience: fear and hunger made the people
comply; and the fathers, a few days after, fent away a
fecond colony to Norba, a confiderable city of Latium.
But the patricians were difappointed as to the benefit
they expefted from thefe meafures. The plebeians who
remained in Rome, being more .and more preffed by
hunger and want, grew daily more angry with the fe¬
nate. At firft they affembled in fmall companies to
vent their wrath in abufive complaints; and at length,
in one great body, rufhed all together into the forum,
calling out upon their tribunes for fuccour.
The tribunes made it their bufinefs to heighten I
general difeontent. Having convened the people, ces
Spurius Icilius, chief of the college of tribunes, in- by the tri-J
veighed moft bitterly againft the fenate; and when be^unes. J
had ended his harangue, exhorted others to fpeak freely
their thoughts; particularly, and by name, calling up¬
on Brutus and Sicinnius, the ringleaders of the former
fedition, and now sediles. Thefe men, far from at¬
tempting to extinguifh the fire, added frefh fuel to it:
And the more to inflame the fpirits of the multitude,
they enumerated all the paft infults which the people
ROM
me. had fuffered from the nobles. Brutus concluded his
—- harangue with loudly threatening, that if the plebeians
would follow his advice, he would foon oblige thofe
men who had caufed the prefent calamity to find a re¬
medy for it: after which, the afTembly was difmified.
The next day, the confuls, greatly alarmed at this
commotion, and apprehending from the menaces of
Brutus fome very mifchievous event, thought it adv;-
fable to convene the fenators, that they might conlider
of the bell means to avert the impending evil. The
fathers could not agree in opinion. Some were for em¬
ploying foft words and fair promifes to quiet and gain
over the mod turbulent. But Appius’s advice pre¬
vailed : which was, that the confuls fhould call the
people together, allure them that the patricians had not
brought upon them the miferies they fuffered, and pro-
mife, on the part of the fenate, all pofiible care to pro¬
vide for their neceffities; but at the fame time, fliould
reprove the difturbers of the public peace, and threaten
them with the fevered punifhments if they did not
amend their behaviour.
When the confuls, towards the clofe of the day, ha¬
ving afiembled the people, would have fignified to them
the difpofition and intention of the fenate, they were
interrupted by the tribunes. A difpute enfued, in
which no order or decency was obferved on either fide.
Several fpeaking at the fame time, and with great vo¬
ciferation, no one could be well underftood by the au¬
dience. The confuls judged, that being the fuperior
magiftrates, their authority extended to all affemblies
of the citizens. On the other fide, it was pretended,
that the afiemblies of the people were the province of
the tribunes, as the fenate was that of the confuls.
The difpute grew warm, and both parties were ready
to come to blows; when Brutus having put fome que-
ftions to the confuls, ended it for that time. Next day
* he propofed a law which was carried, that no perfon
i the,°Wer whatever fhould interrupt a tribune when fpeaking in
an affembly of the people; by which means the influ¬
ence and power of the popular party was confiderably
increafed, and the tribunes became formidable oppo¬
nents to the confuls and patricians. An opportunity
foon offered for both parties to try their ftrength. A.
great fleet of fhips laden with corn from Sicily, a great
part of which was a prefent from Gelon the king of
that country to the Romans, and the reft purchafed
by the fenate with the public money, raifed their fpi-
rits once more.
But Coriolanus incurred their refentment, by infill¬
ing that it fhould not be diftributed till the grievances
of the fenate were removed. For this, the tribunes
fummoned him to a trial before the people,.under pre¬
tence that he afpired at the fovereignty.
When the appointed day was come, all perfons were
filled with the greateft expeftations, and a vaft con-
courfe from the adjacent country aflembled and filled
up the forum. Coriolanus; upon this, prefented him-
fielf before the people with a degree of intrepidity that
merited better fortune. His graceful perfon, his per-
fuafive eloquence, the cries of thofe whom he had faved
from the enemy, inclined the auditors to relent. But
being confounded with a new charge which he did not
expeft, of having embezzled the plunder of Antium,
the tribunes immediately took the votes, and Coriola-
[ 6767 ]
ROM
pr'
nos was condemned to perpetual exile. Rome.
This fentence againft their braved defender, ftruck —
the whole body of the fenate with forrow, conftcrna-
tion, and regret. Coriolanus alone, in the midft of the
tumult, feemed an unconcerned fpedlator. He return¬
ed home, followed by the lamentations of hundreds of
the mod refpe&able fenators and citizens of Rome, to
take a lading leave of his wife, his children, and his s>7
mother Veturia. Thus recommending his little chil*
dren to their care, he left the city, without followers or a^Tofns
fortune, to take refuge with Tullus Attius, a man of the Voile:*
great power among the Volfcians, who took him un¬
der his prote&ion, and efpoufed his quarrel.
The fird thing to be done, was to induce theVolfci
to break the league which had been made with Rome;
and for this purpofe Tullus fent many of his citizens
thither, in order to fee fome games at that time cele¬
brating; but at the fame time gave the fenate private
information, that the ftrangers had dangerous inten¬
tions of burning the city. This had the defired ef¬
fect ; the fenate iffued an order, that all ftrangers,
whoever they were, fhould depart from Rome before
fun-fet. This order Tullus reprefented to his country¬
men as an infradiion of the treaty; and procured an
embafly to Rome, complaining of the breach, and de¬
manding back all the territories belonging to the Vol¬
fcians, of which they had been violently difpoflefled ;
declaring war in cafe of a refufal: but this meffage was
treated by the fenate with contempt. r • 58
# War being thus declared on both fides, Coriolanus advantaged
and Tullus were made generals of the Volfcians,; and0ver the
accordingly invaded the Roman territories, ravaging Romans,
and laying wafte all fuch lands as belonged to the ple¬
beians, but letting thofe of the fenators remain un¬
touched. In the mean time the levies went on very
flowly at Rome; the two confuls, who were re-ele£ted
by the people, feemed but little fkilled in war, and even
feared to encounter a general whom they knew to be
their fuperior in the field. The allies alfo fhowed their
fears, and flowly brought in their fuccours; fo that
Coriolanus continued to take their towns one after the
other. Fortune followed him in every expedition; and
he was now fo famous for his viftories, that the Volfci
left their towns defencelefs to follow him into the field.
The very foldiers of his colleague’s army came over to
him, and would acknowledge no other general. Thus
finding himfelf unoppofed in the field, and at the head
of a numerous army, he at length invefted the city of
Rome itfelf, fully refolved to befiege it. It was then Inverts the
that the fenate and the people unanimoufly agreed toc‘£y-
fend deputies to him, with propofals of reftoration, in
cafe he fliould draw off his army. Coriolanus received
their propofals at the head of his principal officers, and,
with the iternnefs of a general that was to give the law,
refufed their offers.
Another embaffy was now fent forth, conjuring him
not to exaft from his native city aught but what be¬
came Romans to grant. Coriolanus, however, ftill
perfifted in his former demands, and granted them but
three days in which to finifh their deliberations. In
this exigence, all that was left was another deputation
ftill more folemn than either of the former, compofed
of the pontiffs, the priefts, and the augurs. Thefe,.
cloathed in their habits of ceremony, and with a grave
and
ROM [ 6768 ] ROM
Rome, and mournful deportment, iffued from the city, and en-
tered the camp of the conqueror: but all in vain, they
found him fevere and inflexible as before.
When the people faw them return ineffectually,
they began to give up the commonwealth as loft.
Their temples were filled with old men, with women
and children, who, proftrate at their altars, put up
their ardent prayers for the prefervation of their
country. Nothing was to be heard but anguifh and
lamentation, nothing to be feen but fcenes of affright
and diftrefs. At length it was fuggefted to them,
that what could not be effefted by the interceffion of
the fenate or the adjuration of the priefts, might be
brought about by the tears of his wife or the com¬
mands of his mother. This deputation feemed to be
relifhed by all ; and even the fenate itfelf gave it the
fanction of their authority. Veturia, the mother of
100 Coriolanus, at firft made fome hefnation to undertake
dons3the* P‘ons a work: however, (he at laft undertook the
enterprize embaffy, and fet forward from the city, accompanied
at the in- by many of the principal matrons of Rome, with
terceflion Volumnia his wife, and his two children. Coriola-
ther'5 m°" ■mi8’ w^° at a diftance difcovered this mournful train
<of females, was refolved to give them a denial, and
.called his officers round him to be witnefs of his refo-
lution ; but, when told that his mother and his wife
•were among the number, he inftantly came down from
his tribunal to meet and embrace them. At firft, the
womens tears and embraces took away the power of
words; and the rough foldier himfelf, hard as he was,
could not refrain from (haring in their diftrefs. Co¬
riolanus now feemed much agitated by contending
paffions ; while his mother, who faw him moved, fe-
conded her words by the moft perfuafive eloquence,
her tears: his wife and children hung round him, in¬
treating for proteftion and pity ; while the fair train,
her companions, added their lamentations, and deplo¬
red their own and their country’s diftrefs. Coriola¬
nus for a moment was filent, feeling the ftrong con¬
flict between honour and inclination ; at length, as if
rouzed from his dream, he flew to take up his mo¬
ther, who had fallen at his feet, crying out, “ O my
mother, thou haft faved Rome, but loft thy fon.” He
accordingly gave orders to draw off the army, pre-
jea tending to the officers that the city was too ftrong to
affaffi- be taken. Tullus, who had long envied his glory,
theVoUti was not rem^s *n aggravating the lenity of his con¬
duct to his countrymen. Upon their return, Corio¬
lanus was (lain in an infurreCtion of the people, and
afterwards honourably buried, with late and ineffec¬
tual repentance.
The year following, the two confuls of the former
. tol year, Manlius and Fabius, were cited by the tribunes
Newdi- to appear before the people. The Agrarian law,
fturbances. which had been propofed fome time before, for equal¬
ly dividing the lands of the commonwealth among the
people, was the objeCt invariably purfued, and they
were accufed of having made unjultifiabfe delays in
putting it off.
It feems the Agrarian law was a grant the fenate
could not think of giving up to the people. The
confuls, therefore, made many delays and excufes, till
at length they were once more obliged to have re-
courfe to a dictator; and they fixed upon Qifintus
Cincinnatus^ a man who had for fome time given up
all views of ambition, and retired to his little farm, Rome. :
where the deputies of the fenate found him holding   
the plough, and dreffed in the mean attire of a la¬
bouring hu(bandman. He appeared but little eleva- J
ted with the addreffes of ceremony and the pompous
habits they brought him; and, upon declaring to
him the fenate’s pleafure, he teftified rather a concern
that his aid (hould be wanted. However, he departed
for the city, where both parties were ftrongly enfla-
med again ft each other: but he was refolved to fide
with neither; only, by a ftriCt attention to the inte-
refts of his country, inftead of gaining the confidence
of fadion, to obtain the eftem of all. Thus, by
threats and well-timed fubmiffion, he prevailed upon
the tribunes to put off their law for a time, and car¬
ried himfelf fo as to be a terror to the; multitude
whenever they refufed to enlift ; and their greateft en- 103 j
courager whenever their fubmiffion deferred it. Thus, QHel.led
having reftored that tranquillity to the people whiclt n
he fo much loved himfelf, he again gave up the fplen-
dours of ambition, to enjoy it with a greater relifh in
his little farm.
Cincinnatus was not long retired from his office
when a frefli exigence of the ftate once more required
his affiftance. The JEqui and the Volfci, who, tho’
dill worded, ftill were for renewing the war, made
new inroads into the territories of Rome. Minutius,
one of the confuls who fucceeded Gincinnatus, was io4 ,
fent to oppofe them ; but being naturally timid, and Who lavi 1
rather more afraid of being conquered than defirous3 confular ;
of vidory, his army was driven into a defile between j1™? /f®*-
two mountains, from which, except through the ene- "
my, there was no egrefs. This, however, the ^Equi
had the precaution to fortify ; by which the Roman
army was fo hemmed in on every fide, that nothing
remained but fubmiffion to the enemy, famine, or im¬
mediate death. Some knights, who found means of
getting away privately through the enemy’s camp,
were the firft that brought the account of this difafter
to Rome. Nothing could exceed the confternation
of all ranks of people when informed of it. The fe¬
nate at firft thought of the other conful ; but not ha¬
ving fufficient experience of his abilities, they unani-
moufly turned their eyes upon Cincinnatus, and refol¬
ved to make him dictator. Cincinnatus, the only
perfon on whom Rome could now place her whole de¬
pendence, was found, as before, by the meflVngers of
the fenate, labouring in his little field with cheerful
induftry. He was at firft aftonifhed at the enfigns of
unbounded power, with which the deputies came to
inveft him ; but ftill more at the approach of the
principal of the fenate, who came out to meet him.
A dignity fo unlooked for, however, had no effcCl
upon the fimplicity or the integrity of his manners :
and being now pofl'effed of abfolute power, and called
upon to nominate his mafter of the horle, he chofe a
poor man named Tarquitius, one who, like himftlf,
defpifed riches when they led to diftionour. Upon
entering the city, the dictator put on a ferene look,
and intreated all thofe who were able to bear arms to
repair before fun-fet to the Campus Martius (the
place where the levies were made) with neceffary arms,
and provifions for five days. He put himfelf at the
head of thefe; and, marching all night with great ex¬
pedition, he arrived before day within fight of the
enemy.
ROM [6:
Rome, enemy. Upon his approach, he ordered his foldiers
to raife a ioud ftvout, to apprize the conful’s army of
the relief that was at hand. The iEqui were not a
little amazed when they faw themfelves between two
enemies; but ftiil more when they perceived Cincin-
natus making the flrongeft entrenchments beyond
them, to prevent their efcape, and inclofing them as
they.had inclofed the conful. To prevent this, a fu¬
rious combat enfued ; but the ^Equi being attacked
on both fides, and unable to refitt or Gy, begged a
ceflation of arms. They offered the dictator his own
terms: he gave them theirdivesbut obliged them,
in token of fervitude, to pafs under the yoke, which
was two fpears fet upright, and another acrofs, in the
form of a gallows, beneath which the vanquifhed
were to march. Their captains and generals he made
priibners of war, being referved to adorn his triumph.
As for the plunder of the enemy’s camp, that he
gave entirely up to his own foldiers, without referving
any part for himfelf, or permitting thofe of the deli¬
vered army to have a fhare. Thus, having refcued a
Roman army from inevitable deftrudlion, having de¬
feated a powerful enemy, having taken and fortified
their city, and, ftiil more, having refufed any part of
the fpoil, he refigned his di&atorfhip, after having en¬
joyed it but fourteen days. The fenate would have
enriched him ; but he declined their proffers, choofing
to retire once more to his farm and his cottage, con¬
tent with temperance and fame.
But this repofe from foreign invafion did not leffen
the tumults of the city withiu. The clamours for the
tos Agrarian law ftiil continued, and ftill more fiercely,
Sravery of when Sicinins Dentatus, a plebeians, advanced in
jicinius years, but of an admirable perfon and military de-
jjeatatus. portment, cameTorward to enumerate his hardfhips
and his merits. This old foldier made no fcruple of
extolling the various merits of his youth ; but indeed
his atchievemens fupported oftentation. He had ferved
his country in the wars forty years; he had been an offi¬
cer thirty, firft a centurion, and then a tribune : he
had fought 120 battles, in which, by the force of his
Angle arm, he had faved a multitude of lives: he had
gained fourteen civic, three mural, and eight golden
crowns, befides eighty-three chains, fixty bracelets,
eighteen gilt fpears, and twenty-three horfe-trappings,
whereof nine were for killing the enemy in fiugle com¬
bat : moreover, he had received forty-five wounds, all
before, and none behind. Thefe were his honours:
yet, notwithftanding all this, he had never received
any fhare of thofe lands which were won from the
enemy, but continued to drag on a life of poverty
and contempt.; while others were pofieffed of thofe
very territories which his valour had won, without
any merit to deferve them, or ever having contributed
to the conqueft. A cafe of fo much hardfttip had a
ftrong effedl upon the multitude ; they unanimoufly
io<5 demanded that the law might be pafted, and that fuch
lurb"nces* mer‘l noC RO unrewarded. It was in vain that
^ ’ fome of the fenators rofe up to fpeak again ft it; their
voices were drowned by the cries of the people.
When reafon, therefore, could no longer be heard,
paffion, as ufttal, fucceeded ; and the young patri¬
cians, running furioufly into the throng, broke the
balloting urns, and difperfed the multitude that of-
' fered to oppofe them. For this they were fome time
you. ix. t
■69 ] ROM
after fined by the tribunes ; but their refolution, ne- Rome,
verthelefs, for the prefent, put off the Agrarian law. "
The commonwealth of Rome had now for near 60
years been flu&uating between the contending orders
that compofed it, till at length, each fide, as if weary,
were willing to refpire a while from the mutual exer¬
tions of their claims. The citizens, now, therefore,
of every rank, began to complain of the arbitrary de-
cifions of their magiftrates, and wifhed to be guided
by a written body of laws, which being known might
prevent wrongs as well as punifh them. In this both
the fenate and the people concurred, as hoping that
fuch laws would put an end to the commotions that fo I0y
long had harrafled the ftate. It was thereupon agreed, Ambalfa-
that ambaffadors ffiould be fent to the Greek cities in dors fent tft
Italy, and to Athens, to bring home fuch laws from^!hens to
thence, as by experience had been found moft equi- i/w^frorn
table and ufe/ul. For this purpofe, three fenators, thence.
Pofthumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius, were fixed upon,
and galleys affigned to convoy them, agreeable to the
majetly of the Roman people. While they were upon
this commiffion abroad, a dreadful plague depopulated
the city at home, and fupplied the interval of their ab-
fence with other anxiety than that of wiihes for their
return. In about a year the plague ceafed, and the
ambafladors returned, bringing home a body of laws,
colle&ed from the moft civilized ftates of Greece and
Italy, which being afterwards formed into ten tables,
and two more being added, made that celebrated code
called the laws of the Twelve Tables, many fragments
of which remain to this day. Iog
The ambafladors were no fooner returned, than the Decemviri
tribunes required, that a body of men ftiould be cho-ele£ted.
fen to digeft their new laws into proper form, and to
give weight to the execution of them. After long de¬
bates whether this choice fhould not be partly made
from the people as well as the patricians, it was at laft
agreed that ten of the principal fenators fhould be elec¬
ted, whofe power continuing for a year, fhould be
equal to that of kings and confuls, and that without
any appeal. The perfons chofen were, Appius and
Genutius, who had been ek&ed confuls for the en-
fuing year ; Pofthumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius, the
three ambaffadors; Sextus and Romulus, former con¬
fuls; with Julius Veturius, and Horatius, fenators of
the firft confideration.
The decemviri being now invefted with abfolute
power, agreed to take the reins of government by
turns, and that each fhould difpenfejuftice for a day.
Thefe magiftrates, for the firft year, wrought with
extreme application : and their work being finifhed, it
was expected that they would be contented to give
up their offices; but having known the charms of 10$
power, they were now unwilling to refign it: they They be*
therefore pretended that fome laws were yet wanting j"t^eabio"
to complete their defign, and intreated the fenate for
a continuance of their offices ; to which that body af-
fented.
But they foon threw off the mafic of moderation ;
and, regardlefs either of the approbation of the fenate
or the people, refolvedto continue themfelves, againft
all order, in the decemvirate. A conduct fo notorious
produced difcontents; and thefe were as fuve to pro¬
duce frefh a&s of tyranny. The city was become al-
moft a defert, with refpeA to all who had any thing to
38 A lofe,
ROM [ 6770 ] ROM
Rome. ]c>fe; and the decemvirs rapacity was then only difcon-
tinned, when they wanted frelh obje&s to exercife it
upon. In this date of flavery, profcription, and mu
tual diftruft, not one citizen was found to drike for
his country’s freedom ; thefe tyrants continued to rule
without controul, being conftantly guarded, not with
their lidfors alone, but a numerous crowd of depen¬
dents, clients, and even patricians, whom their vices
no had confederated round them,
tavafion of ja ^,{5 gloomy fixation of the date, the iEqui and
and Volfci ^0^c'> lhofe conftant enemies of the Romans, under¬
took their incurfions, refolved to profit by the inteftine
divifions of the people, and advanced within about ten
miles of Rome.
But the decemviri, being put in poffefiion of all the
military as well as of the civil power, divided their arr
my into three parts ; whereof one continued with Ap-
pius in the city, to keep it in awe; the other two
were commanded by his colleagues, and were led, one
againft the iEqui, and the other againft the Sabines.
The Roman foldiers had now got into a method of pu-
nifhing the generals whom they difliked, by fuffering
themfelves to be vanquifhed in the field. They put it
in practice upon this occafion, and fliamefully aban-
111 doned their camp upon the approach of the enemy.
The Ro- Never was the news of a vi&ory more joyfully recei-
foted^6 ve<^ at ^•ome t*ian t^ie defeat : the ge¬
nerals, as is always the cafe, were blamed for the
treachery of their men : fome demanded that they
fhould be depofed ; others cried out for a diftator to
lead the troops to conqueft : but among the reft, old
Sicinius Dentatus the tribune fpoke his fentiments
with his ufual opennefs; and treating the generals
•with contempt, (bowed all the faults of their difeipline
in the camp and of their conduct in the field. Appius,
in the mean time, was not remifs in obferving the difi-
pofition of the people. Dentatus in particular was
marked out for vengeance, and, under pretence of do¬
ing him particular honour, he was appointed legate,
and put at the head of the fupplies which were fent
from Rome to reinforce the army. The office of le¬
gate was held facred among the Romans, as in it were
united the authority of a general with the reverence
Murder of due to the priefthood- Dentatus, no way fufpe&ing
Sicinius his deftgn, went to the camp with alacrity, where he
Beiitatns. was receivecl w;th all the external marks of refpefl. But
the generals foon found means of indulging their de¬
fire of revenge. He was appointed at the head of 100
men to go and examine a more commodious place for
encampment, as he had very candidly afiured the com¬
manders that their prefent fituation was wrong. The
foldiers, however, who were given as his attendants,
were afiaffins; wretches who had long been mini-
fters of the vengeance of the decemviri, and who now
engaged to murder to him, though with all thofe ap-
prehenfions which his reputation, as he was called the
Roman Achilles, might be fuppofed to infpire. With
thefe defigns they led him from the way into the hol¬
low bofom of a retired, mountain, where they began
to fet. upon him from behind. Dentatus now too late
perceived the treachery of the decemviri, and was re-
- fplved to fell his life as dearly ?s he could ; he there¬
fore put his back to a rock, and defended himfelf
againft thofe who preffed moft clofely. Though now
grown old, he had ftill the remains of his former va¬
lour, and killed no lefs than fifteen of the affailanfs,
and wounded thirty. The afiaffins now therefore,'
terrified at his amazing bravery, (howered in their
javelins upon him at a diftance; all which he recei¬
ved in his (hield with undaunted refolution. The
combat, tho’ fo unequal in numbers, was managed for
fome time with doubtful fuccefs, till at length his af-
failants bethought themfelves of afeending the rock
againft which he (load, and thus poured down (tones
upon him from abovl. This fucceeded ; the old fol-
dier fell beneath their united efforts, after having
(hown by his death, that he owed it to his fortitude,
and not his fortune, that he had come off fo many
times victorious. The decemviri pretended to join in
the general forrow for fo brave a man, and decreed
him a funeral with the firft military honours; but the
greatnefs of their apparent diftrefs, compared with their
known hatred, only rendered them (till more defeftable
to thepeople. JI?
But a tranfaftion ftill more atrocious than the for-Tragical
mer, ferved to infpire the citizens with a refolution to (lory of
break all meafures of obedience, and at lad to reftore virS'n'a“
freedom. Appius, who (till remained at Rome, fit¬
ting one day on his tribunal to difpenfe juftice, faw a
maiden of exquifite beauty, and aged about 15, puff¬
ing to one of the public fchools, attended by a matron
her nurfe. Conceiving a violent paffion for her, he
refolved to obtain the gratification of his defire, what¬
ever (hould be the confequence, and found means to
inform himfelf of her name and family. Her name was
Virginia, the daughter of Virginius a centurion, then
with the army in the field; and (he had been contract¬
ed to Icilius, formerly a tribune of the people, who
had agreed to marry her at the end of the prefent
campaign. Appius, at firft, refolved to break this
match, and to efpoufe her himfelf: but the laws of
the Twelve Tables had forbidden the patricians to in¬
termarry with the plebeians ; and he could not infringe
thefe, as he was the enaCler of them. Nothing there~
fore remained but a criminal enjoyment; which, as he
was long ufed to the indulgence of his paffions, he re¬
folved to obtain. After having vainly tried to cor¬
rupt the fidelity of her nurfe, he had recourfe to ano¬
ther expedient, ftill more guilty. He pitched upon
one Claudius, who had long been the minifter of his
pleafures, to affert the beautiful maid was his (lave,
and to refer fhe caufe to his tribunal for decifion.
Claudius behaved exaClly according to his inftruflions;
for entering into the fchool, where Virginia was play¬
ing among her female companions, he feized upon her
as his property, and was going to drag her away by
force, but was prevented by the people drawn toge¬
ther by her cries. At length, after the firft heat of
oppofuion was over, he led the weeping virgin to the
tribunal 6f Appius, and there plaufibfy expofed his
pretenfions. He afferted that (he was born in his
houfe, of a female (lave, who fold her to the wife of
Virginius, who had been barren. That he had feve-
ral credible evidences to prove the truth of what he
faid ; but that, until they could come together, it was
but reafonable the Have (hould be delivered into his
cuftody,-being her proper mailer. Appius feemed to
be (truck with the juftice of his claims. He obferved,
that if the reputed father himfelf were prefent, he
might indeed be willing to delay the delivery of the
maiden.
ROM [ 6771 ] ROM
"Rome, maiden for fome time ; but that it was not lawful for
’ 1 lim, in the prefent cafe, to detain her from her ma¬
tter. He therefore adjudged her to Claudius, as his
flave, to be kept by him till Virginius (hould be able
to prove his paternity. This fentence was received
with loud clamours and reproaches by the multitude:
the women in particular came round Virginia, as if
willing to proteft her from the judge's fury ; while I-
cilius, her lover, boldly oppofed the decree, and obli¬
ged Claudius to take refuge under the tribunal of the
decemvir. Ail things now threatened an open in-
furreftion ; when Appius, fearing the event, thought
proper to fufpend his judgment till the arrival of Vir¬
ginius, who was then about eleven rpiles from Rome,
with the army. The day following was fixed for the
trial; and, in the mean time, Appius fent letters to
the generals to confine Virginius, as his arrival in town
might only ferve to kindle fedition among the people.
Thefe letters, however, were intercepted by the cen¬
turion’s friends, who fent him down a full relation of
the defign laid againft the liberty and the honour of
his only daughter. Virginius upon this, pretending
the death of a near relation, got permiffion to leave
the camp, and flew to Rome, infpircd with indigna¬
tion and revenge. Accordingly, the next day he ap¬
peared before the tribunal, to the aftonilhment of Ap¬
pius, leading his weeping daughter by the hand, both
habited in the deepeft mourning. Claudius, the ac-
cufer, was alfo there, and began by making his de¬
mand. Virginius next fpoke in turn : he reprefented
that his wife had many children ; that file had been
feen pregnant by numbers; that, if he had intentions
of adopting a fuppofititious child, he would have fixed
upon a boy rather than a girl; that it was notorious to
all, that his wife had herfelf fuckled her own child ;
and that it was furprifing fuch a claim fliould be now
revived, after a ij years difcontinuance. While the
father fpoke this with a ftern air, Virginia flood
trembling by, and, with looks ofperfuafive innocence,
added weight to all his remonftrances. The people
feemed entirely fatisfied of the hardfliip of his cafe,
till Appius, fearing what he faid might have dange¬
rous effedts upon the multitude, interrupted him, un¬
der a pretence of being fufficiently inftru&ed in the
merits of the caufe, and finally adjudged her to Clau¬
dius, ordering theliftors to carry her off. The lictors,
in obedience to his command, foon drove off the
.throng that preffed round the tribunal; and now they
feized upon Virginia, and were delivering her up into
the hands of Claudius, when Virginius, who found
that all was over, feemed to acquiefce in the fentence.
He therefore mildly intreated Appius to be permitted
to take a laft farewell of one whom he had long con-
fidered as his child; and fo fatisfied, he would return
to his duty with frelh alacrity. With this the decem¬
vir complied, but upon condition that their endear¬
ments fhould pafs in his prefence, Virginius, with the
moft poignant anguifh, took his almofl expiring daugh¬
ter in his arms, for a while fupported her head upon
his breaft, and wiped away the tears that rolled down
her lovely vifage ; and happening to be near the (hops
that furrounded the forum, he fnatched up a knife that
lay on the (hamhles, and buried the weapon in her
breaft ; then holding it up, reeking with the blood of
his daughter, “ Appius, v(he cried), by this blood of
innocence, I devote thy head to the infernal gods.” Rome.
Thus faying, with the bloody knife in liis hand, and ~
threatening deftru&ion to whomfoever fhould oppofe
him, he ran thro’ the city, wildly calling upon the
people to ftrike for freedom, and from thence went
to the camp in order to fpread a like flame through the
army.
He no fooner arrived at the camp, followed by a
number of his friends, but he informed the army of all
that was done, ftill holding the bloody knife in his
hand. He alked their pardon, and the pardon of the
gods, for having committed fo rafh an aftion, but
afcribcd it all to the dreadful neceffity of the times.
The army, already predifpofed, immediately with
(bouts echoed their approbation ; and decamping, left
their generals behind, to take their Ration once more
upon mount Aventine, whither they had retired about
40 years before. The other army, which had been to
oppofe the Sabines, feemed to feel a like refentment,
and came over in large parties to join them. ,I4
Appius, in the mean time, did all he could to quell The decem-
the diflurbances in the city; but finding the tumult X‘rate ab°-
incapable of controul, and perceiving that his mortal
enemies, Valerius and Horatius, were the moft aftive
in oppofition, at firft attempted to find faftty by flight;
neverthelefs, being encouraged by Oppius, who was
one of his colleagues, he ventured to affemble the fe-
nate, and urged the punifhment of all deferters. The
fenate, however, were far from giving him the relief
he fought for ; they forefaw the dangers and miferies
that threatened the ftate, in cafe of oppofing the in-
cenfed army ; they therefore difpatched meffengers to
them, offering to reftore their former mode of govern¬
ment. To this propofal all the people joyfully affented,
and the army gladly obeyed. Appius and Oppius,
one of his colleagues, both died by their own hands in
prifon. The other eight decemvirs went into voluntary
exile ; and Claudius, the pretended mafter of Virginia,
was driven out after them. ,ry
The tribunes now grew more turbulent: they pro- New diftur-
pofcd two laws; one to permit plebeians to intermar-bances-
ry with patricians; and the other, to permit them to
be admitted to the confulfhip alfo. The fenators re¬
ceived thefe propofals with indignation, and feemed
refolved to undergo the utmoft extremities rather than
fubmit to enaft them. However, finding their re-
fiftance only increafe the commotions of the ftate, they
at laft confented to pafs the law concerning intermar¬
riages, hoping that this conceffion would fatisfy the
people. But they were to be appeafed but for a very
fhort time : for, returning to their old cuftom of re-
fufing to enlift upon the approach of an enemy, the
confuls were forced to hold a private conference with
the chief of the fenate ; where, after many debates,
Claudius propofed an expedient, as the moft probable
means of fatisfying the people in the prefent conjunc¬
ture. This was, to create fix or eight governors in
the room of confuls, whereof one half at leaft fhould
be patricians. This projedt was eagerly embraced by]y[iiitary
the people ; yet fo fickle were the multitude, that tribunes
though many of the plebeians flood, the choice whol- etafted. -
ly fell upon the patricians, who offered themfelves as
candidates. Thefe new magiftrates were called mi/i-
tary tribunes; they were at firft but three, afterwards
they were increafed to four, and at length to fix. They
38 A a had
ROM
Rome, had the power and enfigns of confuls ; yet that power
  “being divided among .a number, each fingiy was of
lefs authority. The firft. that were chofen only con¬
tinued in office about three months, the augurs ha¬
ving found fomething amifs in the ceremonies of their
eleftion.
The military tribunes being depofed, the confuls
once more came into office; and, in order to lighten
the weight of bufinefs which they were obliged to
117 fuftain, a new office was eredled, namely, that of
The office certfors, to be chofen every fifth year. Their bufinefs
flituud'11' wns 10 ta*ce an e^‘mate number and eftates of
the people, and to diftribute them into their proper
clafies ; to infpeft into the lives and manners of their
fellow-citizens ; to degrade fenators for mifconduft ;
to difmount knights; and to turn down plebeians from
their tribes into an inferior, in cafe of mifdemeanour.
The two firft cenfors were Papirius and Sempronius,
both patricians; and from this order they continued
to be ele&ed for near too years.
This new creation ferved to reftore peace for fome
time among the orders ; and a triumph gained over
the Volfcians by Geganius the conful, added to the
univerfal fatisfadlion that reigned among the people.
This calm, however, was but of fhort continuance :
for, fome time after, a famine preffing hard upon the
poor, the ufual complaints againft the rich were re¬
newed ; and thefe, as before, proving inefftftual, produ¬
ced new feditions. The confuls were accufed of negled,
in not having laid in proper quantities of corn : they,
ji8 however, difregarded the murmurs of the populace,
Diftur- content with exerting all their care in attempts to fup-
bances by ply the prelfing neceffities. But though they did all
Maelius a that could be expedfed from aftive magiilrates, in pro-
■ £ht- viding and diftributing provifions to the poor; yet
Spurius Mselius, a rich knight, who had bought up all
the corn of Tufcany, by far outihone them in liberality.
This demagogue, inflamed with a fecret defire of be¬
coming powerful by the contentions in the ftate, di-
ftributed corn in great quantities among the poorer
fort each day, till his houfe became the afylum of all
fuch as vvifhed to exchange a life of labour for one of
lazy dependence. When he had thus gained a fuffi-
cient number of partizans, he procured large quanti¬
ties of arms to be brought into his hdufe by night,
and formed a confpiracy, by which he was to obtain
the command, while fome of the tribunes, whom he
had found means to corrupt, were to aft under him,
in feizing upon the liberties of his country. Minu-
cius foon difcovered the plot ; and informing the fe-
nate thereof, they immediately formed a refolution
of creating a diftator, who (hould have the power of
quelling the confpiracy, without appealing to the
people. Cincinnatus, who was now 80 years old,
was chofen once more to refcue his country from im¬
pending danger. He began by fummoning Maelius to
appear ; who refufed to obey. He next fent Ahala,
the mailer of his horfe, to force him ; who, meeting
n9 him in the forum, and preffing Mselius to follow him
Who is to the diftator’s tribunal, upon his refufa! Ahala killed
killed. j,jm Up0n the fp0t> rphe diftator applauded the refo¬
lution of his officer, and commanded the confpirator’s
goods to be fold, and his houfe to be demolifhed, di-
ftribming his ftores among the people.
The tribunes of the people were much enraged at
ROM
the death of Maelius ; and, in orderto pnnifli the fe- Rome,
nate at the next eleftion, in (lead of confuls, infilled 1
upon reftoring their military tribunes. With this the
fcnate were obliged to comply. The next year, how¬
ever, the government returned to its ancient channel,
and confuls were chofen, ,30 ?
The Veientes had long been the rivals of Rome ; The de- i
they had ever taken the opportunity of its internal ftniftion c
dillreflcs to ravage its territories, and had even threat- ^j1 re*°
ened its ambafiadors, fent to complain of thefe injuries,
with outrage. In war they had been extremely for¬
midable, and had cut off almoft all the Fabian family;
who, to the number of 306 perfons, had voluntarily
undertaken to defend the frontiers againft their in-
curfions. It fetmed now therefore determined, that j
the city of Veii, whatever it (hould coft, was to fall ;
and the Romans accordingly fat regularly down before it,
prepared for a long and painful refiltance. The ftrength
of the place, or the unfkilfulnefs of the befiegers, may
be inferred from the continuance of the fiege, which
lafted for 10 years; during which time the army con¬
tinued encamped round it, lying in winter under tents
made of the (kins of beads, and in fummer driving on
the operations of the attack. Various was the fuccefs,
and many were the commanders that direfted the
fiege: fometimes all the befiegers works were de-
ftroyed, and many of their men cut off by fallies from
the town ; fometimes they were annoyed by an army
of Veians, who attempted to bring affiilance from
without. A fiege fo bloody feemed to threaten de¬
population to Rome itfelf, by draining its forces con¬
tinually away ; fo that a law was obliged to be made
for all the bachelors to marry the widows of the fol-
diers who were flain. In order to carry it on with
greater vigour, Furius Camillus was created diftator,
and to him was intruded the foie power of managing
the long protrafted war. Camillus, who, without in¬
trigue or any folicitation, had raifed himfelf to the firft
eminence in the ftate, had been made one of the cen¬
fors fome time before, and was confidered as the head
of that office; he was afterwards made a military tri¬
bune, and had in this poll gained feveral advantages
over the enemy. It was his great courage and abi¬
lities in the above offices that made him thought moft
worthy to ferve his country on this preffing occafion.
Upon his appointment, numbers of the people flocked
to his ftandard, confident of fuccefs under fo expe¬
rienced a commander. Confcious, however, that he
was unable to take the city by ftorm, he fecretly
wrought a mine into it with vaft labour, which opened 1
into the midll of the citadel. Certain thus of fuccefs,
and finding the city incapable of relief, he fent to the
fenate, deliring that all who chofe to fhareinthe plun¬
der of Veii fhould immediately repair to the army.
Then giving his men direftions how to enter at the
breach, the city was inllantly filled with his legions,
to the amazement and confternation of' the befieged,
who, but a moment before, had reded in perfeft fecu-
rity. Thus, like a fecond Troy, was the city of Veii 111
taken, after a 10 years fiege, and with its fpoils en- rSa^;ili"c
riched the conquerors; while Camillus himfelf, tranf-
ported with the honour of having fuhdued the rival of
his native city, triumphed after the manner of the
kings of Rome, having his chariot drawn by four
milk-white horfts; a diltinftion which did not fail to
dif-
[ 6772 ]
ROM [ 6773 ] ROM
,, Rome, difguft the majority of the fpe&ators, as they con-
i “ fidered thofe as facred, and more proper for doing
< Iia honour to their gods than their generals.
His genero- His ufnal good fortune attended Camilius in another
, £iy to the expedition againft the Falifci ; he routed their army,
|ff alifci. an j befieged their capital city Falerii, which threatened
I a long and vigorous refiftance. Here a fchoelmafter,
who had the care of the children belonging to the
principal men of the city, having found means to de¬
coy them into the Roman camp, offered to put them
into the hands of Camilius as the fureft means of in¬
ducing the citizens to a fpeedy furrender. The ge¬
neral was ftruck with the treachery of a wretch whofe
duty it was to proteft innocence, and not to betray
it; and immediately ordered him to be ftript, his
hands tied behind him, and in that ignominious
manner to be whipped into the town by his own fcho-
lars. This generous behaviour in Camilius effefled
(more than his arms could do : the magiftrates of the
town immediately fubmitted to the fenate, leaving to
Camillus the conditions of their furrender; who only
I fined them in a fum of money to fatisfy his army, and
received them under the protedion and into the alliance
of Rome.
Notwithflanding the veneration which the virtues of
Camilius had excited abroad, they feemed but little
adapted _to bring over the refpeft of the turbulent tri¬
bunes at home, as they raifed fome frefii accufation
againft him every day. To their other charges they
added that of his having concealed a part of the plun¬
der of Veii, particularly two brazen gates, for his own
ufe; and appointed him a day on which to* appear be-
Ifore the people. Camilius, finding the multitude exa-
fperated againft him upon many accounts, detefting
their ingratitude, refolved not to wait the ignominy
of a trial; but, embracing his wife and children, pre¬
pared to depart from Rome. He had already palled
as far as one of the gates, unattended on his way, and
: unlamented. There he could fupprefs his indignation
He goes in- no longer; but, turning his face to the capitol, and
to voluntary lifting up his hands to heaven, intreated all the gods
I exile. t]iat bis country might one day be fenfible of their
injuftice and ingratitude ; and fo faying he palled for¬
ward to take refuge at Ardea, where he afterwards
learned that he had been fined 1500 afes by the tri¬
bunes at home.
The Romans indeed foon had reafon to repent
their ufage of Camilius ; for now a more formidable
114 enemy than ever they had met with threatened the
H Italy inva- the republic: an inundation of Gauls,, leaving their
native woods, under the command of one Brennus,
wafted every thing with fire and fword. It is faid
that one Cceditius, a man of the loweft rank, pre¬
tended to have heard a miraculous voice, which pro¬
nounced diftin&ly thefe words: “ Go to the magi¬
ftrates, and tell them that the Gauls draw near.” The
meannefs of the man made his warning defpifed ; tho’,
when the event Ihowed the truth of his predi&ion,
Camilius ere&ed a temple to the unknown deity, and
the Romans invented for him the name of dius Loeu-
tius* Meffengtr after meflenger arrrived with the news
of the progrefs and devaftaiions of the Gauls; but the
Romans behaved with as much fecurity as if it had
been impoffible for them to have felt the effe&s of
their depredations. At laft envoys arrived at Rome,
imploring the alfiftance of the republic againft an Rome,
army of Gauls, which had made an irruption into '
Italy, and now befieged their city. The occafion of
the irruption and fiege was this: Arunx, one of the flJ
chief men of Clufium in Hetruria, bad been guardian Occafion of.
to a young lucumo, or lord of a lucumony, and had,lieir “va-
educated him in his houfe from his infancy. The lu-fion"
cumo, as foon as he was of an age to feel the force of
a paffion, fell in love with his guardian’s wife; and,
upon the firft difcovery of their intrigue, conveyed her
away. Arunx endeavoured to obtain reparation for
the injury he had received ; but the lucumo, by his
intereftand money, gained over the magiftrates: fo that
the injured guardian, finding no protedfors in Hetruria,
refolved to make his application to the Gauls. The
people among all the Celtic nations, to whom he
chofe to addrefs himfelf, were the Senones; and, in
order to engage them in his quarrel, he acquanfed
them with the great plenty of Italy, and made them
tafte of fome Italian wines. Upon this the Senones
refolved to follow him; and a numerous army was im¬
mediately formed, which palling the Alps, under the
conduft of their Hetrurian guide, and leaving the Celts
in Italy unmolefted, fell upon Umbria, and poflefled
themfelves of all the country from Ravenna to Picenum.
They were about fix years in fettling themfelves in
their new acquifitions, while the Romans were carry¬
ing on the fiege of Veii. At length Arunx brought
the Senones before Ciufium, in order to befiege that
place, his wife and her lover having ftiut themfelves up
there. _ _ l2(J
The fenate, being unwilling to engage in an open The Ro-
war with a nation which had never offended them, fent mans fend
an embaffy of three young partieians> all brothers,
and of the Fabian family, to bring about an accom¬
modation between the two nations. Thefe ambaffa-
dors, being arrived at the camp of the Gauls, and
conduced into the council, offered the mediation of
Rome; and demanded of Brennus, the leader of the
Gauls, What injury the Clufini had done him ; or
what pretenfions any people from a remote country
could have upon Hetruria ? Brennus anfwered proudly,
that his right lay in his fvvord, and that all things be¬
longed to the brave; but that, without having re-
courfe to this primitive law of nature, he had a juft
complaint againft the Clufians, '‘who, having more
lands than they could cultivate, had refufed to yield
to him thofe they left untilled: And what other
motives had you yourfelves, Romans, (faid he), to
conquer fo many neighbouring nations ? You have de¬
prived the Sabines, the Albans, the Fideuates, the
jEqui, and the Volfci, of the beft part of their terri¬
tories. Not that we accufe you of injuftice ; but it is
evident, that you thought this to be the prime and moft
ancient of all laws, to make the weak give way to
the ftrong. Forbear therefore to intereft yourfelves-
for the Clufini, or allow us to take the part of the peo¬
ple you have fubdued. ” llT
The Fabii were highly provoked at fo haughty an Imprudent
ilnfwer; but, diflembling their refentment, defired^™^^,
leave logo into ihe town, under pretence of conferring (,or“
with the magiftrates. But they were no fooner there,
than they began to ftir up the inhabitants to a vigorous
defence ; nay, forgetting their character, they put
themfelves at the head.of the befieged in a fally, in
which
ROM [ 6774 ] ROM
Rome, which Q^Fabius, the chief of the ambafiadors, flew
“with his own hand one of the principal officers of the
Gauls. Hereupon Brennus, calling the gods to wit-
nefs the perfidioufnefs of the Romans, and their viola¬
ting the law of nations, immediately broke up the
fiege of Clufiam, and marched leifurely to Rome, ha-
128 v'nR ^ent an herald before him to demand that thofe
The Gauls ambafladors, who had fo manifeftly violated the law
require of nations, Ihould be delivered up to him. The Ro-
tbem to be man-fenate was greatly perplexed between their regard
up to'them ^or t^ie *aw nat'ons> ai'd their affe&ion for the
biit are re- ’Fabii. The wifeft of the fenate thought the demand
fufed. of the Gauls to be but juft and reafonable : however,
as it concerned perfons of great confequence and
credit, the confcript fathers referred the affair to the
people affembled by curias. As the Fabian family was
very popular, the curias were fo far from condemning
the three brothers, that, at the next eleftion of mili¬
tary tribunes, they were chofen the firft. Brennus,
looking upon the promotion of the Fabii as an high
affront on his nation, haftened his march to Rome.
As his army was very numerous, the inhabitants
of the towns and villages through which he paffed
left their habitations at his approach; but he flopped
no-where, declaring that his defign was only to be
revenged on the Romans. The fix military tribunes,
to wit, Q^Fabius, Cxfo Fabius, Caius Fabius,
Sulpitius, Q^Servilius, and Sextus Cornelius, marched
out of Rome at the head of 40,000 men, without
either facrificing to the gods, or confulting the au-
fpices ; effential ceremonies among a people that drew
their courage and confidence from the propitious figns
which the augurs declared to them. As moft of the
military tribunes were young, and men of more valour
than experience., they advanced boldly againft the
Gauls, whofe army was 70,000 ftrong. The two
^ans^n- armies met near the river Allia, about 60 furlongs
tirely de- fr°m T.ome. The Romans, that they might not be
feated. furrounded by the enemy, extended their wings fo far
as to make their centre very thin. Their beft troops,
to the number of 24,000 men, they polled between
the river and the adjoining hills; the reft they placed
on the hills. The Gauls firft attacked the latter,
who being foon put into confufion, the forces in the
plain were ftruck with fuch terror, that they fled
without drawing their fwords. In this general difor-
der, moft of the foldiers, inftead of returning to Rome,
fled to Veii: fome were drowned as they endeavoured
to fwim crofs the Tiber; many fell in the purfuit by
the fword of the conquerors; and fome got to Rome,
which they filled with terror and confternation, it be¬
ing believed there that all the reft were cut off. The -
day after the battle, Brennus marched his troops into
the neighbourhood of Rome, and encamped on the
banks of the Anio. Thither his fcouts brought him
-word, that the gates of the city lay open, and that
not one Roman was to be feen on the ramparts.
This made him apprehenfive of fome ambufcade, it be¬
ing unreafonable to fuppofe that the Romans would
abandon their city to be plundered and facked,without
making any refiftance. On this confideration he ad¬
vanced (lowly, which gave the Romans an opportunity
They*retiret0 throw into the capitol all the men who were fit to
■into theca- bear arms. They carried into it all thre provifions
pital. .they could get; and, that they might laft the longer,
admitted none into the place but fuch as were capable Rome,
of defending it.
As' for the city, they had not fufficient forces to
defend it; and therefore the old men, women, and
children, feeing themfelves abandoned, fled to the
neighbouring towns. The Veftals, before they left
Rome, took care to hide every thing appropriated to
the gods which they could not carry off. The two
palladiums, and the facred fire, they took with them.
When they came to the Janiculus, one Albinius, a
plebeian, who was conveying his wife and children in
a carriage to a place of fafety, feeling the facred virgins
bending under their load, and their feet bloody, made
his family alight, put the priefteffes and their gods
into the -carriage, and conduced them to Caere, a
city of Hetruria, where they met with a favourable
reception. The Veftals remained at Caere, and there
continued to perform the ufual rites of religion; and 13T
hence thofe rites w’ere called cerevionies. But while Origin of
the reft of the citizens at Rome were providing fortlie wor.d
their fafety, about 80 of the moft illuftrious and vene-
rable old men, rather than fly from their native city,
chofe to devote themfelves to death by a vow, which
Fabius the high pontiff pronounced in their names.
The Romans believed, that, by thefe voluntary de-
votements to the infernal gods, diforder and confufion
was brought among the enemy. Of thefe brave old
men fome were pontifices, others had been confuls,
and others generals of armies, who had been honoured
with triumphs. To complete their facrifice with a fo-
lemnity and pomp becoming the magnanimity and
conftancy of the Romans, they dreffed themfelves in
their pontifical, confular, and triumphal robes; and re¬
pairing to the forum, feated themfelves there in their
curule chairs, expefting the enemy and death with the
greateft conftancy.
At length Brennus, having fpent three days in ufe-Rome pil-
lefs precautions, entered the city the fourth day after laged and
the battle.. He found the gates open, the walls with-^urnt'
out defence, and the houfes without inhabitants. Rome
appeared to him like a mere defart ; and this folitude
increafed his anxiety. He could not believe, either
that all the Romans were lodged in the capitol, or that
Xo numerous a people fliould abandon the place of their
nativity. On the other hand, he could no where fee
any armed men But on the walls of the citadel. How¬
ever, having firft fecured all the avenues to the capitol
with ftrong bodies of guards, he gave the reft of his
foldiers leave to difperfe themfelves all over the city
and plunder it. Brennus himfelf advanced into the fo¬
rum with the troops under his command, in good or¬
der ; and there he was ftruck with admiration at the
unexpeded fight of the ^nerable old men who had de¬
voted themfelves to death. Their magnificent habits,
the majefty of their countenances, the lilence they kept,
their modelly and conftancy at the approach of his
troops, made, them take them for fo many deities: for
they continued asmotionlefsas ftatues, and faw the enemy
advance without fhowing the lead concern. The Gauls
.kept a great while at an awful diftance from them, be¬
ing afraid to come near them. But at length one foldier,
bolder than the reft, having out of curiofity touched
the beard of M. Papirius, the venerable bid man, not
being ufed to fuch familiarity, gave him a blow on the
head with his ivory ftaff. The foldier in revenge im-
ROM { 6;
Rome, mediately killed him; and the reft of the Gauls follow-
i"” ing his example, flanghtered all thofe venerable old
men without mercy.
After this the enemy fet no bounds to their rage
and fury. They plundered all places, dragging fuch
of the Romans as had fhut themfelves up in their houfes
I into the ftreets, and there putting them to the fword,
ey inveft without diftinction of age or fex. Brennus then in-
|thecapitol. veiled the capitol; but being repulfed with great lots,
in order to be revenged oftthe Romans for their refin¬
ance, he refolved to lay the city in afties. Accord-^
Higly, by his command, the folditrs fet fire to the
houfes, demoliftied the temples and public edifices, and
rafed the walls to- the ground. Thus was the fatuous
city of Rome entirely deftroyed; nothing was to be
feen in the place where it flood, but a few little hills
covered with ruins, and a wide wafte, in which the
Gauls who invefted the capitol were encamped. Bren¬
nus, finding he fhduld never be able to take a place
which nature had fo well fortified, otherwife than by
famine, turned the fiege into a blockade. But in the
mean time, his army being diftreffed for want of pro-
vifions, he fent out parties to pillage the fields, and
raife contributions in the neigbouring cities. One of
thefe parties appeared before Ardea, where the great
Camillus had now fpent two years in a private life.
Notwithftanding the affront he had received at Rome,
the love he bore his country was not in the lead dimi-
nifhed. The fenate of Ardea being met to deliberate
on the meafures to be taken with relation to the Gauls,
r Camillus, more affli&ed at the calamities of his coun¬
try than at his own banifhment, defired to be admitted
into the council, where, with his eloquence, he prevail¬
ed upon the Ardeates to arm their youth in their own
defence, and refufe the Gauls admittance into their
city.
Hereupon the Gauls encamped before the city; and
as they defpifed the Ardeates after they had made
themfelves mafters of Rome, they preferved neither or-
der nor difeipline in the camp, but fpent whole'days in
A great drinking. Hereupon Camillus, having eafily perfuaded
number of the youth of the city to follow him, marched out of
1 in a very dark night, furprifed the Gauls drown-
lus ami * ei^ m w'ne> an<i tnade a dreadful daughter of them.
Thofe who made their efcape under the fhelter of the
night felf next day into the hands of the peafants, by
whom they were maffacred without mercy. This de¬
feat of the enemy revived the courage of the Romans
fcattered about the country, efpecially of thofe who
had retired to Veii after the unfortunate battle of Al-
lia. There was not one of them who did not condemn
himfelf for the exile of Camillus, as if he had been the
author of it; and looking upon that great man as their
laft refource, they refolved to choofe him for their lead¬
er. Accordingly, they fent without delay ambaftadors
to him, befeeehing him to take into his protection the
fugitive Romans, and the wrecks of the defeat at Allia.
But Camillus would not accept of the command of the
troops, till the people affembled by curiae had legally
conferred it upon him. He thought the public autho¬
rity was lodged in the hands of thofe who were fhut up
in the citadel, and therefore would undertake nothing
at the head of the Roman troops till a commifiion was
brought him from thence.
75 1 . R O M
To do this was very difficult, the place being inveft- Rome,
ed on all Tides by the enemy. However, one Pontius
Cominius, a man of mean birth, but bold, and very-
ambitious of glory, undertook it. He put on a light
habit, and, providing bimfelf with cork to keep the
longer above water, threw himfelf into the Tiber above
Rome in the beginning of the night, and fuffered him¬
felf to be carried down with the ftream. At length he
came to the foot of the capitol, and landed at a deep
place where the Gauls had not thought it neceffary to
pod any centinels. There he mounted with great dif¬
ficulty to the rampart of the citadel; and having made
himfelf known to the guard, he was admitted into the
place, and conduced to the magidrates. The fenate He is chofsn
being immediately affembled, Pontius gave them andiftator.
account of Camillus’s victory ; and in the name of all
the Romans at Veii, demanded that great captain for
their general. There was not much time fpent in debates:
the curiae being called together, the aft of condemna¬
tion which had been paffed on Camillus was abrogated,
and he named di&ator with one voice. Pontius was
immediately difpatched with the decree; and the fame
good fortune which had attended him to the capitol
accompanied him in his return. Thus was Camillus,.
from the date of banifhment, raifed at once to be fo-
vercign magidrate of his country. His promotion to
the command was no fooner known, but foldiers flock¬
ed from all parts to his camp; infomuch that he foon
faw himfelf at the head of above 40,000 men, partly
Romans and partly allies, who all thought themfelves
invincible under fo great a general. X5<;
While he was taking proper meafures to raife the The Gauls-
blockade of the citadel, fome Gauls rambling round the;endeavcmr
place, perceived on the fide of the hill the print of Pon-h'rpnfe
tius’s hands and feet. They obferved likewife, that the 6 Ca|?I ° '
mofs on the rocks was in feveral places torn up. From
thefe marks they concluded, that fomebody had lately
gone up to and returned from the capitol. The Gauls
immediately made their report to Brennus of what
they had obferved t and that experienced commander
laid a defign, which he imparted to nobody, of furpri-
fing the place by the fame way that the Roman had
afeended. With this view he chofe out of the army
fuch /oldiers as had dwelt in mountainous countries,,
and been accuftomcd from their youth to climb preci¬
pices.. Thefe lie ordered, after he had well examined
the nature of the place, to afeend in the night the fame
way that was marked out for them; climbing two
a-breaft, that one might fupport the other in getting
up the fteep parts of the precipice. By this means
they advanced with much difficulty from rock to rock,
till they arrived at the foot of the wall. They pro¬
ceeded with fuch filence^ that they were not difeover-
ed or heard, either by the centinels who were upon
guard in the citadel, or even by the dogs, that are
ufually awaked and alarmed at the leaft: noife. But
though they eluded the fagacity of the dogs, they could
not efcape the vigilance of the geefe. A flock of thefe
birds was kept in a court of the capitol in honour of
Juno, and near her temple. Notwkhfta.nding the want
of provifions in the garrifon, they had been {pared out?
of religion; and as thefe creatures are naturally quick;
of hearing, they were alarmed at the firft approach of
the Gauls; fo that running, up"and down, with their:
cackling;;
ROM 1 6776 ] ROM
Rome, cackling and beating of their wings, they awaked Man-
“lius, a gallant foldier, who fome years before had been
conful. He founded an alarm, and was the firft man
who mounted the rampart, where he found two Gauls
already upon the wall. Gne of thefe offered to dif-
But are dif- charge a blow at him with his battle-ax ; but Manlius
covered and cut off his right hand at one blow, and gave the other
.repuifed. fuch a pufli with his buckler, that he threw him head¬
long from the top of the rock to the bottom. He,
in his fall, drew many others with him ; and, in the
mean time, the Romans crowding to the place, pref-
fed upon the Gauls, and tumbled them one over ano¬
ther. As the nature of the ground would not fuffer
them to make a regular retreat, or even to fly, moft
of them, to avoid the fwords of the enemy, threw
themfelves down the precipice, fo that very few got
fafe back to their camp.
As it was the cuftom of the Romans at that time not
to fuffer any commendable a&ion to go unrewarded,
the tribune Sulpitius affembled his troops the next
morning, in order to beftow the military rewards on
thofe who, the night before, had deferved them. A-
mong thefe, Manlius was firft named, and, in acknow¬
ledgment of the important fervice he had juft render¬
ed the ftate, every foldier gave him part of the corn
which he received fparingly from the public flock, and
a little meafure of wine out of his fcanty allowance.
An inconfiderable prefent indeed in itfelf, but very ac¬
ceptable at that time to the perfon on whom it was be-
ftowed. The tribune’s next care was to punifh the
negligent: accordingly the captain of the guard, who
ought to have had an eye over the centinels, was con¬
demned to die, and, purfuant to his fentence, thrown
down from the top of the capitol. The Romans ex¬
tended their punilhments and rewards even to the ani¬
mals. Geefe were ever after had in honour at Rome,
and a flock of them always kept at the expence of the
public. A golden image of a goofe waserefted in me¬
mory of them, and a goofe every year carried in tri¬
umph upon a foft litter finely adorned ; whilft dogs
were held in abhorrence by the Romans, who every
year impaled one of them on a branch of elder.
The blockade of the capitol had already lafted feven
months; fo that the famine began to be very fenfibly
felt both by the befieged and befiegers. Camillus,
fince his nomination to the diftatorftiip, being mafter
of the country, had polled ftrong guards on all the
roads ; fo that the Gauls dared not Itfr out, for fear
of being cut to pieces. Thus Brennus, who befifged
the capitol, was befieged himfelf, and fuffered the
fame inconveniences' which he made the Romans un¬
dergo. Befides, a plague raged in his camp, which
was placed in the midft of the ruins of the demolilhed
city, his men lying confufedly among the dead carcafes
of the Romans, whom they had llain, and not buried.
So great a number of them died in one quarter of
the city, that it was afterwards called Bufta Gallica,
or the place where the dead bodies of the Gauls
were burnt. But, in the mean time, the Romans in
the capitol were more pinched with want than the
Gauls. They were reduced to the laft extremity, and
at the fame time ignorant both of the lamentable con¬
dition to which the enemy’s army was brought, and of
the fteps Camillus was taking to relieve them. That
great general only waited for a favourable oppor¬
tunity to fall upon the enemy ; but, in the mean Rome,
time, fuffered them to pine away in their infe&ed ‘
camp, not knowing the extreme want the Romans
endured in the capitol, where they ;were fo deftitute
of all forts of provifions, that they could no longer
fubfift. Matters being brought to this fad pafs on
both Gdes, the centinels of the capitol, and tbofe of
the enemy’s army, began to talk to one another of an
accommodation. Their difcourfes came at length to
the ears of their leaders, who were not averfe to the
defign.
The fenate, not knowing what was become of Camil-
1ns, and finding themfelves hard pinched by hunger,
refolved to enter upon a negotiation, and empowered
Sulpitius, one of the military tribunes, to treat with
the Gauls; who made no great difficulty in coming
to terms, they being no lefs defirous than the Romans
to put an end to the war. In a conference, there¬
fore, between Brennus and Sulpitius, an agreement was
made, and fworn to. The Romans were to pay to the I
Gauls 1060 pounds weight of gold, that is, 45,000 1. The Ro-
fterling ; and the latter were to raife the fiege of the mans agree a
capitol, and quit all the Roman territories. t^et°updsIofd 1
day appointed, Sulpitius brought the fum agreed on, |
and Brennus the fcales and weights; for there were their ran- '
no gold or filver coins at that time, metals paffingfom.
only by weight. We are told, that the weights of
the Gauls were falfe, and their fcales untrue; which
Sulpitius complaining of, Brennus, inftead of redref-
fing the injuftice, threw his fword and belt into the
fcale where the weights were ; and when the tribune
afked him the meaning of fo extraordinary a beha¬
viour, the only anfwer he gave was, Fa viflis! <l Wo
to the conquered !” Sulpitius was fo ftung with this
haughty anfwer, that he was for carrying the gold
back into the capitol, and fuftaining the fiege to the
laft extremity ; but others thought it advifable to
put up the affront, fince they had fubmitted to a far
greater one, which was to pay any thing at all.
During thefe difputes of the Roman deputies among
themfelves and with the Gauls, Camillus advanced
with his army to the very gates of the city; and be¬
ing there informed of what was doing, he commanded
the main body to follow him flowly and in good or¬
der, while he, with the choiceft of his men, haftened
to the place of the parly. The Romans, overjoyed at
his unexpe&ed arrival, opened to make room for him
as the fupreme magiftrate of the republic, gave him
an account of the treaty they had made with the
Gauls, and complained of the wrong Brennus did
them in the execution of it. They had fcarce ^onecam;j]^s 1
Fpeaking, when Camillus cried cut, “ Carry back thisdrives awa^
gold into the capitol, and you, Gauls, retire with your the Gauls,
fcales and weights. Rome muft not be redeemed with
gold, but with fteel.” Brennus replied, That he
contravened a treaty which was concluded and con¬
firmed with mutual oaths. “ Be it fo, (anfwered Ca¬
millus) ; yet it is of no force, having been made by
an inferior magiftrate, without the privity or confent
of the didlator. I, who am inverted with the fu¬
preme authority over the Romans, declare the con-
traft void.” At thefe words Brennus flew into a
rage ; and both fides drawing their fwords, a confu-
fed feuffle enfued among the ruins of the houfes, and
in the narrow lanes. The Gauls, after an inconfide¬
rable
ROM [ 6777 ] ROM
I Ron:e. table lofs, thought fit to retire within their camp ;
_ which they abandoned in the night, not caring to
engage Catnillua’S’whole army, and, having marched
eight miles, encamped on the Gabinian way. Ca¬
millas purfued them as foon as it was day, and, co¬
ming up with them, gave them a total overthrow.
The Gauls, according to Livy, made but a faint re-
fillance, being di(heartened at the lofs they had fu-
1 ,40 ftained the day before. It was not, fays that author,
I'’he Gauls fo mueh a battle as ^ daughter. Many of the Gauls
|tntirely cut were (lain in the adbion, more in the purfuit ; but the
'H' greater number were cut off, as they wandered up and
down in the fields, by the inhabitants of tl\e neigh¬
bouring villages. In (hort, there was not one fingle
Gaul left to carry to his countrymec the news of this
fatal cataftrophe. The camp of the barbarians was
plundered ; and Camillus, loaded with fpoils, return¬
ed in triumph to the city, the foldiers in their fongs
ftyling him, Romulus* Father of bis country, and Se¬
cond founder of Rome.
As the houfes of Rome were all demolifhed, and
the walls razed, the tribunes of the people renewed,
with more warmth than ever, an old projedl which
had occafioned great difputes. They had formerly
1 141 propoftd a law for dividing the fenate and government
i Oifputes between the cities of Veil and Rome. Now this law
fnovhwto was rev*ve<i > nay> molt of the tribunes were for en-
. peii. tirely abandoning their old ruined city, and making
Veil the foie feat of the empire. The people were
inclined to favour the projedt, Veil offering them a
place fortified by art and nature, good houfes ready
built, a wholefome air, and a fruitful territory. Gn
the other hand, they had no materials for rebuilding
a whole city, were quite exhaufted by misfortunes,
and even their ftrength was greatly diminifhed. This
gave them a relu&ance to fo great an undertaking,
and emboldened the tribunes to utter feditious ha¬
rangues againft Camillus, as a man too ambitious of
being the reftorer of Rome. They even infinuated
that the name of Romulus, which had been given
him, threatened the republic with a new king. But
the fenate took the part of Camillus, and, being de-
firous to fee Rome rebuilt, continued him, contrary
to cuftom, a full year in the office of didlator ; during
which time he made it his whole bufinefs to fupprels
the ftrong inclination of the people to remove to Veii.
Having affembled the curiae, he expoftulated with
them upon the matter; and, by arguments drawn
from prudence, religion, and glory, prevailed upon
them to lay afide all thoughts of leaving Rome. As
it was neceffary to have the refolution of the people
confirmed by the fenate, the didfator reported it to
the confcri-pt fathers, leaving every one at full liberty
to vote as he pleafed. While L. Lucretius, who was
to give his opinion the firft, was beginning to fpeak,
it happened that a centurion, who with his company
had been upon guard, and was then marching by the
fenate-houfe, cried out aloud, “ Plant your colours,
) enfign ; this is the heft place to ftay in.” Thefe
words were confidered as di&ated by the gods them-
felves; and Lucretius, taking occafion from them
to urge the neceffity of flaying at Rome, “ An hap¬
py omen, (cried he) ; I adore the gods who gave
it.” The whole fenate applauded his words ; and a
< Vou. IX. I
decree was paffed without oppofition for rebuilding Romr-
the gity.
Though the tribunes of the people were defeated
by Camillus in this point, they refolved to exercife
their authority againfl another patrician, who had in¬
deed deferved punifhment. This was Q^Fabius, who
had violated the law of nations, and thereby provo¬
ked the Gauls, and occafioned the burning of Rome.
His crime being notorious, he was fummoned by C.
Martins Rutilus before the affembly of the people, to
anfwer for his conduft in his embaffy. The criminal
had reafon to fear the fevereft punifliment: but his re¬
lations gave out that he died fudde'nly ; which gene¬
rally happened when the accufed peri’on had courage
enough to prevent his condemnation, and the (hame *42
of a public punifhment. On the other hand, the re- Marcyis
public gave an houfe fituated on the capitol to M.
Manlius, as a monument of his valour, and of the
gratitude of his fellow-citizens. Camillus clofed this
year by laying down his diftatorfhip : whereupon an
interregnum enfued, during which he governed the
(late alternately with P. Cornelius Scipio ; and it fell
to his lot to prefide at the election of new magiftrates,
when L. Valerius Poplicola, L. Virginias Tricoftus,
P. Cornelius Coffus, A. Manlius Capitolinus, L. JK-
milius Mamercinus, and L. Polthumius Albinus, were
chofen. The firft care of thefe new magiftrates was
to colledt all the ancient monuments of the religion
and civil laws of Rome which could be found among
the ruins of the demoliffied city. The laws of the
twelve tables, and fome of the laws of the kings, had
be.en written on brafs, and fixed up in the forum ; and
the treaties made with feveral nations had been engra¬
ved on pillars eredted in the temples. Pains were
therefore taken to gather up the ruins of thefe pre¬
cious monuments ; and what could not be found was
fupplied by memory. The pontifices, on their part,
took care to re-eftabli/h the religious ceremonies, and
made alfo a lift of lucky and unlucky days. ,4^
And now the governors of the republic applied The city
themfelves wholly to rebuild the city. Plutarch tellsrebu'k-
us, that as the workmen were digging among the ruins
of the temple of Mars, they found Romulus’s augu¬
ral ftaff untouched by the flames; and that this was
looked upon as a prodigy, from whence the Romans *
inferred that their city would continue for ever. The
expence of building private houfes was partly defray¬
ed out of the public treafure. The asdiles had the
direction of the works ; but fo little tafte for order
or beauty, that the city, when rebuilt, was even lefs
regular than in the time of Romulus. And though
in Auguftus’s time, when Rome became the capital
of the known world, the temples* palaces, arid pri¬
vate houfes, were built in a more magnificent manner
than before ; yet even then thefe new decorations did
not rectify the faults of the plan upon which the city
had been built after its firft demolition. 144
Rome was fcarce reftored, when her citizens were Se,.iend
alarmed by the news that all her neighbours weretion'a'aaTnft
combining to her deftruSion. The aEqui, the Volfci, the Ro-
the Hetrurians, and even her old friends the Latinsmans.
and the Hernici, entered into an alliance againft her,
in hopes of oppreffing her before the had recovered her
ftrength. The republic, under this terror, nominated
38 B Ca-
ROM [ 6778 ] ROM
Rome. Cannllus diftator a third time. This great comman-
  der, having appointed Servilius to be his.general of
horfe, fummoned the citizens to take arms, without
excepting even the old men. He divided the new le¬
vies into three bodies. The firft, under the command
of A. Manlius, he ordered to encamp under the walls
of Rome ; the fecond he fent into the neighbourhood
of Veii; and marched himfelf at the head of the third,
to relieve the tribunes, who were clofely befieged in
their camp by the united forces of the Volfci and La¬
tins. Finding the enemy encamped near Lanuvium,
on the declivity of the hill Marcius, he polled him¬
felf behind it, and, by lighting fires, gave the diftrefs-
ed Romans notice of his arrival. The Volfci and La¬
tins, when they underftood that Camillus was at the
head of an army newly arrived, were fo terrified, that
I4J they Ihut themfelves up in their camp, which they for-
Camillus tified with great trees cut down in hade. The didia-
defeats the tor, obferving that this barrier was of green wood,
Latins3"*1 an^ t'*at eveT morning there arofe a great wind,
’ which blew full upon the enemy’s camp, formed the
defign of taking it by fire. With this view he order¬
ed one part of his army to go by break of day with
fire-brands to the windward fide of the camp, and the
other to make a brilk attack on the oppofite fide. By
this means the enemy was entirely defeated, and their
camp taken. Camillus then commanded his men to
extinguilh the flames, in order to fave the booty, with
which he rewarded his army. He then left his fon in
the camp, to guard the prifoners ; and, entering the
country of the iEqui, made himfelf mailer of their ca¬
pital city Bola. From thence he marched againft the
Volfci; whom he entirely reduced, after they had wa¬
ged war with the Romans for the fpace of 107 years.
Having fubdued this untraflable people, he penetrated
into Hetruria, in order to relieve Sutrium, a town in
that country in alliance with Rome, and befieged by
a numerous army of Hetrurians. But, notwithftanding
all the expedition Camillus could ufe, he did not
reach the place before it had capitulated. The Sutrini,
being greatly diltreffed for want of provifions, and ex-
haulted with labour, had furrendered to the Hetru¬
rians, who had granted them nothing but their lives,
and the cloaths on their backs. In this deftitute con¬
dition they had left their own country, and were going
in fearch of new habitations, when they met Camillus
1415 leading an army to their relief.
And the The unfortunate multitude no fooner faw the Ro-
Hetrurianf. mans, but they threw themfelves at the dilator’s feet,
who, moved at this melancholy fight, defined them to
take a little reft, and refrefh themfelves, adding, that
be would foon dry up their tears, and transfer their
borrows from them to their enemies. He imagined,
that the Hetrurians would be wholly taken up in plun¬
dering the city, without being upon their guard, or
obferving any difeipline. And herein he was not mif-
taken. The Hetrurians did not dream that the dic¬
tator could come fo fpeedily from fuch a diftance to
furprife them ; and therefore were wholly employed in
plundering the houfes and carrying off the booty, or
feafting on the provifions they had found in them.
Manyof them were put tothefword, and an incredible
number made prifoners; and the city was reftored to its
ancient inhabitants, who had not waited in vain for the
performance of the dictator's promife, And now, after
thefe glorious exploits, which were finiflied in fo fliort Rome.!
a time, the great Camillus entered Rome in triumph a  
third time.
Camillus having refigned his diCtatorfhip, the re¬
public chofe fix new military tribunes, Q^Quinflius,
Q^Servius, L. Julius, L. Aquilius, L. Lucretius, and
Ser. Sulpitius. During their adminiftration the country
of the iEqui was laid wade, in order to put it out of
their power to revolt anew ; and the two cities of Cor-
tuofa and Contenebra, in the lucumony of the Tarqui-
nienfes, were taken from the Hetrurians, and entirely
demolilhed. At this time it was thought proper to
repair the capitol, and add new works to that part of
the hill where the Gauls had endeavoured to fcale the j
citadel. Thefe works were efteemed very beautiful, as
Livy informs us, even in the time of Auguftus, after the
city was embelliftied with mod magnificent decorations.
And now Rome being reinftated in her former
flouriftting condition, the tribunes of the people, who
had been for fome time quiet, began to renew their
feditious harangues, and revive the old quarrel about
the divifion of the conquered lands. The patricians
had appropriated to themfelves the Pomptin territory
lately taken from the Volfci, and the tribunes laid hold
of this opportunity to raife new difturbances. But,
the citizens being fo drained of their money that they
had not enough left to cultivate new farms and ftock
them with cattle, the declamations of the tribunes
made no impreflion upon their minds ; fo that the pro-
je& vanilhed. As for the military tribunes, they
owned that their eleClion had been defe&ive ; and, left
the irregularities of the former comitia ihould be con¬
tinued in the fucceeding ones, they voluntarily laid
down their office. So that, after a (hort interregnum,
during which M. Manlius, Ser. Sulpitius, and L. Va¬
lerius Potitus, governed the republic, fix new military I
tribunes L. Papirius, C. Sergius, L. iEmilius, L. Me-
nenius, L. Valerius, and C. Cornelius, were chofen
for the enfuing year, which was fpent in works of
peace. A temple, which had been vowed to Mars
during the war with the Gauls, was built, and confe-
crated by T. Quinftius, who prefided over the affairs
of religion. As there had hitherto been but few Ro¬
man tribes beyond the Tiber which had a right of
fuffrage in the comitia, four new ones were added, un¬
der the name of the Stellatina, Tramontina, Sabatina,
and Arnienfis; fo that the tribes were now in all 25,
which enjoyed the fame rights and privileges. j47 l
The expe&aticn of an approaching war induced the Unbonndejsf
centuries to choofe Camillus one of the military tr*^uneSfe°*jro°7lj
for the next year. His colleagues were Ser. Come- camillus. |
lius, Servilius, L. Qmn&ius, L. Horatius, and
P. Valerius. As all thete were men of moderation,
they agreed to inveft Camillus with the foie manage¬
ment of affairs in time of war; and accordingly in full
fenate transferred all their power into his hands; fo
that he became in effeft di&ator. It had been already
determined in the fenate to turn the arms of the re¬
public againft the Hetrurians; but, upon advice that
the Antiates had entered the Poroptin territory, and
obliged the Romans who had taken poffeffion of it to
retire, it was thought neceflary to humble them be¬
fore the republic engaged in any other enterprife.
The Antiates had joined the Latins and Hernici near
Satricurn; fo that the Romans, being terrified at their
T ‘ ' " pro- .S
ROM [ 6779 ] ROM
Rome, prodigious numbers, fhewed themfelveS very backward
—   to engage: which Camillas perceiving, he inftantly
mounted his horfe, and riding through all the ranks
of the army, encouraged them by a proper fpeech ;
after which he difmounted, took the next flanda/rd*
bearer by the hand, led him towards the enemy, and
cried out, Soldiers, advance. The foldiery were afhamed
not to follow a general who expofed himfelf to the
, U8 firft attack ; and therefore, having made a great fliout,
Vrho gives they fell upon the enemy with incredible fury. Ca-
^ A&c a tn^u8’ *n or^er to incteafe their eagernefs (till more,
'(rea’tde- ^ commanded a ftandard to be thrown into the middle
-at. of the enemy’s battalions; which made the foldiers,
who were fighting in the firft ranks, exert all their re-
folution to recover it. The Antiates, not being able
any longer to make head againft the Romans, gave
way, and were entirely defeated. The Latins and
Hernici feparated from the Volfci, and returned home.
The Volfci, feeing themfelves thus abandoned by their
allies, took refuge in the neighbouring city of Satri-
cum ; which Camillus immediately invefted, and took
by affault. The Volfci threw down their arms, and
furrendered at difcretion. He then left his army un-
<ler the command of Valerius ; and returned to Rome
to folicit the confent of the fenate, and to make the
neceflary preparations for undertaking the fiege of
, j4,, Antium.
Yis other But, while he was propofing this affair to the fe-
uccefles. nate, deputies arrived from Nepet and Sutrium, two
cities in alliance with Rome in the neighbourhood of
Hetruria, demanding fuccours againft the Hetrurians,
who threatened to befiege thefe two cities, which were
the keys of Hetruria. Hereupon the expedition againft
Antium was laid afide, and Camillus commanded to
haften to the relief of the allied cities, with the troops
which Servilius had kept in readinefs at Rome in cafe
of an emergency. Camillus immediately fet out for the
new war ; and, upon his arrival before Sutrium, found
that important place not only befieged, but altnoft
taken, the Hetrurians having made themfelves matters
of fome of the gates, and gained pofleffion of all the
avenues leading to the city. However, the inhabi¬
tants no fooner heard that Camillus was come to their
relief, but they recovered their courage, and, by bar-
ricadoes made in the ftreets, prevented the enemy from
-making themfelves matters of the whole city. Camil¬
las in the mean time, having divided his army into
two bodies, ordered Valerius to march round the walls,
as if he defigned to fcale them, while he with the other
undertook to charge the Hetrurians in the rear, force
his way into the city, and fliut up the enemy between
the befieged and his troops. The Romans no fooner
appeared but the Hetrurians betook themfelves to a
diforderly flight through agate which was not invefted.
Camillus’s troops made a dreadful flaughter of them
within the city, while Valerius put great numbers of
them to the fword without the walls. From recon¬
quering Sutrium, Camillus haftened to the relief of
Nepet. But that city being better affe&ed to the
Hetrurians than to the Romans, had voluntarily fub-
mitted to the former. Wherefore Camillus, having
invefted it with his whole army, took it by affault,
put all the Hetrurian foldiers without diftinSion to
the fword, and condemned the authors of the revolt
to die by the axes of the liftors. Thus ended Ca¬
millas s mi.,,tary tribunefhip, in which he acquired no Rome.
lefs reputation than he had done in the moft glorious  
of Vis diftatorfliips. IJ0
In the following magiftracy of fix military tribunes. Ambition
a dangerous fedition is faid to have taken place °.f M< Mai‘*
thro’ the ambition of Marcus Manlius, who had favedlius‘
the capitol from the Gauls in the manner already re¬
lated. Though this man had pride enough to dtfpife
all the other great men in Rome, yet he envied Ca¬
millus, and took every opportunity of magnifying his
own exploits beyond thofe of the didator. But not
finding fuch a favourable reception from the nobility
as he defired, he concerted meafures with the tribunes
of the people, and drove to gain the affedions of the
multitude. Not content with renewing the propofal
for the diftribution of conquered lands, he alfo made
himfelf an advocate for infolvent debtors, of whom
there was now a great number, as mofl: of the lower
clafs had been obliged to borrow money in order to
rebuild their houfes. The fenate, alarmed at this op-
pofition, created A. Cornelius Coffus didator, for which
the war with the Volfci afforded them a fair pretence.
Manlius, however, ftill continued to inflame the people
againft the patricians. Befides the moft unbounded
perfonal generofity, he held affemblies at his own houfe
(in the citadel), where he confidently gave out that
the fenators, not content with being the foie poffeffors
of thofe lands which ought to have been equally di¬
vided among all the citizens, had concealed, with aa
intent to appropriate it to their own ufe, all the gold
which was to have been paid to the Gauls, and which
would alone be fufEcient to difcharge the debts of all
the poor plebeians; and he moreover promifed to ftiow
in due time where this treafure was concealed. For
this affertion he was brought before the didator ; who
commanded him to difcover where the pretended trea¬
fure was, or to confefs openly before the whole af-
fembly that he had flandered the fenate. Manlius re¬
plied, that the didator himfelf, and the principal per-
fons in the fenate, could only give the proper intelli¬
gence of this treafure, as they had been the moft ac¬
tive in fecuring it. Upon this he was committed to
prifon; but the people made fuch difturbance, that
the fenate were foon after fain to releafe him. By this
he was emboldened to continue his former pradices;
till at laft the fenate gave an order to the military tri¬
bunes to take care that the commonwealth fuffered no
detriment from the pernicious projeds of Marcus Man¬
lius, and even gave them authority to affaflinate him,
if they found it neceffary fo to do. At laft, however,
he was publicly accufed of afpiring to be king ; how¬
ever, the people, it is fatd, were fo ftruck with grati¬
tude, on account of his having delivered the capitol
from the Gauls, that they could not refolve to con¬
demn him. But the military tribunes, who, it feems,
were bent on his deftrudion, having appointed the af-
fembly to be held without the city, there obtained
their wifli. Manlius was thrown headlong from the
capitol itfelf: it was thenceforth decreed that no pa-condemned
trician fhould dwell in the capitol or citadel; and theandexecu-
Manlian family refolved that no member of it (hould161**
ever afterwards bear the praenomen of Marcus. No
fooner was Manlius dead, however, than the people
lamented his fate; and becaufe a plague broke out
feon after, they imputed it to the anger of the gods
38 B 2 on
R O M
t 67S0 ]
ROM
on account of the deftru&ion of the hero who had fared
- the ftate (a).
The Romans, having now triumphed over the Sa¬
bines, the Etrurians, the Latins, the Hernrci, the
.iEqui, and the Volfcians, began to look for greater
conquefts. They accordingly turned their arms againft
the Samnites, a people about too miles eaft from the
city, defcended from the Sabines, and inhabiting a
large trad of fonthern Italy, which at this day makes
a confiderable part of the kingdom of Naples. Va¬
lerius Corvus and Cornelius were the two confuls, to
whofe care it firli fell to manage this dreadful conten¬
tion between the rival dates.
Valerius was one of the greateft commanders of his
time; he was furnamed Corvus, from a ftrange cir-
cumftance of being afiilted by a crow in a fingle com¬
bat, in which he fought and killed a Gaul of a
gigantic ftature. To his colleague’s care it was con-
ligned to lead an army to Samnium, the enemy’s ca¬
pital, while Corvus was fent to relieve Capua, the
capital of the Campanians. The Samnites were the
braved men the Romans had ever yet encountered, and
the contention between the two nations was managed
on both fides with the mod determined refolution. But
the fortune of Rome prevailed ; the Samnites at length
fled, averring, that they were not able to withdand
the fierce looks and the fire-darting eyes of the Ro¬
mans. The other conful, however, was not at fird fo
fortunate ; for having unwarily led his army into a de¬
file, he was in danger of being cut off, had not .De-
cius, a tribune of the army, poffeffed himfelf of a'n hill
which commanded the enemy: fo that the Samnites,
being attacked on either fide, were defeated with great
llaughter, no lefs than 30,000 of them being left
dead upon the field of battle.
Some time after this vidtory, the foldiers who were
Rationed at Capua mutinying, forced Quintius, an old
and eminent foldier, who was then redding in the
country, to be their leader ; and, condufted by their
rage more than their general, came within eight
miles of the city. So terrible an enemy, almoft at the
gates, not a little alarmed the fenate; who immediately
created ValeriusCorvus didtator, and fent him forth with
another army to oppofe them. The two armiqg Were
now drawn up againft each other, while fathers and'fons
beheld themfelvesprepared to engage in oppofite caufes::
but Corvus, knowing his influence among the foldiery,
inftead of going forward to meet the mutineers in an
hoftile manner, went with the moft cordial friendlhip
to embrace and expoftulate with his old acquaintances.
His condudt had the defired effedf. Quintius, as their
fpeaker, only defired to have their defection from their
duty forgiven ; and as for himfelf, as he was innocent
of their confpiracy, he had no reafon to folicit pardon
for his offences.
A war between the Romans and the Latins followed
foon after; but as their habits, arms, and language,
were the fame, the moft exadt difeipline was neceffary
to prevent confufion in the engagement. Orders,
therefore, were iffued by Manlius the conful, that
no foldier fltouldJeave his ranks upon whatever pro¬
vocation 5 and that lie fliouTcf be certainly put to death Rome,
whij ftlould offer to do otherwife. With thefe ihjunc--
tions, both armies were drawn out in array, arid ready
to begin; when Metius, the general of the enemy’s
cavalry, puftied forward from his lines, and challenged
any knight in the Roman army to fingle combat.
For feme tirne there was a general paufe, no foldier
offering to difobey his orders, till Titus Manlius, the
conful’s own fori, burning'with fliame to fee the whole
body of the Romans intimidated, boldly fallied out
againft his adverfary. The foldiers on both (ides for
a while fufpended the general engagement, to be
fpedtators of this fierce encounter. Manlius killed
his adverfary ; and then defpoiling him of his armour,
returned in triumph to his father’s tent, where he was
preparing and giving orders relative to the engagement.
Howfoever he might have been applauded by his
fellow-foldiers, being as yet doubtful of the reception
he (hould find from his father, he came, with Lefita-
lion, to lay the enemy’s fpoils at his feet, and with a
modeft air infinuated, that what he duk was entirely
from a fpirit of hereditary virtue. But he was foon
dreadfully made fenfible of his error, when his father,
turning away, ordered him to be led publicly forth
before the army, and there to have his head ftruck off
on account of his difobeying orders. The whole army
was ftruck with horror at this unnatural mandate :
fear for a while kept them in fufpenfe ; but when
they faw their young champion’s head (truck off, and
his blood dreaming upon the ground, they could no
longer contain their execrations and their groans.
His dead body was carried forth without the camp,
and being adorqed with the fpoils of the vanquifhed
enemy, was buried with all the pomp of military
diftrefs. ' IJ3
In the mean time, the battle joined with mutual A bloody
fury; and as the two armies had often fought underbattle with,
the fame leaders, they combated with all the animo-the Latins'
fity of a civil war. The Latins chiefly depended on
their bodily ftrength ; the Romans, on their invinci¬
ble courage and conduft. Forces fo nearly matched
feemed only to require the prote&ion of their deities,
to turn,the fcale of victory ; and, in fad, the augurs
had foretold, that whatever part of the Roman army
fliould be di ft re fled, the commander of that part ftiould
devote himfelf for his country, and die as a facrifice
to the immortal gods. Manlius commanded the right
wing, and Decius led on the left. Both fides
fought for fome time with doubtful fuccefs, as their
courage was equal ; but, after a time, the left wing
of the Roman army began to give ground. It was
then that Decius, who commanded there, refolved to
devote himfelf for his country, and to offer his own
life as an atonement to fave his army. Thus de¬
termined, he called out to Manlius with a loud voice,
and demanded his in ftrunions, as he was the chief
pontiff, how to devote.himfelf, and the form of the
words he flrould ufe. By his direftions, therefore,
being clothed in a long rdbe, bis head covered, and
his arms ftretched forward, (landing upon a javelin,
he devoted himfelf to the celeftial and infernal gods
for
(a) The above accounts are exactly conformable to what is to be found in the beft Latin hiftorians; neverthelefs
they are far from being reckoned univerfaliy authentic. Mr Hooke, in his annotations on the deatth of M. Manlius,
has given very ftrong reafons againft believing either that Cami’.Ius refeued the gold from the Gauls, or that Man¬
lius was condemned. See Hooke's Roman Hijiory, Vol. II. p. 326, etfeq.
ilJ4
ho are
klly de-
ROM [ 6781 ] ROM
Then arming hi/nfelf, and openly declared themfclves ; and invited into Italy Rome.
Pyrrhus king of Epirus, in hopes of being able by
his means to fubdue the Romans. The offer was
readily accepted by that ambitious monarch, who had
nothing lefs in view than the conqueit of all Italy.
Their ambafladors carried magnificent prefents for the
king, with inftru&ions to acquaint him, that they
only wanted a general of fame and experience ; and
that, as for troops, they could themfelves furnifh a
numerous army of 26,000 horfe and 350,000 foot,
made up of Lucanians, Mefiapians, Samnites, and
Tarentines. As foon as the news of this deputation
were brought to the Roman camp, iEmilius, who hsdi
hitherto made war on the Tarentines but gently, in
hopes of adjufting matters by way of negociation, took
other meafures, and began to commit all forts of ho-
ftilities. He took cities, llormed caftles, and laid the
whole country wafte, burning and deftroying all before
him. The Tarentines brought their army into the
field; but iEmilius foon obliged them to take refuge
within their walls. However, to induce them to lay
afide the defign of receiving Pyrrhus, he ufed the pri-
foners he had taken with great moderation, and even
fent them back without ranfom. Thefe highly ex¬
tolled the generofity of the conful, infomuch that many
of the inhabitants were brought over to the Roman
party, and they all began to repent of their having"
rejefted a peace and fent for Pyrrhus.
But in the mean time the Tarentine ambaffadors
arriving in Epirus, purfuant to the powers they had
received, made an abfoltite treaty with the king; who
immediately fent before him the famous Cyneas, with
3000 men, to take pofleffion of the citadel of Ta-
rentum. This eloquent minifter foon found means to
depofe Agis, whom the Tarentines had chofen to be
their general and the governor of the city, though a
fincere friend to the Romans. He likewife prevailed
upon the Tarentines to deliver up the citadel into his
hands; which he no fooner got poffefiion of, than he
difpatched meffengers to Pyrrhus, foliciting him to
haften his departure for Italy. In the mean time the
conful Aimilius, finding that he could not attempt any
thing with fuccefs againft the Tarentines this campaign,
refolved to put his troops into winter-quarters in A-
pulia, which was not far from the territory of Taren-
tum, that was foon to become the feat of the war.
As he was obliged to pafs through certain defiles, with
for the fafety of Rome,
mounting on horfeback, he drove furioufiy itito the
midft of the enemy, carrying terror and confterna-
tion wherever he came, till he fell covered with wounds.
In the mean time, the Roman army eonfidered his de¬
voting himfelf in this manner as an affurance of fuc-
<;efs : nor was the fuperftition of the Latins lefs
powerfully influenced by his refolution ; a total rout
began to enfue : the Romans preffed them on every
fide; and fo great was the carnage, that fcarce a
fourth paj-t of the enemy furvived the defeat. This
was the laft battle of any confequence that the La¬
tins had with the Romans: they were forced to beg
a peace upon hard conditions ; and two years after,
their ftrongeft city, Poedum, being taken, they were
brought tnder an entire fubmifikm to the Roman
power. -
A fignal difgrace which the Romans fuftained about
this time in their conteft with the Samnites, made a
paufe in their ufual good fortune, and turned the fcale
fora while in the enemy’s favour. The fenate having
denied the Samnites peace, Pontius their general was
refolved to gain by ftratagem what he had frequently
loft by force. Accordingly, leading his army into a
defile called Claudium, and taking pofleffion of all its
outlets, he fent to of his foldiers, habited like fliep-
herds, with direftions to throw themfelves in the way
the Romans were to march. The Roman conful met
them, and taking them for what they appeared, de¬
manded the route the Samnite army had taken : they,
with feeming indifference, replied, that they were gone
to Luceria, a town in Apulia, and were then aftually
befieging it. The Roman general, not fufpe&ing the
ftratagem that was laid againft him, marched dire&ly
by the fhorteft road, which lay through the defiles, to
relieve the city ; and was not undeceived till he faw
his army furrounded, and blocked up on every fide.
Pontius thus having the Romans entirely in his power,
firft obliged the army to pafs under the yoke, having
been previoufly ftripped of all but their garments; he
then ttipulated that they fhould wholly quit the terri¬
tories of the Samnites, and that they fhould continue
to live upon terms of former confederacy. The Ro¬
mans were conftrained to fubmit to this ignominious
treaty, and marched into Capua difarmed and' half
naked. When the army arrived at Rome, the whole
city was moft furprifingly afflided at their fhameful
return; nothing but grief and refentment was to be the fea on one fide, and high hills on the other, he
Pyrrhus
iirtgof Epi-
■tts invited
nto Italy
>y the Ta-
rentmes.
feen, and the whole city was put into mourning.
But this was a tranfitory calamity : the war was car¬
ried on as ufual for many years ; the power of the
Samnites declining every day, while that of the Ro¬
mans continually increafed. Under the conduft of
Papirius Curfor, who was at different times conful and
di&ator, repeated triumphs were gained. Fabius
Maximus alfo had his fhare in the glory of conquering
them ; and Lecius, the fon of that Decius whom we
faw devoting himfelf for his country about 40 years
before, followed the example of his father, and rufhed
into the midft of the enemy, imagining that he could
fave the lives of his countrymen with the lofs of his
own.
The fuccefs of the Romans againft the Samnites
alarmed all Italy. The Tarentines in particular, who
had long plotted underhand againft the republic, now
was there attacked by the Tarehtines and Epirots
from great numbers of barks fraught with baliflse
(that is, engines for throwing ftones of avail weight),.
and from the hills, on which were polled a great many
archers and flingers. Hereupon iEmilius placed the
Tarentine prifoners between him and the enemy;
which the Tarentines perceiving, foon left off moled-
ing the Romans, out of compaffion to their own coun¬
trymen; fo that the Romans arrived fafe in Apulia,
and there took up their winter-quarters.
The next year iEmilius was continued in the com¬
mand of his own troops, with the title of proemful; and
was ordered to make war upon the Salentines, who had
declared for the Tarentines. The prefent exigence of
affairs obliged the Romans to enlift the proletarii, who
were the meaneft of the people, and therefore by way
of contempt called proletarii, as being thought in¬
capable
ROM [ 6782 ] ROM
Rome, capable of doing the ftate any other fervice than that
of peopling the city, and flocking the republic with
fubje&s. Hitherto they had never been fuffered to
bear arms; but were now, to their great fatisfadlion,
enrolled as well as others. In the mean time Pyrrhus
arrived at Tarentum, having narrowly efcaped fhip-
wreck ; and being conduced into the city by his faith¬
ful Cyneas, was received there with loud acclama-
i;6 tions.
Pyrrhus The Tarentines, who were entirely devoted to their
obliges the p]eafures> expected that he fhould take all the fatigues
to^eartTthet^ie war on bimfelf, and expofe only his Epirots to
art of war, danger. And indeed Pyrrhus for fome days diffembled
his defign, and fuffered the Tarentines to indulge
without reftraint in their ufual diverfions. But his fhips,
which had been difperfed all over the Ionian fea, ar¬
riving one after another, and with them the troops
which he had put on board at Epirus, he began to
reform the diforders that prevailed in the city. The
theatre was the place to which the idle Tarentines re-
forted daily in great numbers, and where the incen¬
diaries ftirred op the people to fedition with their ha¬
rangues : he therefore caufed it to be (hut up, as he
did likewife the public gardens, porticoes, and places
of exercife, where the inhabitants ofed to entertain
themfelves with news, and fpeak with great freedom
of their governors, cenfuring their condudi, and fettling
the goverment according to their different humours,
which occafioned great divifions, and rent the city into
various fa&ions. As they were a very voluptuous and
indolent people, they fpent whole days and nights in
feafts, mafquerades, plays, &c. Thefe thetefore Pyr¬
rhus abfolutely prohibited, as no lefs dangerous than
the affemblies of prating politicians. They were utter
flrangers to military exercifes, and the art of handling
arms j but Pyrrhus having caufed an exafl regifter to
be made of all the young men who were fit for war,
picked out the ftrongeft amongft them, and incorpo¬
rated them among his own troops, faying, that he
would take it upon himfclf to give them courage. He
exercifed them daily for feveral hours; and on that oc-
cafion behaved with an inexorable feverity, inflidling
exemplary punifhment on fuch as did not attend or
failed in their duty. By thefe wife meafures he pre¬
vented feditions among the citizens, and inured their
youth to military difcipline ; and becaufe many, who
had not been accuftomed to fuch feverity and rigour,
withdrew from their native country, Pyrrhus, by a
public proclamation, declared all thofe capitally guilty,
who fliould attempt to abandon their country, or ab-
fent themfelves from the common mufters.
The Tarentines, being now fenfible that Pyrrhus
was determined to be their matter, began loudly to
complain of his condudi ; but he, being informed of
whatever paffed among them by his fpies, who infi-
nuated themfelves into all companies, privately dif-
patched the moll fa&ious, and fent thofe whom he
fufpeded, under various pretences, to his fon’s court
in Epirus.
In the mean time P. Valerius Lsevinus, the Roman
conful, entering the country of the Lucanians, who
were in alliance with the Tarentines, committed great
ravages there ; and having taken and fortified one of
their cattles, waited in that neighbourhood for Pyrrhus.
The king, though he had not yet received any fuc-
cours from the Samnites, Meffapians, and other allies Romei
of the Tarentines, thought it highly difhonourable to  —I
continue fhut up in a city, while the Romans were
ravaging the country of his friends. He therefore
took the field with the troops he had brought with
him from Epirus, fome recruits of Tarentum, and a
fmall number of Italians. But before he began hofti-
lities, he wrote a letter to Lasvinus, commanding him
to difband his army ; and on his refufal immediately
marched towards thofe parts where Lsevinus was wait¬
ing for him. The Romans were encamped on the hi¬
ther fide of the river Siris ; and Pyrrhus appearing on
the oppofite bank, made it his firtt bufinefs to recon- ij
noitre the enemy’s camp in perfon, and fee what ap- I
pearance they made. With this view he croffed the
river, attended by Megacles, one of his officers and
chief favourites; and having obferved the conful’s in-
trenchments, the manner in which he had potted his
advanced guards, and the good order of his camp, he
was greatly furprifed; and addrelfing Megacles, “ Thefe
people (faid he), are not fuch barbarians as we take
them to be: let us try them before we condemn them.”
On his return, he changed his refolutLon of attacking
them ; and, (hutting himfelf up in his intrenchments,
waited for the arrival of the confederate troops. In
the mean time, he potted ftrong guards along the ri¬
ver, to prevent the enemy from paffing it, and conti¬
nually fent out fcouts to difcover the defigns and
watch the motions of the conful. Some of thefe being
taken by the advanced guards of the Romans, the
conful himfelf led them through his camp, and having
fhewed them his army, fent them back to the king,
telling them, that he had many other troops to fhow
them in due time.
Ltevinus being determined to draw the enemy to a
battle before Pyrrhus received the reinforcements he battle with
expected, having harangued his troops, marched totheRo-
the banks of the Siris ; and there drawing up his in-mans-
fantry in battalia, ordered the cavalry to file off and
march a great way about, in order to find a paffage
at fome place not defended by the enemy. Accord¬
ingly they paffed the river without being obferved ;
and falling upon the guards which Pyrrhus had potted
on the banks over-againft the confular army, gave the
infantry an opportunity of croffing the river on bridges
which Lasvinus had prepared for that purpofe. But
before they got over, Pyrrhus, battening from his
camp, which was at fome diftance from the river, ho¬
ped to cut the Roman army in pieces while they were
difordered with the difficulties of paffing the river and
climbing up the fleep banks; but the cavalry covering
the infantry, and (landing between them and the E-
pirots, gave them time to form themfelves on the
banks of the river. On the other hand, Pyrrhus drew
up his men as faft as they came from the camp, and
performed fuch deeds of valour, that the Romans
thought him worthy of the great reputation he had
acquired.
As the cavalry alone had hitherto engaged, Pyr¬
rhus, who confided mod in his infantry, battened back
to the camp, in order to bring them to the charge ;
but took two precautions before he began the attack :
the firft was, to ride through the ranks, and (how
himfelf to the whole army ; for his horfe having been
killed under him in the firft onfet, a report had been
fpread
ROM [ 6783 ] ROM
Rome, fpread that he was flain : the fecond was, to change
r his habit and helmet with Megacles ; for having been
known in the engagement of the horfe by the richnefs
of his attire and armour, many of the Romans had
aimed at him in particular, fo that he was with the
utmoft difficulty taken and laved, after his horfe had
been killed under him. Thus difguifed, he led his
phalanx againft the Roman legions, and attacked them
witfi incredible fury. Lsevinus fuftained the (hock
with great refolution, fo that the viftory was for
many hours warmly difputed. The Romans gave fe-
veral times way to the Epirots, and the Epirots to
the Romans; but both parties rallied again, and were
brought back to the charge by their commanders.
Megacles, in the attire and helmet of Pyrrhus, was in
all places, and well fupported the character he had
aflumed. But his difguife at laft proved fatal to him :
for a Roman knight, by name Dexter, taking him
for the king, followed him wherever he went ; and
having found an opportunity of difcharging a blow at
him, ftruck him dead on the fpot, ftript him of his
helmet and armour, and carried them in triumph to
the conful, who, by Ihowing to the Epirots the fpoils
of their king, fo terrified them, that they began to
give ground. But Pyrrhus, appearing bare-headed
in the firft files of his phalanx, and riding through
all the lines, undeceived his men, and infpired them
with new courage.
The advantage feemed to be pretty equal on both
fides, when Lasvinus ordered his cavalry to advance ;
which Pyrrhus obferving, drew up twenty elephants
in the front of his army, with towers on their backs
full of bowmen. The very fight of thofe dreadful
animals chilled the bravery of the Romans, who had
never before feen any. However, they ftill advan¬
ced, till their horfes, not being able to bear the fmell
of them, and frightened at the ftrange noife they
made, either threw their riders, or carried them on
full fpeed in fpite of their utmoft efforts. In the
mean time the archers, difcharging fhowers of darts
from the towers, wounded feveral of the Romans in
that confufion, while others were trod to death by the
elephants. Notwithftanding the drforder of the ca¬
valry, the legionaries ftill kept their ranks, and could
not be broken, till Pyrrhus attacked them in perfon
e Ro- at the head of the Thefialian horfe. The onfet was
ns de- f0 furious, that they were forced to yield, and retire
te<*‘ in diforder. The king of Epirus reftrained the ar¬
dour of his troops, and would not fuffer them to
purfue the enemy: an elephant, which had been
wounded by a Roman foldier named Minucius, ha¬
ving caufed a great diforder in his army, this accident
favoured the retreat of the Romans, and gave them
time to repafs the river, and take refuge in Apulia.
The Epirot remained mafter of the field, and had
the pleafure to fee the Romans fly before him : but
the viflory coft him dear, a great number of his
beft officers and foldiers having been flain in the bat¬
tle; whence he was heard to fay after the aftion, that
he was both conqueror and conquered, and that if he
gained fuch another victory he fhould be obliged to
return to Epirus alone.
His firft care after the aftion was to bury the dead,
with which the plain was covered ; and herein he
made no diftin&iop between the Romans and his own
Epirots. In viewing the bodies of the former, he Rome,
obferved, that none of them had received difhonour- 1 “
able wounds ; that they had all fallen in the polls af-
figned them, ftill held their fwords in their hands, and
fliowed, even after death, a certain martial air and
fiercenefs in their faces; and on this occafion it was
that he uttered thofe famous words : “ O that Pyr¬
rhus had the Romans for his foldiers, or the Romans
Pyrrhus for their leader! together, we fhould fubdue
the whole world.”
The king of Epirus underftood the art of war to°
well not to reap what advantage he could from his vie- ral town!>~
tory. He broke into the countries in alliance with
the Romans, plundered the lands of the republic, and
made incurfions even into the neighbourhood of Rome.
Many cities opened their gates to him, and in a fhort
time he made himfelf mafter of the greateft part of
Campania. While he was in that fruitful province,
fubfifting his troops there at the expence of the Ro¬
mans, he was joined by the Samnites, Luconians, and
Meflapians, whom he had fo long expefied. After
having reproached them for their delay, he gave them
a good fhare of the fpoils he had taken from the ene¬
my ; and having by this means gained their affeftions,
he marched without lofs of time to lay fiege to Ca¬
pua : but Lasvinus, having already received a rein¬
forcement of two legions, threw fome troops into the
city; which obliged Pyrrhus to drop his defign, and,
leaving Capua, to march ftraight to Naples. Lccvi-
nus followed him, haraffinghis troops on their march ;
and at length, by keeping his army in the neigh¬
bourhood, forced him to give over all thoughts of
making himfelf mafter of that important city. The
king then, all on a hidden, took his route towards
Rome by the Latin way, furprifed Fregellse, and,
marching through the country of the Hernici, fat
down before Proenefte. There, from the top of an
hill, he had the pleafure of feeing Rome ; and is faid
to have advanced fo near the walls, that he drove a
cloud of duft into the city. But he was foon forced
to retire by the other conful T. Coruncanius, who,
having reduced Hetruria, was juft then returned with
his vi&orious army to Rome. The king of Epirus
therefore, having no hopes of bringing the Hetrurians
into his intereft, and feeing two confular armies ready
to fall upon him, raifed the fiege of Proenefte, and
haftened back into Campania; where, to his great fur«
prife, he found Laevinus with a more numerous army
than that which he had defeated on the banks of the
Siris. The conful went to meet him, with a defign
to try the fate of another battle; which Pyrrhus be¬
ing unwilling to decline, drew up his army, and, to
ftrike terror into the Roman legions, ordered his men
to beat their bucklers with their lances, and the lead¬
ers of the elephants to force them to make a hideous
noife. But the noife was returned with fuch an uni-
verfal fliout by the Romans, that Pyrrhus, thinking
fo much alacrity on the part of the vanquiihed too
fure a prognoftic of vidlory, altered his mind ; and,
pretending that the auguries were not favourable, re¬
tired to Tarentum, and put an end to the campaign. ,6a
While Pyrrhus continued quiet at Tarentum, he He inclines,
had time to refledl on the valour and condudl of the10?62^
Romans ; which made him conclude, that the war in
which he was engaged muft end in his ruin and dif-
gface*
Rome.
ROM t 6784 ] ROM
gi'ace, if not terminated by an advantageous peace.
“He was therefore overjoyed when he heard that the
fenate had determined to fend an honourable embaffy
to him, not doubting but their errand was to propofe
Merms of peace. The ambaffadors were three men of
diftinguilhed merit; to wit, Cornelius Dolabella, who
was famous for the fignal vi&ory he had gained over
the Senones, Fabricius, and iEmilius Papus, who had
been his colleague in the confulate two years before.
When they were admitted to an audience, the only
thing they demanded was a furrender of the prifon-
ers, either by the way of exchange, or at fuch a ran-
fom as Ihould be agreed on ; for Pyrrhus, in the late
battle, had made 1800 prifoners, moft of them Ro¬
man knights and men of diftindion in the republic.
They had fought with great bravery, till their horfes,
frightened with the roaring of the king’s elephants,
had either thrown them or obliged them to difmount;
by which unforefeen accident they had fallen into the
enemy’s hands. The fenate therefore, pitying the
condition of thofe brave men, had determined, con¬
trary to their cuftom, to redeem them. Pyrrhus was
greatly furprifrd and difappointed when he found that
they had no other propofals to make; but, conceal¬
ing his thoughts, he only anfwered, that he would
confider of it, and let them know his refolution.
Accordingly he aflembled his council : but his chief
favourites were divided in their opinions. Milo, who
commanded in the citadel of Tarentum, was for co¬
ming to no compofition with the Romans; but Cy-
neas, who knew his mailer’s inclination, propofed not
only fending back the prifoners without ranfom, but
difpatching an embaffy to Rome to treat with the
fenate of a lading peace. His advice was approved,
and he himfelf appointed to go on that embaffy. Af¬
ter thefe refdlutions, the king acquainted the ambaf-
dors, that he intended to releafe the prifoners without
ranfom, fince he had already riches enough, and de-
fired nothing of the republic but her friendlhip. Af¬
terwards he had feveral conferences with Fabricius,
whofe virtue he had tried with mighty offers of riches
and grandeur ; but finding him proof againft all temp¬
tations, he refolved to try whether his intrepidity and
courage were equal to his virtue. With this view, he
caufed an elephant to be placed behind a curtain in the
hall where he received the Roman ambaffador. As Fa¬
bricius had never feen one of thofe beafls, the king, ta¬
king a turn or two in the hall with him, brought him
• within the elephant’s reach, and then caufed the curtain
to be drawn all on a fudden, and that monftrous animal
to make his ufual noife, .and even lay his trunk on
Fabricius’s head. Eut the intrepid Roman, without
betraying the lead fear or. concern, u Does the great
king, ((aid he, with furprifing calmnefs), who could
'hot dagger me with his offers, think to frighten me
with the braying of a bead ?” Pyrrhus, altonilhed
at his immoveable condancy, invited him to dine with
him ; and on this occafion it was that, the converfa-
tion turning upon Epicurean philofophy, Fabricius
made that celebrated exclamation, “ O that Pyrrhus,
both for Rome’s fake and his own, had placed his
happinefs in the boatled indolence of Epicurus.”
Every thing Pyrrhus heard or faw of the Romans,
mcreafed his earnednefs for peace. He fent for the
three ambaffadors, releafed 200 of the prifoners with.
out ranfom, and differed the red, on their parole, to Rojlj
return to Rome to celebrate the Saturnalia, or feads —
of Saturn, in their own families. Having by this ob-
liging behaviour gained the good-will of the Roman
ambaffadors, he fent Cyneas to Rome almod at the
fame time that they left Tarentms. The indrudtions ji
he gave this faithful minider, were, to bring the Ro- . i;
mans to grant thefe three articles: 1. That the Ta-
rentines Ihould be included in the treaty made with
the king of Epirus. 2. That the Greek cities in S
Italy (hould be fuffered to enjoy their laws and liber- f :
ties. 3. That the republic ihould redore to the Sam- j;
nites, Lucanians, and Bruttians, all the places Ihe had ;
taken from them. Upon thefe conditions, Pyrrhus «
declared himfelf ready to forbear all further hodilities, I
and conclude a lading peace. With thefe indrudtions j
Cyneas fet out for Rome; where, partly by his do- ;
quence, partly by rich prefents to the fenators and i
their wives, he foon gained a good number of voices.
When he was admitted into the fenate, he made an
harangue worthy of a difciple of the great Demod-
benes; after which, he read the conditions Pyrrhus
propofed, and, with a great deal of eloquence, en- !i
deavoured to (how the reafonablenefs and moderation ;
of his mader’s demands* afleed leave for Pyrrhus to J
come to Rome to conclude and fign the treaty. The 1
fenators were generally inclined to agree to Pyrrhus’s
terms : but neverthelefs, as feveral ienators were ab-
fent, the determination of the affair was podponed to
the next day ; when Appius Claudius, the greated
orator and mod learned civilian in Rome, old and
blind as he was, caufed himfelf to be carried to the
fenate, where he had not appeared for many years; I(f(;
and there, partly by his eloquence, partly by his au-The Ra
thority, fo prepoffeffed the minds of the fenatorsmans rcl
againlt the king of Epirus, and the conditions he of-t0 treaU.
fered, that, when he had done fpeaking, the confcript
fathers unanimoufly paffed a decree, the fabitance of
which was, That the war with Pyrrhus ihould be con¬
tinued ; that his ambaffador ihould be fent back that
very day; that the king of Epirus ihould not be per¬
mitted to come to Rome; and that they ihould ac¬
quaint his ambaffador, that Rome would enter into
no treaty of peace with his mader, till he had left
Italy.
Cyneas, furprifed at the anfwer given him, left
Rome the fame day, and returned to Tarentuni to
acquaint the king with the final refolution of the fe¬
nate. Pyrrhus would have willingly concluded a peace
with them upon honourable terms; but, as the con¬
ditions they offered were not by any means confident i
with the reputation of his arms, he began, without
lofs of time, to make all due preparations for the next
campaign. On the other hand, the Romans having
railed to the confulate P. Sulpicius Saverrio, and P.
Dseius Mus, difpatched them both into Apulia, where
they found Pyrrhus encamped near a little town called
jijculum. There the coniuls, joining their armies,
fortified themfelves at the foot of the Apennines, ha¬
ving between them and the enemy a large deep dream
which divided the plain. Both armks continued a
great while on the oppoiite banks, before either ven¬
tured to pafs over'to attack the other. The Epirots
allowed the Romans to crofs the dream, and drew up
in the plain. Oa the other hand, Pyrrhus placed his
men
ROM [ 6785 ] ROM
jiRoroe; men Hkewife in order of battle in the fame plain; and
P “ all the ancients do him the juftice to fay, thatnocom-
1?6*' mander ever underftood better the art of drawing up
ilde. ^ an army, and directing its motions. In the right
wing he placed his Epirots, and the Samnites; in his
left, the Lucanians, Bruttians, and Salentines; and his
1 phalanx in the centre. The centre of the Roman
army confided of four legions, which were to engage
the enemy’s phalanx ; on their wings were ported the
light-armed auxiliaries, and the Roman horfe. The
confuls, in order to guard their troops againft the fury
of the elephants, had prepared chariots, armed with
long points of iron in the ftiape of forks, and filled
with foldiers carrying firebrands, which they were
i direfted to throw at the elephants, and by that means
frighten them, and fet their wooden towers on fire.
Thefe chariots were ported over-againft the king’s
1 elephants, and ordered not to ftir till they entered
upon adtion. To this precaution' the Roman generals
added another, which was, to diredt a body of Apu¬
lians to attack Pyrrhus’s camp in the heat of the en¬
gagement, in order to force it, or at leaft draw off
part of the enemy’s troops to defend it. At length
the attack began, both parties being pretty equal in
number ; for each of them confifted of about 40,000
men. The phalanx fuftained, for a Jong time, the
furious onfet of the legions with incraglible bravery :
but at length being forced to give way, Pyrrhus com¬
manded his elephants to advance, but not on the fide
where the Romans had ported their chariots; they
marched round, and, falling upon the Roman horfe,
foon put them into confufion. Then the phalanx,
returning with frelh courage to the charge, made the
Roman legions in their turn give ground. On this
occafion Decius was killed, fo that one conful only
was left to command the two Roman armies. But
while all thing feemed to favour Pyrrhus, the body*of
Apulians, which we have mentioned above, falling
unexpeftedly on the camp of the Epirots, obliged the
king to difpatch a ftrong detachment to defend his
intrenchments. Upon the departure of thefe troops,
fome of the Epirots, imagining that the camp was
taken, began to lofe courage, and retire ; thofe who
were next to them followed their example, and in a
(hort time the whole army gave way. Pyrrhus having
attempted feveral times in vain to rally his forces, re¬
turned to the charge with a fmall number of his friends
lyrrhus anc^ t^e mo^ courageous of his officers. With thefe
Ifeated, he fuftained the fury of the viftomous legions, and
jtid dan- covered the retreat ofhis own men. But being, after
erctifly a mo^ ga]]ant behaviour, dangeroufly wounded, he
rounded. ret;re(j at jaft. ^;s fmail band in good order,
leaving the Romans mafters of the field. As the fun
was near fetting, the Romans being extremely fa¬
tigued, and a great number of them wounded, the
conful Sulpicius, not thinking it advifable to purfue
the enemy, founded a retreat, repaffed the ftrerm, and
brought his troops back to the camp. Sulpicius ap¬
peared in the field of battle the next day, with a de-
l fign to bring the Epirots to a fecond engagement ;
but finding they had withdrawn in the night to Ta-
rentum, he likewife retired, and put his troops into
winter-quarters in Apulia.
Both, armies continued quiet in their quarters du¬
ring winter,; but early in the fpring took the field
Von. IX. 1
anew. The Romans were commanded this year by
two men of great fame, whom they had raifed to the
confulate the fecond time : thefe were the celebrated
C. Fabricius, and Q^iEmilius Papus ; who no fooner
arrived in Apulia, than they led their troops into the
territory of Tarentum. Pyrrhus, who had received
confiderable reinforcements from Epirus, met them
near the frontiers, and encamped at a fmall diftance
from the Roman army. While the confuls were 164
waiting here for a favourable opportunity to give The king’s
battle, a meffenger from Nicias, the king’s phyfieian,
delivered a letter to Fabricius; wherein the traitorpoifan him,
offered to take off his marter by poifon, provided the but is difeo*
conful would promife him a reward proportionable tovered by
the greatnefs of the fervice. The virtuous Roman,
being filled with horror at the bare propofal of fuch a
crime, immediately communicated the affair to his
colleague ; who readily joined with him in writing a
a letter to Pyrrhus, wherein they warned him, with¬
out difedvering the criminal, to take care of himfelf,
and be upon his guard againlt the treacherous defigns
of thofe about him. Pyrrhus, out of a deep fenfe of
gratitude for fo great a benefit, releafed immediately,
without ranfom, all the prifoners he had taken. But
the Romans, difdaining to accept either a favour from
an enemy, or a recompence for not committing the
blackeft treachery, declared, that they would not
receive their prifoners but by way of exchange ; and
accordingly fent to Pyrrhus an equal number of Sam-
nite and Tarentine prifoners.
As the king of Epirus grew every day more weary
of a war which he feared would end in his difgrace,
he fent Cyneas a fecond time to Rome, to try whe¬
ther he could, with his artful harangues, prevail upon
the confcript fathers to hearken to an accommodation,
upon fuch terms as were confident with his honour.
But the ambaffador found the fenators fteady in their
former refolution, and determined not to enter into a
tfeaty with his mafter till he had left Italy, and with¬
draw from thence all his forces. This gave the king
great uneafinefs; for he had already loft moft of his
veteran troops and heft officers, and was fenfible that
he fhould lofe the reft if he ventured another engage¬
ment. While he was revolving thefe melancholy
thoughts in his mind, ambaffadors arrived at his camp goes into
from the Syracufians, Agrigentines, and Leontines, Sicily,
imploring the affiftance of his arms to drive out the
Carthaginians, and put an end to the troubles which
threatened their refpe&ive ftates with utter deftruc-
tion. Pyrrhus, who wanted only fome honourable
pretence to leave Italy, laid hold of this; and, ap¬
pointing Milo governor of Tarentum, with a ftrong
garrifon to keep the inhabitants in awe during his ab-
fence, fet fail for Sicily with 30,000 foot and 2500
horfe, on board a fleet of 200 ffiips. Here he was
at firft attended with great fuccefs; brut the Sicilians,
difgufted at the refolution he had taken of palling over
into Africa, and much more at the enormous exac¬
tions and extortions of his minifters and courtiers, had
fubmitted partly to the Carthaginians, and partly to
the Mamertines. When Carthage heard of this change,
new troops were raifed all over Africa, and a numerous
army fent into Sicily to recover the cities which Pyr¬
rhus had taken. As the Sicilians daily deferted from
him in crowds, he was no way in a condition, with
38 C his
ROM [ 6786 ] ROM
Rome, his Epirots alone, to withftand fo powerful an enemy;
and therefore, when deputies came to him from the
Tarentines, Samnites, Bruttians, and Lucanians, re-
prefenting to him the Ioffes they had fuftained fince
his departure, and remonftrating, that, without his
affiftance, they muft fall a facrifice to the Rpmans,
l6S he laid hold of that opportunity to abandon the ifland.
He returns and return to Italy. His fleet was attacked by that
Into Italy, of Carthage; and his army, after their landing,
by the Mamertines. But Pyrrhus having, by his
heroic bravery, efcaped all danger, marched along
the fea-fhore, in order to reach Tarentum that way.
he paffed through the country of the Locrians,
who had not long before maffacred the troops he had
left there, he not only exercifed all forts of cruelty on
the inhabitants, but plundered the temple of Profer-
pine to fupply the wants of his army. The immenfe
riches which he found there, were, by his order,
fent to Tarentum by fea; but the (hips that carried
them being dafhed againft the rocks by a tempeft,
and the mariners all loft, this proud prince being
convinced, fays Livy, that the gods were not ima¬
ginary beings, caufed all the treafure, which the fea
had thrown upon the fhore, to be carefully gathered
up, and replaced in the temple: nay, to appeafe the
wrath of the angry goddefs, he put all thofe to death
who had advifed him to plunder her temple. How¬
ever, fuperftition made the ancients afcribe to this aft
of impiety all the misfortunes which afterwards befel
that unhappy prince.
Pyrrhus at length arrived at Tarentum; but of the
army he had carried into Sicily, he brought back into
Italy only 2000 horfe, and not quite 20,000 foot. He
therefore reinforced them with the belt troops he could
raife in the countries of the Samnites, Lucanians, and
Bruttians; and hearing that the two new confuls, Cu¬
rios Dentatus and Cornelius Lentulus, had divided
their forces, the one invading Lucania, and the other
Ssmnium, he likewife divided his army into two bodies,
marching with the choice of his Epirots againft Den¬
tatus, in hopes of furpriflng him in his camp near Be-
aeventum. 'But the conful, having notice of his ap¬
proach, went out of his intrenchments with a ftrong
detachment of legionaries to meet him ; repulfed his
van-guard, put many of the Epirots to the fword, and
took fome of their elephants. Curius encouraged with
this fuccefs, marched his army into the Tauralian fields,
and drew it up in a plain which was wide enough for
his troops, but too narrow for the Epirot phalanx, the
Is utterly phalangites being fo crowded that they could not handle
defeated by their arms without difficulty. But the king’s eagernefs
CuriusDen-to try his ftrength and fliill with fo renowned a com-
iatvts. mander, made him engage at that great difadvantage.
Upon the firft fignal tbeaftion began; and one of the
king’s wings giving way, the viftory feemed to incline
to the Roman9. But that wing where the king fought
in perfon repulfed the enemy, and drove them back
quite to their intrenchments. This advantage was in
great part owing to the elephants; which Curius per¬
ceiving, commanded a corps de referve which he had
pofted near the camp, to advance and fall upon theele-
phants. Tliefe carrying burning torches in one hand,
and their fwords in the other, threw the former at the
elephants, and with the latter defended themfelves
againft their guides* by which means they were both
forced to give way. The elephants being put to flight Romerm:
broke into the phalanx, clofe as it was, and there caufed 
a general diforder; which was increafed by a remark¬
able accident: for it is faid, that a young elephant be- ' |
ing wounded, and thereupon making a dreadful noife,
the mother quitting her rank, and haftening to the af¬
fiftance of her young one, put thofe who ftill kept their
ranks into the utmoft confufion. But, however that be,
it is certain that the Romans obtained at laft a complete
viftory. Orofius and Eutropius tell us, that Pyrrhus’s ;
army confifted of 80,000 foot, and 6000 horfe, inclu¬
ding his Epirots and allies; whereas the confulararmy
was fcarce 20,000 ftrong. Thofe who exaggerate the
king’s lofs fay, that the number of the flain on his fide ||
amounted to 30,000 men ; but others reduce it to
20,000. All writers agree, that Curius took 1200
prifoners, and eight elephants. This viftory, which f
was the moft decifive Rome had ever gained, brought
all Italy under fubje&ion, and paved the way for thofe
vaft conquefts which afterwards made the Romans ma¬
tters of the whole known world. 1*53
Pyrrhus being no way in a condition, after the great He abam
lofs he had fuftained, to keep the field, retired to Ta-dons hisi
rentum, attended only by a fmall body of horfe, lea-a^es»
ving the Romans in full pofleffion of his camp; which
they fo much admired, that they made it ever after a 1
model to form theirs by. And now the king of Epi- ! j
rus refolved to leave Italy as foon as poffible; but con¬
cealed his defign, and endeavoured to keep up the
drooping fpirits of his allies* by giving them hopes of
fpeedy fuccours from Greece. Accordingly he dif-
patched ambafladors into iEtolia, Ulyricum, and Ma-
cedon, demanding fupplies of men and money. But
the anfwers from thofe courts not proving favourable,
he forged fuch as might pleafe thofe whom he was wil¬
ling to deceive; and by this means fupported the cou¬
rage of his friends, and kept his enemy in play. When
he could conceal his departure no longer, he pretended
to be on a fudden in a great paffion at the diiatorinefs
of his friends in fending him fuceours; and acquainted
the Tarentines, that he muft go and bring them over
himfelf. However, he left behind him a ilrong gari- *j
fon in the citadel of Tarentum, under the command of
the fame Milo who had kept it for him during his ftay
in Sicily. In order to keep this governor in his duty,
he is faid to have made him a very ftrange prefent, viz.
a chair covered with thefkin of Nicias, the treacherous
phyfician, who had offered Fabricius to poifon his ma¬
tter. After all thefe difguifes and precautions,Pyrrhus at
laft fet fail for Epirus, and arrived fafe at Acrocerau-
nium with 8000 foot and 500 horfe; after having fpent,
to no purpofe, fix years in Italy and Sicily.
Though, from the manner in which Pyrrhus took
his leave, his Italian allies had little reafon to expefl
any further aflittance from him, yet they continued to
amufe themfelves with vain hopes, till certain accounts
arrived of his being killed at the fiege of Argos, as has
been related under the article Epirus. This threw. lt>9
the Samnites into defpair: fo that they put all to aje|
iffue of a general battle; in which they were defeat-t^e r
ed with fuch dreadful flaughter, that the nation is faid mans be-
to have been almoft exterminated. This overthrow come ma^
was foon followed by the fubmiffion of the Lucanians, l*6]5 of a
Bruttians, Tarentines, Sarcinates, Picentes, and Salen- tay'
tines * fo that Rome now became miftrefs of all the
fiations
ROM [ 6787 ] ROM
1 Rome, nations from the remoteft parts of Hetruria to the lo-
7   n;an fea> and from the Tyrrhenian fea to the Adriatic.
All thefe nations, however, did not enjoy the fame pri¬
vileges. Some were entirely fubjeft to the republic,
and had no laws but what they received from thence;
others retained their old laws and cuftoms, but in fub-
je&ion to the republic: fome were tributary; and others
allies, who were obliged to furnilh troops at their own
- expence when the Romans required. Some had the
privilege of Roman citizenlhip, their foldiers being in¬
corporated in the legions; while others had a right
of fuffrage in the ele&ions made by the centuries.
Thefe different degrees of honour, privileges, and li¬
berty, were founded on the different terms granted to
the conquered nations when they furrendered, and
were afterwards increafed according to their fidelity
,70 and the fervices they did the republic,
lither con- The Romans now became refpefted by foreign na-
iluefts madet{ons> ancj received ambaffadors from Ptolemy Phila-
lamT R°* ^e^P^us k‘n£ °f Egypt, and from Apollonia a city of
Macedon. Senfible of their own importance, they now
granted protection to whatever nation requefted it of
them; but this not with a view of ferving one party,
but that they might have an opportunity of fubjec-
ting both. In this manner they affifted the Mamer-
tines againft Hiero king of Syracufe, which brought
on the wars with the Carthaginians, which termina¬
ted in the total deftruftion of that ancient republic,
as has been related under the article Carthage.
The interval between the firft and fecond Punic wars
was by the Romans employed in reducing the Boii and
Ligurians, who had revolted. Thefe were Gaulifli
nations, who had always been very formidable to the
Romans, and now gave one of their confuls a notable
defeat. However, he foon after fufficiently revenged
himfelf, and defeated the enemy with great flaughter;
though it was not till fome time after, and with a
good deal of difficulty, that they were totally fubdued.
During this interval alfo, the Romans feized on the
iflandsof Sardinia,Corfica, and Malta; and in the year
219 B. C. the two former were reduced to the form
of a province. Papirius, who had fubdued Corfica, de¬
manded a triumph ; but not having intereft enough to
obtain it, he took a method entirely new to do him¬
felf juftice. He put himfelf at the head of his victo¬
rious army, and marched to the temple of Jupiter La-
tialis, on the hill of Alba, with all the pomp that at¬
tended triumphant victors at Rome. He made no other
alteration in the ceremony, but that of wearing a crown
of myrtle inftead of a crown of laurel, and this on ac¬
count of his having defeated the Corficans in a place
where there was a grove of myrtles. The example
of Papirius was afterwards followed by a great many
171 generals to whom the fenate refufed triumphs,
jlllyricum The next year, when M. yEmilius Barbula and M.
’fubdued. Juni'ug pera were confuls, a new war fprung up in a
kingdom out of Italy. Illyricum, properly fo called,
which bordered upon Macedon and Epirus, was at this
time governed by a woman named Teuta, the widow
of king Agron, and guardian to her fon Pinseus, who
was under age. The fuccefsofher late hufband againff
the iEtolians had flufhed her to fuch a degree, that,
inftead of fettling the affairs of her ward in peace, file
commanded her fubjefts to cruife along the coaft, feize
all the (hips they met, take what places they could.
and fpare no nation. Her pirates had, purfuant to her Rome,
orders, taken and plundered many (hips belonging to “
the Roman merchants; and her troops were then be-
fieging the ifland of Iffa in the Adriatic, though the in¬
habitants had put themfelves the protection of the re¬
public. Upon the complaints therefore of the Italian
merchants, and to proteCl the people of Iffa, the fenate
fent two ambaffadors to the Illyrian queen, Lucius and
Caius Coruncanius, to demand of her that (he would .
reftrain her fubjefts from infefting the fea with pfracies.
She anfwered them haughtily, that (he could only pro-
mife that her fubjeCts (hould not for the future attack
the Romans in her name, and by public authority :
“ but as for any thing more, it is not cuftomary with us,
(faid (he), to lay redraints on our fubjeds, nor will we
forbid them to reap thofe advantages from the fea which
it offers them.” Your cuftoms then, (replied the young-
eft of the ambaffadors), are very different from ours.
At Rome we make public examples of thofe fubjefts
who injure others, whether at home or abroad. Teuta,
we can, by our arms, force you to reform the abufes of
your bad government.” Thefe unfeafonable threaten- *
ings provoked Teuta, who was naturallya proud and im¬
perious woman, to fuch a degree, that, without regard
to the right of nations, (he caufed the ambaffadors to
be murdered on their return home.
When fo notorious an infradion of the law of na¬
tions was known at Rome, the people demanded ven¬
geance; and the fenate having firft honoured the manes
of the ambaffadors, by ere&ing, as was ufual in fuch
cafes, ftatues three feet high to their memory, ordered
a fleet to be equipped, and troops raifed, with all pof-
fible expedition. But now Teuta, reflecting on the
enormity of her proceedings, fent an embaffy to Rome,
affuring the fenate that (lie had no band in the murder
of the ambaffadors, and offering to deliver up to the
republic thofe who had committed that barbarous af-
faffination. The Romans being at that time threat¬
ened with a war from the Gauls, were ready to accept
this fatisfa&ion: but in the mean time the Illyrian fleet
having gained fome advantage over that of the Achas-
ans, and taken the ifland of Corcyra near Epirds, this
fuccefs made Teuta believe herfelf invincible, and for¬
get the promife (he had made to the Romans; nay,
(he fent her fleet to feize on the ifland of Iffa, which
the Romans had taken under their prote&ion.
Hereupon the confuls for the new year, P. Pofthu-
mius Albinus and Cn. Fulvius Centumalus, embarked
for Illyricum; Fulvius having the command of the fleet,
which confided of too galleys; and Pofthumius of the
land-forces, which amounted to 20,000 foot, befides
a fmall body of horfe. Fuivius appeared with his fleet
before Corcyra in the Adriatic, and was put in pof-
feffion both of the ifland and city by Demetrius of
Pharos, governor of the place for queen Teuta. Nor
was this all; Demetrius found means to. make the in¬
habitants of Apollonia drive out the Illyrian garrifon,
and admit into their city the Roman troops. As Apol¬
lonia was one of the keys of Illyricum on the fide of
Macedon, the confuls, who had hitherto aCled jointly,
no fooner faw themfelves in poffeffion of it than they
feparated, the fleet cruifing along the cbaft, and the
army penetrating into the heart of the queen’s domi¬
nions. The Andyoeans, Parthini, and Atintanes, vo¬
luntarily fubmitted to Pofthumius, being induced by
38 C 2 the
ROM [ 6788 ] ROM
Rome, the peifuafions of Demetrius to fhake off the Illyrian
‘ yoke. The conful being now in pofiefiion of moft: of
the inland towns, returned to the coaft, where, with
the afiiftance of the fleet, he took many ftrong-holds,
among which was Nutria, a place of great (trength,
and defended by a numerous garifon ; fo that it made
a vigorous defence, the Romans having loft before it
a great many private men, feveral legionary tribunes,
and one quaeftor. However, this lofs was repaired by
the taking of 40 Illyrian veffels, which were returning
home laden with booty. At length the Roman fleet
appeared before Iffa, which, by Teuta’s order, was ftill
clofely befleged, notwithftanding the Ioffes (he had fu-
ftained. However, upon the approach of the Roman
fleet, the Illyrians difperfed ; but the Pharians who fer»
ved among them, followed the example of their coun¬
tryman Demetrius, and joined the Romans, to whom
the Iffani readily fubmitted.
In the mean time Sp. Corvilius and Q^Fabius Maxi¬
mus being raifed to the confulate a fecond time, Poil-
humius was recalled from Illyricum, and refufed a tri-
s umph for having been too prodigal of the Roman blood
at the fiege of Nutria. His colleague Fulvius was ap¬
pointed to command the land-forces in his room, in
quality of proconful. Hereupon Teuta, who had
founded great hopes on the change of the confuls, re¬
tired to one of her ftrong-holds called Rhizon, and
from thence early in the fpring fent an embaffy to
Rome. The fenate refufed to treat with her ; but
granted the young king a peace upon the following
conditions: r. That he fliould pay an annual tribute
to the republic. 2. That he ftiould furr.ender part of
his dominions to the Romans. 3. That he fliould ne¬
ver fuffer above three of his (hips of war at a time to
fail beyond Lyffus, a town on the confines of Macedon
and Illyricum. The places he yielded to the Romans
in virtue of this treaty, were the iflands of Corcyra,
Iffa, and Pharos, the city of Dyrrhachium, and the
country of the Atintanes. Soon after Teuta, either
out of ftiame, or compelled by a fecret article of the
treaty, abdicated the regency, and Demetrius fucceed-
ed her.
37a Before this war was ended, the Romans were alarm-
Thc Gauls ed by new motions of the Gauls, and the great pro-
8re^3 which the Carthaginians made in Spain. At
ria fubdued this time alfo the fears of the people were excited by
a prophecy faid to be taken out of the Sibylline books,
that the Gauls and Greeks ftiould one day be in pof-
feffion of Rome. This prophecy, however, the fenate
found means to elude, as they pretended, by bnrying
two Gauls and two Greeks alive, and then telling the
multitude that the Gauls and Greeks were now in the
poffefiion of Rome. The difficulties which fuperftition
ha'd raifed being thus furmounted, the Romans made
vaft preparations againft the Gauls, whom they feem
to have dreaded above all other nations. Some fay that
the number of forces raifed by the Romans on this oc-
cafion amounted to no fewer than 800,000 men. Of
this incredible multitude 248,000 foot and 26,000'
horfe were Romans or Campanians; neverthelefs, the
Gauls with only 50,000 foot and 20,000 horfe, forced
a paffage through Hetruia, and took the road towards
Rome. Here they had the good fortune at firft to de¬
feat one of the Roman armies j but being foon after
met by two others, they were utterly defeated, with
the lofs of more than 50,000 of their number. The Romet
Romans then entered their country, which they cruelly  !
ravaged; but a plague breaking out in their army, ob¬
liged them to return home. This was followed by a
new war, in which thofe Gauls who inhabited Infubria
and Liguria were totally fubdued, and their country
reduced to a Roman provinse. Thefe conquefts were
followed by that of litria ; Dimalum, a city of import¬
ance in Illyricum; and Pharos, an ifland in the Adria- |
tic fea.
The fecond Punic war for fome time retarded the
conquefts of the Romans, and even threatened their
ftate with entire deftruftion ; but Hannibal being at |
laft recalled from Italy, and entirely defeated at Zama, 1
they made peace upon fuch advantageous terms as gave \
them an entire fuperiority over that republic, which
they not long after entirely fubverted, as has been re¬
lated in the hiftory of Carthage. j1
The fuccefsful iffue of the fecond Punic war had The Ro-'
greatly increafed the extent of the Roman empire, man empr
They were now matters of all Sicily, the Mediterra- ^ \
nean iflands, and great part of Spain; and, through
the diffenfions of the Afiatic ftates with the king of Ma¬
cedon, a pretence was now found for carrying their
arms into thefe parts. The Gauls in the mean time,
however, continued their incurlions, but now ceafed to
be formidable; while the kings of Macedon, thro’ mif-
condudt, were firft obliged to fubmit to a difadvanta-
geous peace, and at laft totally fubdued %. The reduc- * See >
tion of Macedon was foon followed by that of all Greece, j
either by the name of allies or otherwife; while An-
tiochus the Great, to whom Hannibal fled for protec¬
tion, by an unfuccefsful war firft gave the Romans a
footing in Afiaf. The Spaniards and Gauls continuedt See S^ri‘‘
to be the moft obftinate enemies. The former parti¬
cularly, were rather exterminated than reduced ; and
even this required the utmoft care and vigilance of
Scipio ALmilianus, the conqueror of Carthaee, to exe¬
cute J. f See Spaiiq
Thus the Romans attained to a height of power fu- mantia.
perior to any other nation in the world; but now a fe-
dition broke out, which we may fay was never termina¬
ted but with the overthrow of the republic. This had its 174
origin from Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, defeended °f
from a family which, though plebeian, was as illuftri-tlleGracclli'
ous as any in the commonwealth. His father had been
twice raifed to the confulate, was a great general, and
had been honoured with two triumphs. But he was
ftill more renowned for his domeftic virtues and pro¬
bity, than for his birth or valour. He married the
daughter of the firft Africanus, faid to be the pattern
of her fex, and the prodigy of her age; and had by
her feveral children, of whom three only arrived to ma¬
turity of age, Tiberius Gracchus, Caius Gracchus,
and a daughter named Setnpronia, who was married to
the fecond Africanus. Tiberius, the eldeft, was deem¬
ed the moft accomplifhed youth in Rome, with refpedt
to the qualities both of body and mind. His extraor¬
dinary talents were heightened by a noble air, an en-
gaging countenance, and all thofe winning graces of
nature which recommend merit. He made his firft
campaigns under his brother-in-law, and diftinguiftied
himfelf on all occafions by his courage, and by the
prudence of his conduft. When he returned to Rome,
he applied himfelf to the ftudy of eloquence; and, at
. 3.0
ROM [ 6789 ] ROM
» Rome. 30 -years old, was accounted the belt orator of his age.
''I-  —^ married the daughter of Appius Claudius, who had
been formerly conful and cenfor, and was then prince
of the fenate. He continued for fome time in the fen-
timents both of his own and his wife’s family, and fup*
J ported the intereils of the patricians ; but without
11 - openly attacking the popular faflion. He was the chief
author and negociator of that (hameful neceflary peace
y with the Numantines; which the fenate, with the ut¬
il < moft injultice, difannulled, and condemned the csnful,
the quaellor, and all the officers who had figned it, to
i>See Num be delivered up to the Numantines*. The people in-
fmiuia. deed, out of efteem for Gracchus, would not fuffer him
to be facrificed: but, however, he had juft reafon to
complain, both of the fenate and people, for palling fo
fcandalous a decree againft his general and himfelf,
and breaking a treaty whereby the lives of fo many
citizens had been faved. But as the fenate had chiefly
promoted fuch bafe and iniquitous proceedings, he re-
folved in due time to Ihow his refentment againft the
party which had contributed moft to his difgrace.
In order to this, he ftood for the tribunelhip of the
people; which he no fooner obtained, than he refolved
to attack the nobility in the moft tender part. They
had ufurped lands unjuftly; cultivated them by Haves,
to the great detriment of the public; and had lived for
about 250 years in open defiance to the Licinian law,
. by which it was enafled that no citizen fhould poffefs
;j; more than 500 acres. This law Tib. Gracchus refol¬
ved to revive, and by that means revenge himfelf oii
the patricians. But it was not revenge alone which
prompted him to embark in fo dangerous an attempt.
It is pretended, that his mother Cornelia animated him
to undertake fomething worthy borh of his and her fa¬
mily. The reproaches of his mother, the authority of
fome great men, namely of his father-in-law Appius
Claudius, of P. Craffus the pontifex maximus, and of
Mutius Scasvola, the moft learned civilian in Rome,
and his natural thirft after glory, joined with an eager
defire of revenge, confpired to draw him into this moft
* unfortunate fcheme.
k new law The law, as he firft drew it up, was very mild: for
propofed by it only enabled, that thofewho pofieffed more than 500
pracckus. acres of land (hould part with the overplus; and that
the full value of thefaid lands ftiould be paid them out
of the public treafury. The lands thus purchafed by
the public, were to be divided among the poor citizens;_
and cultivated either by themfelves,. or by freemen,
who were upon the fpot. Tiberius allowed every child
of a family to hold 250 acres in his own name, over
and above what was allowed to the father. Nothing
could be more mild than this new law ; fince, by the
Licinian, he might have abfolutely deprived the rich
of the lands they unjuftly pofleffed, and made them
accountable for the profits they had received from them
during their long pofltffion. But the rich patricians
could not fo much as bear the name of the Licinian
law, though thus qualified. Thofe chiefly, of the fe-
natorial and equeftriaa order, exclaimed againft it, and
^ ' were continually mounting the roftra. one after ano¬
ther, in order to diffuade the people from accepting a
law, which they faid would raife difturbances, that
might prove more dangerous than the evils which Ti¬
berius pretended to redrefs by the promulgation, of it.
Thus the zealous tribune was obliged day after day to
enter the lifts with fre/h adverfaries ; but be ever got Rome. __
the better of them both in point of eloquence and ar- * *
gument.
The people were charmed to hear him maintain the
caufe of the unfortunate with fo much fuccefs, and be¬
llowed on him the higheft commendations. The rich
therefore had recourfe to violence and calumny, in or¬
der to deftroy, or at leaft to difcredit the tribune. It
is faid they hired aflaffins to difpatch him ; but they
could not put their wicked defign in execution, Grac¬
chus being always attended to and from the roftra by
a guard of about 4000 men. His adverfaries therefore
endeavoured to ruin his reputatitm by the blacked ca¬
lumnies. They gave out that he aimed at monarchy ;
and publiftied pretended plots laid for crowning him
king. But the people, without giving ear to fuch
groundlefs reports, made it their whole bufinefs to en¬
courage their tribune, who was hazarding both his life
and reputation for their fakes.
When the day came on which this law was to be ac¬
cepted or rejefted by the people aflembled in the co-
mitium, Gracchus began with haranguing the mighty
crowd, which an affair of fuch importance had brought
together both from the city and country. In his fpeech
he (bowed the juftice of the law with fo much elo¬
quence, made fo moving a defcription of the miferies
of the meaner fort of people, and at the fame time fet
forth in fuch odious colours the ufurpation of the pub¬
lic lands, and the'immenfe riches which the avarice
and rapacioufnefs of the great had raked together,
that the people, tranfported with fury, demanded with
loud cries the billets, that they might give their fuf-
frages. Then Gracchus, finding the minds of the ci¬
tizens in that warmth and emotion which was necef-
fary for the fuccefs of his defign, ordered the law to be
read. ' ll6
But unluckily one of the tribunes, by name Marcus Op'poteA by
0£lavius Ctzcina, who had always profeffed a greatth^t4’Juue
frietidlhip for Gracchus, having been gained over by avlus*
the patricians, declared againft the proceedings of his
friend and colleague; and pronounced the word which
had been always awful in the mouth of a tribune of the
people, Veto, “ I forbid it.” As Oftavius was a man
of an unblameable character, and had hitherto been
very zealous for the publication of the law, Gracchus
was greatly furprifed at this unexpected oppofition
from his friend. However, he kept his temper, and
only defired the people to affemblc again the next day
to hear their two tribunes, one in defence of, the other
in oppofition to, the law propofed. The people met at
the time appointed ; when Gracchus addrefiing him¬
felf to his colleague, conjured him by the mutual du¬
ties of their fundtion, and by the bonds of their an¬
cient friendftiip, not to oppofe the good of the people,
whom they were bound in honour to protedl againft
the ufurpation of the great: nay, taking his colleague
afide, he addreffed him thus, “ Perhaps you are per-
fonally concerned to oppofe this law; if fo, I mean, if
you have more than the five hundred acres, I myfelf,
poor as I am, engage to pay you in money what you
will lofe.in land.” But Odiavius.,either out of (hame,
or from a principle of honour, continued immoveable
in the party he had embraced.
Gracchus therefore had recourfe to another expe¬
dient} which was to fufpend all the magiftrates in>
Rome:
ROM [ 6790 1 ROM
Rom£. Rome from the execution of their offices. It was law-
ful for any tribune to take this ftep, when the paffing
of the law which he propofed was prevented by mere
chicanery. After this, he affembled the people anew,
and made a fecond attempt to fucceed in his defign.
When all things were got ready for colle&ing the fuf-
frages, the rich privately conveyed away the urns in
which the tablets were kept. This kindled the tri¬
bune’s indignation, and the rage of the people. The
comitium was like to become a field of battle, when
two venerable fenators, Manlius and Fulvius, very fea-
fonably interpofed; and throwing themfelves at the tri¬
bune’s feet, prevailed upon him to fubmit his law to
the judgment of the confcn'pt fathers. This was ma¬
king the fenators judges in their own caufe: but Grac¬
chus thought the law fo undeniably juft, that he could
not perfuade himfelf that they would rcjeft it; and if
they did, he knew that the incenfed multitude would
no longer keep any meafures with them.
The fenate, who wanted nothing but to gain time,
affected delays, and came to no refolution. There
were indeed fome among them, who, out of a prin¬
ciple of equity, were for paying fome regard to the
complaints of the tribune, and for facrificing their
own intereft to the relief of the diftreffed. But the far
greater part would not hear of any compofition what-
ioever. Hereupon Gracchus brought the affair anew
before the people, and earneftly intreated his colleague
Odtavius to drop his oppofition, in compafiion to the
many unfortunate people for whom he interceded. He
put him in mind of their ancient friendfhip, took him
by the hand, and affeftionately embraced him. But
ftill Odfavius was inflexible. Hereupon Gracchus re-
folved to deprive O&avius of his tribunefhip, fince he
alone obftinately witbftood the defires of the whole
body of fo great a people. Having therefore affem¬
bled the people, he told them, that fince his colleague
and he were divided in opinion, and the republic buf¬
fered by their divifion, it was the province of the tribes
affetnbkd in comitia to re-eftablifti concord among
their tribunes. “ If the caufe l maintain (faid he) be,
in your opinion, unjuft, I am ready to give up my feat
in the college. On the contrary, if you judge me wor¬
thy of being continued in your fervice in this ftation,
deprive him of the tribuneftiip who alone obftruds my
wifhes. As foon as you fltall have nominated one to
fucceed him, the law will pafs without oppofition.”
Having thus fpoken, he difmiffed the affembiy, after
having fummoned them to meet again the next day.
And now Gracchus, being foured with the oppofi¬
tion he had met with from the rich, and from his ob-
ttinate colleague, and being well apprifed that the law
would pafs in any form in which he (hould think fit to
propofe it, refolved to revive it as it was at firft paffed,
without abating any thing of its feverity. There was
no exception in favour of the children in families; or
reimburfement promifed to thofe who Ihould part with
the lands they poffeffed above 500 acres. The next day
the people being affembled in vaft crowds on this ex¬
traordinary occafion, Gracchus made freflv applica¬
tions to Oflavius, but to no purpofe ; he obtlinately
perfifted in his oppofition. Then Gracchus turning to
the people, “ Judge you, (faid he), which of us de-
ferves to be deprived of his office.” At thefe words
the firft tribe voted, and declared for the depofuion of
0£tavius. Upon which Gracchns, fufpending the ar- RorndH
dor the of tribes, made another effort to bring over his  ~rn
opponent by gentle methods. But all his endeavours
proving ineffedlual, the other tribes went on to vote in
their turns, and followed the example of the firft. Of
35 tribes, 17 had already declared againft Octavius,
and the 18th was juft going to determine the affair,
when Gracchus, being willing to try once more whe¬
ther he could reclaim his colleague, fufpended the col-
ledting of the fuffrages; and addreffing Odtavius in the
moft preffing terms, conjured him not to expofe him-
fclf, by his obftinacy, to’fo great a difgraee, nor to
give him the grief of having caft a blemifh upon his
colleague and friend, which neither time nor merit 177 ij|
would ever wipe off. Odtavius, however, continuing Who is d|J
obftinate, was depofed, and the law paffed as Gracchus j’j°Je^’wan¥
had propofed it the laft time. The depofed tribunepafl-jj. |
was dragged from the roftra by the incenfed multitude,,
who would have infulted him further, had not the fe¬
nators and his friends facilitated his tfcape.
The Licinian law being thus revived with one con-
fent both by the city and country tribes, Gracchus
caufed the people to appoint triumvirs, or three com-
miffioners, to haften its execution. In this commif-
fion the people gave Gracchus the firft place; and be
had intereft enough to get his father-in-law Appius
Claudius, and his brother Caius Gracchus, appointed
his colleagues. Thefe three fpent the whole lummer
in travelling through all the Italian provinces, to exa¬
mine what lands were held by any perfon above 500
acres, in order to divide them among the poor citizens.
When Gracchus returned from his progrefs, he found,
by the death of his chief agent, that his abfence had
not abated either the hatred of the rich, or the love of
the poor, toward him. As it plainly appeared that the
deceaftd had been poifoned, the tribune took this oc¬
cafion to apply himfelf again to his prote&ors, and im¬
plore their affiftance againft the violence and treachery
of his enemies. The populace, more attached after
this accident to their hero than ever, declared they
would Hand by him to the laft drop of their blood;
and this their zeal encouraged him to add a new claufe
to the law, viz. that the commiffioners ftiould likewife
inquire what lands had bteen ufurped from the repub¬
lic. This was touching the fenators in a moft tender
point; for moft of them had appropriated to themfelves
lands belonging to the republic. But, after all, the
tribune, upon a ftrift inquiry, found that the lands ta¬
ken from the rich would not be enough to content all
the poor citizens. But the following accident eafed
him of this difficulty, and enabled him to ftop the mur¬
murs of the malcontents among the people. ,78
Attains Philometer, king of Pergamus, having be-The trea- |
queathed his dominions and effeds to the Romans, furcs DfAt*
Eudemus the Pergamean brought his treafures to Rome^^^*
at this time; and Gracchus immediately got a newamong
law paffed, enading, that this money ffiould be divided people by
among the poor citizens who could not have lands; Gia«hws.
and that the difpofal of the revenues of Pergamus Ihould
not be in the fenate, but in the comitia. By thefe fteps
Gracchus moft effedually humbled the fenate ; who,
in order to diferedit him among the people, gave out
that Eudemus, who bad brought the king’s will to
Rome, had left with Gracchus the royal diadem and
mantle of Attains, which the law-making tribune was
to
ROM [ 6791 ] ROM
S.ome. to ufe when he fliould be proclaimed king of Rome.
But thefe reports only ferved to make Gracchus be
more upon his guard, and to infpire-the people with
an implacable hatred againft the rich who were the
authors of them. Gracchus being now, by his power
over the minds of the multitude, abfolute mafter of their
fuffrages, formed a defign of raifing his father-in-law
Appius Claudius to the confulate next year, of promo¬
ting his brother Cains to the tribuodhip, and getting
himfelf continued in the fame office. The laft was
what mod nearly concerned him ; his perfon, as long
as he was in office, being facred and inviolable. As
the fenate was very aftive in endeavouring to get fuch
only ele&ed into the college of tribunes as were ene-
! mies to Gracchus and his faftion, the tribune left no
ftone unturned to fecure his ele&ion. He told the
j people, that the rich had refolved affaffinate him as foon
as he was out of his office; he appeared in mourning,
as was the cuftom in the greateft calamities; and bring-'
jng his children, yet young, into the forum, recommen¬
ded them to the people in fuch terms, as fhowed that
he defpaired of his own prefervation. At this fight the
populace returned no anfwer, but by ontcries and me¬
naces againft the rich.
When the day appointed for the ele&ion of new
tribunes came, the pepople were ordered to affemble
in the capitol in the great court before the temple of
Jupiter. The tribes being met, Gracchus produced
his petition, intreating the people to continue him one
year longer in the office of tribune, in confideration
of the great danger to which he was expofed, the
rich having vowed his deftruftion as foon as his perfon
fhould be no more facred. This was indeed an unufal
requeft, it having been long cuftomary not to continue
any tribune in his office above a year. However, the
tribes began to vote, and the two firft declared for
Gracchus. Hereupon the rich made great clamours ;
which terrified Rubrius Varro, who prefided in the
college of tribunes that day, to fuch a degree, that
he religned his place to Q^Mummius, who offered to
prefide in his room. But this raifed a tumult among
the tribunes themfelves; fo that Gracchus wifely dif-
mified the affembly, and ordered them to meet again
the next day.
In the mean time the people, being fenfible of
what importance it was to them to preferve the life of
fo powerful a prote&or, not only conduced him home,
but watched by turns all night at his door. Next
morning, by break of day, Gracchus, having aflem-
bled his friends, led them from his houfe, and pofted
one half of them in the comitium, while he went up
.himfelf with the other to the capitol. As foon as he
appeared, the people faluted him with loud acclama¬
tions of joy. But fcarce was he placed in his tribunal,
when Fulvius Flaccus a fenator, and friend to Grac¬
chus, breaking through the crowd, came up to him,
and gave him notice, that the fenators, who were
affembled in the temple of Faith, which almoft touched
that of Jupiter Capitolinus, had confpired againft his
life, and were refolved to attack him openly on his
^ *70 very tribunal. Hereupon Gracchus tucked up his
,A confpi- robe, as it were, to prepare for a battle ; and, after
;^yji®8alnft his example, fome of his party, feizing the ftaves of
i 15 1 c* the apparitors, prepared to defend themfelvesj. and to
repel force by force. Thefe preparations terrified the Rome.
other tribunes; who immediately abandoned their places 
in a cowardly manner, and mixed with the crowd;
while the priefts ran to (hut the gates of the temple,
for fear of its being profaned. On the other hand,
the friends of Gracchus, who were difperfed by parties
in different places, cried out, We are ready: What
mufi •we do? Gracchus, whofe voice could not be
heard by all his adherents on account of the tumult,
the clamours, and the confufed cries of the different
parties, put his hand to his head ; which was the fignal
agreed on to prepare for battle. But fome of his
enemies, putting a malicious conftru&ion upon that
gefture, immediately flew to the fenate, and told the
fathers, that the feditious .tribune had called for the
crown to be put upon his head. Hereupon the fena¬
tors, fancying they already faw the king of Perga-
mus’s diadem on the tribune’s head, and the royal
mantle on his (boulders, refolved to give the conful
leave to arm his legions, treat the friends of Gracchus
as enemies, and turn the comitium into a field of
battle.
But the conful Mutius Scasvola, who was a pru¬
dent and moderate man refufed to be the inftrnment
of their rafh revenge, and to diftionour his confulate
with the maffacre of a difarmed people. As Calpur-
nius Pifo, the other conful, was then in Sicily, the
moft turbulent among the fenators cried out, “ Since
one of our confuls is abfent, and the other betrays
the republic, let us do ourfelves juftice ; let us imme*
diately go anddemolifh with our own hands this idol
of the people.” Scipio Nafica, who had been all
along for violent meafures, inveighed bitterly againft
the conful for refufing to fuccouf the republic in her
greateft diftrefs. Scipio Nafica was the great grand-
fon of Cneius Seipo', the uncle of the firft Africanus,
and confequently coufin to the Gracchi by their mo¬
ther Cornelia. But neverthelefs not one of the fena¬
tors betrayed a more irreeoncileable hatred againft the
tribune than he. When the prudent conful refufed to
arm his legions, and put the adherents of Gracchus
to death contrary to the ufual forms of juftice, he fet
no bounds to his fury, but, rifing up from his place,
cried out like a madman, “ Since our conful betrays
us, let thofe who love the republic follow me.” Ha¬
ving uttered thefe words, he immediately walked
out of the temple, attended by a great number of
fenators. jgo
Nafica threw his robe over his fhoulders, and, ha- fcuiHe
ving covered his head with it, advanced with his fol-’enfues in
lowers into the crowd, where he was joined by a com- wbwh
pany of the clients and friends of the patricians, armed
with ftaves and clubs. Thefe, falling indifferently upon
all who ftood in their way, difperfed the crowd. Many
of Gracchus’s party took to their heels ; and in that
tumult all the feats being overturned and broken,
Nafica, armed with the leg of a broked bench, knock¬
ed down all who opopfed him, and at length reached
Gracchus. One of his party feized the tribune by
the lappet of his robe: but he, quitting his gown,
fled in his tunic ; and as he was in that hurry of fpirits,
which is infeparable from fear, leaping over the broken
benches, he had the misfortune to flip and fall. As
he was getting up again, he received a blow on the
head.
ROM [ 1792 ] ROM
Rome, head, which ftunned him : then his adverfaries, rufli-
ing in upon him, with repeated blows put an end to
his life.
Rome was by his death delivered, according to
Cicero, from a domeftic enemy, who was more formid¬
able to her, than even that Numantia, which had firft
kindled his refentments. Perhaps no man was ever
born with greater talents, or more capable of ag¬
grandizing himfelf, and doing honour to his country.
But his great mind, his manly courage, his lively,
eafy, and powerful eloquence, were, fays Cicero, like
a fword in the hands of a madman. Gracchus abufed
them, not in fupporting an unjuft caufe, but in con¬
ducing a good one with too much violence. He
went fo far as to make fome believe, that he had really
fomething in view befides the intereft of the people
whom he pretended to relieve ; and therefore fome
hiftorians have reprefented him as a tyrant. But the
moft judicious writers clear him from this imputation,
and afcribe his firft defign of reviving the Licinian law
to an eager defire of being revenged on the fenators
for the affront they had very unjuftly put upon him,
and the conful Mancinus, as we have hinted above.
The law he attempted to revive had an air of juftice,
which gave a fanCion to his revenge, without calling
181 any blemifh on his reputation.
His friends The death of Gracchus did not put an end to the
maffacred. tumult. Above 300 of the tribune’s friends loft their
lives in the fray ; and their bodies were thrown, with
that of Gracchus, into the Tiber. Nay, the fenate
carried their revenge beyond the fatal day, which had
ftained the capitol with Roman blood. They fought
for all the friends of the late tribune, and without any
form of law, affaffinated fome, and forced others into
banilhment. Caius Billius, one of the moft zealous
defenders of the people, was feLed by his enemies,
and Unit up in a calk with fnakes and vipers, where he
miferably perilhed. Though the laws prohibited any
citizen to take away the life of another before he had
been legally condemned, Nafica and his followers were
acquitted by the fenate, who enafted a decree, jolli¬
fying all the cruelties committed again!! Gracchus and
his adherents.
The (Mur- Thefe difturbances were for a Ihort time interrupted
bancesin- by a revolt of the flaves in Sicily, occafioned by the
creafe. cruelty of their mailers ; but they being foon reduced,
the contefts about the Sempronian law, as it was call¬
ed, again took place. Both parties were determined
not to yield 5 and therefore the moft fatal effefts en-
fued. The firft thing of confequence was the death of
Scipio Africanus the fecond, who was privately ftrang-
led in his bed by fome of the partifans of the plebeian
party about 129 B. C. Caius Gracchus, brother to
him who had been formerly killed, not only undertook
the revival of the Sempronian law, but propofed a new
one, granting the rights of Roman citizens to all the
Italian allies, who could receive no Ihare of the lands
divided in confequence of the Sempronian law. The
confequences of this were much worfe than the former;
the flame fpread through all Italy; and the nations
who had made war with the republic in its infancy,
again commenced enemies more formidable than be¬
fore. Fregellae, a city of the Volfci, revolted : but be¬
ing fuddenly attacked, was obliged to fubmit, and
was rafed to the ground ; which quieted matters for
the prefent. Gracchus, however, ftill continued his Rome.’^
attempts to humble the fenate and the reft of the pa- " *
trician body : the ultimate confequence of which was,
that a price was fet on his head, and that of Fulvius
his confederate; no lefs than their weight in gold, to
any one who Ihould bring them to Opimius the chief l8l
of the patrician party. Thus the cuftom of profcrip-The cuftoi
tion was begun by the patricians, of which they them-°f proicriji
felves foon had enough. Gracchus and Fulvius weretIon be2u5
facrificed, but the diforders of the republic were not
fo eafily cured.
The inundation of the Cimbri and Teutones put a
flop to the civil difcords for fome time longer; but
they being defeated, as related under the articles Cim¬
bri and Teutones, nothing prevented the troubles
from being revived with greater fury than before, ex¬
cept the war with the Sicilian flaves, which had again
commenced with more dangerous circumftances than
ever. But this war being totally ended about 99
B. C. no farther obftacle remained. Marius, the con-1
queror of Jugurtha* and the Cimbri, undertook a*
caufe of the plebeians againft the fenate and patricians.
Having affociated himfelf with Apuleius and Glaucia,
two faftious men, they carried their proceedings to
fuch a length, that an open rebellion commenced, and
Marius himfelf was obliged to ad againft his allies.
Peace, however, was for the prefent reftored by the
maffacre of Apuleius and Glaucia, with a great num¬
ber of their followers; upon which Marius thought
proper to leave the city.
While fadious men thus endeavoured to tear the re¬
public to pieces, the attempts of well-meaning people
to heal thofe divifions ferved only to involve the ftate
in calamities ftill more grievous. The confuls obferved,
that many individuals of the Italian allies lived at
Rome, and falsely pretended to be Roman citizens.
By means of them, it was likewife perceived, that the
plebeian party had acquired a great deal of its power;
as the votes of thefe pretended citizens were always at
the fervice of the tribunes. The confuls therefore got
a law paffed, commanding all thofe pretended citizens
to return home. This was fo much refented by the
Italian Hates, that an univerfal defedion topk place. A
fcheme was then formed by M. Livius Drufus, a tri¬
bune of the people, to reconcile all orders of men ; but
this only made matters worfe, and procured his own
affafiination. His death feemed a fignal for war. The Thef/jjai ’
Marfi, Peligni, Samnites, Campanians, and Luca- war. 1
nians, and in Ihort all the provinces from the river Li-
ris to the Adriatic, revolted at once, and formed them-
felves into a republic, in oppofition to that of Rome.
The haughty Romans were now made thoroughly fen-
fible that they were not invincible : they were defeated
in almoll every engagement; and mull foon have yield¬
ed, had they not fallen upon a method of dividing
their enemies. A law was paffed, cna&ing, that all
the nations in Italy, whofc alliance with Rome was in-
difputable, Ihould enjoy the right of Roman citizens.
This drew off feveral nations from the alliance; and at
the fame time, Sylla taking upon him the command of
the Roman armies, fortune foon declared in favour of
the latter.
The fuccefs of Rome againft the allies ferved only to
bring greater miferies upon herfelf. Marius and Syl¬
la became rivals; the former adhering to the people,
and
ROM [ 6793 ] ROM
Home, and the latter to the patricians. Marius aflbciated
~ " with one of the tribiines named Sulpitius; in conjunc¬
tion with whom he raifed fuch difturbances, that Sylla
was forced to retire from the city. Having thus dri¬
ven off his rival, Marius got himfelf appointed general
i | againft Mithridates king of Pontus ; but the foldiers
refufed to obey any other than Sylla. A civil war
immediately enfued, in which Marius was driven out
in his turn, and a price fet upon his head and that of
Sulpitius, with many of their adherents. Sulpitius was
foon feized and killed; but Marius made hisefcape. In
the mean time, however, the cruelties of Sylla ren¬
dered him obnoxious both to the fenate and people;
and Cinna, a furious partifan of the Marian fa&ion,
being chofen conful, cited him to give an account of
his conduft. Upon this Sylla thought proper to fet
out for Afia : Marius was recalled from Africa, whi¬
ther he had fled ; and immediately on his landing in
Italy, was joined by a great number of ihepherds,
flaves, and men of defperate fortunes ; fo that he foon
J faw himfelf at the head of a confiderable army,
brrid Cinna in the mean time, whom the fenators had de-
fuelties p0fed and driven out of Rome, folicited and obtained
rGinna a Powerfu^ a^y from the allies ; and being joined by
[arius &c. Sertorius, a nioft able and experienced general, the
two, in conjunftion with Marius, advanced towards the
capital ; and as their forces daily increafed, a fourth
[ ' army was formed under the command of Papirius Car-
bo. The fenate raifed fome forces to defend the city ;
but the troops being vaftly inferior in number, and
likewife inclined to the contrary fide, they were obli¬
ged to open their gates to the confederates. Marius
entered at the head of a numerous guard, compofed of
flaves, whom he called his Bardiaam, and whom he
defigned to employ in revenging himfelf on his ene¬
mies. The firft order he gave thefe aflaffins was, to
murder all who came to falute him and were not an-
fwered with the like civility. As every one was for¬
ward to pay his compliments to the new tyrant, this
order proved the ddlruftion of vaft numbers. At laft
thefe Bardiaeans abandoned themfelves to fuch excefles
in every kind of vice, that Cinna and Sertorius order¬
ed their troops to fall upon them ; which being in-
flantly put in execution, they were all cut off to a
| man.
By the deftru&ion of his guards, Marius was re¬
duced to the neceffity of taking a method of gratifying
his revenge fomewhat more tedious,- though e.qually
effeflual- A conference was held between the four
chiefs, in which Marius feemed quite frantic with rage.
Sertorius endeavoured to moderate his fury; but, being
over-ruled by Cinna and Car-bo, a refolution was taken
to murder without mercy all the fenators who had op-
pofed the popular faftion. This was immediately put
in execution. A general flaughter commenced, which
lafted five days, and during w^hich the greateft part of
the obnoxious fenators were cut off, their heads ftuck
upon poles over-againft the noftra, and their bodied
dragged with hooks into the forum, where they were
left to be devoured by dogs. Sylla’s houfe was de-
molilhed, his goods confifeated, and he himfelf de¬
clared an enemy to his country ; however, his wdfe
and children had the good fortune to make their efcape.
—This maflacre was not confined to the city of Rome.
The foldiers, like as many blood-bounds, were dif-
Vol. IX. 1
perfed over the country in fearch of thofe who fled. Rome.
The neighbouring towns, villages, and all the high- 
ways, fwarmed with aflaffins ; and on this oceafion
Plutarch obferves with great concern, that the mod
fecred ties of friendfhip and hofpitality are not proof
againd treachery, in the day of adverfity, for there
were but very few who did not difcover their friends
who had fled to them for flicker. i8j
This flaughter being over, Cinna named himfelf and8?*13
Marius confuls for the enfuing year ; and thefe tyrantstens ie*
feemed refolved to begin the new year as they had'6*1^’
ended the old one : but, while they were preparing to
renew their cruelties, Sylla, having proved vidtorioua
in the eaft, fent a long letter to the fenate, giving an
account of his many vi&ories, and his refolution of
returning to Rome, not to reflore peace to his coun¬
try, but to revenge himfelf of his enemies, u e. to de-
ftroy thofe whom Marius had fpared. This letter oc-
cafioned an univerfal terror.' Marius, dreading to
enter the lifts with fuch a renowned warrior, gave
himfelf up to exceffive drinking, and died. His fon
was affociated with Cinna in the government, though
not in the confulfliip, and proved a tyrant no lefs
cruel than his father. The fenate declared one Vale¬
rius Flaccus general of the forces in the eaft, and ap¬
pointed him a confiderable army ; but the troops all
to a man deferted him, and joined Sylla. Soon after,
Cinna declared himfelf conful a third time, and took
for his colleague Papirius Car ho ; but the citizens,
dreading the tyranny of thefe inhuman monfters, fled
in crowds to Sylla, who was now in Greece. To him
the fenate fent deputies, begging that he would have
compaffion on his country, and not carry his refent-
ment to fuch a length as to begin a civil war: but he
replied, that he was coming to Rome full of rage and
revenge; and that all his enemies, if the Roman people
confented to it, fliould periih either by the fword or
the axes of the executioners. Upon this feveral very
numerous armies were formed againft him ; but, thro*
the mifeonduft of the generals who commanded them,
thefe armies were every-where defeated, or went over
to the enemy. Pompey, afterwards ftyled the Great,
fignalized himfelf in this war, and embraced the party
ofl Sylla. The Italian nations took fome one fide, and
fome another, as their difterent inclinations led them.
Cinna, in the mean time, was killed in a tumult, and
young Marius andCarbo fucceeded him ; but the for¬
mer having ventured an engagement with Sylla, was
by him defeated, and forced to fly to Prtenefte, where
he was clofely befieged.
Thus was Rome reduced to the loweft degree ofRome ;n
mifery, when one Pontius Telefinus, a Samnite of great the utmoft
experience in war, projected the total ruin of the city, danger
He had joined, or pretended to join, the generals
the Marian faction with an army of40,000 men ; and
therefore marched towards Prasnefte, as if he defigned
to relieve Marius. By this means he drew Sylla and
Pompey away from the capital; and then, decamping
jn the night, over-reached thefe two generals, and by-
break of day was within 10 furlongs of the Collatine
gate. He then pulled oft’ the maik ; and declaring
himfelf as much ai^ enemy to Marius as to Sylla, told
bis troops that it was not his defign to affift one Ro¬
man againft another, but to deftroy the whole race.
“ Let fire and fword (faid he) deftroy all ; let no
§8 D quarter
Rome.
ROM [ 6794 ] ROM
quarter be given ; mankind can never be free as long
- as one Roman is left alive.”—Never had this proud
metropolis been in greater danger; nor ever had any
city a more narrow efcape. The Roman youth marched
out to oppofe him, but were driven back with great
{laughter. Sylla himfelf was defeated, and forced to
fly to his camp. Telefinus advanced with more fury
than ever ; but in the mean time the other wing of
his army having been defeated by M. Craffus, the
■vidtorious general attacked the body where Telefinus
commanded, and by putting them to flight faved his
jg7 country from the mod imminent danger.
Monftrous Sylla, having now no enemy to fear, marched firft
cruelty of to Antemnm, and thence to Rome. From the former
city he carried 8000 prifoners to Rome, and caufed
them all to be maflacred at once in the circus. His
cruelty next fell upon the Praeneftiues, 12,000 of
whom were mafiacred without mercy. Young Marius
had killed himfelf, in order to avoid falling into the
hands of fuch a cruel enemy. Soon after, the inha¬
bitants of Norba, a city of Campania, finding themfelves
unable to refill the forces of the tyrant, fet fire to
their houfes, and all perifhed in the flames. The
taking of thefe cities put an end to the civil war, but
not to the cruelties of Sylla. Having aflembled the
people in the comitium, he told them that he was re-
folved not to fpare a Angle perfon who had borne arms
againft him. This cruel refolution he put in execution
with the moft unrelenting vigour; and having at lad
cut off all thofe whom he thought capable of oppofing
him, Sylla caufed himfelf to be declared perpetual
di&ator, or, in other words, king and abfolute fove-
188 reign of Rome.
eHmed™* This, revolution happened about 80 B. C. and from
perpetual this time we may date the lofs of the Roman liberty,
dictator. Sylla indeed refigned his power in two years ; but the
citizens of Rome having once fubmitted, were ever
after more inclined to fubmit to a mailer. Though
individuals retained the fame enthufiaftic notions of.
liberty as before, yet the minds of the generality feem
from this time to have inclined towards monarchy.
New matters were indeed already prepared for the re¬
public. Csefar and Pompey had eminently diftin-
guiflied themfelves by their martial exploits, and were
already rivals. They were, however, for fome time
prevented from railing any dillurbances by being kept
at a dillance from each other. Sertorius, one of the
generals of the Marian fadtion, and the only one of
them poflelfed either of honour or probity, had retired
into Spain, where he eredted a republic independent of
Rome. Pompey and Metellus, two of the bell reputed
generals in Rome, were fent againll him j but inftead
of conquering, they were on ail occafions conquered
by him, and obliged to abandon their enterprife with
difgrace. At ialt Sertorius was treacheroully mur¬
dered ; and the traitors, who after his death ufurped
the command, being totally deftitute of his abilities,
were eaiily defeated by Pompey : and thus that ge¬
neral reaped an undeferved honour from concluding
the war with fuccefs,.
The Spanilh war was fcarce ended, when a very
dangerous one was excited by Spartacus, a Thracian
gladiator. For fome time, this rebel proved very fuc-
cef&ful ; but at latl was totally defeated and killed by
Craffus. The fugitives, however, rallied again, to
the number of 5000; but, being totally defeated by Rome.. 1
Pompey, the latter took occafion from thence to claim  
the glory which was juftly due to Craffus. Being thus ig |
become extremely popular, and fetting po bounds topompfy j
his ambition, he was chofen conful along with Craffus. and CrafTui
Both generals were at the head of powerful armies ;a^ume
and a contell between them immediately began about ?reat au!^°!
who Ihould firlt lay down their arms. With difficulty/1*3^
they were in appearance reconciled, and immediately
began to oppofe one another in a new way. Pompey
courted the favour of the people, by reinftating the
tribunes in their ancient power, which had been great¬
ly abridged by Sylla. Craffus, though naturally co¬
vetous, entertained the populace with furprifing pro- . I
fufion at 10,000 tables, and at the fame time dillribu-
ted corn fufficient to maintain their families for three
months. Thefe prodigious expences will feem lefs
furprifing, when we confider that Craffus was the
richell man in Rome, and that his eftate amounted to
upwards of 7000 talents, i. e. 1,356,250!. fterling.
Notwithftanding his utmoll efforts, however, Pompey
Hill had The fuperiority; and was therefore propofed
as a proper peifon to be employed for clearing the
feas of pirates. In this new ilation a moft extenfive
power was to be granted to him. He was to have an
abfolute authority for three years over all the feas
within the ftraits or pillars of Hercules, and over all
the countries for the fpace of 400 furlongs from the
fea-. He was empowered to raife as many foldiers and
mariners as he thought proper; to take what fums of
money he pleafed out of the public treafury, without
being accountable for them ; and to choofe out of the
fenate fifteen fenators to be his lieutenants, and to ex¬
ecute his orders when he himfelf could not be pre-«
fent. The fenfible part of the people were againil
invefting one man with fo much power ; but the un¬
thinking multitude rendered all oppofition fruitlefs.
The tribune Rofcius attempted to fpeak againft it,
but was prevented by the clamours of the people.
He then held up two of his fingers, to fhow that he
was for dividing that extenfive commiffion between
two perfons: but on this the affembly burft out into
fuch hideous outcries, that a crow flying accidentally
over the comitium, was ftunned with the noife, and
fell down among the rabble. Tin's law being agreed
to, Pompey executed his commiffion fo much to the
public fatisfaftion, that on his return a new law was
propofed in his favour. By this he was to be ap¬
pointed general of all the forces in Afia ; and as he
was ftill to retain the fovereignty of the feas, he was
now in fa£l made fovereign of all the Roman empire.
This law was fupported by Cicero and Caefar ; the
former afpiring at the confulate, and the latter pleafed
to fee the Romans fo readily appointing themfelves a
mafter. Pompey, however, executed his commiffion
with the utmoll fidelity and fuccefs, completing the
conqueft of Pontus, Albania, Iberia, &c. which had
been fuccefsfully begun by Sylla and Lucullus. 150 i
But while Pompey was thus aggrandifing himfelf,Confp!!?<Ti
the republic was on the point of being fubverted by° atlinei
a confpiracy formed by Lucius Sergius Catiline. He
was defeended from an illuftrious family ; but having
quite ruined his eftate, and rendered himfelf infamous
by a feries of the moft deteftable crimes, he affociated
with a Humber of others in circuraftancea fiipilar to
hia
ROM [ 6795 ] ROM
? koine, his own, in order to repair their broken fortunes by
if ruining their country. Their fcheme was to murder
the confuls together with the greateft part of the fe-
nators, fet fire to the city in different places, and then
feize the government. This wicked defign mifcarried
twice ; but was not on that account dropped by the
Confpirators. Their party increafed every day ; and
both Caefar and Graffus, who fince the departure of
jpompey had ftudied to gain the affe&ions of the peo¬
ple as far as poffible, were thought to have been privy
to the confpiracy. At iafl, however, the matter was
' difcovered by means of a young knight, who had in-
difcreetly revealed the fecret to his paramour. Cati¬
line then openly took the field, and foon raifed a con-
fiderable army : but was utterly defeated and killed
about 62 B. C.; and thus the republic was freed from
the prefent danger.
In the mean time, Csefar continued to advance in
popularity and in power. Soon after the defeat of
Catiline, he was created pontifex maximus ; and af¬
ter that was fent into Spain, where he fubdued feve-
ral nations that had never before been fubjeft to Rome.
While he was thus employed, his rival Pompey re¬
turned from the eaft, and was received with the high-
eft honours; but though ftill as ambitious as ever, he
now affedled extraordinary modefty, and declined ac¬
cepting of the applaufe which was offered him. His
aim was to affume a fovereign authority without feem-
ing to defire it; but he was foon convinced, that, if
he defired to reign over his fellow-citizens, it muft be
by force of arms. He therefore renewed his intrigues,
and fpared no pains, however mean and fcandalous, to
increafe his popularity. Caefar, on his return from
Spain, found the fovereignty divided between Craffus
and Pompey, each of whom was ineffedlually ftrug-
gling to get the better of the other. Caefar, no lefs
ambitious than the other two, propofed that they
fhould put an end to their differences, and take him
The firft for a partner in their power. In fhort, he projefted
triumvi- a triumvirate, or affociation of three perfons, (Pom-
rate. pey, Craffus, and himfelf), in which fhould be lodged
the whole power of the fenate and people; and, in
order to make their confederacy more lafting, they
bound themfelves by mutual oaths and promifes to
ftand by each other, and fuffer nothing to be under¬
taken or carried into execution without the unanimous
confent of all the three.
Thus was the liberty of the Romans taken away a
fecond time, nor did they ever afterwards recover it;
though at prefent none perceived that this was the cafe
except Cato. The affociation of the triumvirs was for
a long time kept fecret; and nothing appeared to the
people except thereconciliation of Pompey and Craffus,
for which the ftate reckoned itfelf indebted to Casfar.
The firft confequence of the triumvirate was the con-
fulfhip of Julius Casfar. But though this was obtained
by the favour of Pompey and Craffus, he found him¬
felf difappointed in the colleague he wanted to affociate
with him in that office. He had pitched upon one
whom he knew he could manage as he pleafed, and di-
ftributed large fums among the people in order to en¬
gage them to vote for him. The fenate, however, nnd
even Cato himfelf, refolved to defeat the triumvir at
-his own weapons; and having therefore fet up another
candidate, diftributed fuchimmenfe fums on the oppo-
fue fide, that Caefar, notwithftanding the vaft riches he Rom;,
had acquired, was forced to yield. This defeat pro- ~
ved of fmall confequence. Caefar fet himfelf to en¬
gage the affefttons of the people ; and this he did, by
an agrarian law, fo effe&ually, that he was in a man¬
ner idolized. The law was in itfelf very reafonable and
juft ; neverthelefs, the fenate, perceiving the defigu
witli which it was propofed, thought themfelves bound
to oppofe it. Their oppofition, however, proved
fruitlefs : the conful Bibulus, who fhewed himfelf moft
adive in his endeavours againft it, was driven out of
the affembly with the greateft indignity, and from that
day became of no confideration; fo that Caefar was
reckoned the foie conful.
The next ftep taken by Caefar was to fecure the
knights, as he had already done the people; and for
this purpofe he abated a third of the rents which they
annually paid into the treafury ; after which he go¬
verned Rome with an abfolute fway during the time of
his confulate. The reign of this triumvir, hqwever,
was ended by his expedition into Gaul, where his mi¬
litary exploits acquired him the higheft reputation.
Pompey and CrafTus in the mean time became confuls,
and governed as defpotically as Caefar himfelf had
done. On the expiration of their firft confulate, the
republic fell into a kind of anarchy, entirely owing to
the diforders occafioned by the two late confuls. At
laft, however, this confufion was ended by raifing
Craflus and Pompey to the confulate a fecond time.
This was no fooner done, than a new partition of the
empire was propofed. Craffus was to have Syria and
all the eaftern provinces, Pompey was to govern Afri¬
ca and Spain, and Csefar to be continued in Gaul, and
all this for the fpace of five years. This law was pafi-
ed by a great majority; upon which Craffus undertook
an expedition againft the Parthians, whom he imagi¬
ned he fliould eafily overcome, and then yirich himfelf
with their fpoils; Caefar applied with great aflidiiity to
the completing of the conqueft of Gaul; and Pompey
having nothing to do in his province, (laid at Rome to
govern the republic alone.
The affairs of the Romans were now hafteningto a
crifis. Craffus, having oppreffed all the provinces of
the eaft, was totally defeated and killed by the Par¬
thians *; after which the two great rivals Caefar ^a’<'
Pompey were left alone, without any third perfon who 'I9l
could hold the balance between them, or prevent the-Rivalftip
deadly quarrels which were about to enfue; Matters,of
however, continued pretty quiet till Gaul was reduced and i>om"
to a Roman province f. The queftion then was» whe-^ggg
ther Caefar or Pompey (hould firft refign the command
of their armies, and return to the rank of private per¬
fons. As both parties faw, that whoever firft laid
down his arms muft of courfe fnbmit to the other, both
refufed to difarm themfelves. As Caefar, however, had
amaffed immenfe riches in Gaul, he was now in a con¬
dition not only to maintain an army capable of vying
with Pompey, but even to buy over the leading men
in Rome to his intereft. One of the confuls, named
JEmilius Paulus, coft him no lefs than 1500 talents,
or 310,625!. fterling ; but the other, named Mar-
ccllus, could not be gained -at any price. Pompey
had put at the head of the tribunes one Scribonius
Curio, a young patrician of great abilities, but fo ex¬
ceedingly debauched and extravagant, that he owed
38 D 2 up-
ROM [ 6796 ] ROM
Rome, upwards of four millions and a half of our money.
^Csfar, by enabling him to fatisfy his creditors, and
fupplying him with money to purfue his debaucheries,
fccured him in his intereft; and Curio, without feem-
ing to be in Casfar’s interdl, found means to do him
the mod effential fervice.—He propofed that both
generals (hould be recalled ; being well affured that
Pompey would never confent to part with his army,
or lay down the government of Spain with which he
had been invefted, fo that Caefar might draw from
Pompey’s refufal a pretence for continuing himfelf in
his province at the head of his troops. This propofal
threw the oppofite party into great embarraffments ;
and while both profeffed their pacific intentions, both
continued in readinefs for the mod obdinate and bloody
war. Cicero took upon himfelf the office of mediator;
but Pompey would hearken to no terms of accommo¬
dation. The orator, furprifed to find him fo obdinate,
at the fame time that he negle&ed to drengthen his
army, afkcd him with what forces he defigned to
make head againd Caefar? to which the other anfwer-
cd, that he needed but damp with his foot, and an
army would dart up out of the ground. This confi¬
dence he affumed becaufe he perfuaded himfelf that
Caefar’s men would abandon him if matters came
to extremities. Caefar, however, though he affe&ed
great moderation, yet kept himfelf in readinefs for the
word; and therefore, when the fenate paffed the fatal
decree for a civil war, he was not in the lead alarmed.
The decree This decree was iffued in the year 49 B. C. and was
for a civil exprefied in the following words : “ Let the confuls
war" for the year, the procor.ful Pompey, the praetors, and
and all thofe in or near Rome who have been confuls,
provide for the public fafetyby the mod proper means.”
This decree was no fooner paffed, than the conful Mar¬
cellos went, with his colleague Lentulus, to an houfe
at a fmall didance from the town, where Pompey
then was ; and prefenting him with a fword, “ We
require you (faidhe) to take upon you with this the
defence of the republic, and the command of her
troops.” Pompey obeyed ; and Caefar was by the fame
decree diveded of his office, and one Lucius Domitius
appointed to fucceed him, the new governor being em¬
powered to raife 4000 men in order to take poffiffion
of his province.
War being thus refolved on, the fenate and Pom¬
pey began to take the neceffary preparations for op-
pofing Casfar. The attempt of the latter to withdand
their authority they termed a tumult; from which con¬
temptible epithet it appeared that they either did not
know, or did not dread, the enemy whom they were
bringing upon themfelves. However, they ordered
30,000 Roman forces to be affembled, together with
as many foreign troops as Pompey (hould think pro¬
per ; the expence of which armament was defrayed
from the public treafury. The governments of pro¬
vinces, and all public honours, were bedowed upon
fuch as were remarkable for their attachment to
Pompey and their enmity to Casfar. The latter, how¬
ever, was by no means wanting in what concerned his
own intereft. Three of the tribunes who had been
his friends were driven out of Rome, and arrived in his
camp difguifed like (laves. Caefar (bowed them to his
army in this ignominious habit; and, felling forth the
iniquity of the fenate and patricians, exhorted his
men to darid by their general under whom they had Rome.;!
ferved fo long with fuccefs; and finding by their ac- 1
clamjtionss that he could depend on them, he refolved
to begin hodilities immediately. »94
Tiie fird defign of Caefar was to make bimfelf
mader of Ariminum, a city bordering upon Cifalpine q
Gaul, and confequently a part of his nrovince ; but
as this would be looked upon as a declaration of war,
he refolved to keep his defign as private as poffible.
At that time he himfelf was at Ravenna, from whence
be fent a detachment towards the Rubicon, defiring
the officer who commanded it to wait for him on the
banks of that river. The next day he affided at a
(how of gladiators, and made a great entertainment.
Towards the clofe of the day he rofe from table, de¬
firing his gueds to day till he came back, which he
faid would be very foon ; but, indead of returning to
the company, he immediately fet out for the Rubicon,
having left orders to fome of his mod intimate friends
to follow him through different roads, to avoid being
obferved. Having arrived at the Rubicon, which
parted Cifalpine Gaul from Italy, the fucceeding mif-
fortunes of the empire occurred to his mind, and made
him hefitate. Turning then to Afinius Pollio, “ If
I do not crofs the river, (faid he), I am undone ; and •
if I do crofs it, how many calamities (hall I by this
means bring upon Rome!” Having thus fpoken, he
mufed a few minutes ; and then crying out “ The
die is cad,” he threw himfelf into the river, and
croffing it, marched with all poffible fpeed to Ari¬
minum, which he reached and furprifed before day¬
break. From thence, as he had but one legion with
him, he difpatched orders to the formidable army he
had left in Gaul to crofs the mountains and join him.
The a&ivity of Csefar druck the oppofite party
with the greated terror; and indeed not without rea-
fon, for they had been extremely negligent in making
preparations againd fuch a formidable opponent.
Pompey himfelf, no lefsalarmed then the red, left Rome
with a defign to retire to Capua, where he had two
legions whom he had formerly draughted out of Caefar’s
army. He communicated his intended flight to the
fenate ; but at the fame time acquainted them, that
if any magidrate or fenator refufed to follow him, he
{hould be treated as a friend to Caefar and an eneijiy
to his country. In the mean time Caefar, having
raifed new troops in Cifalpine Gaul, fent Marc An¬
tony with a detachment to feize Aretiom, and fome
other officers to fecure Pifaurum and Fanum, while Takes^eve-
he himfelf marched at the head of the thirteenth legion rai towns,
to Auximum, which opened its gates to him. From
Auximum he advanced into Picenum, where he was
joined by the twelfth legion from Tranfalpine Gaul.
As P.cenum readily fubmitted to him, he led his
forces againd Corfinium, the capital of the Peligni,
which Domitius Ahenobarbus defended with thirty
cohorts. But Caefar no fooner inveded it, than the
garrifon betrayed their commander, and delivered him
up with many fenators, who had taken refuge in the
place, to Caefar, who granted them their lives and
liberty. Domitius, fearing the refentment of the
conqueror, had ordered one of his (laves, whom he
ufed as a phyfician, to give him a dofe of poifon.
When he came to experience the humanity of the con¬
queror, he lamented his misfortune, and blamed the
hafti-
ROM '[ 6797 ]' ROM
1 Rome, haftinefa of his own refolotion. Bi.t his phjfician,
' [ ^ who had only given him a fleeping draught, com¬
forted him, and received his liberty as a reward for
I 'S'5 his affe&ion.
’ompev Pompey, thinking himfelf no longer fare at Capua
Who e- after the redudiion of Corfinium, retired to Brundu-
fcapes by fium, with a defign to carry the war into the eaft,
J ftiatagem* where all the governors were his creatures. Caefar fol¬
lowed him clofe; and arriving with his army before
Brundufium, invefted the place on the land-lide, and
undertook to (hut up the port by a ftaccado of his
own invention. But, before the work was completed,
the fleet which had conveyed the two confuls with
thirty cohorts toDyrrhachiumbeing returned, Pompey
refolved to make his efcape, which he conduftfed with
all the experience and dexterity of a great officer.
He kept his departure very fecret ; but, at the fame
time, made all neceflary preparations for the facilita¬
ting of it. In the firft place, he walled up the gates,
then dug deep and wide ditches crofs all the ftreets,
except only thofe two that led to the port ; in the
ditches he planted {harp pointed {fakes, covering them
with hurdles and earth. After thefe precautions, he
gave exprefs orders, that all the citizens fliould keep
within-doors, left they ftiould betray his defign to.the
enemy; and then, in the fpace of three days, embark¬
ed all his troops, except thev light-armed infantry,
w hom he had placed on the walls; and thefe likewife,
on a fignal given, abandoning their ports, repaired with
great expedition to the fhips. Caefar, perceiving the
walls unguarded, ordered his men to fcale them, and
make what hafte they could after the enemy. In the
heat of the purfuit, they would have fallen into the
ditches which Pompey had prepared for them, had not
the Brundufians warned them of the danger, and, by
many windings and turnings, led them to the haven,
where they found all the fleet under fail, except two
veffels, which had run aground in going out of the
harbour. Thefe Caefar took, made the foldierson board
prifoners, and brought them afhore.
Caefar feeing himfelf, by the flight of his rival,
mailer of all Italy from the Alps to the fea, was de-
firous to follow and attack him before he was joined
by the fupplies which he expedfed from Alia. But
being deftitute of {hipping, he refolved to go firft to
Rome, and fettle fome fort of government there ;
and then pafs into.Spain, to drive from thence Pom-
pey’s troops, who had taken pofieffion of that great
continent, under the command of Afranius and Pe-
treius. Before he left Brundufium, he fent Scribonius
Curio with three legions into Sicily, and ordered
Valerius, one of his lieutenants, to get together what
(hips he could, and crofs over with one legion into
Sardinia. Cato, who commanded in Sicily, upon the
fir ft news of Curio’s landing there, abandoned the
ifiand, and retired to the camp of the confuls at Dyr-
rhachium : and Q^Valerius no fooner appeared with
his fmall fleet off- Sardinia, than the Caralirani, now
the inhabitants of Cagliari, drove out Aurelius Cotta,
who commanded there for the fenate, and put Ctefar’s
lieutenant in pofieffion both of their city and ifland.
(CsefaVgoes mean t*rne ^ general himfelf advanced to-
io Rome, wards Rome ; and on his march wrote to all the fena-
tors then in Italy, defiring them to repair to the ca¬
pital, and afiift him with their.counfd. Above all,
he was defirous to fee Cicero ; but could not prevail Rome,
upon him to return to Rome. As Caefar drew near the
capital', he quartered his troops in the neighbouring mu-
nicipia ; and then advancing to the city, out of a
pretended refpeft to the ancient cuftbms, he took up
his quarters in the fuburbs, whither the whole' city
crowded to fee the famous conqueror of Gaul, who
who had been abfent near ten years. And now fuch ,
of the tribunes of the people as had fled to him for
refuge, reaffumed their fundfions, mounted the roftra,
and endeavoured by their fpeeches to reconcile the
people to the head of their party. Marc Antony
particularly, and Cafiius Lpnginus, two of Casfar’s
moft zealous partifans, moved that the fenate ffiould
meet in the fuburbs, that the general might give them
an account of his conduif. Accordingly, fuch of the#
fenators as were at Rome affembled ; when Caefar made
a fpeech in juftification of all his proceedings, and
concluded his harangue with propoling a deputation to
Pompey, with offers of an accommodition in an ami¬
cable manner. He even defired the confcript fathers,
to whom in appearance he paid great deference, to
nominate fome of their venerable body to carry pro-
pofals of peace to the confuls, and the general of the
confular army ; but none of the fenators would take
upon him that commiffion. He then began to think
of providing himfelf with the neceffary fums for carry¬
ing on the war, and had recourfe to the public trea-
fury. But Metellus, one of the tribunes, oppofed
him ; alleging a law forbidding any one to open the
the treafury, but in the prefence and with the con-
fent of the confuls. Caefar, however, without regarding
the tribune, went dire&Iy to the temple of Saturn,
where the public money was kept. But the keys of
the treafury having been carried away by the conful
Lentulus, he ordered the doors to be boken open.
This Metellus oppoftd : but Caefar, in a paffion, lay¬
ing his hand on his fword, threatened to kill him if i$s
he gave him any farther difturbance ; which fo ter-Supp1’”
rifled Metellus, that he withdrew. Csefar took out^i^J,fone
of the treafury, which was ever after at his command,
an immenfe fum ; fome fay, 300,000 pounds weight public trea*
of gold. With this fupply of. money he raifed troops fury-
all over Italy, and fent governors into all the provinces
fubjeft to the republic.
Caefar now made Marc Antony commander in chief
of the armies in Italy, fent his brother C. Antonius to
govern Illyricum, afligned Cifalpihe Gaul to Licinius
Craffus, appointed M. iEmilius Lepidus governor of
the capital; and having got together fome {hips to
cruife in the Adriatic and Mediterranean feas, he gave
the command of one of his fleets to P. Cornelius Do-
labella, and of the other to young Hortenflus, the fon
of the famous orator. As Pompey had fent governors
into the fame provinces, by this means a general war
was kindled in almoft all the parts of the known world.
However, Caefar would not truff any of his lieutenants
with the conduct of the war in Spain, which was Potn-
pey’s favourite province, but took it upon himfelf; and
having fettled his affairs in great hafte at Rome, re¬
turned to Ariminum, affembled his legions there, and.
paffing the Alps, entered Tranfalpine Gaul. There he
was informed that the inhabitants of Marfeilles had re¬
folved to refufe him entrance into their city; and that
L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, whom he had generoufly.
par- -
ROM [ 6798 ] ROM
iRome.Tpavdoned and fet at liberty after the redu&ion of Cor-
" fiuium, had fet fail for Marfeilles with feven galleys,
having on board a great number of his clients and
flaves, with a defign to raife the city in favour of Pom-
pey. Caefar, thinking it dangerous to let the enemy
take pofTeffion of fuch an important place, fent for the
15 chief magiftrates. of the city, and advifed them not
to begin a war with him, but rather follow the example
of Italy, and Submit. The magiftrates returned to the
city, and foon after informed him that they were to
•Hand neuter; but in the mean time Domitius arriving
with his fmall fquadion, was received into the city, and
.declared general of all their forces. Hereupon Caefar
immediately invetted the town with three legions, and
ordered twelve galleys to be built at Arelas, now Arles,
in order to block up the port. But as the frege was
like to detain him too long, he left C. Trebonius to
carry it on, and D. Brutus to command the fleet,
while he continued his march into Spain, where he be¬
gan the war with all the valour, ability, and fuccefs of
a great general. Pompey had three generals in this
continent, which was divided into two Roman pro¬
vinces. Varro commanded in Farther Spain; and Pe*
treius and Afranius, with equal power, and two conft-
derable armies, in Hither Spain. Caefar, while he was
yet at Marfeilles, fent Q^Fabius, one of his lieutenants,
with three legions, to take pofl’eflion of the paffes of
the Pyrenees, which Afranius had feized. Fabius ex¬
ecuted his commiflion with great bravery, entered
Spain, and left the way open for Caefar, who quickly fol¬
lowed him. As Xoon as he had croffed the mountains,
he fent out fcouts to obferve the fituation of the enemy;
by whom he was informed, that Afranius and Petreius
having joined their forces, confiding of five legions,
.20 cohorts of the natives, and 5000 horfe, were advan-
tageoufly poded on an hill of an eafy afcent in the
neighbourhood of Ilerda, now Lerida, in Catalonia-
Upon this advice Caefar advanced within fight of the
,5S> enemy, and encamped in a plain between the Sicoris
Is reduced and .Cinga, now the Segro and Cinca. Between the
S1'®?1. eminence on which Afranius had poded himfelf, and
JSpain.5 m t^ie c‘ty ^*erc^a> was a plan's and in the middle
of it a rifing ground, which Caefar attempted to feize,
in order to cut off by that means the communication
between the enemy’s camp and the city, from whence
they had all their provifions. This occafioned a (harp
difpute between three of Caefar’s legions and an equal
number of the enemy, which laded five hours with equal
fuccefs, both parties claiming the vi&ory. But after
all, Afranius’s men, who had firft feized the pod, main¬
tained themfelves in pofleffion of it in fpite of Caefar’s
utmod efforts. Two days after this battle, continual
rains, with the melting of the fnow on the mountains,
fo fwelled the two rivers between whicil Caefar was en¬
camped, that they overflowed, broke down his bridges,
and laid under water the neighbouring country to a
great didance. This cut off the communication be¬
tween his camp and the cities that had declared for
him; and reduced him to fuch draits, that his army
was ready to die for famine, wheat being fold in his
camp at 50 Roman denarii per bufhel, that is, 11. 12 s.
i-jrd* derling. He tried to rebuild his bridges, but in
vain; the violence of the dream rendering all his en¬
deavours fruitlefs.
Upon the news of Csefar’s diftrefs, Pompey’s party
at Rome began to take courage. Several perfons of Rome,
diftinflion went to congratulate Afranius’s wife on the !
fuccefs of her hufband’s arms in Spain. Many of the
fenators who had hitherto flood neuter, hadened to
Pompey’s camp, taking it for granted that Csefar was
reduced to the lad extremity, and all hopes of his party
loft. Of this number was Cicero; who, without any
regard to the remonftrancesof Atticus, or the letters
Casfar himfelf wrote to him, defiring him to join nei¬
ther party, he left Italy, and landed at Dyrrhachium,
where Pompey received him with great marks of joy
and friendfhip. But the joy of Pompey’s party was J,0o tj
not long-lived. For Caefar, after having attempted fe- Oveicnmej|
veral times in vain to rebuild his bridges, caufed boats his difficujj
to be made with all pofiible expedition ; and while the‘ies> and
enemy were diverted by endeavouring to intercept thegpajn> 1
fuccours that were fent him from Gaul, he laid hold of
that opportunity to convey his boats in the night on
carrriages 22 miles from his camp ; where with won¬
derful quicknefs a great detachment pafied the Sicoris,
and encamping on the oppofite bank unknown to the
enemy, built a bridge in two days, opened a commu¬
nication with the neighbouring country, received the
fupplies from Gaul, and relieved the want of his fol-
diers. Caefar being thus delivered from danger, pur- |
fued the armies of Afranius and Petreius with fuch fu-
perior addrefs and conduct, that he forced them to fub-
mit without coming to a battle, and by that means be¬
came matter of all Hither Spain. The two generals
difbanded their troops, fent them out of the province,
and returned to Italy, after having folemnly promifed
never to affemble forces again, or make war upon Cae¬
far. Upon the news of the redu&ion of Hither Spain,
the Spaniards in Farther Spain, and one Roman le¬
gion, deferted from Varro, Pompey’s governor in that
province, which obliged him to furrender his other le¬
gion and all his money.
Csefar having thus reduced all Spain in a few months,
appointed Caffius Longinus to govern the two pro¬
vinces with four legions ; and then returned to Mar¬
feilles, which city was juft upon the point of furren¬
dering after a moft vigorous refiftance. Though the
inhabitants had by their late treachery deferved a fe-
vere punifhment, yet he granted them their lives and
liberty; but dripped their arfenals of arms, and ob¬
liged them to deliver up all their (hips. From Mar¬
feilles Caefar marched into Cifalpine Gaul; and from
thence battened to Rome, where he laid the founda¬
tion of his future grandeur. He found the city in a very .l81
different ftate from that in which he had left it. Mott an(j
of the fenators and magiftrates were fled to Pompey is created ;>
at Dyrrhachium. However, there were ftiil praetors dilator. . ,
there ; and among them M. iEmilius Lepidus, who
was afterwards one of the triumvirs with Oclavius and
Marc Antony. The praetor, to ingratiate himfelf with
Caefar, nominated him diflator of his own authority,
and againlt the inclination of the fenate. Caefar ac¬
cepted the new dignity; but neither ab’ufed his power,
as Sylla had done, nor retained it fo long. During
the 11 days of his diclatorfhip, he governed with great
moderation, and gained the affe&ions both of the peo¬
ple and the patricians. He recalled the exiles, granted
the rights and privileges of Roman citizens to all the
Gauls beyond the Po, and, as pontifex maximus, filled
up the vacancies of the facerdotal colleges with his own
friends.
ROM f 6799 ] ROM
Rome, friends. Though it was expe£kd that he would have
—~ abfolutely cancelled all debts contradted fince the be¬
ginning of the troubles, he only reduced the intered
to one-fourth. But the chief ufe he made of his dic-
tatorfhip was to prelide at the eleflion of confufs for
the next year, when he got himfelf, and Servilius Ifau-
ricus, one of his mod zealous partifans, promoted to
that dignity.
lifolbws ■^nc^ 00w refolved to follow Pompey, and carry
fompey the war into the eaft, he fet out for BrunduGum, whi-
jpto the ther he had ordered 12 legions to repair with all pof-
fible expedition. But-on his arrival he found only five
there. The reft, being afraid of the dangers of the fea,
and unwilling to engage in a new war, had marched
leifurely, complaining of their general for allowing
them no refpite, but hurrying them continually from
one country to another. However, Csefar did not wait
for them, but fet fail with only five legions and 600
horfe, in the beginning of January. While the reft
were waiting at Brundufium for (hips to tranfport them
over into Epirus, Csefar arrived fafe with his five le¬
gions in Chaonia, the northern part of Epirus, near the
Ceraunian mountains. There he landed his troops, and
lent the ftu’ps back to Brundufium to bring over the
legions that were left behind. The war he was now
entering upon was the moft difficult he had yet under¬
taken. Pompey had for a whole year been affembling
troops from all the eaftern countries. When he left
Italy he had only five legions; but fince his arrival at
Dyrrhachium he had been reinforced with one from
Sicily, another from Crete, and two from Syria. Three
thoufand archers, fix cohorts of (lingers, and 7000 horfe,
had been fent him by princes in alliance with Rome. All
the free cities of Afia had reinforced his army with
their beft troops; nay, if we give credit to an hiftori-
cal poet, fuccours were brought him from the Indus
and the Ganges to the eaft, and from Arabia and E-
thiopia to thefouth; at lead it is certain, that Greece,
Alia Minor, Syria, Paleftine, Egypt, and all the na¬
tions from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates, took
up arms in his favour. He had almoft all the Roman
knights, that is, the flower of the young nobility, in
his fquadrons, and his legions confided moftly of ve¬
terans inured to dangers and the toils of war- Pompey
himfelf was a general of great experience and addrefs;
apd had under him fome of the beft commanders of
the republic, who had formerly condmfled armies them-
felves. As for his navy, he had above 500 (hips of war,
befides a far greater number of fmall veffels, which
were continually cruifing on the coafts,,and intercept¬
ing fuch (hips as carried arms or provifions to the
enemy. He had likewife with him above 200 fena-
tors, who formed a more numerous fenate than that at
Rome. Cornelius Lentulus and Claudius Marcellus,
the laft year’s confuls, prefided in it; but under the di-
redion of Pompey their protedor, who ordered them
to afiemble at Theflalonica, where he built a (lately
hall for that purpofe. There, in one of their afiemblies,
at the motion of Cato, it was decreed, that no Roman
citizen (hould be put to death but in battle, and that
no city fubjed to the republic (hould be facked. At
the fame time the confcript fathers afiembled at Thef-
falonica decreed, that they alone reprefented the Ra¬
man fenate, and that thofe who refided at Rome were
tncouragere of tyranny, and friends to the tyrant. And
indeed, as the flower of the nobility was with Pompey, Rome.,
and the moft virtuous men in the republic had taken' ""
refuge in his camp, he was generally looked upon as
the only hope and fupport of the public liberty. Hence
many perfons of eminent probity, who had hitherto
flood neuter, flocked to him from all parts. Among
thefe were young Brutus, who afterwards confpired
againft Casfar, Tidius Sextius, and Labienus. Brutus,
whofe father had been,put to death in Galatia by Pom-
pey’s order, had never fpoken to him, or fo much as
fainted him fince that time. But as he now looked
upon him as the defender of the public liberty, he
joined him, facrificing therein his private refentment to
the intereft of the public. Pompey received him with
great joy, and was willing to confer upon him fome
command; but he declined the offer. Tidius Sextius,
though extremely old and lame, yet left Rome, and
went as far as Macedonia to join Pompey there. La¬
bienus likewife forfook his old benefador, under whom
he had ferved during the whole courfe of the Gaulifh
war, and went over to his rival, though Caefar had ap¬
pointed him commander in chief of all the forces on
the other fide the Alps. In (hort, Pompey’s party
grew into fuch reputation, that his caufe was generally
called the good caufe, while Caefar’s adherents were
looked upon as enemies to their country, and abettors
of tyranny. ^ 10?
As foon as Caefar landed, he marched- diredly toMakes pro-
Oricum, the neareft city in Epirus, which was taken P°fals of
without oppofition. The like fuccefs attended him at®“?o™mo'
Apollonia, which was in no condition to ftand a fiege; which'are
and thefe two conquefts opened a way to Dyrrhachium, rejefted.
where Pompey had his magazines of arms and provi¬
fions This fuccefs, however, was interrupted by the
news that the fleet which he had fent back to Brun¬
dufium to tranfport the reft of his troops had been at¬
tacked by Bibulus, one of Pompey’s admirals, who had
taken 30, and inhumanly burnt them with the feamen
on board. This gave Caefar great uneafinefs, efpecially
as he heard that Bibulus, with tto (hips of war, had
taken poffeffion of all the harbours between Salonium
and Oricum ; fo that the legions at Brundufium could
not venture to crofs the fea without great danger of
falling into the enemy’s hands. By this Caefar was fo
much embarraffed, that he made propofals of accom¬
modation upon very moderate terms ; being no other
than that both Pompey and he (hould difband their ar¬
mies within three days, renew their former friendfhip
with folemn oaths, and return together to Italy. Thefe
propofals were fent by Vibuilius Rufus, an intimate friend
of Pompey, whom Caefar had twice taken prifoner.
Pompey, however, probably elated with his late good
fortune, anfwered, that he would not hearken to any
terms, left it (hould be faid, that he owed his life and
return to Italy to Caefar’s favour. However, the lat¬
ter again fent one Vatinius to confer with Pompey
about a treaty of peace. Labienus was appointed to
receive the propofals; but while they were conferring
together, a party of Pompey’s men coming up to them,,
difeharged their darts at Vatinius and thofe who at¬
tended him. Some of the guards were wounded, and.
Vatinius hairowly tfcaped with his life.
In the mean time Csefar advanced towards Dyrrha¬
chium, in hopes of furprifing that important vplace ;
but Pompey unexpeftedly appearing, he halted on the
- other.
ROM r 6800 1 ROM
Rome, other fide of the river Apfus, where he intrenched him-
' ""felf, as having but a fmall number of troops in com¬
panion of the formidable army which attended Pom-
pey. The latter, however, notyvithftanding his fupe-
riority, durft not crofs the river in Caefar’s fight; fo
that the two armies continued for fome time quiet in
their refpeftive camps. Caefar wrote letter after letter
to Marc Antony, who commanded the legions he had
left in Italy, to come to his afltftance ; but receiving
no anfwer, Caefar difguifed himfelf in the habit of a
- flave, and with all imaginable fecrecy went on board a
fifherman’s bark, with a defign to go over to Brundu-
fium, though the enemy’s fleet was cruifing on the coafts
both of Greece and Italy. This defign, however, mif-
canied, by reafon of the boat being put back by con¬
trary winds; and thus Caefar was reftored to his fol-
diers, who had been very uneafy at his abfence. He
was no fooner landed than he difpatched Pofthumius,
one of his lieutenants, with moft preffing orders to Marc
Antony, Gabinius, and Calenus, to bring the troops
to him at all adventures. Gabinius, unwilling to ex-
pofe all the hopes of his general to the hazards of the
Tea, thought it fafer to march a great way about by
Illyricum, and therefore engaged all the legionaries he
could to follow him by land. But the Illyrians, who
had, unknown to him, declared for Pompey, fell unex¬
pectedly upon him, and killed him and his men, not
one efcaping. Marc Antony and Calenus, who went
by fea, were in the greateft danger from one of Pom-
pey’s admirals; but had the good luck to bring their
troops fafe to fhore at Nyphseum, in the neighbourhood
of Apollonia. As foon as it was known that Antony
was landed, Pompey marched to prevent his joining
Caefar. On the other hand, Caefar inftantly decamped,
and haltening to the relief of his lieutenant, joined him
before Pompey came up. Then Pompey, not caring
to engage them when united, retired to an advantage¬
ous poll in the neighbourhood of Dyrrhachium, known
by the name of Afparagium, and there encamped. Cse-
far having thus at length got all his troops together,
refolved to" finifh the war by one general aCtion, and
determine the fate of the world, either by his own death
or by that of his rival. To this end he offered Pompey
battle, and kept his army a great while drawn up in
fight of the enemy. But Pompey declining an engage¬
ment, he decamped, and turned towards Dyrrhachium,
as if he defigned to furprife it, hoping by this means
to draw Pompey into the plain. But Pompey, looking
upon the taking of Dyrrhachium as a chimerical pro-
jeft, followed Ccefar at forae diftance, and letting him
draw near to the city, encamped on a hill called Petra,
which commanded the fea, whence he could be fup-
plied with grovifions from Greece and Afia, while Cte-
far was forced to bring corn by land from Epirus, at a
vail expence, and through many dangers.
This inconvenience pat Ctefar upon a new defign,
which was to furround an army far more numerous
than his own, and, by (hutting them up within a nar¬
row tra& of ground, dillrefs them as much for want
a04 of forage, as his troops were diftreffed for want of corn.
Befieges Purfuant to this defigti, he drew a line of circumvaila-
Pompeyin tion from the fea quite round Pompey’s camp, and
his camp. kCpt f0 c]0fe blocked up, that though his men
were plentifully fupplied with provifions by fea, yet
the horfes of his army began- foon to die in great num¬
bers for want of forage. Csefar’s men, though in the Rome., ||
utmoft diftrefs for want of corn, yet bore all with
incredible cheerfulnefs ; protefting, that they would
rather live upon the bark of trees than fuffer Pompey
to efcape, now they had him. in their power. Gasfar
tells us,that in this extremity fuch of the army as had
been in Sardinia, found put the way of making bread
of a certain root called cleera, which they fleeped in * |
milk ; and that when the enemy infulted them on ac¬
count of the flarving condition which they were in,
they threw feveral of thefe loaves among them, to put
theufiut of all hopes of fubdtiing them by famine.
“ Sodong as the earth produces fuch roots (faid they)
we will not let Pompey efcape.” At length Pompey,
alarmed at the diftempers which began to prevail in his
Srmy, made feveral attempts to break through the bar¬
riers that inclofed him, but was always repulfed with
lofc. At length, being reduced to the utmoft; extre¬
mity for want of forage, he refolved at all events to
force the enemy’s lines, and efcape. With the aflifl-
ance therefore, and by the advice of two deferters, he
embarked his archers, {lingers, and light-armed infan- 105
try, and marching himfelf by land at the head of 60 Is driven jj
cohorts, went to attack that part of Csefar’s lines which jjl
was next to the fea, and not yet quite finifhed. He° ISp° |
fet out from his camp in the dead of the night, and ar¬
riving at the poll he defigned to force by break of day,
he began the attack by fea and land at the fame time.
The ninth legion, which defended that part of the lines,
made for fome time a vigorous refiftance; but being
attacked in the rear by Pompey’s men, who came by
fea, and landed between Caefar’s two line1;, they fled
with fuch precipitation, that the fuccours Marcellinus
fent them from a neighbouring poft could not flop them.
The enfign who carried the eagle at the head of the
routed legion was mortally wounded; but neverthelefs,
before he died, had prefence of mind enough to con-
fign the eagle to the cavalry of the party, defihng
them to deliver it to Caefar. Pompey’s men purfued
the fugitives, and made fuch a flaughter of them, that
all the centurions of the firft cohort were cut off except
one. And now Pompey’s army broke in like a tor¬
rent upon the pofls Caefar had fortified, and were ad¬
vancing to attack Marceliinus, who guarded a neigh¬
bouring fort; but Marc Antony coming very feafon-
ably to his relief with 12 cohorts, they thought it ad-
vifable to retire.
Soon after Caefar himfelf arrived with a ftrong re>n-ca^r de- 1
forcement, and polled himfelf on the fhore, in order tofeatej jI1(ji
prevent fuch attempts for the future. From this poft in great |
he obferved an old camp which he had made within the danger. |
place where Pompey was inclofed, but afterwards a-
bandoned. Upon his quitting it, Pompey had taken
pofTeflion of it, and left 3 legion to guard it. This poft
Caefar refolved to reduce, hoping to repair the lofs he
had fuftained on this unfortunate day, by taking the le¬
gion which Pompey had polled there. Accordingly,
he advanced fecretly at the head of 33 cohorts in two
lines; and arriving at the old camp before Pompey
could have notice of his march, attacked it with great
vigour, forced the firft. intrenchment, notwilhftanding
the brave refiftance of Titus Pulcio, and penetrated to
the fecond, whither the legion had retired. But here
his fortune changed on a fudden. His right wing, in
looking for an entrance into the camp, marched along
the
ROM I 6801 1 ROM
f Rome, the outfide of a trench which Csefar had formerly car-
ried on from the left angle of his camp, about 400
paces, to a neighbouring river. This trench they mif-
took for the rampart of the camp; and being led away
by that miftake from their left wing, they were foon
after prevented from rejoining it by the arrival of Pom-
ey, who came up at the head of a legion and a large
ody of horfe. Then the legion which Csefar had at¬
tacked taking courage, made a brifk fally, drove his
men back to the firft intrenchment which they had
feized, and there put them in great diforder while they
w’ere attempting to pafs the ditch. Pompey, in the
mean time, falling upon them with his cavalry in flank,
completed their defeat; and then flying to the enemy’s
right wing, which had pafled the trench mentioned
above, and was (hut up between that and the ramparts
of the old camp, made a moft dreadful flaughter of
them. The trench was filled with dead bodies, many
falling into it in that diforder, and others palling over
them and prefling them to death.
In this diftrefs, Csefar did all he could to flop the
flight of his legionaries, but to no purpofe: theftandard-
bearers themfelves threw down the Roman eagles
when Caefar endeavoured to flop them, and left them
in the hands of the enemy, who, on this occafion, took
32 ftandards; a difgrace which Caefar had never fuf-
fered before. He was himfelf in no fmall danger of
falling by the hand of one of his own men, whom he
took hold of when flying, bidding him Hand and face
about; but the man, apprehenfive of the danger he was
in, drew his fword, and would have killed him, had
not one of his guards prevented the blow by cutting
off his arm. Caefar loft on this occafion 960 of his foot,
400 of his horfe, 5 tribunes, and 32 centurions.
I2°7> This lofs. and difgrace greatly mortified Caefar, but
| affairJe*clid not difcourage him. After he had by his lenity
’ and eloquent fpeeches recovered the fpirits of his troops,
he decamped, and retired in good order to Apollonia,
where he paid the army, and left his fick and wound-
1 ed. From thence he marched into Macedon, where
Scipio Metellus, Pompey’s father-in-law, was encamp¬
ed. He hoped either to draw his rival into fome plain,
or to overpower Scipio if not affifted. He met with
I great difficulties on his march, the countries through
which he pafled refufing to fupply his army with pro-
vifiorts; to fuch a degree was his reputation funkfince
his laft defeat! On his entering Theflaly he was met
by Domitius, one of his lieutenants, whom he had fent
with three legions to reduce Epirus. Having now got
all his forces together, he marched diredlly to Gomphi,
the firft town of Theffaly, which had been formerly in
| his intereft, but now declared againft him. Where¬
upon he attacked it with fo much vigour, that though
the garrifon was very numerous, and the walls were of
an uncommon height, he made bimfelf mafter of it in a
few hours. From hence he marched to Metropolis, an¬
other confiderable town of Theffaly, which immediate¬
ly furrendered; as did all the other cities of the coun-
I tty, except Lariffa, of which Scipio had made himfelf
It mafter.
On the other hand, Pompey being continually im¬
portuned by the fenators and officers of his army, left
his camp at Dyrrhachium, and followed Caefar, firmly
refolved not to give him battle, but rather to diftrefs
him by keeping clofe at his heels, ftraitening his
Vol. IX. 3
quarters, and cutting off his convoys. As he had fre- Rome-
quent opportunities of coming to an engagement, but
always declined it, his friends and fubalterns began to
put ill conftru&ions on his dilatorinefs to his face. lo3
Thefe, together with the complaints of his foldiers, Rompey
made him at length refolve to venture a general aftion. refolves to
With this defigh he marched into a large plain near thecome t0
cities of Pharfalia and Thebes ; which latter was alfo
called Philippi, from Philip kingpf Macedon,and the fa¬
ther of Perfes, who, having reduced the Thebans, placed
a colony of Macedonians in their city. This plain was
watered by the Enipeus, and furrounded on all Tides
by high mountains; and Pompey, who was ftill averfe
from venturing an engagement, pitched his camp on
the declivity of a fteep mountain, in a place altogether
inacceffible. There he was joined by Scipio his father-
in-law, at the head of the legions which he had brought
with him from Syria and Cilicia. But notwithftand-
ing this reinforcement, he continued irrefolute, and un¬
willing to put all to the iffue of a Tingle aftion; being
ftill convinced of the wifdom of his maxim, that it was
better to deftroy the enemy by fatigues and want, than
to engage an army of brave veterans, who were in a
manner reduced to defpair. As he put off from day to
day, under various pretences, defcending into the plain
where Caefar was encamped, his officers forced him to
call a council of war, when all to a man were for ven¬
turing a general aftion the very next dry. Thus was
Pompey obliged to facrifice his own judgment to the
blind ardour of the multitude; and the neceffary mea-
fures were taken for a general engagement.
The event of this battle was in the higheft degree Is
fortunate for Csefar f; who refolved to purfue his ad-defgat^,
vantage, and follow Pompey to whatever country he f See fW-
fhould retire. Hearing, therefore, of his being at Km-fa^a'
phibolis, he fent off his troops before him, and then
embarked on board a little frigate in order to crofs the
Hellefpont; but in the middle of the ftrait, he fell
in with one of Pompey’s commanders, at the head of
ten fhips of war. Caefar, noway terrified at the fupe-
riority of his force, bore up to him, and commanded
him to fubmit. The other inftantly obeyed, awed by
the terror of Caefar’s name, and furrendered himfelf and
his fleet at difcretion.
From thence he continued his voyage to Ephefus,
then to Rhodes; and being informed that Pompey had
been there before him, he made no doubt but that he
was fled to Egypt: wherefore, lofing no time, he fet
fail for that kingdom, and arrived at Alexandria with
about 4000 men ; a very inconfiderable force to keep
fuch a powerful kingdom under fubje&ion. But he
was now grown fo fecure in his good fortune, that he
expefted to find obedience every where. Upon his
landing, the firft accounts he received were of Pom¬
pey’s miferable end, who had been affaffinated by or- 1I0
ders of the treacherous king as foon as he went on (hore ;ls murdered
and foon after one of the murderers came with his head in Egypt,
and ring as a moft grateful prefent to the conqueror.
But Casfar turned away from it with horror, and
Ihortly after ordered a magnificent tomb to be built to
his memory on the fpot where he was murdered; and
a temple near the place, toNemefis, who was the god-
defs that punifhed thofe that were cruel to men in ad-
verfity.
It fhould feem that the Egyptians by this time had
38 E fome
ROM [ 6802 ] ROM
Rome, fome hopes of breaking off all alliance with the Ro-
  mans; which they confidered, as in faft it was, but a
fpecious fubje&ion. They firft began to take offence,
at Csefar’s carrying the enfigns of Roman power be¬
fore him as he entered the city. Photinus, the eunuch,
alfo treated him with difrefpeft, and even attempted
his life. Casfar, however, concealed his refentment till
Th^Egyp-he had a force fufficient to punifh his treachery; and
tians quar- fending privately for the legions which had been for-
rel _»dth merly enrolled for Pompey’s fervice, as being the near-
C*far. to Egypt, he in the mean time pretended to repofe
an entire confidence in the king’s minifter. However,
he foon changed his manner when he found himfelf in
no danger from his attempts; and declared, that, as
being a Roman conful, it was his duty to fettle the
fucceffion to the Egyptian crown.
There were at that time two pretenders to the crown
of Egypt: Ptolemy, the acknowledged king; and the
celebrated Cleopatra, his fifter; who, by the cuflom of
the country, was alfo his wife, and, by their father’s
will, fhared jointly in the fucceffion. However, not
being contented with a bare participation of power,
fhe aimed at governing alone ; but being oppofed in
her views by the Roman fenate, who confirmed her bro¬
ther’s title to the crown, fhe was banifhed into Syria
with Arfinoe her younger fifter.
Caefar, however, gave her new hopes of obtaining
the kingdom, and fent both for her and her brother to
plead their caufe before him. Photinus, the young
king’s guardian, who had long borne the moft invete¬
rate hatred as well to Casfar as to Cleopatra, difdain-
ed this propofal, and backed his refufal by fending an
211 army of 20,000 men to befiege him in Alexandria.
And befiegeCasfar bravely repulfed the enemy for fome time ; but
him in finding the city of too great extent to be defended by
Alexandria,jb fmall an army as he then had with him, he retired to
the'palace, which commanded the harbour, where he
purpofed to make a ftand. Achillas, who commanded
the Egyptians, attacked him there with great vigour,
and ft ill aimed at making himfelf mafter of the fleet
that lay before the palace. Casfar, however, too well
knew the importance of thofe fhips in the hands of am
enemy; and therefore burnt them, all in fpite of every
effort to prevent them. He next pofleffed himfelf of
the ifle of Pharos, which was the key to,the Alexan¬
drian port, by which he was enabled to receive the fup-
plies fent him from all fides ; and in this fituation he
determined to withftand the united force of all the E-
gyptians.
In the mean time, Cleopatra having heard of the
prefent turn in her favour, refolved to depend rather an
Caefar’s favour for gaining the government than her
own forces. She had, in faff, affembled an army in
Syria to fupport her claims; but now judged it the
wifcft way to rely entirely on the decifion of her felf-
ele<Sted judge. But no arts, as fhe juftly conceived,
were fo likely to influence Caefar* as the charms of her
perfon. The difficulty was how to get at Caefar, as
her enemies were in poffcffion of all the avenues that
led to the palace. For this purpofe, fhe went on board
a fmall veflel, and in the evening landed near the pa¬
lace; where, being wrapped up in a coverlet, fhe was
carried by one Afpolodorous into the very chamber of
Caefar. Her addrefs, at firft, pleafed him; but her ca¬
lefies, which were carried beyond the bounds of inno¬
cence, entirely brought him over to fecond her claims.
While Cleopatra was thus employed in forwarding Rome.;
her own views, her fifter Arfinoe was alfo ftrenuoufly |
engaged in the camp in purfuing a feparate intereft.
She had found means, by the affiftance of one Gany- #
mede her confidant, to make a large divifion in the
Egyptian army in her favour ; and foon after caufcd
Achillas to be murdered, and Ganymede to take the
command in his ftead, and to carry on the fiege with
greater-vigour than before. Ganymede’s principal ef¬
fort was by letting in the fea upon thofe canals which jj
fupplied the palace with frefh water; but this incove- 3
nience Csefar remedied by digging a great number of |
wells. His next endeavour was to prevent the junc¬
tion of Cffifar’s 24th legion, which he twice attempt- |
ed in vain. He foon after made himfelf mafter of a
bridge which joined the ifle of Pharos to the continent,
from which poft Caefar was refolved to diflodge him. '<
In the heat of aftion, fome mariners came and joined
the combatants ; but being feized with a panic, in-
ftantly fled, and fpread a general terror through the
army. All Caefar’s endeavours to rally his forces were
in vain, the confufion was pad remedy, and numbers
were drowned or put to the fword in attempting to 1
efcape; on which, feeing the irremediable diforder of
his troops, he retired to a fhip in order to get to the
palace that was juft oppofite. However, he was no
fooner on board than great crowds entered at the fame
time with him; upon which, apprehenfive of the (hip’s
finking, he jumped into the fea, and fwam 200 paces
to the fleet that lay before the palace.
The Alexandrians, finding their efforts to take the
palace ineffe&ual, endeavoured at leaft to get their
king out of Caefar’s power, as he had feized upon his
perfon in the beginning of their difputes. For this
purpofe they made ufe of their cuftomary arts of dif-
fimnlation, profeffing the utmoft defire for peace, and
only wanting the prefence of their lawful prince to give
a fan&ion to the treaty. Caefar, who was fenfible of
their perfidy, neverthelefs concealed his fufpicions, and
gave them their king, as he was under no apprehen-
fions from the abilities of a boy. Ptolemy, however,
the inftant he was fet at liberty, inftead of promoting
peace, made every effort to give vigour to hoftiliues. it
In this manner Caefar was hemmed in for fome time: He is at 1; if-
but he was at laft relieved from this mortifying fitua- relie'ved. jf;
tion, by Mithridates Pergamenus, one of his moft
faithful partizans; who, co!le£ting a numerous army in
Syria, marched into Egypt, took the city of Pelufium,
repulfed the Egyptian army with lofs, and at laft,
joining with Caefar, attacked their camp, and made a
great flaughter of the Egyptians. Ptolemy himfelf*,
attempting to efcape on board a veflel that was failing
down the river, was drowned by the fhip’s finking;
and Caefar thus became mafter of all Egypt without
any further oppofition. He therefore appointed, that
Cleopatra, with her younger brother, who was then
but an infant, fhould jointly govern, according to the
intent of their father’s will; and drove out Arfinoe with
Ganymede into banifhment.
Caefar now, for a while, feemed to relax from the
ufual a&ivity of his condufl, captivated with the
charms of Cleopatra. Inftead of quitting Egypt to
go and quell the remains of Pompey’s party, he aban¬
doned himfelf to his pleafures, paffing whole nights in
feafts with the young queen. He even refolved to at¬
tend her up the Nile into Ethiopia j but the brave ve-
terans4
ROM [ 6803 ] ROM
U4
urives in
»on after
ndertakes
Lfrica.
tefeats the
^rtifans of
wmpey.
terana who had long followed his fortune, boldly re¬
prehended his conduft, and refufed to be partners in
fo infamous an expedition. Thus, at length, rouzed
from his lethargy, he left Cleopatra, by whoiphehad
a fon who was afterwards named Cnefariot in order to
oppofe Pharnaces the king ofJPontus, who had now
made fome inroads upon the dominions of Rome. Here
he was attended with the greateft fuccefs, as we have
related under the article Pontus ; and having fettled
affairs in this part of the empire, as well as time would
permit, he embarked for Italy, where he arrived fooner
than his enemies could expeft, but not before his af¬
fairs there abfolutely required his prefence. He had
been, during his abfence, created conful for five years,
di&ator for one year, and tribune of the people for
life. But Antony, who in the mean time governed in
Rome for him, had filled the city with riot and de¬
bauchery, and many commotions enfued, which no¬
thing but the arrival of Csefar could appeafe. How¬
ever, by his moderation and humanity, he foon refto-
red tranquillity to the city, fcarce making any diftinc-
tion between thofe of his own and the oppofite party.
Thus having, by gentle means, reftored his authority
at home, he prepared to march into Africa, where
Pompey’s party had found time to rally under Scipio
and Cato, affifted by Juba king of Mauritania. But
the vigour of his proceedings had like to have been
retarded by a mutiny in his own army. Thofe vete¬
ran legions, who had hitherto conquered all that came
before them, began to murmur for not having received
the rewards which they had expefted for their paft
fervices, and now infilled upon their difcharge. How¬
ever, Caefar found means to quell the mutiny ; and
then, according to his ufual diligenee, landed with a
fmall party in Africa, the reft of the army following
foon after. After many movements and fkirmifhes, he
refolved at lait to come to a decifive battle. For this
purpofe, he invefted the city of Tapfns, fuppofing that
Scipio would attempt its relief, which turned out ac¬
cording to his expedations. Scipio, joining with the
young king of Mauritania, advanced his army, and
encamping near Casfar, they foon came to a general
battle. Caefar’s fuccefs was as ufual; the enemy re¬
ceived a complete and final overthrow, with little lofs
on his fide. Juba, ant! Petreius his general, killed each
other in defpair ; Scipio, attempting to efcape by fea
into Spain, fell in among the enemy, and was (lain; fo
that, of all the generals of that undone party, Cato
was now alone remaining.
This extraordinary man, having retired into Africa
after the battle of Pharfalia, bad led the wretched
remains of that defeat through burning defarts and
tra&s infefted with ferpents of various malignity, and
was now in the city of Utica, which he had been left
to defend. Still, however, in love with even the ftiow
of Roman government, he had formed the principal
citizens into a fenate, and conceived a refolution of
holding out the town. He accordingly affembled his
fenators upon this occafion, and exhorted them to
Hand a fiege ; but finding his admonitions ineffe&ual,
he ftabbed himfelf with hisfword* . Upon his death,
the war in Africa being completed, Casfar returned in
triumph to Rome; and, as if he had abridged all his
former triumphs only to increafe the fplendour of this,
the citizens were aftonifhed at the magnificence of the
proceflion, and the number of the countries he had Rome,
fubdued. It lafted four days : the firft was for Gaul,
the fecond for Egypt, the third for his vidlories in A-
fia, and the fourth for that over Juba in Africa. To
every one of his foldiers he gave a fum equivalent to
about 150 1. of our money, double that ium to the
centurions, and four times as much to the fuperior of¬
ficers. The citizens alfo ftiared his bounty ; to every
one of whom he diftributed 10 bulhels of corn, 10
pounds of oil, and a fum of money equal to about two
pounds Sterling of ours. He, after this, entertained
the people at about 20,000 tables, treated them with
the combat of gladiators, and filled Rome with a con-
courfe of fpeftators from every part of Italy. lly
The people now feemed eager only to find out new Honours
modes of homage and unufual methods of adulation for heaped up-
their great enflaver. He was created, by a new title, °n him at
Magijier Morum, or Matter of the morals of theR°me‘
people ; he received the title of Ernperor, Father of hit
country; his perfon was declared facred ; and, in
ftiort, upon him alone were devolved for life all the
great dignities of the ftate. It muft be owned, how¬
ever, that no fovereign could make a better ufe of his
power. He immediately began his empire by reprefs-
ing vice and encouraging virtue. He communicated
the power of judicature to the fenators and the knights
alone, and by many fumptuary laws reftrained the
fcandalous luxuries of the rich. He propofed i-ewards
to all fucb as had many children; and took the mod
prudent methods of repeopling the city, that bad been
exhaufted in the late commotions; and befides his
other works, he greatly reformed the calendar.
Having thus reftored profperily once more to Rome,
he again found himfelf under a neceffity of going into
Spain, to oppofe an army which had been railed there
under the two fons of Pompey and Labienus his for¬
mer general. He proceeded in this expedition with
his ufual celerity, and arrived in Spain before the ene¬
my thought him yet departed from Rome. Cneius
and Sextus, Pompey’s fons, profiting by their unhap¬
py father’s example, refolved as much as poffible to
protraft the war ; fo that the firft operations of the
two armies were fpent in fieges and fruitlefs attempts
to furprife each other. At length Casfar, after taking
many cities from the enemy, and purfuing Pompey
with unwearied perfeverance, compelled him to come
to a battle upon the plains of Munda.
After a moft obftinate engagement, Casfar gained f See
a complete victory J ; and having now fubdued all his Munio,
enemies, he returned to Rome for the laft time to re-„ 118
ceive new dignities and honours, and to enjoy in hismaqer
own perfon an accumulation of all the great offices of the whole
the ftate. Still, however, he pretended to a modera-by
tion in the enjoyment of his power: he left the con -hlsr^'l^Ty
fuls to be named by the people ;.but as he poffeffed allat Un.*‘
the authority of the office, it from this time began to
fink into contempt. He enlarged the number of fe¬
nators alfo ; but as he had previoufly deftroyed their
power, their new honours were but empty titles. He
took care to pardon all who had been in arms againft
him, but not till he had deprived them of the power
of refiftance. He even fet up once more the ftatuesof
Pompey; which, however, as Cicero obferved, be only
did to fecure his own. The reft of this extraordi-
nafy man’s life was employed for the advantage of the
38 E 2 ftate.
ROM [ 6804 1 ROM
Raffle, ftate. He adorned the city with magnificent build-
  ’—ings ; he rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, fending colo¬
nies to both cities; he undertook to level feveral moun¬
tains in Italy, to drain the Pontine marlhes near
Rome, and defigned to cut through the Iilhmus of
119 Peloponefus. Thus he formed mighty proje&s and
His vaft defigns beyond the limits of the longed life ; but the
dcfigns. greatell of all was his intended expedition againlt the
Parthians, by which he defigned to revenge the death
of Craffus ; then to pafs through Hyrcania, and enter
Scythia along the banks of the Cafpian fea; from
thence to open himfelf a way thro’ the immeafurable
forefts of Germany into Gaul, and fo return to Rome.
Thefe were the aims of ambition : but the jealoufy of
a few individuals put an end to them all.
The fcnate, with an adulation which marked the
degeneracy of the times, continued to load Caefar with
frefh honours, and he continued with equal vanity to
receive them. They called one of the months of the
year after his name ; they damped money with his
image ; they ordered his datue to be fet up in all the
cities of the empire; they indituted public facrifices
on his birth-day ; and talked, even in his life-time,
of enrolling him in the number of their gods. Anto¬
ny, at one of their public fedivals, foolilhly ventured
to offer him a diadem ; but he put it back again, re-
fufing it feveral times, and receiving at every refufal
loud acclamations from the people. One day, when
the fenate ordered him fome particular honours, he
negle&ed to rife from his feat; and from that moment
is laid to have been marked for dedruftion. It be¬
an to be rumoured that he intended to make himfelf
ing; which though in fad he already was, the people,
who had an utter averfion to the name, could not bear
his affuming the title. Whether he really defigned to
affume that empty honour mud now for ever remain a
fecret ; but certain it is, that the unfufpeding opennefs
of his condud marked fomething like a confidence in
the innocence of his intentions. When informed by
thofe about him of the jealoufies of many perfons who
envied his power, he was heard to fay, That he had
rather die once by treafon, than to live continually in
the apprehenfion of it: and to convince the world
how little he had to apprehend from his enemies, he
dilbanded his company of Spanifh guards, which fa-
120 cilitated the enterprife againd his life.
A confpi- A deep-laid confpiracy was formed againd him,
racy form- compofed of no lefs than fixty fenators. At the head
rd againft Gf thjs confpiracy was Brutus, whofe life Casfar had
]m' fpared after the battle ofPharfalia, andCaffius, who had
been pardoned foon after, both praetors for the prefent
year. Brutus made it his chief glory to have been
defcended from that Brutus who fird gave liberty to
Rome ; and from a defire of following his example,
broke all the ties of private frfendfhip, and entered
into a confpiracy which was to dedroy his benefaftor-
Caflius, on the other hand, was impetuous and proud,
and hated Caefar’s perfon dill more than bis caufe.
He had often fought an opportunity of gratifying his
revenge by affaffination, which took rife rather from
private than public motives.
The confpirators, to give a colour of judice to their
proceedings, remitted the execution of this defign to
the ides or March, the day on which it was reported
that Csefar was to be offered the crown. The augurs
had foretold that this day would be fatal to him; and Rome,
the night preceding he heard his wife Calphurnia la-
menting in her fleep, and being awakened die con-
feffed to him that die dreamt of his being affafiinated
in her arms. Thefe omens in fome meafure began to
change his intentions of going to the fenate, as he had
refolved, that day ; but one of the confpirators coming
in, prevailed upon him to keep his refolution, telling
him of the reproach which would attend his daying
at home till his wife had luckly dreams, and of the
preparations that were made for his appearance. As
he went along to the fenate, a flave, who hadened to
him with information of the confpiracy, attempted to
come near him, but could not for the crowd. Arte-
midorus, a Greek philofopher, who had difcovered
the whole plot, delivered to him a memorial containing
the heads of his information; but Csefar gave it, with
other papers, to one of his fecretaries without reading,
as was ufual in things of this nature. As foon as he
had taken his place in the fenate, the confpirators
came near him, under a pretenceofialuting him; and
Cimber, who was one of them, approached in a fup-
pliant podure, pretending to fue for his brother’s par¬
don, who was banifhed by his order. All the confpi¬
rators feconded him with great tendernefs; and Cim¬
ber feeming to fue with dill greater fubmiffion, took
hold of the bottom of his robe, holding him fo as to
prevent his rifing. This was the fignal agreed on.
Cafca, who was behind, dabbed him, though flightly, ** mur‘f
in the fhoulder. Caefar indantly turned round, and ’ !
with the dyle of his tablet wounded him in the arm.
However, all the confpirators were now alarmed; and
inclofing him round, he received a fecond dab from
an unknown hand in the bread, while Caffius wounded
him in the face. He dill defended himfelf with great
vigour, rufhing among them, and throwing down fuch ]
as oppofed him, till he faw Brutus among the confpira¬
tors, who, coming up, druck his dagger in his thigh.
From that moment Caefar thought no more of defend¬
ing himfelf, but looking upon this confpirator, cried out
“ And you too, Brutus!” Then covering his head,
and fpreading his robe before him in order to fall with
greater decency, he funk down at the bafe of Pompey’s
datue, after receiving three and twenty wounds, in
the 56th year of his age and 4th of his reign.- '
As foon as the confpirators had difpatched Caefar, Great con-]
they began to addrefs themfelves to the fenate, in or- fufion occa.
der to vindicate the motives of their enterprife, and
excite them to join in procuring their country’s free-
dom ; but all the fenators who were not accomplices
fled with fuch precipitation, that the lives of fome of
them were endangered in the throng. The people
alfo being now alarmed, left their ufual occupations,
and ran tumultuoufly through the city; fome aduated
by their fears, and dill more by a defire of plunder.
In this date of confufion, the confpirators all retired-
to the capitol, and guarded its acceffes by a body of
gladiators which Brutus had in pay. It was in vain
they alleged they only druck for freedom, and that
they killed a tyrant who ufurped the rights of man¬
kind : the people, accudomed to luxury and eafe,
little regarded their profeffions, dreading more the dan¬
gers of poverty than of fubjedtion.
The friends of the late didlator now began to find
that this was the time for coming into greater power
than
Rome.
t- 113
The con-
fpirators
pardoned
by the fe-
124 _
Antony im
Sam.es the
seople.
ROM [ 6805 ] ROM
than before, and for fatisfyi'ng their ambition under the
veil of promoting juftice. Of t#his number was An¬
tony, whom we have already feen a&ing as a lieutenant
under Caefar. He was a man of moderate abilities
and exceffive vices; ambitious of power, but flailed in
war, to which he had been trained from his youth.
He was conful for this year; and refolved, with Le-
pidus, who was fond of commotions like himfelf, to
feize this opportunity of afluming the fovereign power.
Lepidus, therefore, took pofleffion of the forum with
a band of foldiers at his devotion; and Antony, being
conful, was permitted to command them. Their firlt
ftep was to poflefs themfelves of all Csfar’s papers and
money; and the next to convene the fenate, in order
to determine whether Csefar had been a legal magiftrate
or a tyrannical ufurper, and whether thofe who killed
him merited rewards or punifhments. There were
many of thefe who had received their promotions from
Cabfar, and had acquired large fortunes in confequence
of his appointments: to vote him an ufurper, there¬
fore, would be to endanger their property; and yet to
vote him innocent, might endanger the Hate. In this
dilemma they feemed willing to reconcile extremes;
wherefore they approved all the afts of Caefar, and yet
granted a general pardon to all the confpirators.
This decree was very far from giving Antony fatif-
fadtion, as it granted fecurity to a number of men who
were the avowed enemies of tyranny, and who would
be foremoft. in oppofing his fchemes of reltoring abfo-
lute power. As therefore the fenate had ratified all
Caefar’s adls without diilindtion, he formed a fcheme
upon this of making him rule when dead as imperiouf-
ly as he had done when living. Being, as was faid,
poilefled of Casfav’s books of accounts, he fo far gain¬
ed upon his fecretary as to make him infert whatever
he thought proper. By thefe means great fums of
money, which Casfar never would have bellowed, were
here diftributed among the people; and every man
who was averfe to republican principles was here fure
of finding a gratuity. He then demanded that Ccefar’s
funeral obfequies fhould be performed ; which the
fenate now could not decently forbid, as they had
never declared him a tyrant. Accordingly the body
was brought forth into the forum with the utmoll fo-
lemnity ; and Antony began his operations upon the
pafiions of the people by the prevailing motives of pri¬
vate intereft. He firft read Csefar’s will, in which he
had left Odavius, his fitter’s grandfon, his heir, per¬
mitting him to take the name of Caefar; and three
parts of his private fortune Brutus was to inherit in cafe
of his death. The Roman people were left the gar¬
dens which he had on the other fide the Tyber; and
every citizen, in particular, was to receive three hun¬
dred fefterces. This laft bequell not a little contribu¬
ted to increafe the people’s affedion for their late dic¬
tator ; they now began to confider Caefar as a father,
who, not fatisfied with doing them the greatett good
while living, thought of benefiting them even after his
death. As Antony continued reading,, the multitude
began to be moved, and fighs and lamentations were
beard from every quarter. Antony, feeing the audi¬
ence favourable to his deligns, now began to addrefs
the aflembly in a more pathetic drain : he prefented
before them Csefar’s bloody robe, and, as he unfolded
it, took care they Ihould obferve the number of ttabs in
it : he then difplayed an image, which to them appear- Rome,
ed the body of Casfar all covered with wounds. "
The people could now no longer contain their indig¬
nation ; they unanimoufly cried out for revenge; all
the old foldiers who had fought under him, burnt, with
his body, their coronets, and other marks of con-
queft with which he had honoured them. A great
number of the firft; matrons in the city threw in their
ornaments alfo ; till at length rage fucceeding to for-
row, the multitude ran with flaming brands from
the pile to fet fire to the confpirators houfes. In this
rage of refentment, meeting with one Cinna, whom
they miftook for another of the fame name who was
in the confpiracy, they tore him in pieces. The con¬
fpirators themfelves, however, being well guarded,
repulfed the multitude with no great trouble; but
perceiving the rage of the people, they thought it fafeft
to retire from the city. Divine honours were then
granted him; andan altar was eretled on the placewhere
his body was burnt, where afterwards was erefted a
column infcribed, To the father cf his country. 11S
In the mean time Antony, who had excited thisHeendea-
flame, refolved to make the bed of the occafion. Ha-V0UTS toen"
ving gained the people by his zeal in Casfar’s caufe,
he next endeavoured to bring over the fenate by a lirely inm
feeming concern for the freedom of the ftate. He his own
therefore propofed to recall Sextus, Pompey’s onlyhand"
remaining fon, who had concealed himfelf in Spain
fince the death of his father: and to grant him the
command of all the fleets of the empire. His next
ftep to their confidence, was the quelling a fedition of
the people who rofe to revenge the death of Caefar,
and putting their leader Amathus to death, who pre¬
tended to be the fon of Mariusi He after this pre¬
tended to dread the refentment of the multitude, and
demanded a guard for the fecurity of his perfon. The
fenate granted bis requeft ; and, under this pretext,
he drew round him a body of 6000 refolute men, at¬
tached to his intereft, and ready to execute his com¬
mands. Thus he continued every day making rapid
ftrides to abfolute power; all the authority of govern¬
ment was lodged in his hands and thofe of his two
brothers alone, who {hared among them the confular,
tribunitian, and prastorian power. His vows to re¬
venge Casfar’s death feemed either poftponed, or to¬
tally forgotten; and his only aim feemed to be to con¬
firm himlelf in that power, which he had thus artfully
acquired. But an obftacle to his ambition feemed to
arife from a quarter on which he leaft expected it. This
was from Odavius,orO£lavianusCsefar,afiepwards call- ntf
ed diwujlus, who was the grand-nephew, and adoptedIs oppofed
fon of Csefar, and was at Apollonia when his kinfman^u°^av^*
wasflain. He was then about eighteen years old, and
had been fent to that city to improve himfelf in the
ftudy of Grecian literature. Upon the news of Casfar’s
death, notwithftanding the earned difTuafions of all
his friends, he refolved to return to Rome, to claim
the inheritance, and revenge the. death of his uncle.
Prom the former profeffions of Antony, he expe&ed
to find him a warm afliftant to his aims ; and he
doubted not, by his concurrence, to take fignal ven¬
geance on all who had a hand in the confpiracy.
However, he was greatly difappointed. Antony,,
whofe projedls were all to aggrandize himfelf,. gave
him but a very cold, reception, and, inftead of grant¬
ing:
ROM [ 6806 ] ROM
Rome, rng him the fortune left him by the will, delayed the
* -payment of it upon various pretences, hoping to check
his ambition, by limiting his circumltances. But
Oftavianus, inftead of abating his claims, even fold his
own patrimonial eftate, to pay fuch legacies as Caefar
had left, and particularly that to the people. By
thefe means he gained a degree of popularity, which
his enemies vainly laboured to diminifh, and which in
faft he had many other methods to procure. His
converfation was elegant and infinuating, his face
comely and graceful, and his affe&ion to the late dic¬
tator fo fincere, that, every perfon was charmed either
with his piety or his addrefs. But what added ftill
more to his intereft was the name of Ctefar, which he
had affumed, and, in confequence of which, the former
followers of his uncle now flocked in great numbers to
him. All thefe he managed with fuch art, that
Antony now began to conceive a violent jealoufy
for the talents of his young opponent, and fecretly la¬
boured tocounteraft all his defigns. In fadl, he did
not want reafon; for the army near Rome, that had
long wilhed to fee the cqnfpirators puniflied, began to
turn from him to his rival, whom they faw more fin-
cerely bent on gratifying their defires. Antony having
procured alfo the government of Hither Gaul from the
people, two of his legions, that he had brought home
from his former government of Macedonia, went over
toOclavianus, notwithflanding.all his remonftrances to
detain them. This produced, as ufual, interviews,
complaints, recriminations, and pretended reconcilia¬
tions, which only tended to widen the difference ; fo
that, at length, both fides prepared for war. Thus the
flate was divided into three diflinft fa&ions ; that of
O&avianus, who aimed at procuring Csefar’s inheri¬
tance, and revenging his death; that of Antony, whofe
foie view was to obtain abfolute power ; and that of
the confpirators, who endeavoured to reftore the fenate
to its former authority*
Antony being raifed by the people to his new go¬
vernment of Cifalpine Gaul contrary to the inclina¬
tions of the fenate, refolved to enter upon his province
immediately, and oppofe Brutus, who commanded a
fmall body of troops there, while his army was yet en¬
tire. He accordingly left Rome, and marching thi¬
ther, commanded Brutus to depart. Brutus, be¬
ing unable to oppofe him, retired with his forces 5
but being purfued by Antony, he was at laft befieged
in the city of Mutina, of which he fent word to the
fenate.
In the mean while, Oflavianus, who by this time
had raifed a body of 10,000 men, returned to Rome ;
and being refolved, before he attempted to take ven¬
geance on the confpirators, if poffible to diminifli
the power of Antony, began by bringing over the
fenate to fecond his defigns. In this he fucceeded by
a27 the credit of Cicero, who had long hated Antony be-
A war caufe he thought him the enemy of the (late. Accord-
breaks out jngly, by means of his eloquence, a decree was pafled,
iherrT ” ordering Antony to raife the fiege of Mutina, to eva¬
cuate Cifalpine Gaul, and to await the further orders
of the fenate upon the banks of the Rubicon. An¬
tony treated the order with contempt; and inftead of
obeying, began to profefs his difpleafure at being hi¬
therto fo fubmiflive. Nothing now therefore remained
for the fenate but to declare him an enemy to the date,
and to fend O&avianus, with the army he had raifed, to Rome, j
curb his infolence. The latter was very ready to offer 4
his army for this expedition, in order to revenge his
own private injuries, before he undertook thofe of the
public. The two confuls, Hirtius and Panfa, joined
all their forces; and thus combined, they marched at
the head of a numerous army, againft Antony, into
Cifalpine Gaul. After one or two ineffedual conflifts,
both armies came to a general engagement; in which
Antony was defeated, and compelled to fly to Lepi-
dus, who commanded a body of forces in further
Gaul. This vi&ory, however, which promifed the fe¬
nate fo much fuccefs, produced effedls very different
from their expe&ations. The two confuls were mor¬
tally wounded; but Panfa, previous to his death, called
Otlavianus to his bed-fide,and advifed him to join with
Antony, telling him that the fenate only defired to de-
prefs both, by oppofing them to each other. The
advice of the dying conful funk deep on his fpirits; fo
that from that time he only fought a pretext to break
with them. Their giving the command of a party of
his army to Decimus Brutus, and their denying him
a triumph foon after, ferved to alienate his mind en¬
tirely from the fenate, and made him refolve to join
Antony and Lepidus. He was willing, however, to
try the fenate thoroughly, before he came to an open
rupture ; wherefore he fent to demand the confulftiip,
which was refufed him. He then thought himfelf ob¬
liged to keep no meafures with that affembly; but pri¬
vately fent to found the inclinations of Antony and
Lepidus concerning ajun&ion of forces, and found
them as eager to afiift as the fenate was to oppofe
him. Antony was in fad the general of both armies,
and Lepidus was only nominally fo, his foldiers refu-
fing to obey him upon the approach of the former.
Wherefore, upon being affured of the afiiilance of Oc-
tavianusupon their arrival in Italy, they foon croffcd the
Alps with an army of 17 legions, breathing revenge
againft all who had oppofed their defigns.
The fenate now began, too late, to perceive their
error in difobliging Odavianus; and therefore gave him
the confulfhip which they had fo lately refufed, and, to
prevent his joining with Antony, flattered him with
new honours, giving him a power fuperior to all law.
The firft ufe Odavianus made of his new authority was
to procure a law for the condemnation of Brutus and
Caffrus ; after which, he joined his forces with thofe of
Antony and Lepidus. .!
The meeting of thefe three ufurpers of their c°un-The^are 1
try’s freedom was near Mutina, upon a little ifland of reconciled,!
the river Panarus. Their mutual fufpicions were the and divide i
caufe of their meeting in this place. Lepidus firft en-^ ernP'r.e
tered, and, finding all things fafe, made the fignal for Leplj
the other two to approach. Odavianus began the con¬
ference, by thanking Antony for his zeal in putting
Decimus Brutus to death; who, Being abandoned by
his army, was taken as he was defigning to efcape in¬
to Macedonia, and beheaded by Antony’s command.
Their conference lafted for three days ; and the refult a2? i
of it was, that the fupreme authority ftiould be lodged The fecond
in their hands, under the title of the triumvirate, fortriumviratei
the fpace of five years; that Antony (hould have
Gaul; Lepidus, Spain ; and Odavianus, f\frica and
the Mediterranean iflands. As for Italy, and the ea-
flern provinces, they were to remain in common, until
their
ROM [ 6807 ] ROM
Rome, their general enemy was entirely fubdued. But the lad
e- article of their union was a dreadful one. It was
agreed that all their enemies ihould be deftroyed, of
j 230 which each prefented a lilt. In thefe were comprifed,
Cruelties of not only the enemies, but the friends of the triumvi-
jlthe tritim- rate, fince the partifans of the one were often found
'!tirs‘ among the oppofers of the others. Thus Lepidusgave
up his brother Paulus to the vengeance of his col¬
league ; Antony permitted the profeription" of his
uncle Lucius; and Odtavius delivered up the great Ci¬
cero. The molt facred rights of nature were violated;
300 fenators, and above zooo knights, were included
in this terrible profeription ; their foi^unes were con-
lifcated, and their murderers enriched with the fpoil.
Rome foon felt the effe&s of this infernal union, and
the horrid cruelties of Marius and Sylla were renewed.
As many as could efcape the cruelty of the triumvirs,
fled thither into Macedonia to Brutus, or found refuge
with young Pompey, who was now in Sicily, and co¬
vered the Mediterranean with his numerous navy.
Their cruelties were not aimed at the men alone ; but
the dbfter fex were in danger of being marked as ob-
jedls either of avarice or refentment. They made out
a lift of 1400 women of the beft quality, and the
richeft in the city, who were ordered to give in an ac¬
count of their fortunes, to be taxed in proportion. But
this feemed fo unpopular a meafure, and was fo firmly
oppofed by Hortenfia, who fpoke againft it, that, in-
ftead of 1400 women, they were content to tax only
400. However, they made up the deficiency, by ex¬
tending the tax upon men ; near 100,000, 33 well ci¬
tizens as ftrangers, were compelled to furnilh fupplies
to the fubverfion of their country’s freedom. At laft,
both the avarice and vengeance of the triumviri ftem-
ed fully fatisfied, and they went into the fenate to de¬
clare that the profeription was at an end; and thus ha¬
ving deluged the city with blood, O&avianus and An¬
tony, leaving Lepidus to defend Rome in their ab-
fence, marched with their army to oppofe the eonfpi-
rators, who were now at the head of a formidable
army in Alia.
“heVare Brutus and Cafiius, the principal of thefe, upon the
ppoted by death of Ctefar, being compelled to quit Rome, went
irmus and into Greece, where they perfuaded the Roman ftudents
*Hius. at Athens to declare in the caufe of freedom ; then
parting, the former raifed a powerful army in Mace¬
donia and the adjacent countries, while the latter went
into Syria, where he foon became mafter of 12 legions,
and reduced his opponent Dollabella to fuch ftraits
as to kill himfelf. Both armies foon after joining at
Smyrna, the fight of fuch a formidable force began to
revive the declining fpirits of the party, and to re-unite
the two generals ftill more clofely, between whom
there had been fome time before a flight mifunder-
ftanding. In Ihort, having quitted Italy like diftrefs-
ed exiles, without having one Angle foldier or one
town that owned their command, they now found
themfelves at the head of a flourifhing army, furnilhed
i with all the necefiaries for carrying on the war, and in
a condition to fupport a conteft where the empire
i, of the world depended on the event. This fuccefs in
raifing levies was entirely owing to the jullice, mo¬
deration, and great humanity of Brutus, who in
every inftance feemed ftudious of the happinefs of his
country.
It was in this flouriihing ftate of their affairs, that Rome^
the confpirators had formed a refolution of going 
againft Cleopatra, who, on her fide, had made great
preparations to aflift their opponents. However, they
were diverted from this purpofe by an information
that Octavianus and Antony were now upon their march,
with 40 legions to oppofe them. Brutus now, there¬
fore, moved to have their army pafs over into Greece
and Macedonia, and there meet the enemy ; but Caf-
fius fo far prevailed as to have the Rhodians and Ly-
cians firft reduced, who had refufed their ufual contri¬
bution. This expedition was immediately put in exe¬
cution, and extraordinary contributions were raifed by
that means, the Rhodians having fcarce any thing left
but their lives *. The Lycians fuffered ftill more fevere- * Se®
ly; for having Ihut themielves up in the city of Xanthus, Rhodes*
they defended the place againft Brutus with fuch fury,
that neither his art nor intreaties could prevail upon
them to furrender. At length, the town being fet on
fire, by their attempting to burn the works of the Ro¬
mans, Brutus, inftead of laying hold on this opportu¬
nity to ftorm the place,, made every effort to preferve
it, intreating his foldiers to try all means of extin-
guilhing the fire : but the defperate phrenzy of the
citizens was not to be mollified. Far from thinking
themfelves obliged to their generous' enemy, for the
efforts which were made to fave them, they refclved
to perilh in the flames. Wherefore, inftead of extin-
guilhing, they^did all in their power to augment the
fire, by throwing in wood, dry reeds, and all kinds
of fuel. Nothing could exceed the diftrefs of Brutus
upon feeing the townfmen thus refolutely bent on de-
ftroying themfelves : he rode about the fortifications,
ftretching out his hands to the Xanthians, and conju¬
ring them to have pity on themfelves and their city ;
but, infenfible to his expoftulations, they rulhed into
the flames with defperate obftinacy, and the whole foon
became an heap of undiilinguilhable ruin. At this
horrid fpe&acle, Brutus offered a reward to every fol¬
dier who. would bring him a Lycian alive. The
number of thofe whom it was poffihle to fave from their
own fury amounted to no more than 150.
Brutus and Caflius met once more at Sardis, where,
after the ufual ceremonies were paffed between them/
they refolved to have a private conference together,
when, after much altercation, they were ac laft per-
• feftly reconciled. After which, night coming on,
Caffius invited Brutus and his friends to an entertain¬
ment. Upon retiring home, it was that Brutus, as
Plutarch tells the ftory, faw a fpeftre in his tent. It »3*
was in the dead of the night, when the whole camp Bru(us
was perfedlly quiet, that Brutus was employed in3 fpe^rc'
reading by a lamp that was juft expiring. On a. Hid¬
den he thought he heard a noifeas if fomebody enter¬
ed ; and looking towards the door, he perceived it
open. A gigantic figure, with a frightful afpeft, flood
before him, and continued to gaze upon him with fi-
lent feverity. At laft Brutus had courage to fpeak to
it: “ Art thou a dsemon or a mortal man ? and why
Cornell thou to me?'’ “ Brutus,” replied the phan¬
tom, “ I am thy evil genius, thou (halt fee me again
at Philippi.” “ Well then,” anfvvered Brutus, with¬
out being difeompofed, “ we fhall meet again.” Up¬
on which the phantom vanifhed, and Brutus calling to
his fervants,.afked if they had feen any thing; to which
re- -
ROM [ 6808 ] ROM
Rome, replying In the negative, he again.refumed his lludies. ,
But as he was (truck with fo ftrange an occurrence,
he mentioned ic the next day to Cafiius, who, being
an Epicurean, afcribed it to the effeft of imagination
too much exercifed by vigilance and anxiety. Brutus
appeared fatisfied with this folution of his late terrors;
and,as Antony and Q&avianus were nowadvanced into
Macedonia, they foon after pafled over into Thrace,
and advanced to the city of Philippi, near which the
forces of the triumvirs were polled.
A battle foon enfued ; in which the republicans were
defeated, and Caflius killed, as is related in the article
Philippi.
The Ve- ^ care ®rntu3« when he became the foie
publicans gen£ra'> was t0 affemble the difperfed troops of Caf-
defeated. fius, and animate them with frelh hopes of viftory. As
they had loft all they poffeffed by the plundering of
their camp, he promifed them 2000 denarii each man
to make up their Ioffes. This once more infpired them
with new ardour ; they admired the liberality of their
general, and with loud (houts proclaimed his former
intrepidity. Still, however, he had not confidence
fufficient to face the adverfary, who offered him battle
the enfuing day. His aim was to ftarve his enemies,
who were in extreme want of provifions, their fleet ha¬
ving been lately defeated. But his Angle opinion was
over-ruled by the reft of his army, who now grew
every day more confident of their ttrength, and more
arrogant to their new general. He was, therefore, at
laft, after a refpite of 20 days, obliged to comply with
their folicitations to try the fate of the battle. Both
armies being drawn out, they remained a long while
oppofite to each other, without offering to engage. It
is faid that he himfclf had loft much of his natural ar¬
dour by having feen the fpetftre the night preceding:
however, he encouraged his men as much as pofiible,
and gave the fignal for battle within three hours of
*34 fun-fet. Fortune again declared againft him; and the
defeated*a tw0 triumv‘r' exprefsly ordered by no means to fuffer
fecond the general to efcape, for fear he (hould renew the
time. war. Thus the whole body of the enemy feemed chief¬
ly intent on Brutus alone, and his capture feemed ine¬
vitable. In this deplorable exigence, Lucilius his
friend refolved, by his own death, to effect the ge¬
neral’s delivery. Upon perceiving a body of Thra¬
cian horfe clofely purfuing Brutus, and juft upon the
point of taking him, he boldly threw himfelf in their
way, telling them that he was Brutus. The Thra¬
cians, overjoyed with fo great a prize, immediately
difpatched fome of their companions, with the news of
their fuccefs, to the army. Upon which, the ardour
of the purfuit now abating, Antony marched out to
meet his prifoner; fome filently deploring the fate of
fo virtuous a man ; others reproaching that mean de¬
fire of life for which he confented to undergo captivi¬
ty. Antony now feeing the Thracians approach, be¬
gan to prepare himfelf for the interview; but the
faithful Lucilius, advancing with a cheerful air, owned
the deceit that he had put upon him: on which the
triumvir, (truck with fo much fidelity, pardoned him
upon the fpot; and from that time forward loaded him
with benefits, and honoured him with his friendfhip.
In the mean time Brutus, with a fmall number of
friends, paffed over a rivulet, and, night coming on, fat
down under a rock which concealed him from the pur¬
fuit of the enemy. After taking breath for a little time, Rome. 5
he fent out one Statilius to give him fome information of ]
thofe that remained; but he nev£r returned, being kill¬
ed by a party of the enemy’s horfe. Brutus judging
very rightly of his fate, now refolved to die likewife,
and fpoke to thofe who flood round him to lend him
their laft fad afliflance. None of them, however, would
render him fo melancholy a piece of fervice. At laft ijj
one Strato, averting his head, prefented the fword’s Brutus kil
point to Brutus; who threw himfelf upon it, and |
mediately expired.
From the moment of Brutus’s death the triumviri
began to aft as fovereigns, and to divide the Roman
dominions between them, as theirs by right of con-
queft. However, though there were apparently three
who thus participated all the power, yet, in faft, only
two were adually poffeffed of it; finceLepidus was at
firft admitted merely to curb the mutual jealoufy of
Antony and O&avianus, and was pofftffed neither of
intereft in the army nor authority among the people.
Their firft care was to punilh thofe whom they had for¬
merly marked for vengeance. The head of Brutus
was fent to Rome to be thrown at the foot of Csefar’s
ftatue. His aflies, however, were fent to his wife Por-
cia, Cato’s daughter, who afterwards killed herfelf by
fwallowing burning coals. It is obferved, that of all
thofe who had a hand in the death of Caefar, not one
died a natural death. ^
The power of the triumviri being thus eftablifhed Antony's i 6
upon the ruins of the commonwealth, Antony wentextrava* j j>
into Greece, and fpent fome time at Athens, convertingSance‘
among the philofophers, and aflifting at their difputes
in perfon. From thence he paffed over into Afia, where
all the monarchs of the eaft, who acknowledged the
Roman power, came to pay him their obedience. In
this manner he proceeded from kingdom,to kingdom,
attended by a crowd of fovereigns, exadting contribu¬
tions, diftributing favours, and giving away crowns
with capricious infolence. He prefented the kingdom
of Cappadocia to Syfenes, in prejudice of Ariarathes,
only becaufe he found pleafure in the beauty of Gla¬
phyra, the mother of the former. He fettled Herod in
the kingdom of Judea, and fupported him againft every
oppofer. But among all the fovereigns of the eaft who
(hared his favours, none had fo large a part as Cleo¬
patra, the celebrated queen of Egypt.
It happened that Serapion, her governor in the ifland
of Cyprus, had formerly furnifhed fome fuccours to
the confpirators; and it was thought proper that (he
(hould anfwer for his condudt on that occafion. Ac¬
cordingly, having received orders from Antony to come
and clear herfelf of this imputation of infidelity, (he
readily complied, equally confcious of the goodnefs of
her caufe and the power of her beauty. She had al¬
ready experienced the force of her charms upon Caefar
and Pompey’s eldeft fon ; and the addition of a few
years fince that time had not impaired their luftre.
Antony was nowin Tarfus, a city of Cilicia, when in41
Cleopatra refolved to attend his court in perfon. Sheterview 1
failed down the river Cydnus, at the mouth of which with Cleoj |
the city flood, with the moft fumptuous pageantry. Patra" <|
Her galley was covered with gold; the fails were of
purple, large, and floating in the wind. The oars, of
filver, kept tune to the found of flutes and cymbals. She
herfelf lay reclined on a couch fpangled with ftars of
gold.
Romf.
ROM [ 6809 1 ROM
| Rome, gold, and with fuch ornaments as poets and painters
K had ufually afcribed to Venus. On each fide were boys
like Cupids, who fanned her by turns; while the mod
beautiful nymphs, dreffed like Nereids and Graces, were
placed at proper diilances around her. Upon the banks
L - of the river were kept burning the mod exquifite per¬
fumes, while an infinite number of people gazed upon
the fight. Antony was captivated with her beauty;
and, leaving all his bufinefs to fatisfy his paffion, fhortly
after followed her into Egypt.
While he thus remained idle, O&avianus, who took
upon him to lead back the veteran troops and fettle
them in Italy, was affiduoufly employed in providing
for their fubfiftence. He had promifed them lands at
home, as a recompenfe for their pall fervices; but they
could not receive new grants, without turning out the
former inhabitants. In confequence of this, multi¬
tudes of women, with children in their arms, whofe
tender years and innocence excited univerfal compaf-
fion, daily filled the temples and the ftreets with their
diftreffes. Numbers of hulbandmen and fhepherds came
to deprecate the conqueror’s intention, or to obtain an
habitation in fome other part of the world. Amongft
this number was Virgil the poet, who in an humble
manner begged permiffion to retain his patrimonial
* farm: Virgil obtained his requefl; but the reft of his
countrymen, of Mantua and Cremona, were turned out
1138 without mercy.
i Hferies fu- Italy and Rome now felt the moft extreme miferies;
ienR.o-by t^ic 'n^ent foldiers plundered at will; while Sextus
^BS> Pompey, being mafter of the fea, cut off all foreign
communication, and prevented the people’s receiving
their ufual fupplies of corn. To thefe mifehiefs were
I added the commencement of another civil war. Fulvia,
the wife of Antony, who had been left behind him at
| Rome, had felt for fome time all the rage of jealoufy,
and refolved to try every method of bringing back her
hufband from the arms of Cleopatra. She cohfidercd
a breach with.Oiftvianus as the only probable means of
j roufing him from bis lethargy; and accordingly, with
the affiftance of Lucius her brother-in-law, who was
then conful, and entirely devoted to her intereft, (he
began to fow the feeds of diffeofion. The pretext was,
that Antony (hould have a (hare in the diftribution of
lands as well as Oftavianus. This produced fome nego-
ciations between them ; Oftavianus offered to make the
veterans themfelves umpires in the difpute. Lucius re-
fufed to acquiefce; and being at the head of more than
II fix legions, moftly compofed of fuch as had been dif-
poffeffed of their lands, he refolved to compel O&avia-
nus to accept of whatever terms he fhould offer. Thus
a new war was excited between 0(ftavianus and An¬
tony; or, at lead, the generals of the latter affumed
the fan&ion of his name. 0<ftavianus, however, proved
vi&orious: Lucius was hemmed in between two ar¬
mies, and conftrained to retreat to Perufia, a city of
Etruria, where he was clofely befieged by the oppofite
party. He made many defperate fallies, and Fulvia
j) did all in her power to relieve him, but without fuc-
cefs. He as at laft, therefore, reduced to fuch extre-
1 mity by famine, that he came out in perfon and deli¬
vered himfelf up to, the mercy of the conqueror. Oc-
tavianus received hhn very honourably, and generoufly
pardoned him and all his followers. Thus having con-
i Vol. ix. 3
eluded the war in a few months, he returned in triumph
to Rome.
Antony, who, during this interval, was revelling in
all the ftudied luxuries procured him by his infidious
miftrefs, having heard of his brother’s overthrow, and
his wife’s being compelled to leave Italy, was refolved
to oppofe O&avianus without'delay. Fie accordingly
failed at the head of a confiderable fleet from Alex¬
andria to Tyre, from thence to Cyprus and Rhodes,
and had an interview with Fulvia his wife at Athens.
He much blamed her for occafioning the late diforders,
teftified the utmoft contempt for her perfon, and, lea¬
ving her upon her death bed at Sycion, haftened into
Italy to fight O&avianus. They both met at Brun-
dufium; and it was now thought that the flames of a
civil war were going to blaze out once more. The
forces of Antony were numerous, but moftly newly
raifed; however, he was aflilled by Sextus Pompeius,
who in thefe oppofitions of interefts was daily coming
into power. Oclavianus was at the head of thofe ve¬
terans who had always been irrefiltible, but who Teem¬
ed no way difpofed to fight againft Antony their for¬
mer general. A negociation was therefore propofed;
and a reconciliation was effeCled. All offences and af¬
fronts were mutually forgiven; and to cement the
union, a marriage was conc|uded between Antony and *33
OCtavia, the filter of Ociavianus. A new divifion ofTbp empire
the Roman empire was made between them ; Odavi-dlv,de<i a~
anus was to have the command of the weft, Antonynew*
of the eaft, while Lepiduswas obliged to content him¬
felf with the provinces in Africa. As for Sextus Pom¬
peius, he was permitted to retain all the iflands he had
already poffeffed, together with Peloponnefus: he was
alfo granted the privilege of demanding the confuKhip
in his abfence, and of difeharging that office by any of
his friends. It was likewife ftipulated to leave the fea
open, and pay the people what corn was due out of
Sicily. Thus a general peace was concluded, to the
great fatisfadion of the people, who now expe&ed a
ceffation from all their calamities.
This calm feemed to continue for fome time: An¬
tony led his forces againft the Parthians, over whom
his lieutenant, Ventidius, had gained great advantages.
Oftavianus drew the greateft part of his army into
Gaul, where there were fome difturbances; and Pom¬
pey went to fecure his newly ceded province to his in¬
tereft. It was on this quarter that frefti motives were
given for renewing the war. Antony, who was obli¬
ged by treaty to quit Peloponnefus, refufed to evacuate
it till Pompey had fatisfied him for fuch debts as were
due to him from the inhabitants. This Pompey would
by no means comply with; but immediately fitted out
a new fleet, and renewed his former enterprifes, by cut¬
ting off fuch corn and provifions as were configned to
Italy. Thus the grievances of the poor were again
renewed; and the people began to complain, that in-
ftead of three tyrants they were now oppreffed by four.
In this exigence, Odavianus, who had long medi¬
tated the beft means of diminifiling the number, refol¬
ved to begin by getting rid of Pompey, who kept the
date in continual alarms. He was mafter of two fleets;
one of which he had caufed to be built at Ravenna;
and another which Menodorus, who revolted from Pom¬
pey, brought to his aid. His firft attempt was to in-
38 F vade
ROM [68
Rome, vade Sicily; but being overpowered in his pafTage by
  Pompey, and afterwards Ibattered in a ftorm, he was
obliged to defer his defigns to the enfuihg year. Du¬
ring this interval he was reinforced by a fleet of 120
ihips, given him by Antony, with which he refolved
once more to invade Sicily on three feveral quarters.
But fortune feemed ftill determined to oppofe him. He
was a fecond time difabled and fluttered by a ftorm :
which fo raifed the vanity of Pompey, that he began
to ftyle himfelf the fan of Neptune. However, Ofta-
vianus was not to be intimidated by any difgraces; for
having fltortly refitted his navy, and recruited his forces,
240 he gave the command of both to Agrippa, his faith-
Rexuis ful friend and aflbeiate in war. Agrippa proved him-
defeated'8 wort^y l^e truft repofed in him: he began his
and taken operations by a vidlory over Pompey; and, though he
prifonen was fhortly after worfted himfelf, he foon after gave
his adverfary a complete and final overthrow. Thus
undone, Pompey refolved to fly to Antony, from whom
he expe&ed refuge, as he had formerly obliged that
triumvir by giving protedlion to his mother. How¬
ever, he tried once more, at the head of a fmall body
of men, to make himfelf independent, and even furpri-
fed Antony’s officers who had been fent to accept of
his fubmiffions. Neverthelefs, he was at laft abandon¬
ed by his foldiers, and delivered up to Titus, Antony’s-
lieutenant, who ftiortly after caufed him to be flain.
* The death of this general removed one very power¬
ful obftacle to the ambition of Octavianus, and he re¬
folved to take the earlieft opportunity to get rid of the
reft of his affociates. An offence was foon furnilhed
by Lepidus, that ferved as a fufficient pretext for de¬
priving him of his (hare in the triumvirate. Being now
at the head of 22 legions, with a ftrong body of ca¬
valry, he idly fuppofed that his prefent power was more
than an equivalent to the popularity of Osftavianus.
He therefore rcfolved upon adding ,S'cily> where he
then was, to his province; pretending a right, as having
firft invaded it. His colleague fent to expoftulate upon
thefe proceedings; but Lepidtrs fiercely replied, ‘ that
he was determined to have his fhare in the adminiftra-
tion, and would no longer fubmit to let one alone pof-
fefs all the authority.’ O&avianus was previoufly in¬
formed of the difpofition of Lepidus’s foldiers; for he
bad, by his fecret intrigues and largeffes, entirely at¬
tached them to himfelf. Wherefore, without further
delay, he with great boldnefs went alone to the camp
of Lepidus, and with no other affiftance than his pri¬
vate bounties, and the authority he had gained by his
former vi&ories, he refolved to depofe his rival. The
Xoldiers thronged round him with the moft dutiful ala¬
crity, while Lepidus haftened to prevent their defec¬
tion. But O&avianus, though he received a wound
from one of the centurions, went with great prefence
of mind to the place where the military enfigns were
planted, and, flourilhing one of them in the air, all the
241 legionary foldiers ran in crowds and fainted him as
Lepidus de-their general. Lepidus being thus abandoned by his
SanAednd meD, ^‘ve^e<^ himfelf of all the marks of his authority,
which he could no longer keep, and fubmiffively threw
himfelf at the feet of O&avianus. This general fpa-
red his life, notwithftanding the remonftrances of his
army; but deprived him of all hia former authority^
«nd baniftved him to Circaeum.
O&aviaaus was received upon liis return to Rome
10 ] ROM
with univerfal joy ; the fenators met him at the gates, Rome, f
and conduced him to the capitol: the people follow- ———t
ed, crowned with garlands of flowers; and after ha¬
ving returned thanks to the gods, waited upon him to 14l
his palace. There remained now but one obftacle to Antony’s
his ambition, which was Antony, whom he refolved toimPn!denC|
remove, and for that purpofe began to render his cha-C0n<iuft'
rafter as contemptible as he poffibly could at Rome.
In faft, Antony’s conduft did not a little contribute
to promote the endeavours of his ambitious partner in
the ftate. He had marched againft the Parthians with
a prodigious army; but was forced to return with the
lofs of the fourth part of his forces, and all his bag¬
gage f. This extremely diminifhed his reputation; butt See Pari
his making a triumphal entry into Alexandria foon I
ter, entirely difgufted the citizens of Rome. How¬
ever, Antony feemed quite regardlefs of their refent-
ment: totally difregarding the bufinefs of the ftate, he
fpent whole days and nights in the company of Cleo¬
patra, who ftudied every art to increafe his paffion, and . ; b
vary his entertainments. Not contented with (haring in
her company all the delights which Egypt could af¬
ford, Antony was refolved to enlarge his fphere of
luxury, by granting her many of thofe kingdoms which
belonged to the Roman empire. He gave her all Phoe¬
nicia, Celo-Syria, and Cyprus; with a great part of
Cilicia, Arabia, and Judea ; gifts which he had no
right to bellow, but which he pretended to grant in
imitation of Hercules. This complication of vice and
folly at length totally exafperated the Romans; and - 1
Oftavianus, willing to take advantage of their refent-
ment, took care to exaggerate all his defefts. At
length, when he found the people fufficiently irritated
againft him, he refolved to fend Oftavia, who was then
at Rome, to Antony, as if with a view of reclaiming
her hufband; but,, in faft, to furnifli a fufficient pre¬
text of declaring war againft him, as he knew flie
would be difmiffed with contempt.
Antony was now in the city of Leucopolis, revel¬
ling with his infidious paramour, when he heard that
Oftavia was at Athens, upon her journey to vifit him.
This was very unwelcome news to him as well as to
Cleopatra; who, fearing the charms of her rival, en¬
deavoured to convince Antony of the (Length of her
paffion. He frequently caught her in tears, which ft>e
feemed as if willing to hide; and often intreated her to
tell him the caufe, which (he feemed willing to fupprefe.
Thefe artifices, together with the ceafelefs flattery and
importunity of her creatures, prevailed fo much upon
Antony’s weaknefs, that he commanded Oftavia to re¬
turn home without feeing her, and attached himfelf
ftill more clofely to Cleopatra than before- His ridi¬
culous paffion now began to have no bounds. He re¬
folved to own her for his wife, and entirely to repudiate t4J |
Oftavia. He accordingly affembled the people of A-Divorces-ij
lexandria in the public theatre, where was raifed an al- Oftavia,
cove of filver,.under which were placed two thrones of 1,Tl.arnes .J
gold, one for himfelf and the other for Cleopatra.C eopalr^«|
There he feated himfelf,-dreffed like Bacchus, while
Cleopatra fat befide him cloathed in the ornaments and
attributes of Ifis, the principal deity of the Egyptians.
On that occafion he declared her queen of all the coun¬
tries which he had already beftowed upon her; while
he affociated Caefario, her fon by Caefar, as her partner
ia the government. To the two children which he
ROM [68
Rom«. had by her himfelf, he gave the tide of king of kingt,
f*p' with very extenfive dominions: and, to crown his ab-
furdities, he fent a minute account of his proceedings
to the two confuls «t Rome. It was now neceflary to
aft up to his imaginary dignity; new luxuries and pa¬
geantries were now therefore ftudied, and new marks
of profufion found out: not lefs than 6o,oool. of our
money were lavifhed upon one Angle entertainment; it
is faid, upon this occafion, that Cleopatra diffolved a
pearl of great value in vinegar, and drank it off. But
we are told of one circumftance that might well reprefs
their delights, and teach mankind to relilh the beve¬
rage of virtue, however Ample, above their greateft
luxuries. He was fufpicious of being poifoned in every
meal; he feared Cleopatra, whom he fo much loved,
and would eat nothing without having it previoufly
X44 tafted by one of his attendants,
tftavianus In the mean time Oftavianus had now a fufficient
efolves to pretext for declaring war; and informed the fenate of
toon him. ^,3 >n,entions. However, he deferred the execution of
his de ign for a while, being then employed in quelling
an infurreftion of the Illyrians. The following year
was chiefly taken up in preparations againft Antony,
who, perceiving his defign, remonftrated to the fenate,
that he had many caufes of complaint againft his col¬
league, who had feized upon Sicily without affording
him a (hare; alleging that he had alfo difpoffeffed Le-
pidus, and kept to himfelf the province he had com¬
manded; and that he had divided all Italy among his
own foldiers, leaving nothing to recompence thofe in
Afia. To this complaint Oftavianus was contented to
make a farcaftic anfwer; implying, that it was abfurd
to complain of his diftribution of a few trifling diftrifts
in Italy, when Antony having conquered Parthia, he
might now reward his foldiers with cities and provinces.
The farcafm upon Antony’s misfortunes in Parthia fo
provoked him, that he ordered Canidius, who com¬
manded his-army, to march without intermiffion into
Europe; while he and Cleopatra followed to Samos,
in order to prepare for carrying on the war with vi¬
gour. When arrived there, it was ridiculous enough
to behold the odd mixture of preparations for pleafure
and for war. On one fide, all the kings and princes
from Europe to the Euxine fea, had orders to fend
him thither fupplies both of men, proviflons, and arms;
on the other fide, all the comedians, dancers, buffoons,
and muflcians of Greece, were ordered to attend him.
Thus, frequently, when a fhip was thought to arrive
laden with foldiers, arms, and ammunition, it was found
only filled with players and theatrical machinery.
When news was expefted of the approach of an army,
meffengers only arrived with tidings of a frdh quan¬
tity of venifon. The kings who attended him endea¬
voured to gain his favour more by their entertainments
than their warlike preparations ; the provinces ftrove
rather to pleafe him by facrificing to his divinity, than
by their alacrity in his defence ; fo that fome were
heard to fay, “ What rejoicings would not this man
make for a viftory, when he thus triumphs at the eve
of a dangerous war!” In (hort, his beft friends now
began to forfake his interefts.
His delay at Samos, and afterwards at Athens, where
he carried Cleopatra to receive new honours, was ex¬
tremely favourable to the arms of Oftavianus. This
general was at firft fcarcely in a difpofition to oppofe
3
it ] ROM
him, had he gone into Italy; but he foon found time Romr,
to put himfelf in a conditionffor carrying on the war,  
and fliortly after declared it againft him in form. All
Antony’s followers were invited over to join him, with
great promifes of rewards : but they were not declared
enemies, partly to prevent their growing defperate, and
partly to give a (how of moderation to his own party.
At length, both found themfelves in readinefs to be¬
gin the war, and their armies were anfwersble to the
empire they contended for. The one was followed
by all the forces of the eaft ; the other drew all the
ftrength of the weft to fnpport his pretenfions. An¬
tony’s force compofed a body of 100,000 foot, and
l2,ooohorfe; while his fleet amounted to 500 (hips of
war. The army of Oftavianus mufiered but 80,000
foot, but equalled his adverfary’s in his number of ca¬
valry: his fleet was but half as numerous as Antony’s;
however, his (hips were better built, and manned with
better foldiers.
The great decifive engagement, which was a naval Antony-
one, was fought near Aftium, a city of Epirus, at the defeated af
entrance of the gulph of Ambracia. Antony ranged
his (hips before the mouth of the gulph; and Oftavi¬
anus drew up his fleet in oppofition. Neither general
affumed any fixed ftation to command in; but went
about from (hip to (hip, wherever his prefence was ne-
ceffary. In the mean time, the two land armies, on
oppofite (idea of the gulph, were drawn up, only as
fpeftators of the engagement; and encouraged the
fleets by their (bouts, to engage. The battle began on
both fides with great ardour, and after a manner not
praftifed upon former occafions. The prows of their
veffels were armed with brazen points; and with thefe
they drove furioufiy againft each other. In this con-
flift, the (hips of Antony came with greater force, but
thofe of Oftavianus avoided the (hock with greater dex¬
terity. On Antony’s fide, the fterns of the (hips were
raifed in form of a tower; from whence they threw ar¬
rows from machines for that purpofe. Thofe of Oc-
tavianus made ufe of long poles hooked with iron, and
fire-pots. They fought in this manner for fome time,
with equal animofity; nor was there any advantage on
either fide, except a fmall appearance of diforder in
the centre of Antony’s fleet. But all of a fudden Cleo¬
patra determined the fortune of the day. She was feea
flying from the engagement attended by 60 fail; (truck*
perhaps, with the terrors natural to her fex: but what
increafed the general amazement was, to behold An¬
tony himfelf following foon after, and leaving his fleet
at the mercy of the conquerors. The engagement,
notwithftanding, continued with great obftinacy till
five in the evening; when Antony’s forces, partly con-
ftrained by the conduft of Agrippa, and partly per-
fnaded by the promifes of Oftavianus, fubinitted to
the conqueror. The land-forces foon after followed
the example of the navy; and all yielded to the con¬
queror, without ftriking a blow, the fourth day after
the battle.
When Cleopatra fled, Antony purfued her in a five-
oared galley; and coming along-fide of her fhip, en¬
tered, without feeing or being feen by her. She was in
the (tern, and he went to the prow, where he remain¬
ed for fome time filent, holding his head between his
hands. In this manner he continued three whole days;
during which, either through indignation or (hame,
38 F z he
ROM [68
Rome, he neither faw nor fpoke to Cleopatra. At laft, when
^ they were arrived at the promontory of Tenarus, the
queen’s female attendants reconciled them, and every
thing went on as before. Still, however, he had the
confolation to fuppofe his army continued faithful to
him; and accordingly difpatched orders'to his lieute¬
nant Canidius, to conduit it into Afia. However, he
was foot) undeceived when he arrived in Africa, where
he was informed of their fubmiffion to his rival. This
account fo tranfported him with rage, that he was
hardly prevented from killing himfelf; but at length,
at the intreaty of his friends, he returned to Alexan¬
dria, in a very different fituation from that in which
he had left it fome time before. Cleopatra, however,
feemtd to retain that fortitude in her misfortunes which
had utterly abandoned her admirer. Having amaffed
confidcrable riches by means of confifcation and other
a£fs of violence, fhe formed a very lingular and un¬
heard of projeft ; this was to convey her whole fleet
over the illbmus of Suez into the Red Sea, and there¬
by fave herfelf in another region beyond the reach of
Rome, with all her treafures. Some of her veflels were
aftually tranfported thither, purfuant to her orders ;
but the Arabians having burnt them, and Antony dif-
fuading her from the defign, fhe abandoned it for the
HeVefolves more improbable fcheme of defending Egypt againft
to defend the conqueror. She omitted nothing in her power to
Egypt a- put his advice in praftice, and made all kinds of pre-
gainft the parations f0r war; at leaft hoping thereby to obtain
conqueror. ^etter terms from Oclavianus. In fail, fhe had always
loved Antony’s fortunes rather than his perfon ; and
if fhe could have fallen upon any method of faving her¬
felf, though even at his expence, there is no doubt but
flie would have embraced it with gladnefs. She even
ftill had fome hopes from the power of her charms,
though fhe was arrived almoft at the age of 40; and
was defirous of trying upon Ottavianus, thofe arts
■which had been fo fuccefsful with the greateft men of
Rome. Thus, in three emballies which were fent one
after another from Antony to his rival in Alia, the
queen had always her fecret agents, charged with par¬
ticular propofals in her name. Antony defired no
more than that his life might be fpared, and to have
the liberty of palling the remainder of his days in ob-
fcurity. To thefe propofals Otlavianus made no re¬
ply. Cleopatra fent him alfo public propofals in fa¬
vour of her children ; but at the fame time privately
refigned him her crown, with all the enfigns of royalty.
To the queen’s public propofal no anfwer was given;
to her private offer he replied, by giving her affurances
©f his favour in cafe (lie fent away Antony or put him
to death Thefe negociations were not fo private but
they came to the knowledge of Antony, whofe jea-
loufy and rage was now heightened by every concur¬
rence. He built a fmall folitary houfe upon a mole in
the fea; and there he paffed his time, fhunning all com¬
merce with mankind, and profcfiirig to imitate Timon
the man hater. However, his furious jealoufy drove
him even from this retreat into fociety ; for hearing
that Cleopatra had many fecret conferences with one
Thyrfus, an emiffary from O&avianus, he feized upon
him, and having ordered him to be cruelly fcourged,
he fent him back to his patron. At the fame time he
fent letters by him, importing, that he had chaftiftd
Thyrfus for infulting 4 man in his misfortunes; but
12 ] ROM
withal he gave his rival permiffion to avenge bimfelf, Rome. ‘ :
by fcourging Hiparchus, Antony’s freedman, in the «
fame manner. The revenge, in this cafe, would have
been highly pleafing to Antony, as Hiparchus had
left him, to join the fortunes of his more fuccefsful
rival.
Mean while, the operations of the war were carried
vigoroufly forward, and Egypt was once more the
theatre of the contending armies of Rome. Gallus,
the lieutenant of O&avianus, tookParetonium, which
opened the whole country to his incurfions. On the
other fide, Antony, who had ftill confiderable forces
by fea and land, wanted to take that important place
from the enemy. He therefore marched towards it,
flattering himfelf, that as foon as he fhould fhow him¬
felf to the legions which he had once commanded,
their affe&ion for their ancient general would revive.
He approached therefore, and exhorted them to re¬
member their former vows of fidelity. Gallus, how¬
ever, ordered all the trumpets to found, in order to
hinder Antony from being heard, fo that he was obli¬
ged to retire. ^
O&avianus himfelf was in the mean time advancing pehifmm |
with another army before Pelufium, which, by its given up te
ftrong fituation, might have retarded his progrefs for 0&avianus«:
fome time. But the governor of the city, either want¬
ing courage to defend it, or previoufly inftru&ed by
Cleopatra to give it up, permitted him to take poffef-
fion of the place ; fo that Odtavianus had now no ob-
ftacle in his way to Alexandria, whither he marched
with all expedition. Antony, upon his arrival, fallicd
out to oppoie him, fighting with great defperation,
and putting the enemy’s cavalry to flight. This flight
advantage once more revived his declining hopes; and,
being naturally vain, he re entered Alexandria in
triumph. Then going, all armed as he was, to the
palace, he embraced Cleopatra, and prefented her a
foldier who had dillinguifhed himfelf in the late en¬
gagement. The queen rewarded him very magnifi¬
cently; prefenting him with an head-piece and breaft-
plate of gold. With thefe, however, the foldier went
off the next night to the other army. Antony could
not bear this defection without frefh indignation ; he
refolved, therefore, to make a bold expiring effort by
fea and land, but previoufly off.-red to fight his adver-
fary in fingle combat. O&avianus too well knew the
inequality of their fituations to comply with this forlorn
offer ; he only, therefore, coolly replied, that Antony
had ways enough to die befides fingle combat. J4g i
The evening before the day appointed for the laft: Antony de-
defperate attempt, he ordered a grand entertainmentferted by hisl
to be prepared. At day-break he polled the fewflect' j
troops he had remaining, upon a riling ground near
the city: from whence he fent orders to his galleys to
engage the enemy. There he waited to be a fpe&a-
tor of the combat; and, at firft, he had the fatisfac-
Won to fee them advance in good order: but his ap¬
probation was foon turned into rage, when he faw his * jj
fhips only faluting thofe of Qdlavianus, and both fleets
uniting together and failing back the harbour.
At the very fame time his cavalry deferted him. He
tried, however, to lead on his infantry; which were
eafily vanquifhed, and be himfelf compelled to return
into the town. His anger was now ungovernable;
he could not help crying out aloud as he pafied, that
ROM [ 6813 ] ROM
Rome, he was betrayed by Cleopatra, and delivered by her to
1 thofe, who, for her fake alone, were his enemies. In
thefe fufpicions he was not deceived ; for it was by fe-
cret orders from the queen that the fleet had pafled
over to the enemy.
Cleopatra had, for a long while, dreaded the effe&s
of Antony’s jealoufy ; and had, fome time before,
prepared a method of obviating any fudden Tallies it
might produce. Near the temple of Ifis fhehad erec¬
ted a building, which was feemingly defigned for a
fepulchre. Hither (he removed all her treafure, and
molt valuable effe&s; covering them over with torches,
faggots, and other combuftible matter. This fepul¬
chre fhe defigned to anfwer a double purpofe; as well
to fcreen her from the fudden refentments of Antony,
as to make 0<Stavianus believe that fhe would burn all
her treafures, in cafe he refufed her proper terms of ca¬
pitulation. Here, therefore, fhe retired from Antony’s
prefent fury ; (hutting the gates, which were fortified
with bolts and bars of iron: but in the mean time gave
orders that a report fhould be fpread of her death.
This news, which foon reached Antony, recalled all his
former love and tenderntfs. He now lamented her death
with the fame violence he had but a few minutes be¬
fore feemed to defire it; and called one of his freedmen,
named Eras, whom he had engaged by oath to kill
him whenever fortune fliould drive him to this lall
refource. Eros being now commanded to perform his
promife, this faithful follower drew the fword, as if
going to execute his orders; but turning his face,
■, 249 plunged it into hisowobofom, and died at his mafter’s
tabs him- feeti Antony for a while hung over his faithful
rr^lth, 'Servant, and, commending his fidelity, took up the
’ fword, with which ftabbing himfelf in the belly, he
fell backward upon a 1 ttle couch. Though the wound
was mortal, yet the blood flopping, he recovered his
fpiviis, and earneflly conjured rhofe who were come
into the room to put an end to his life ; but they all
fled, being feized with fright and horror. He there¬
fore continued in agonies for fome time ; till he was
informed by one of the queen’s fecretaries that his
miftfefs was (till alive. He then earneftly defirtd to
be carri -d to the place where (he was. They accor¬
dingly brought him to the gate of the fepulchre ; but
Cleopatra, who would not permit it to be opened,
appeared at the window, and threw down cords in
order to pull him up. In this manner, affifted by her
two female attendants, (he raifed him all bloody from
the ground ; and while yet fufpended in the air, he
continued ftretching out his hands to encourage her.
Cleopatra and her maids had only juft ftrength fufli-
cient to raife him ; and at laft, with much ftraining,
they affefted their purpofe, and carried him to a couch,
on which they gently laid him. Here (lie gave way
to her furrow, tearing her clothes, beating her bread,
and killing the wound of which be was dying. She
called upon him as her lord, her hufhand, her emperor,
and feemed to have forgot her own diltrefles in the
greatnefs of his fufferings. Antony entreated her to
moderate the tranfports of her grief, and allied for
fome wine. After he had drank he intreated Cleopatra
to endeavour to preferve her life, if (lie could do it
J50 with honour; a.nd recommended Proculus, a friend of
^edtes. Odavianus, as one (he might rely on to be her inter-
cdTor. Juft as he had done fpeaking, he expired; and
Proculus made his appearance by command of Oda- Rome;
anus, who had been informed of Antony’s defperate "
condud. He was fent to try all means of getting
Cleopatra into his power; his mafter having a double
motive for his folicitude on this occafion : one, to
prevent her deftroying the treafures (he had taken with
her into the tomb ; the other, to preferve her perfon
as an ornament to grace his triumph. Cleopatra, how¬
ever, was upon her guard, and would not confer with
Proculus, except through the gate, which was well
fecured. In the mean time, while he defignedly drew
out the conference to fome length, and had given Cal¬
lus, one of his fellow-foldiers, diredions to carry on the
converfation in his abfence, he entered with two more
by the window at which Antony had been drawn up-
As foon as he was entered, he ran down to the gate ; Cleopatra*
and one of the women crying'out, that they were takentaken.
alive, Cleopatra, perceiving what had happened, drew
a poniard, and attempted to flab herfelf; but Proculus
prevented the blow, gently remonftrated that (he was
cruel in refuling fo good a prince as his mafter was
the pleafure of difplaying his clemency. He then forced
the poniard out of her hand, and examined her clothes
to be certain (he had no poifon about her. Thusleaving:
every thing fecured, he went to- acquaint his mafter:
with his proceedings. j
Ocfavianus was extremely pleafed at finding her in
his power: he fent Epaphroditus to bring her to his
palace, and to watch her with the utmoft circumfpec-
tion. He was likewife ordered to ufe her, in every
refpedl, with that deference and fubmiflion which
were due to her rank, and to do every thing in his
power to render her captivity agreeable.. She was
permitted to have the honour of granting Antony
the rites of burial, and furnifhed with every thing (lie
defired, that was becoming his dignity to receive, or
her love to offer. Yet ftill (lie languiihed under her
new confinement. Her exceffive forrow, her many
Ioffes, and the blows (he had given her bofom, pro¬
duced a fever which (he feemed willing to increafe.
She rcfolved to abftain from taking any nourilhment,
under the pretence of a regimen neceffary for her dif-
order ; but, Odfavianus being made acquainted with
the real motive, by her phyfician, began to threaten
her, with regard to her children, in cafe (he perfifted.
This was the only punifnment that could now affeft
her; (lie allowed herfclf to be treated as they thought,
proper, and received whatever was preferibed for her
recovery.
In the mean time Qffavianus made his entry into
Alexandria; taking care to mitigate the fears of the
inhabitants, by converfing familiarly as he went'along
with Areus, a philofopher, and a native of the place.
The citizens, however, trembled at his approach ; and
when he placed himfelf upon the tribunal, they pro.-
ftrated themfelves, with their faces to the ground, be¬
fore him, like criminals who waited the fentence of
their execution. Odavianus prefently ordered them
to rife; telling them, that three motives induced him
to pardon them : His refped for Alexander, who was
the founder of their city ; his admiration of its beauty
aud his friend (hip for Areus,. their fellow-citizen. Two
only of paiticular note were put to death upon this
occafion; Antony’s el tie It fon Antyllus, and Csefario
the foa of Julius Casiar; both betrayed iato his hands
I
ROM [ 6814 ] ROM
Rome, by their refpe&ive tutors, who themfelves fuffered for
   their perfidy fhortly after. As far the reft of Cleo¬
patra’s children, he treated them with great gentlenef?,
leaving them to the care of thofe wlio were intruded
with their education, who had orders to provide them
with every thing fuitable to their birth. When Ihe
was recovered from her late indifpofition, he came to
vifit her in perfon. Cleopatra had been preparing for
this interview, and made ufe of every method (he
could think of, to propitiate the conqueror, and to
gain his affedtion ; but in vain. However, at his de¬
parture, O&avianus imagined that he had reconciled
her to life, and to the indignity of being (liown in
the intended triumph, which he was preparing for
his return to Rome .• but in this be was deceived,
Cleopatra, all this time, had kept a corrofpondence
with Dollabella, a young Roman of high birth, in
the camp of OAavianus ; who, perhaps, from com-
paffion or ftronger motives, was interefted in the mif-
fortunes of that princefs. From him (he learnt the in¬
tentions of O&avianus, and that he was determined to
fend her oft in three days, together with her children,
to Rome. She now therefore determined upon dying;
but previoufly intreated permiffion to pay her oblations
at Antony’s tomb. This requeft being granted her,
fhe was carried with her two female attendants to the
(lately monument where he was laid. There (he threw
herfelf upon his coffin, bewailed her captivity, and re¬
newed her proteftations not to furvive him. She then
crowned the tomb with garlands of flowers ; and having
kifted the coffin a thoufand times, (he returned home,
to execute her fatal refolution. Having bathed, and
ordered a fumptuous banquet, (he attired herfelf in the
moft fplendid manner. She then feafted as ufual ; and
foon after ordered all but her two attendants, Charmi-
©n and Iras, to leave the room. Then, having previ¬
oufly ordered an afp to be fecretly conveyed to her in a
baflcet of fruit, (he fent a letter to Odlavianus, informing
ajj him of her fatal purpofe, and defiring to be buried
iHer death.^ in the fame tomS with Antony. Odlavianus, upon
receiving this letter, inftantly difpatched meffengers to
prevent her, but they arrived too late. Upon enter¬
ing the chamber, they beheld Cleopatra lying dead
upon a gilded couch, arrayed in her royal robes. Near
her, Iras, one of her faithful attendants, was ftretched
lifelefs at the feet of her miftrefs; and Channion her¬
felf, almoft expiring, was fettling the diadem upon
Cleopatra’s head. She died at the age of thirty-nine,
after having reigned twenty-two years. Her death
put an end to the monarchy in Egypt, which had
flourifficd there for immemorial ages.
Oftavianus feemed much troubled at Cleopatra’s
death, as it deprived him of a principal ornament in
his intended triumph. However, the manner of it a
good deal exalted her charafter among the Romans,
with whom fuicide was confidered as a virtue. Her
dying requeft was complied with, her body being laid
by Antony’s, and a magnificent funeral prepared for
her and her two faithful attendants.
After having fettled the affairs of Egypt, he left
Alexandria in the beginning of September, of the
prefent year of Rome 720, with a defign to return
through Syria, Afia Minor, and Greece, to Italy. On
his arrival at Antioch, he found there Tiridates, who
had been raifed to the throne of Parthia in oppofuion
to Phrahates, and likewife ambaffadors from Phra- Rome, f
hates4 who were all come on the fame errand ; to wit,   ~i;
to folicit the affiftance of the Romans againft each
other. Octavianus gave a friendly anfwer both to Ti¬
ridates and the ambaffadors of Phrahates, without in¬
tending to help either ; but rather with a defign to
animate the one againft the other, and by that means
to weaken both, fo far as to render the Parthian name
no longer formidable to Rome. After this, having ap¬
pointed Mcffala Corvinus governor of Syria, he march¬
ed into the province of Alia properly fo called, and
there took up his winter-quarters. He fpent the whole
w.nttr in fettling the affairs of the feveral provinces
of Afia Minor and the adjacent iflands; and early in
the fpring paffed into Greece, whence he fet out for
Rome, which he en ered in the month Sextilis, after¬
wards called Auguji) in three triumphs, which weye
celebrated for three days together. 1S3 |
And now Oftavianus was at the height of hisOfhvia- I
wirties, foie fovereign, foie mafter, of the whole Ro-nushas . j
man empire. But, on the other hand, the many dan-^Jj^Vj
gers which attend an ufurped power, appearing tOhis^ower"*
him in a ftronger light than ever, filled his mind with
a thoufand perplexing thoughts. The natural aver-
fion of the Romans to a kingly government, their love
of liberty, and the ides of March, when his father Ju¬
lius was murdered in full fenate by thofe very men
whom he thought the moft devoted to his perfon, made
him fear there might arife another Brutus, who, to
reftore liberty to his country, might affaffinate him on
his very throne. This he knew had happened to Ju¬
lius Ctefar ; whereas Sylla, after having laid down the
authority he had ufurped, died peaceably in his bed
in the midft of his enemies. The paffion of fear out¬
weighed in his foul the charms of a diadem, and in¬
clined him to follow the example of Sylla. He was
indeed very unwilling to part with his authority ; but
fear began to get the better of his ambition. How¬
ever, before he came to any refolution, he thought it
advifable to confult his two moft intimate and trufty
friends, Agrippa and Maecenas; the former no lefs fa¬
mous for his probity than his valour ; and the latter a
man of great penetration, and generally efteemed the
moft refined politician of his age. Agrippa enlarged
on the many and almoft inevitable dangers which at¬
tend monarchy, infupportable to a free people, and
to men educated in a commonwealth. He did not
forget the examples of Sylla and Caefar; and clofed
his fpeech with exhorting Oiftavianus to convince the
world, by reftoring liberty to his country, that the
only motive for his taking up arms was to revenge his
father’s death. 2J4!
Maecenas, on the other hand, remonftrated to him, But is diA 1
that he had done too much to go back; that, afterfu^dcdfron»!|i
fo much bloodflied, there could be no fafety for ^imccnJsMas* i
but on the throne; that, if he divefted himfelf of
the fovereign power, He would be immediately profe-
cuted by the children and friends of the many illu-
ftrious perfons whom the misfortunes of the times had
forced him to facrifice to his fafety ; that it was abfo-
lutely neceffary for the welfare and tranquillity of the
republic, that the fovereign power (hould be lodged
in one perfon, not divided among many, &c. Oc-
tavianus thanked them both for their friendly advice,
but (hewed himfelf inclined to follow the opinion of
Mae.
ROM r 68ic 1 ROM
Rome. Maecenas; whereupon that able miniller gave him
many wife inftru&ions and rules of goverment, which
are related at length by Dio Caffius, and will ever be
looked upon as a mafterptece in politics. Among other
things he told him, That he could not fail of being
fuccefsful in all his undertakings, happy in his life¬
time, and famous in hiftory after his death, if he ne¬
ver deviated from this rule ; to wit, To govern others
as he would wifh to be governed himfelf, had he been
born to obey and not to command. He added, That
if, in taking upon him the fovereign power, he dread¬
ed the name of king, a name fo odious in a com¬
monwealth, he might content himfelf with the title
of Cafar or Imperator, and under that name, which
was well known to the Romans, enjoy all the authority
of a king.
This advice O&avianus followed, and from that time
laid afide all thoughts of abdicating the fovereign
power ; but, to deceive the people into a belief that
they (till enjoyed their ancient government, he conti¬
nued the old rnagiftrates, with the fame name, pom'p,
und ornaments, but with juft as much power as he
thought fit to leave them. They were to have no mi¬
litary power, but only their old jurifdi&ion of deci¬
ding finally all caufes, except fuch as were capital ;
and though feme of thefe laft were left to the gover¬
nor of Rome, yet the chief he referved for himfelf.
He paid great court to the people : the very name
that covered his ufurpation was a compliment to them;
for he aflfe&ed to cal! it the power of the tribunefhip,
though he adled as abfolutely by it as if he had call¬
ed it the di&atorial power. He likewife won the
hearts of the populace by cheapntfs of provifions and
plentiful markets; he fr&quentiy entertained them with
fhews and (ports ; and by thefe means kept them in
good-humour, and made them forget ufurpatipn, li¬
very, and every public evilpeople in eafe and plenty
being under no temptation of inquiring into the title
of their prince, or refen ting aSs of power which they
do not immediately feel.
As for the fenate, he filled it with his own crea¬
tures, railing the number of the confcript fathers to a
iOGo. He ftip.piied feveral poor fen a tors with money
out of the treafury to difc'harge the public offices, and
on all occafions affeQed an high regard for that vene¬
rable body ; but at the fame time divefted them of all
power, and reduced them to mere cyphers. To pre¬
vent them from raifing new difturbances in the dill ant
provinces, he iffued an edidf , forbidding any fenator to
’travel out of Italy without leave, except fuch as had
lands in Sicily, or Narbonne Gaul, which at that time
comprehended Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiny.
To thefe provinces, which were near Italy, and in a
perfedt ftate of tranquillity, they had full liberty to
retire when they pleafed, and live there upon their
eftates. Before he ended his iixth confulflvip, he took
a cenfus of the people, which was 41 years after the
Tail ; and in this the number of the men fit to bear
arms amounted to 463,000, the greateft that had ever
been found before. He likewife celebrated the games
which had been decreed by the fenate for his victory
at Adtium ; and it was ordered, that they fhould be
celebrated every fifth year, four colleges of priefts be¬
ing appointed to take care of them ; to wit, the pon-
the augurs, the feptemvirs, and cjuindecimvirs.
The more to gain the affedtions of the people, lie an- Rome.
nulled, bydne edidt, the many fevere and unjuft laws   
which had been enadted during the triumvirate. He
raifed many public buildings, repaired the old ones,
and added many (lately ornaments to the city, which
at this time was, if we may give credit to fome ancient
writers, about 50 miles in compafs, and contained
near four millions of fouls, reckoning men, women,,
children and (laves. He attended bufinefs, reformed
abufes, (bowed great regard for the Roman name,
procured public abundance, pleafure, and jollity, of¬
ten appearing in perfon at the public diverfions, and
in all things ftudying to render himfelf dear to the po¬
pulace.
And now O&avianus, entering upon bis feventh
confuKhip with M. Agrippa, the third time conful,
and finding all things ripe for his defign, the people
being highly pleafed with his mild government, and
the fenate filled with his creatures, whofe fortunes de¬
pended upon his holding the power he had ufurped,
went, by the advice of Agrippa and Maecenas, to the
fenate-houfe; and there, in a ftudied fpeech, offered
to refign his authority, and put all again into the
hands of the people upon the old foundation of the
commonwealth ; being well appriftd, that the greater
part of the confcript fathers, vvhofe interefts were in* 2 ?
terwoven with his, would unanimoufly prefs him to The fenate
the contrary : Which happened accordingly; for they intreat hirw
not only interrupted him while he was fpeaking, but,1031*6?1
after he had done, unanimoufly befought him to taketh-e
upon himfelf alone the whole government of the Ro- S *
man empire. He, with a feeming reluclance, yielded
at laft to their requeft, as if he had been: compelled to
accept of the fovereignty. By this artifice he com-
paffed his defign, which was, to get the power and
authority, which he had ufurped, confirmed to him by
the fenate and people for the fpace of I0, years : for
he would not accept of it for a loiger term, pretending
he (hould, in that time, be able to fettle all things in
fuch peace and order, that there would be no further
need of his authority ; but that he might then eafe
himfelf of the burden, and put the government again
into the hands of the fenate and people. This method
he took to render the yoke lefs heavy ; hut with a de¬
fign to renew his leafe, if we may be allowed the ex-
preffion, as foon as the ten years were expired; which:
he did accordingly from ten years to ten years as long
as^he lived, ail the while governing the whole Roman
-empire with an abfolute and uncofUrouled power..
With this new authority the fenate refolved to diftin-
guifb him with a new name. Some of the confcript
fathers propofed the name of llorpulus, thereby to im¬
port that he was another founder, of Rome ; others
offered other titles ; but the venerable name of Augu,~ He takes.
fius, propofed by Manutius Plancus, feemed preferabletiie dtie of;
to all the reft,, as it expreffed more dignity and reve-Au^a^us‘'
rence than authority, the mod facred things, fuch as
temples, and places confecrated by .augurs, being
termed by the Romans Auguf a. Gflavianus himfelf
was inclined to affurae the name of Roviuhs; but,
fearing he (hould be fufpe<fted of affefling the king¬
dom, he declined it, and took that of Augufus, by
which wefhall henceforth dillinguifii him.
Though the whole power of the fenate and people*
was now veiled in Anguftus, jet, that he might feem*
ROM [68
to {hare it with the confcript father?}he refufed to go-
^ vern all the provinces; affigning to the fenate ftich as
were quiet and peaceable; and keeping to himfelf
thofe which, bordering upon barbarous nations, were
mod expofed to troubles and wars, faying, He defired
the fathers might enjoy their power with eafe and fafe-
ty, while he underwent all the dangers and labours :
but, by this politic conduft, he fecured all the mili¬
tary power to himfclf; the troops lying in the provin¬
ces he had chofen ; and the others, which were go¬
verned by the fenate, being quite dcftitute of forces.
The latter were called fenatorial, and the former
rial provinces. Over the provinces of both forts were
fet men of didintStion, to wit, fuch as.had been con-
fuls or praetors, with the titles of proconful an& proprie¬
tor ; but the government of Egypt was committed to
a private knight, Au.udus fearing led a perfon of
rank, depending upon the wealth and fituationof that
eoutjtry, might raife new didurbawces in the empire.
All thefe governors held their employment only for a
year, and were, upon the arrival of their fucctffors, to
depart their provinces immediately, and not fail to be
at Rome within three months at the farthed. This
divifion of the provinces was made, according to O-
vid, on the ides of January ; whereas he was vetted by
the fenate and people, with the fovereign power on the
feventh of the ides of the fame month, as is manifed
from the Norbonne marbles ; and from that time many
writers date the years of his empire. Thus ended the
greated commonwealth, and at the fame time began
the greated monarchy, that had ever been known ; a
monarchy, which infinitely excelled in power, riches,
extent, and continuance, all the empires which had
preceded it.
Extent, &c. It comprehended the greated and by far the bed
eftheko- part of Europe, Afia, and Africa, being near 4000
man cm- miles in length, and about half as much in breadth.
Jr,sre* As to the yearly revenues of the empire, they have,
by a moderate computation, been reckoned to amount
to forty millions of our money. But the Romans
themfelves now ran headlong into all manner of luxury
and effeminacy. The people were become a mere
mob; thofe who were wont to direft mighty wars, to
raife and depofe great kings, to bedow or take away
potent empires, were fo funk and dtbauched, that, if
they had but bread and (hows, their ambition went
no higher. The nobility were indeed more polite than
in former ages; but at the fame time, idle, venal, vi¬
cious, infenfible of private virtue, utter drangers to
public glory or difgrace, void of zeal for the welfare
of their country, and folely intent on gaining the fa¬
vour of the emperor, as knowing, that certain wealth
and preferment were the rewards of ready fubmiffion,
acquiefcence, and flattery. No wonder, therefore,
that they lod their liberty, without being ever again
able to retrieve it.
..?s8 Augudus, now abfolute mader of the Roman em*
eftabUfh- P're> t00‘c methods to ingratiate bimfelf with his
ments of foldiers, by whofe means he had attained fuch a height
Auguftus, of power. With this view, he difperfed them through
different parts of Italy in 32 colonies, that he might
the more eafily reaffemble them on proper occafions.
He kept 25 legions conftantly on foot, ty of which
were in Europe; viz. eight on the Rhine, four on
the Danube, three in Spain, and two in Dalmatia.
16 ] ROM
The other eight were fent into Afia and Africa; four 1 Rome.;
of them being quartered in the neighbourhood of the  ^
Euphrates, two in Egypt, and two in Africa Propria,
that is, the ancient dominions of Carthage. All thefe
forces,amounting to iyo,65omen, were condantly kept
on foot by the Roman emperors for feveral ages. In
the neighbourhood of Rome were always quartered 1 2
cohorts, that is, about 10,000 men ; nine of which
which were called praetorian cohorts ; the other three,
city cohorts. Thefe were edablilhed as a guard to the
emperor, and to maintain peace and tranquillity in the
city, but had often a great fhare in the didurbances
which took place throughout the empire. Befides
thefe, Augudns condantly kept at fea two powerful
navies ; the one riding at anchor near Ravenna in the I
Adriatic fea, to command Dalmatia, Greece, Cyprus,
and the red of the eadern provinces; the other at Mi-
fenum in the Mediterranean, to keep in awe the we-
ftern parts of the empire. They werelikewife to keep
the feas clear of pirates, to convoy the veffels which
brought to Rome the annual tributes from the pro¬
vinces beyond fea, and to tranfport corn and other
provifions neceffary for the relief and fubfidence of the ?
city. As to the civil government, Augudus ena&ed
feveral new laws, and reformed fome of the old ones:
however, he affe&ed to do nothing without the advice
of the fenate ; who were fo well pleafed with the com-
plaifance {hewed them on all occafions, that to the reft
of his titles they added that of pater patriae, ox father
of his country.
And now, Auguftus, having fettled all things with
regard to the civil and military eftablifhments of the
empire, turned his arms againft the Spanidi nations
called the Cantabrians and AJlurians, who had never
been fully fubdued. The war, however, terminated,
as ufual, in favour of the Romans; and thefe brave
nations were forced to receive the yoke, though not
without the moft violent refiftance on their part, and
the utmoft difficulty on that of the Romans *. Jby * Set AJiun
this and his other conquefts, the name of Auguftus
became fo celebrated, that his frienddiip was courtc^HisVrfend.
by the moft diftant monarchs. Phrahates king of fl,jp courte;
Parthia confented to a treaty with him upon his own by the
terms, and gave him four of his own fons with their kin8s.of
wives and children as hoftages for the performance of^[^ia an*
the articles ; and as a further inftance of his refpedt, he
delivered up the Roman eagles and other enfigns which
had been taken from Craffus at the battle of Carrhse.
He received alfo an embaffy from the king of India,
with a letter written in the Greek tongue, in which
the Indian monarch informed him, that “ though he
reigned over 600 kings, he had fo great a value for
the frienddiip of Auguftus, that he had fent this em¬
baffy on fo long a journey on purpofe to defire it of
him ; that he was ready to meet him at whatfoever
place he pleafed to appoint; and that, upon the firft
notice, he was ready to affid him in whatever was
right.” This letter he fubfcribtd by the name of ZV
rus king of India. Of the ambaffadors who fet out
from India three only reached the prefence of Augu¬
ftus, who was at that time in the ifland of Samos, the
others dying by the way. Of the three furvivors one
was named Zartnar, a gymnofophift, who followed
the emperor to Athens, and there burnt himfelf in his
prefence ; it being cuftomary for the gymnofophifts to
put
F
R O M [ 6817 ] ROM
; Rome, put an end to their lives in this manner, when they
1“   thought they had lived long enough, or apprehended
fome misfortune. Soon after this the Roman do¬
minions were extended fouthward over the Gara-
mantes, a people whofe country reached as far as
the river Niger. All this time the emperor continued
to make new regulations for the good of the ftate; and
among other things caufed the Sibylline oracles to be
reviewed. Many of thefe he reje&ed ; but fuch as
were reckoned authentic, he caufed to be copied by
the pontifices themfelves, and lodged them in golden
cabinets, which he placed in the temple of Apollo,
rh/em ire^11^1 ln own PalaCe*
[ivadedb'y* R°man empire had now extended itfelf fo far,
he nor- that it feemed to have arrived at the limits prefcribed
hembarba- to it by nature ; and as foon as this was the cafe, it
tans. began to be attacked by thofe nations which in pro-
cefs of time were to overthrow it. The Germans, by
which name the Romans confounded a grear number
of nations dwelling in the northern parts of Europe,
began to make incurfions into Gaul. Their firft at¬
tempt happened in the year 17 B. C. when they at
firft gained an inconfiderable advantage, but were foon
driven back with great lofs. Soon after this the Rhse-
ti, who feem to have inhabited the country bordering
p/i the lake of Conftance, invaded Italy, where they
committed dreadful devaftations, putting all the males,
to the fword without diftinftion of rank or age : nay,
we are told, that, when women with child happened
to fall into their hands, they confulted their augurs
whether the child was male or female ; and if they
pronounced it a male, the mother was immediately
mafiacred. Againft thefe barbarians Auguftus fent
Drufus the fecond fon of the emprefs Livia; who, tho’
very young, found means to gain a complete vi&ory
with very little lofs on bis part. Thofe who efcaped
took the road to Gaul, being joined by the Vindelici
another nation in the neighbourhood ; but Tiberius,
the elder brother of Drufus, marched againft them, and
overthrew them fo completely, that the Rhseti, Vinde¬
lici, and Norici, three of the moft barbarous nations
in thofe parts, were fain to fubmit to the pleafure of
the emperor. To keep their country in awe, Tibe¬
rius planted two colonies in Vindelicia, opening a road
from-thence into Noricum and Rhstia. One of the ci¬
ties which he built for the defence of his colonies was
called Dryfomagus ; the other, Augufta Vindelicorum;
both of which are now known by the names of Ni~
■ a(j, minghen and Augfburg.
Uguftus Auguftus, who had long fince obtained all thetem-
reated pon-poral honours which could well be conferred upon
fex maxi- novv began to affume thofe of the fpiritual kind
,’us• alfo ; being in the year 13 B. C. created Pontifex
Maximus: an office which he continued to hold till
his death ; as did alfo his fucceflbrs till the time of
Theodofius. By virtue of this office he correfted a
very grofs miftake in the Roman calendar; for the
pontifices having, for the fpace of 36 years, that is,
ever fince the reformation by Julius Caefar, made every
third year a leap-year, inftead of every fourth, twelve
days had been inferted inftead of nine, fo that the Ro¬
man year confided of three days more than it ought to
have done. Thefe three fuperfluous days having been
thrown out, the form of the year has ever fince been
Vol. IX. 3
regularly obferved, and is ftill known by the name of Rome,
the old JUle in ufe among us. On this occafion ~
he gave his own name to the ^month of Auguft,
as Julius Csefar had formerly done to the month of
Jidy.
In the year 11 B. C. Agrippa died, and was fuc-
ceeded in his high employment of governor of Rome Tiberius
by Tiberius; but, before invefting him with this^ceecls A'
ample power, the emperor caufed him divorce his wife ®nf’pa‘
Agrippina (who had already brought him a fon, and
was then big with child), in order to marry Julia the
widow of Agrippa and daughter of the emperor. Ju¬
lia was a princefs of an infamous character, as was
known to almoll every body excepting Auguftus him-
felf ; however, Tiberius made no hefitation, thro’ fear
of difobliging the emperor.
The emperor now fent his two fons Tiberius and
Drufus againft the northern nations. Tiberius redu¬
ced the Pannonians, who had attempted to lhake o(F
the yoke after the death of Agrippa. Drufus per¬
formed great exploits in Germany; but while he was
confidering whether he ftiould penetrate further into
thefe northern countries, he was feized with a violent
fever, which carried him off in a few days. He was
fucceeded in his command by Tiberius, who is report¬
ed to have done great things, but certainly made no
permanent conquefts in Germany. However, he was
honoured with a triumph, and had the tribunitial
power for five years conferred upon him ; which was
no fooner done, than, to the great furprife of Augu- Defires
ftus and the whole city, he defired leave to quit Rome leave tore-
and retire to Rhodes.. Various reafons have been af-til'®
figned for this extraordinary refolution : fome are ofR‘° cs*
opinion that it was in order to avoid being an eye-wit-
nefs of the debaucheries of his wife Julia, who fet no
bounds to her lewdnefs ; though others imagine that
he was offended at the honours which Atiguftus had
conferred on his grandchildren, efpecially at his ftyi-
ing them princes of the Roman youth ; which left him
no hopes of enjoying the fovereign power. However,
Auguftus pofnively refufed to comply with his requeft, .
and his mother Livia ufed her utmoft endeavours to
diffuade him from his refolution : but Tiberius conti¬
nued obftinate ; and finding all other means ineffec¬
tual, at laft fhut himfelf up in his houfe, where he
abftained four whole days from nourilhment. Augu¬
ftus, perceiving that he could not get the better of his
obftinate and inflexible temper, at laft complied with
his requeft. Tiberius foon grew weary of his retire¬
ment, and, giving out that he had left Rome only to
avoid giving umbrage to the emperor’s two grand¬
children, defired leave to return ; but Auguftus was
fo much difpleafed with his having obftinately infifted
on leaving Rome, that he obliged him to remain at 1<r4
Rhodes for feven years longer. His mother, with much h confined
ado got him declared the emperor’s lieutenant in thofe thereby
parts ; but Tiberius, dreading the refentment of his^u§?^u8
father-in-law, continued to a6t as a private perfon du-yearS>
ring the whole time of his ftay there.
A profound peace now reigned throughout the
whole empire ; and in confequence of this the temple
of Janus was fhut, which had never before happened
fince the time of Numa Pompilius. During this pa¬
cific interval, the Saviour of mankind was born in Ju-
38 G daa
ROM [68
Rome, djea, as is recorded in the facred hiftory, 748 years af-
ter the foundation of Rome by Romulus. Three years
Birth^of a^er> Tiberius returned to the city, by permiffion of
Chrift. Auguftus, who yet would not allow him to bear any
public office; but in a flrort time, Lucius Caefar, one
of the emperor’s grandchildren, died, not without fu-
fpicions of his being poifoned by Livia. Tiberius
ffiowed fuch great concerntfor his death, that the af-
feftion of Auguftus for him returned; and it is faid
that he would at that time have adopted Tiberius, had
it not been for giving umbrage to his other grandfon
Caius Csefar. This obllacle, however, was foon after
removed; Cains being taken off alfo, not without great
fufpicions of Livia, as weil as in the former cafe. Au-
gultus was exceedingly concerned at bis death, and
ij5fi immediately adopted Tiberius as his fon; but adopted
Augu ft ns alfo Agrippa Pofthumius, the third fon of the famous
adopts Ti- Agrippa; and obliged Tiberius to adopt Germanicus,
berius as his f0n 0f bis brother Drufus, though he had a fon of
his own named Drufus\ which was a great mortifica¬
tion to him. As to Agrippa, however, who might have
been an occafion of jealoufy, Tiberius was foon freed
from him, by his difgrace and banifhment, which very
foon took place, but on what account is not known.
The northern nations now began to turn formidable:
and though it is pretended that Tiberius was always
fuccefsful againft them, yet about this time they gave
the Romans a moft terrible overthrow ; three legions
and fix cohorts, under Qumtilius Varus, being almofl
entirely cut in pieces. Auguftus fet no bounds to his
grief on this fatal occafion. For fome months he let
his hair and beard grow, frequently tearing his gar¬
ments, knocking his head againft the wall, and crying
out like a diftradled perfon, “ Reftore the legions,
Varus!1’ Tiberius, however, was foon after fent into
Germany; and for his exploits there he was honour¬
ed with a triumph ; Auguftus now took him for his
colleague in the fovereignty; after which he fent Ger¬
manicus a^ainft the northern barbarians, and Tiberius
into Illyncum. This was the laft of his public a&s;
a6*i for having accompanied Tiberius for part of his jour-
Death of ney, he died at Nola in Campania, in the 76th year of
Augufhis. hJg age> and 56th of his reign. Livia was fufpefted
of having haftened his death by giving him poifoned
figs. Her reafon for this was, that fhe feared a recon¬
ciliation between him and his grandfon Agrippa whom
he had banifhed, as we have already related. Some
months before, the emperor had paid a vifit to Agrip¬
pa, unknown to Livia, Tiberius, or any other perfon,
excepting one Fabius Maximus. This man, on his re-
turn home, difcovered the fecret to his wife, and ftte
to the emprefs. Auguftus then perceiving that Fabius
had betrayed him, was .fo provoked, that he baniftied
him from his prefence for ever; upon which the unfor¬
tunate Fabius, unable to furvive his difgrace, laid vio¬
lent hands on himfelf.
Tiberius, who fucceeded to the empire, refolved to
fecure himfelf on the throne by the murder of Agrippa;
whom accordingly he caufed to be put to death by a
military tribune. Though this might have been a fuf-
ficient evidence of what the Romans had to exped,
the death of Auguftus was no fooner known, than the
confuls, fenators, and knights, to ufe the expreffion of.
Tacitus, ran headlong into flavery. The two confuls
.8 ] ROM]
firft took an oath of fidelity to the emperor, and then Rome. 1
adminiftered it to the fenate, the people, and the fol- ^
diery. Tiberius behaved in a dark myfterious man*iy;^^ia |
ner, taking care to rule with an abfolute fway, but att;on of f
the fame time feeming to hefitate whether he Ihouldberius.
accept the fovereign power or not; infomuch that one
of the fenators took the liberty to tell him, that other
men were flow in performing what they had promifed,
but he was flow in promifing what he had already per¬
formed. At laft, however, his modefty was overcome,
and he declared his acceptance of the fovereignty in
the following words: “ I accept the empire, and will
hold it, till fuch time as you, confcript fathers, in
your great prudence, (hall think proper to give repofe
to my old age.” ^ j
Tiberius had fcarce taken pofleffion of the throne, Revolt of*
when news were brought him that the armies in Pan- the Panncj
nonia and Germany had mutinied. In Pannonia, three y
legionshaving been allowed fome days of relaxation gions>
from their ufual duties, either to mourn for the deaths
of Auguftus, or to rejoice for the acceffion of Tibe¬
rius, grew turbulent and feditious. The Pannonian-
mutineers were headed by one Percennius, a common
foldier; who, before he ferved in the army, had made
it bis whole bufinefs to form parties in the theatres and
playhoufes, to hifs or applaud fuch aftors as he liked
or difliked. Inflamed by the fpeeches of this man, they
openly revolted ; and though Tiberius himfelf wrote
to them, and fent his fon Drufus to endeavour to quell
the tumult, they maflacred fome of their officers, and
infulted others, till at laft, being frightened by an
eclipfe of the moon, they began to fhow fome figns of
repentance. Of this favourable difpofition Drufus took,
advantage; and even got the ringleaders of the revolt
condemned and executed. Immediately after this they,
were again terrified by fuch violent ftorms and dread¬
ful rains, that they quietly fubmitted, and every thing,
in that quarter was reftored to tranquillity.
The revolt of the German legions threatened much,
more danger, as they were more numerous than thofe.
of Pannonia. They proceeded nearly in the fame way
as the Pannonian legions, falling upon their officers,
efpecially the centurions, and, beating them till they,
were almoft expired, drove them out of the camp,,
and fome of them were even thrown into the Rhine.
Germanicus, who was atthat time in Gaul, haftened to
the camp on the firft news of the difturbance; but being
unable to prevail on them to return to their duty, he.
was obliged to feign letters from Tiberius, granting all
their demands. Thefe were, That all thofe who had
fervtd 20 years fhould be difcharged; that fuch as had
ferved 16 fhould be deemed veterans ; and that fome
legacies which had been left them by Auguftus ftiould
not only be paid immediately, but doubled. This
laft article he was obliged to difcharge without delay,
out of the money which he and his friends had brought
to defray the expences of their journey; and on re¬
ceiving it, the troops quietly retired to their winter-
quarters. But in the mean time fome deputies fent
either by Tiberius or the fenate, probably to quell
the. fedition, occafioned frefh difturbances; for the
legionaries, taking it into their heads that thefe de¬
puties were come to revoke the conceffions which
Germantcus had made, were.with difficulty prevented.
from
ROM [ 6819 ] ROM
Rome, from tearing them in pieces ; and, notwithflanding the
" utmoft endeavours of Germanicus, behaved in fuch an
outrageous manner, that the general thought proper
to fend off his wife Agrippina, with her infant fon
Claudius, the herfelf at the fame time being big with
child. As the was attended by many women of di-
ftindtion, wives of the chief officers in the camp, their
tears and lamentations in parting with their hutbands
occafioned a great uproar, and drew together the
foldiers from all quarters. A new fcene enfued, which
made an impreffion even upon the moft obftinate.
They could not behold, without thame and compaf-
fion, fo many women of rank travelling thus forlorn,
without a centurion to attend them, or a foldier to
guard them ; and their general’s wife among the reft,
carrying her infant child in her arms, and preparing to
fly for Ihelter againft the treachery of the Roman
legions. This made fuch a deep impreffion on the
minds of many of them, that fome ran to flop her,
while the reft recurred to Germanicus, earneftly in¬
treating him to recall his wife, and to prevent her from
being obliged to feek a fanfluary among foreigners.
The general improved this favourable difpofxtion, and
in a ftiort time they of their own accord feized and
maflacred the ringleaders of the revolt. Still, how¬
ever, two of the legions continued in their difobedi-
ence. Againft them therefore Germanicus determined
to lead thofe who had returned to their duty. With
this view he prepared veflels; but before he embarked
his troops, he wrote a letter to Caecina who com¬
manded them, acquainting him that he approached
with a powerful army, refolved to put them all to the
fword without diftinftion, if they did not prevent
him by taking vengeance on the guilty themfelves.
This letter Ctecina communicated only to the chief
officers and fuch of the foldiers as had all along difap-
proved of the revolt, exhorting them at the fame time
2 o to enter into an aflbciation againft the feditious, and
The revolt Put t0 fwcml foch as had involved them in the pre-
iquelled by lent ignominy and guilt. This propofal was approved
ia dreadful of, and a cruel maffacre immediately took place; in-
unaflacre. f0much that when Germanicus came to the camp he
found the greateft part of the legions deftroyed.
This greatly affefted the humane Germanicus, who
caufed the bodies of the flain to be burnt, and cele¬
brated their obfequies with the ufual folemnities; how¬
ever, the fedition was thus effeftually quelled, after
I# See Ger-which he led his army into Germany. There he per-
fwany. formed many great exploits*; but ftill, all that he
could perform was far from freeing the empire from
fo dangerous and troublefome an enemy. In the
year 19, he died, of poifon, as was fuppofed, given by
Pifo, his partner in the government of. Syria, to .which
Germanicus had been promoted after his return from
the north.
In the mean time Tiberius, though he afFe&ed to
court the favour of the people by various methods,
yet fhowed himfelf in general fuch a cruel and blood-
f thirfty tyrant, that he became the objeft of univerfal
17I abhorrence. Though he had hated Germanicus in his
'Tiberiusa heart, he puniflied Pifo with death; but in about a
jKruel iy- year after the death of Germanicus, having now no
' raiit‘ objeft of jealoufy to keep him in awe, he began to
pull off the malk, and appear more in his natural cha-
rafter than before. He took upon himfelf the inter-
3
pretation of all political meafures, and began daily to Rome,
diminifti the authority of the fenate ; which defign
was much facilitated^ by their own aptitude to fla-
very ; fo that he defpifed their meannefs, while he
enjoyed its effefts. A law at that time fubfifted,
which made it treafon to form any injurious attempt
againft the majefty of the people. Tiberius affumed
to himfelf the interpretation and enforcement of this
law; and extended it not only to the cafes which really
affefted the fafety of the ftate, but to every conjunc¬
ture that could poffibly be favourable to his hatred or
fufpicions. All freedom was how therefore baniftud
from convivial meetings, and diffidence reigned amongft
the deareft relations. The law of offended majetty
being revived, many perfons of diftinftion fell a facri-
fice to it. _ _ _ 2n
In the beginning of thefe cruelties, Tiberius took Rife of
into his confidence Sejanus, a Roman knight, but by Sejanto a
birth a Volfcian, who found out the method of gain-”^^ m
ing his confidence, by the moft refined degree of dif- ’
fimulation, being an over-match for his matter in his
own arts. He was made by the emperor captain of
the Praetorian guards, onejof the moft confidental trufts
in the ftate, and extolled in the fenate as a worthy
affociate in his labours. The fervile fenators, with
ready adulation, fet up the ftatues of the favourite be-
fide thofe of Tiberius, and feeraed eager to pay him
fimilar honours. It is not well known whether he was
the advifer of all the cruelties that enfued foon after ;
but certain it is, that, from the beginning of his
miniftry, Tiberius feemed to become more fatally
fufpicious.
It was from fuch humble beginnings, that this mi-
nifter even ventured to afpire at the throne, and was
refolved to make the emperor’s foolxfh confidence one
of the firft fteps to his ruin. However, he confidered »73
that cutting off Tiberius alone, would rather retard His infa* _
than promote his defigns while his fon Drufus and^^j
the children of Germanicus were yet remaining. He
therefore began by corrupting Livia, the wife of Dru¬
fus ; whom, after having debauched her, he prevailed
upon to poifon her hufband. This was effefted by means
of a flow poifon, (as we are told), which gave his
death the appearance of a cafual diltemper. Tiberius,
in the mean time, either naturally phlegmatic, or at
leaft not much regarding his fon, bore his death with
great tranquillity. He was even heard to jell upon the
occafion; for when the ambaffadors from Troy came
fomewhat late with their complements of condolence,
he anfwered their pretended diftreffes, by condoling
with them alfo upon the lofs of Heftor.
Sejanus having fucceeded in this, was refolved to
make his next attempt upon the children of Germani¬
cus, who were undoubted fucceflbrs to the empire.
However, he was fruftrated in his defigns, both with
regard to the fidelity of their governors, and the chaf-
tity of Agrippina their mother.. Whereupon he re¬
folved upon changing his aims, and removing Tiberius
out of the city; by v/hich means he expefted more
frequent opportunities of puting his defigns into exe¬
cution. He therefore ufed all his addrefs to perfuade
Tiberius to retire to fome agreeable retreat, remote
from Rome. By this he expefted many advantages,
fince there could be no accefs to the emperor but by
him. Thus all letters being conveyed to the prince by
28 G 2 foldieys
ROM [ 6820 ] ROM
Rome, foldiers at his own devotion, they would pafs through
' ' ~ his hands; by which means he mu!t in time become the
foie governor of the empire, and at lad be in a capacity
of removing all obftacles to his ambition. He now
therefore began to infinuate to Tiberius the great and
numerous inconveniences of the city, the fatigues of
attending the fenate, and the feditious temper of the
inferior citizens of Rome. Tiberius, either prevailed
374 upon by his perfuafions, or purfuing the natural turn
Tiberius re-0f f^g temper which led to indolence and debauchery,
Rome™1” 'n l^e year ^'s re’gn Rome, and went
into Campania, under pretence of dedicating temples to
Jupiter and Auguftus. After this, though he removed
to feveral places, he never returned to Rome ; but fpent
the greateft part of his time in the ifland of Caprea, a
place which was rendered as infamous by bis pleafurers,
as deteftable by his cruelties, which were (hocking to
human nature. Buried in this retreat, he gave him-
felf up to his pleafures, quite regardlefs of themiferies
of his fubjefts. Thus an infurredtion of the Jews, upon
placing his ftatue in Jerufalem, under the government
of Pontius Pilate, gave him no fort of uneafinefs. The
falling of an amjrhitheatre at Fidenae, in which 50,000
perfons were either killed or wounded, no way affe&ed
his repofe. He was only employed in lludying how
to vary his odious pleafures, and forcing his feeble
frame, (battered by age and former debaucheries, into
the enjoyment of them. Nothing can prefent a more
horrid pidlure than the retreat of this impure old man,
attended by all the minifters of his perverted appetites.
He was at this time fixty /even years old; his perfon
was mod difpleafing ; and fome fay the difagreeable-
nefs of it, in a great meafure, drove him into retire¬
ment. He was quite bald before ; bis face was all
broke out into ulcers, and covered over with plafters ;
Hh abomi- his body was bowed forward, while its extreme height
nable con- an(j Jeannefs increafed its deformity. With fuch a
retreat1 ^ Per^on» an^ a m‘n^ more hideous, being gloomy,
(ufpicious, and cruel, he fat down with a view rather
of forcing his appetites than fatisfying them. He
fpent whole nights in debaucheries at the table ; and
he appointed Pomponius Flaccus, and Lucius Pifo,
to the firft pofts of the empire, for no other merit than
that of having fat up with him two days and two
nights without interruption. Thefe he called his
friends of all hours. He made one Novelius Tor-
gnatus a praetor, for being able to drink off five bot¬
tles of wine at a draught. His luxuries of another
kind were dill more d^ftedable, and feemed to increafe
with his drunknefs and gluttony. He made the mod
eminent women of Rome fubfervient to his luds, and
all his inventions only feemed calculated how to make
his vices more extravagant and abominable. The
numberlefs obfeene medak dug up in that ifland at
this day, bear witnefs at once to his (hame, and the
veracity of the hidorians who have deferibed his de¬
baucheries. In (hort, in this retreat, which was fur-
rounded with rocks on every fide, he quite gave up the
bufinefs of the empire ; or, if he was ever a£Iive, it
■was only to do mifehief. But, from the time of his
retreat, he became more cruel, and Sejanus always
endeavoured to increafe his didrufts. Secret fpies and
informers were placed in all parts of the city, who
converted the mod harmlefs aftions into fubje&s of
offence. If any perfon of merit teftified any concern
for the glory bf the empire, it was immediately con- Rome. ^ j
drued into a defign to obtain it. If another fpoke ' ■
with regret of former liberty, he was fuppofed to aim
at re-edabli(hing the commonwealth. Every a&ion
became liable to forced interpretations; joy expreffed
an hope of the prince’s death ; melancholy, an en¬
vying of his profperity. Sejanus found his aim every
day fucceeding ; the wretched emperor's terrors were
an indrument that he wrought upon at his pleafure,
and by which he levelled every obdacle to his defigns.
But the chief objects of his jealoufy were the children
of Germanicus, whom he refolved to put out of the way.
He therefore continued to render them obnoxious to
the emperor, to alarm him with falfe reports of their
ambition, and to terrify them with alarms of his in¬
tended cruelty. By thefe means, he fo contrived to
widen the breach, that he actually produced on both
Tides thofe difpofitions which he pretended to obviate; j
till at length, the two princes Nero and Drufus werej^ ot ’ |
declared enemies to the date, and afterwards darved Germani-|
to death in prifdn ; while Agrippina, their mother, cus put to !
was fent into banilhment. death.
In this manner Sejanus proceeded, removing all who
dood between him and the empire, and every day in-
creafing in confidence with Tiberius, and power with
the fenate. The number of his datues exceeded even
thofe of the emperor ; people fwore by his fortune, in
the fame manner as they would have done had he
been aftually upon the throne, and he was more
dreaded than even the tyrant who adtually enjoyed the
empire. But the rapidity of his rife feemed only pre¬
paratory to the greatnefs of his downfall. All we
know of his fird difgrace with the emperor is, that
Satrius Secundus was the man who had the boldnefsto
accufe him. Antonia, the mother of Germanicus,
feconded the accufation. What were the particulars
of his crimes, we cannot learn; but certain it is, that
he attempted to ufurp the empire by aiming at the life
of Tiberius. He was very near difpatching him, when
his praftices were difeovered, and his own life was
fubdituted to that againd which he aimed. Tiberius,
fenfible of the traitor’s power, proceeded with his
ufual difiimulation in having him apprehended. He
granted him new honours at the very time he refolved
his death, and took him as his colleague in the con-
fulfhip. The emperor’s letter to the fenate began only
with flight complaints againd his friend, but ended
with an order for putting him in prifon. He intreat-
ed the fenators to proteft a poor old man, as he was,
abandoned by all ; and in the mean time prepared
(hips for his flight, and ordered foldiers for his fecurity..
The fenate, who h d long been jealous of the fa¬
vourite’s power, and dreaded his cruelty, immediately
took this opportunity of going beyond their orders.
Indead of fentencing him to imprifonraent, they di¬
rected his execution. A itrange revolution now ap- Ceianus ■
peared in the city; of thofe numbers that but a mo-dji^-aced -
ment before were preffing into the prefence of Stjanus, and pm to^
with offers of fervice and adulation, not one was found
that would feem to be of his acquaintance: he was
deferred by ail; and thofe who had formerly received
the greated benefits from tdm, feemed now converted
into his mod, inveterate enemies. As he was conduc¬
ting to execution, the people loaded him with infult
and esecration. He attempted to hide his face with
ROM [ 68
Rome. Lis hands; but even this was denied him, and his hands
 were fecured. Nor did the rage of his enemies fub-
fide with his death ; his body was ignominioufly drag¬
ged about the ftreets, and his whole family executed
with him.
His death only lighted up the emperor’s rage for
further executions. The prifons were crowded with
pretended accomplices in the confpiracy of Sejanus.
Tiberius began to grow weary of particular executions:
j Monftrous he therefore gave orders, that all the accufed fhouldbe
j cruelty of pUt to death together, without further examination. Of
, Tiberius. fenators., whom he chofe for his council, he put 16
to death. “ Let them hate me,” cried he, “ fo long
as they obey me.” He then averred, that Priam was
an happy man, who outlived all his pofterity. In this
manner there was not a day without fome barbarous
execution, in which the fufferers were obliged to un¬
dergo the moft fliameful indignities and exquiiite tor¬
ments. When one CamiUns had killed himfelf to avoid
the tprture : “ Ah,” cried Tiberius, “ bow that man
has been able to efcape me !” When a prifoner ear-
neftly intreated that he would not defer his death :
No,” cried the tyrant, “ I am not fufficiently your
friend, to fhorten your torment.” He often fatisfied
his eyes with the tortures of the wretches that were
put to death before him; and in the days of Suetonius
the rock was to be feen, from whom he ordered fuch
as had difpleafed him to be thrown headlong. As he
was one day examining fome perfonsupon the rack, he
was told that an old friend of his was come from Rhodes
to fee him. Tiberius fuppofing him brought for the
purpofe of information, immediately ordered him to
the torture; and when he was convinced of his mif-
take, he ordered him to be put to death, to prevent
farther difeovery.
In this manner did the tyrant continue to torment
others, although he was himfelf ftili more tortured
by his own ful'picions ; fo that in one of his letters to
the ferrate, he confeffed that the gods and goddefles
had fo affli&ed and confounded him, that he knew not
what or how to write. In the mean time the frontier
provinces were invaded with impunity by the barba¬
rians. Masfia was feized on by the Dacians and Sar-
mations ; Gaul was waited by the Germans, and Ar¬
menia conquered by the king of Parthia. Tiberius,
however, was fo much a Have to his brutal appetites,
that he left his provinces wholly to the care of his lieu¬
tenants, and they were intent rather on the accumula¬
tion of private fortuue, than the fafety of the ftate.
Such a total diforder in the empire, produced fuch a
degree of anxiety in him who governed it, that he was
heard to wifh, that heaven and earth might perilh with
him when he died. At length, however, in the 22d
year of his reign, he began to feel the approaches of
his diffolution, and all his appetites totally to forfake
him. He now, therefore, found it was time to think
of a fucceffor, and hefitated for along while, whether
he fhould choofe Caligula, whofe vices were too appa¬
rent to efcape his obfervation. He had been often
heard to fay, that this youth had all the faults of S^, 11a,
without his virtues; that he was a ferpent that would
Chootes fting the empire, and a Phseton that would fet the
Caligula for world in a flame. However, notwithftanding all his
©eflbT' well grounded apprehenfions, he named him for his
fuccelibr } willing, perhaps, by the enormity of Cali'
21 ] ROM
gula’s conduft, to cover the memory of his owtr. R>ns
But though he thought fit to choofe a fueceflor, he    
concealed his approaching decline with the utmoft care,
as if he was willing at once to hide it from the world and
himfelf. He long had a contempt for phyfic, and re-
fufed the advice of fuch as attended him : he even
feemed to take a pleafure in being prefent at thefports
of the foldiers, and ventured himfelf to throw a javelin
at a boar that was let loofe before him. The effort
which he made upon this occafion caufed a pain in his
fide, which haftened the approaches of death : ftili,
however, be feemed willing to avoid his end ; and
ftrove, by change of place, to put off the inquietude
of his own refledions. He left his favourite ifland,
and went upon the continent, where he at laft fixed at
the promontory of Mifenum. It was here that Cba-
ricles, his phyfician, pretending to kifs his hand, felt
the failure of his pulfe ; and apprifed Macro, the em¬
peror’s prefent favourite, that he had not above two
days to live. Tiberius, on the contrary, who had
perceived the art of Charicles, did all in his power to
imprefs his attendants with an opinion of his health:
he continued at table till the evening ; he faluted all
his guefts as they left the room, and read the ads of
the fenate, in which they had abfolved fome perfons
he had written againft with great indignation. He
rtfolved to take fignal vengeance of their difobedience,
and meditated new fchemes of cruelty, when he fell in¬
to fuch faintings, as all believed were fatal. It was
in this fituation, that, by Macro’s advice, Caligula
prepared to fecure the fucceffion. He received the
congratulations of the whole court, caufed himfelf to
be acknowledged by the Praetorian foldiers, and went
forth from the emperor’s apartment amidft the applau-
fes of the multitude ; when all of a fudden he was in¬
formed that the emperor was recovered, that he had
begun to fpeak, and defired to eat. This unexpe&ed
account filled the whole court with terror and alarm:
every one who had before been earneit in teftifying
their joy, now re-affumed their pretended forrow, and
left the new emperor, thro’ a feigned folicitude for the
fate of the old. Caligula bimfdf feemed thunder-
ftruck ; he preierved a gloomy fiience, expe&ing no¬
thing but death, inftead of the empire at which he had
afpired. Macro, however, who was hardened in crimes,
ordered that the dying emperor (hould be difpatched,
by fmotbering him with pillows, or, as others will
have it, by poifon. In this manner Tiberius died, in the
78th year of his age, after reigning 22. ^
The Romans were, at this time, arrived at t^ie>rCorruptions
higheft pitch of effeminacy and vice. The wealth of0f the Ro-
alraoft every nation of the empire, having, for fome rpans at this-
time, circulated thro’ the city, brought with it thetline>
luxuries peculiar to each country ; fo that Rome pre-
fented a deteftable piflure of various pollution. In
this reign lived Apicius, fo well known for having re¬
duced gluttony into a fyftem ; fome of the moft noto-
riou^in this way, thought it no fhame to give near 100
pounds for a fingle fifh, and exhauft a fortune of 50,000.
pounds in one entertainment. Debaucheries of every
other kind kept pace with this ; while the deteftable
folly of the times thought it was refining upon plea-
fu*re to make it unnatural. There were at Rome men
called fpintrix, whofe foie trade it was to ftudy new
modes of pleafure ; and thefe were univerfally favou¬
rites..
ROM [ C8
‘Rome, rites of the great. The fenators were long fallen from
their authority, and were no lefs eftranged from their
integrity and honour. Their whole fludy feOTted to
be, how to invent new ways of flattering the emperor,
and various methods of tormenting his iuppofed ene¬
mies. The people were ftill more corrupt: they had,
for fome years, been accuftomed to live in idlenefs, up¬
on the donations of the emperor; and, being fatisfied
with fubfiftence, entirely gave up their freedom. Too
•effeminate and cowardly to go to war, they only rail¬
ed againft their governors ; fo that they were bad fol-
diers and feditious citizens. In the 18th year of this
Chriftcru monarch?s re,gn»was cruc*foch Shortly after
cified. h's death, Pilate is faid to have wrote to Tiberius an
account of his paffion, refurredfioit, and miracles ; upon
which the emperor made a report of the whole to the
fenate, defiring that Clirift might be accounted a God
by the Romans. But the fenate being difpleafed that
the propofal had not come firfl from themfelvcs, refu-
fed to allow of his apotheofis ; alleging an ancient law,
which gave them the fuperintendance in all matters
of religion. They even went fo far, as by an edift
to command that all Chriitians fhould leave the city :
but Tiberius, by another edift, threatened death to all
fuch as fhould accufe them ; by which means they
continued unmolefted during the reft of his reign.
No monarch ever came to the throne with more ad¬
vantages than Caligula. He was the fon of Germani-
cus, who had been the darling of the army and the
people. He was bred among the foldiers, from whom
he received the name of Caligula, from the fhort buf-
kin, called caliga, that was worn by the common cen-
tinels, and which was alfo ufually worn by him. As
he approached Rome, the principal men of the (late
went out in crowds to meet him. He received the
congratulations of the people on every fide, all equally
pleafed in being free from the cruelties of Tiberius,
and in hoping new advantages from the virtues of his
fucceffor.
Caligula feemed to take every precaution to im-
prefs them with the opinion of an happy change. A-
midft the rejoicings of the multitude, he advanced
mourning, with the dead body ofTiberius, which the
foldiers brought to be burnt at Rome, according to
the cuftom of that time. Upon his entrance into the
city, he was received with new titles of honour by the
fenate, whofe chief employment feemed now to be,
the art of increafing their emperor’s vanity. He was
left co-heir with Gemellus, grandfon to Tiberius ; but
they fet afide the nomination, and declared Caligula
foie fucceffor to the empire. The joy for this eledion
was not confined to the narrow bounds of Italy ; it
fpread through the whole empire, and vidims without
number were facrificed upon the occafion. Some of the
people, upon his going into the ifland of Campania,
made vows for his return ; and (hortly after, when he
fell fick, the multitudes crowded whole nights round
his palace, and fome even devoted themfelves to death
in cafe he recovered, fetting up bills of their refolu-
tions in the ftreets. In this affedion of the citizens,
ftrangers themfelves feemed ambitious of (haring. Ar-
tabanus, king of Parthia, fought the emperor’s alli¬
ance with afliduity. He came to a perfonal conference
•with one of his legates; parted the Euphrates, adored
the Roman eagles, and killed the emperor’s images;
22 ] ROM
fo that the whole world feemed combined to praifehim Rome, j
for virtues which they fuppofed him to poffefs. “ *
The new emperor at firft feemed extremely careful r ..l8^
of the public favour; and having performed the fune-beg^5 J
ral folemnities of Tiberius, he haftened to the iliands reign well. {
of Pandataria and Pontia, to remove the afhes of hia
mother and brothers, expofing himfelf to the dangers
of tempeftuous weather, to give a luftre to his piety.
Plaving brought them to Rome, he inftituted annual fo¬
lemnities in their honour, and ordered the month of
September to be called Germanicus, in memory of his
father. Thefe ceremonies being over, he conferred
the fame honours upon his grandmother Antonia, i!
which had before been given to Livia ; and ordered
all informations to be burnt, that any ways expofed
the enemies of his family. He even refufed a paper
that was offered him, tending to the difcovery of a
confpiracy againft him ; alleging, That he was con-
fcious of nothing to deferve any man’s hatred, and
therefore had no fears from their machinations. He
caufed the inftitutions of Auguftus, which had been
difufed in the reign of Tiberius, to be revived ; un¬
dertook to reform many abufes in the ftate, and fe-
verely punilhed corrupt governors. Among others, he
banilhed Pontius Pilate into Gaul, where this unjull
magiftrate afterwards put an end to his life by fuicide.
He banilhed the fpintrias, or inventors of abominable
recreations, from Rome; attempted to reftore the an¬
cient manner of ele&ing magiftrates by the fuffrages
of the people; and gave them a free jurifdiftion, with¬
out any appeal to himfelf. Altbo’ the will of Tiberius
was annulled by the fenate, and that of Livia fup-
preffed by Tiberius, yet he caufed all their legacies to
be pun&ually paid; and, in order to make Gemellus
amends for miffing the crown, he caufed him to be
elefted Princeps Juventutis, or principal of the youth.
He reftored fome kings to their dominions who had
been unjuftly difpoffeffed by Tiberius, and gave them
the arrears of their revenues. And, that he might
appear an encourager of every virtue, he ordered a fe¬
male Have a large fum of money for epduring the moll
exquifite torments without difeovering the fecrets of
her mafter. So many conceffions, and fuch apparent
virtue, could not fail of receiving juft applaufe. A
Ihield of gold, bearing his image, was decreed to be
carried annually to the Capitol, attended by the fe¬
nate, and the fons of the nobility, finging in praife of
the emperor’s virtues. It was likewife ordained, that
the day on which he was appointed to the empire
Ihould be called Pubitia; implying, that when he came
to govern, the city received a new foundation.
In lefs than eight months all this fhew of modera- ,gj
tion and clemency vanilhed; while furious palfions,But be-
unexampled avarice, and capricious cruelty, began to,omes®
take their turn in his mind. As moll of the cruelties moft °u“a* ,
of Tiberius arofe from fufpicion, fo moll of thofe fan".5 ^
committed by Caligula took rife from prodigality.
Some indeed affert, that a diforder which happened
foon after his acceffion to the empire, entirely difeom-
pofed his underftanding. However this may be, mad-
nefs itfelf could fcarce diftate cruelties more extrava¬
gant, or inconfiftencies more ridiculous than are im¬
puted to him; fome of them appear almoft beyond be¬
lief, as they feem entirely without any motive to incite
fuch barbarities.
The
ROM r 6823 ] ROM
The firft ohjeft of his cruelty was a perfon named
~ Politut, who had devoted himfelf to death, in cafe the
emperor, who was then fick, fhould recover. When
Caligula’s health was re-eftablifhed, he was informed
of the zeal of Politus, and aftually compelled him to
complete his vow. This ridiculous devotee was there¬
fore led round the city, by children, adorned with
chaplets, and then put to death, being thrown head¬
long from the ramparts. Another, named Secundus,
had vowed to fight in the amphitheatre upon the fame
occafion. To this he was alfo compelled, the emperor
himfelf choofing to be a fpeftator of the combat.
However, he was more fortunate than the former, be¬
ing fo fuccefsful as to kill his adverfary, by which he
obtained a releafe from his vow. Gemellus was the
next who fuffered from the tyrant’s inhumanity. The
pretence againft him was, that he had wifhed the em¬
peror might not recover, and that he had taken a
counter-poifon to fecure him from any fecret attempts
againft his life. Caligula ordered him to kill himfelf;
but as the unfortunate youth was ignorant of the man¬
ner of doing it, the emperor’s mefiengers foon inftroc-
ted him in the fatal leffon. Silenus, the emperor’s fa¬
ther-in-law, was the next that was put to death upon
flight fufpicions;. and Gercinusra fenator of noted in¬
tegrity, refufing to witnefs falfely againft him, fhared
his fate. After thefe followed a crowd of vi&ims to
the emperor’s avarice or fufpicion. The pretext againft
him w'as their enmity to his family ; and in proof of
his accufations he produced thofe very memorials,
which but a while before'he pretended to have burnt.
Among the number of thofe who were facrificcd to
his jealoufy, was Macro, "the late favourite of Tibe¬
rius, and the perfon to whom Caligula owed his em¬
pire. Pie was accufed of many crimes, fome of
which were common to the emperor* as well as to
him, and his death brought on the ruin of bis whole
family.
Thefe cruelties, ho\vever,only feemed the firft fruits
of a mind naturally timid and fufpicionshis vanity
and profufion,foon gave rife to others which were
more atrocious, as they fprung from lefs powerful
motives. |-Iis pride firft began by affnming to him¬
felf the title of ruler, which was ufually granted only*
to kings. He would alfo have taken the crown and
diadem, had he not been advifecLthat he was already
fuperior to all the monarchs of the world.. Not long
after, he affumed divine honours, and gave himfelf the
names of fuch divinities as he thought moft agreeable
to his nature. For this purpofe he caufed the heads
of the ftatues of Jupiter and fome other gods to be
ft ruck off, and his own to be put in their places. He.
frequently feated himfelf between Gaftor and Pollux,
and ordered all who came to their temple to worfliip,
fiiould pay their adorations only to him ; nay, at laft
he altered their temple to the form of a portico, which
he joined to his palace, that the very gods, as he faid,.
might ferve him in the quality of porterss.
He was not lefs notorious for the depravation of his
appetites, than for his ridiculous prefumptions. Nei¬
ther perfon, place, nor fex, were, o-bftacles to the in¬
dulgence of his unnatural lufts. There was fcarce a
lady of any quality in Rome that efcaped his lewdnefs;
and, indeed, fuch was the degeneracy of the times,
that there were, few ladies who did uot think this dif-
grace an honour. He committed inceft with his three Rome:
lifters,w and at public feafts they lay with their heads   
upon his bofom by turns. Of thefe he proftituted Li-
via and Agrippina to his vile companions, and them
banifhed them as adultereffes and confpirators againft:
his perfon. As for Drufilla, he took her from her
hufband .Longinus, and kept her as his wife. Her he
loved fo affedtionately, that, being fick, he appoint-
her as heirefs of his empire and fortune ; and Ihe hap¬
pening to die before him, he made her a goddefs. Nor
did her example when living, appear more dangerous
to the people than her divinity, when dead. To mourtr
for her death was a crime, as (he was become a god¬
defs ; and to rejoice for her divinity was capital, becaufe-
fhe was dead. Nay, even filence itfelf was an unpar¬
donable infenfibility, either of the emperor’s lofs or his
filler’s advancement. Thus he made his After fubfer-
vient to his profit, as before he had done to his plea-
fure; raifing vaft fums of money by granting pardons
to fome, and by confifcating the goods of others. As
to his marriages, whether he contrafted them with
greater levity, or diffolved them with greater injuftice,
is not eafy to determine. Being prefent at the nuptials*
of Livia Oreftilla with Pifo, as foon as the folemnity*
was over, he commanded her to be brought to him as*
his own wife, and then difmiffed her in a few days.
He foon after banilhed her upon fufpicion- of cohabit¬
ing with her hufband after fhe was parted from hinr.
He was enamoured ofLollia Paulina, upon a bare re¬
lation of her grandmother’s beauty ; and thereupon
took her from her hufband, who commanded in Mace¬
donia: notwithftanding which, he repudiated her as he
had done the former, and likewife forbad her future-
marrying with any other. The wife who caught moft:5
firmly upon his affedlions was Milonia Cxfonia, whofe
chief merit lay in her perfe£l acquaintance with all the-
alluring arts of her fex, for fhe wasotherwrfe poflcftbd*
neither of youth nor beauty. She continued with-
him during his reign ; and he loved her fo ridicu-
loufty, that he fometimes fliowed her to his foldiers-
dreffed in armour, and fometimes to his companions*
dark naked.
But of all his vices, his prodigality was the moft re¬
markable, and that which in fome meafure gave rife*
to the reft. The luxuries of former emperors were fim-
plicity itfelf, when compared to thofe which he prac-
tifed. He contrived new ways of bathing, where the*
richeft oils and moft precious perfumes were exhauft-
ed with the utmoft profufion. He found out dilhes of
immenfe value ; and had even jewels, as we are told,-
diffolved among bis fauces. He fometimes had fer-
vices of pure gold prefented befpre his guefts inftead of'
meat; obferving, that a man fhould be an ceconomitb
cm an emperor.
For feveral days together he flung confiderable fumx-
of money among the people. He ordered fliips of a-
prodigious bulk to be built of cedar, the fterns of ivory
inlaid with gold and jewels, the fails and tackling of
various filks, while the decks were planted with the
choiceft fruit trees, under the fliade of which he often
dined. Here, attended by all the minifters of his plea-
fures, the moft exquifite fingers, and the moft beauti¬
ful youths, he coafted along the fliore of Campania-
with great fplendor. All his buildings feemed rather*
calculated to. taife. aftonifhment, than to anfwer the*
purppfes*.
ROM
purpotVs of utility. But the moll notofious inftance of
“liis fruitlefs profufion was the vafl bridge at Puteol',
ivhich he undertook in the third year of his reign. To
fatisfy his defire of being mailer as well of the o-
cean as the land, he caufed an infinite number of (hips
to be fattened to each other, fo as to make a floating
bridge from Baiae to Puteoli, acrofs an arm of the fea
three miles and an half broad. The (hips being placed
in two rows, in form of a crefcent, were fecured to each
other with anchors, chains, and cables. Over thefe
were laid vaft quantities of timber, and upon that earth,
fo as to make the whole referable one of the ftreets of
•Rome. He next caufed feveral houfes to be built up¬
on his new bridge, for the reception of himfelf and his
attendants, into which frefh water was conveyed by
pipes from land. He then repaired thither with all his
court, attended by prodigious throngs of people, who
came from all parts to be fpe&ators of fuch an expen-
five pageant. It was there that Caligula, adorned with
all the magnificence of eallern royalty, fitting on horfe-
bads with a civic crown and Alexander’s breatl-plate,
attended by the great officers of the army, and all the
nobility of Rome, entered at one end of the bridge,
and with ridiculous importance rode to the other. At
night, the number of torches and other illuminations
with which this expenfive ftrudlure was adorned, call*
fuch a gleam as illuminated the whole bay, and all the
neighbouring mountains. This fecmed to give the
weak emperor new caufe for exultation; boallingthat
he had turned night into day, as well as fea into land.
The next morning he again rode over in a triumphant
chariot, followed by a numerous train of charioteers,
and all his foldiers in glittering armour. He then
afcended a roftrum ere&cd for the occalion, where he
made a folemn oration in praife of the greatnefs of his
eitterprife, and the affiduity of his workmen and his
army. He then diftributed rewards among his men,
.and a fplendid feaft fuccecded. In the midll of the
entertainment many of his attendants were thrown into
the fea ; feveral Ihips filled with fpedators, were at¬
tacked and funk in an hoftile manner ; and although
the majority efcaped through the calmnefs of the wea¬
ther, yet many were drowned; and fome who endea¬
voured to fave themfelves by climbing to the bridge,
were ftruck down again by the emperor’s command.
The calmnefs of the fea during this pageant, which
continued for two days, furnilhed Caligula with frelh
opportunities for boalling; being heard to fay, “ that
Neptune took care to keep the fea fmooth and ferene,
merely out of reverence to himfelf.”
Expences like thefe, it may be naturally fuppofed,
mull have exhaulled thejmoft unbounded wealth: in faft,
after reigning about a year, Caligula found his revenues
totally exhaufted; and a fortune of about 18,000,000
of our money, which Tiberius had amafled together,
entirely fpent in extravagance and folly. Now, there-
[ 6824 ]
ROM
fore, his prodigality put him upon new methods of by land,
have the immediate pcfTeffion of their fortune?. He
fet up a brothel in his own palace, by which he gained “
confiderable fums by all the methods of prollitution.
He a!fo kept a gaming-houfe, in which he himfelf pre-
fided, fcrupling none of the meaneft tricks in order to
advance his gains. On a certain occafion having had
a run of ill luck, he faw two rich knights palling thro*
his court; upon which he fuddenly rofe up, and caufing
both to be apprehended, confifcated their eftates, and
then joining his former companions, boafled that he
never had a better throw in his life. Another time,
wanting money for a (take, he went down and caufed
feveral noblemen to be put to death; and then return¬
ing,. told the company that they fat playing for trifles
while he had won 60,000 fdlerces. at a call. Ridiculous
Such infupportable and capricious cruelties produced expeditions
many fecret confpiracies again!! him ; but thefe wereagainft
for a while deferred, upon account of his intended ex-pin antl
pedition againd the Germans and Britons, which he. er a
undertook in the third year of his reign. For this
purpofe, he caufed numerous levies to be made in all
parts of the empire; and talked with fq much refolu-
tion, that it was univerfally believed he would conquer
all.before him. His march perfe&ly indicated the in¬
equality of his temper: fometimes it was fo rapid, that
the cohorts were obliged to leave their ftandards be¬
hind them; at other times it was fo flow, that it more
refembled a pompous proceffion than a military expe¬
dition. In this difpofuion he would caufe himfelf to
be carried on eight mens fnoulders, and order all the
neighbouring cities to have their ftreets well fwept and
watered to defend him from the dud. However, all
thefe mighty preparations ended in nothing. Inftead
of conquering Britain, he only gave refuge to one of
its baniftied princes ; and this he defcribed in a letter
to the fenate, as taking poffeffion of the whole ifland.
Inftead of conquering Germany, he only led his army
to the fea-lhore in Batavia. There difpofing his en¬
gines and warlike machines with great folemnity, and
drawing up his men in order of battle, he went on
board his galley, with which coafting along, he com¬
manded his trumpets to found and the fignal to be gi¬
ven as if for an engagement; upon which, his men ha¬
ving had previous orders, immediately fell to gathering
the {hells that lay upon the fhore into their helmets,
terming them the fpotls of the conquered ocean, ‘worthy
of the palace and the capitol. After this doughty ex¬
pedition, calling his army together as a general aftee
vidtory, he harangued them in a pompous manner,
and highly extolled their atchievements; and then di-
ftributing money among them, difmifled them with or¬
ders to be joyful, and congratulated them upon their*
riches. But that fuch exploits fhould not pafs without
a memorial, he caufed a fofty tower to be erected by
the fea-fide; and ordered the galleys in which he had
put to fea, to be conveyed to Rome in a great meafure
Supplying the exchequer; and as before his profufion,
fo now his rapacity became boundlefs. He put in
pra&ice all kinds of rapine and extortion; while his
principal ftudy feemed to be the inventing new impofts
and illicit confifcations. Every thing was taxed, to
the very wages of the meaneft tradefman. He caufed
freemen to purchafe their freedom a fecond time; and
poifoned many who had named him for their heir, to-
After numberlefs inftances of folly and cruelty in Meannefs
this expedition, among which he had intentions of de- of the fe-
ftroying the whole army that had formerly mutinied nate*
under his father Germanicus, he began to think of a
triumph. The fenate, who had long been the timid
minifters of his pride and cruelty, immediately fct a-
bout confulting how to fatisfy his expectations. They
confidered that a triumph would, even to himfelf, ap¬
pear
ROM [ 6825 ] ROM
j Rome, pear as a burlefque upon his expedition: they therefore
~decreed him only an ovation. Having come to this
refolution, they lent him a deputation, informing him
' of the honours granted him, and the decree, which was
drawn up in terms of the moll extravagant adulation,
j However, their flattery was far from fatisfying his
pride. He confidered their condutt rather as a dimi¬
nution of his' power, than an addition to his glory.
He therefore ordered them, on pain of death, not to
concern themfelves with his honours; and being met
by their meflengers on the way, who invited him to
come and partake of the preparations which the fenate
had decreed, he informed them that he would come;
and then laying his' hand upon his fword, added, that
he would bring that alfo with him. In this manner,
either quite omitting his triumph, or deferring it to
another time, he entered the city with only an ovation:
while the fenate paffed the whole day in acclamations
in his praife, and fpeeches filled with the molt excef-
five flattery. This cpndudt in Tome meafure ferved to
reconcile, him, and foon after their exceffiye zeal in his
caufe entirely gained his favour. For it happened that
Protogenes, who was one of the moft intimate and the
molt cruel of his favourites, coming into the houfe,
was fawned upon by the whole body of thfe fenate, and
particularly by Proculus. Whereupon Protogenes with
a fierce look, allied how one who was fuch an enemy
to the emperor^could be fuch a friend to him? There
needed no more to excite the .fenate againft Proculus.
They inllamly feized upon him, and violently tore him
in pieces; plainly (howing by their condudf, that ty¬
ranny in a prince produces cruelty in thofe whom he
governs.—It was after returning from this extravagant
expedition, that he was waited upon by a deputation
of the Jews of Alexandria, who came to deprecate his
anger for cot worlhipping his divinity as other nations
had done. The emperor gave them a very ungracious
reception, and would probably have deflroyed their
countrymen if he had not foon after been cut off.
This affair of the Jews remaintd undecided during
his reign; but it was at laft fettled by bis fucceffor to
their fatisfa&ion. It was upon this occafion that Philo
made the following remarkable anfwer to his affociates,
who were terrified with apprehenfions of the emperor’s
indignation; “ Fear nothing, (cried he to them), Ca¬
ligula, by declaring againlt us, puts God on our fide.”
The continuation of this, horrid reign feemed to
threaten pniverfal calamity: however, it was but Ihort.
f 286 There had already been feveral confpiracies formed to
teCOfonn"d^e^roy l*,e tyrant> but without fuccefs. That which
gaLf/the at fucceeded in delivering the world of this mon-
imperor. Iter, was concerted under the influence of Caffius Che-
rea, tribune of the praetorian bands. This was a man
I of experienped courage, an ardent admirer of freedom,
ami confequently an enemy to tyrants, Befides the
motives which he had in common with other men, he
had received repeated infults from Caligula, who took
all occafions of turning him into ridicule, and impeach¬
ing hitmof cowardice, merely becaufe he had an effe¬
minate voice. Whenever Chtrea came to demand the
watch-word frpm the emperor, according to cuftom,
he always gave him either Venus, Adonis, or fome
fuch, implying, effeminacy and foftnefs. He therefore
fecretly imparted, bis defigns to ftveral fenators and
knights, whom he knew to have received perfonal in-
Vol; IX. I
Juries from Caligula, or to be apprehendve of thofe to Rome.
come. Among thefc was Valerius;Afiaticus, whofe wife 
the emperor had debauched. Annius Vincianus, who
was fufpefted of having been in a former confpiracy,
was now defirous of really engaging in the firft defign
that offered. Befides thefe, were Clemens the prefed ;
and Califtus, vvhofe riches made him obnoxious to the
tyrant’s refentment.
While thefe were deliberating upon the moft certain
and fpeedy method of deftroying the tyrant, an unex¬
pected incident gave new ftrength to the confpiracy.
Pompedius, a fenator of diftindtion, having been accu-
fed before the emperor,* of having fpoken of him with
difrefpedt, the informer cited one Quintilia, an adtrefs,
to confirm his accufation. Qmntilia, however, was
poffcffed of a degree of fortitude not eafily found. She
denied the fadl with obftinacy; and being put to the
torture at the informer’s requeft, fhe bore the fevered
torments of the rack with unfhaken conftancy. But
what is moft; remarkable of her refolution is, that (he
was acquainted with all the particulars of the confpi¬
racy ; and although Cherea was appointed to prefide
at her torture, (he revealed nothing: on the contrary,
when (he was led to the rack, (he trod upon the toe of
one of the confpirators, intimating at once her know¬
ledge of the confederacy, and her own refolution noc
to divulge it. In this manner fhe fuffered until all her
limbs were diflocated; and in that deplorable (late was
prefented to the emperor, who ordered her a gratuity
for what (he had fuffered. Cherea could now no lon¬
ger contain his indignation at being thus made the
inftrument of a tyrant’s cruelty. He therefore propo-
fed to the confpirators to attack him as he went to of¬
fer facrifices in the capitol, or while he was employed,
in the fecret pleafures of the palace. The reft, how¬
ever, were of opinion, that it was bed to fall upon him
when he (hould be unattended; by which means they
would be more certain of fuccefs. After feveral deli¬
berations, it was at laft refoived to attack him during
the continuance of the Palatine games, which lafted
four days; and to ftrike the blow when his guards
(hould have the lead opportunity to defend him. In
confequence of this, the three firft days of the games
paffed without affording that opportunity which was To
ardently defired- Cherea now, therefore, began to ap¬
prehend, that deferring the time of the confpiracy
might be a mean to divulge it: he even began to
dread, that the honour of killing the tyrant might fall
to the lot of fome other perfon more bold than himfelf.
Wherefore, he at laft refoived to defer the execution ot
his plot only to the day following, when Caligula fiiould
pafs through a private gallery, to fome baths not (ar
diftant from the palace.
The laft day of the games was more fplendid than\yhois
the reft ; and Caligula feemed more fprightly and con- murdered,
defeending than ufual. He took great amufement in
feeing the people fcramble for the fruits and other ra¬
rities thrown by his order among them ; and feemed
no way apprthenfive of the plot formed for his deftruc-
tion. In the mean time the confpiracy began to tran-
fpire ; and had he poffeffed any friends, it could not have
failed of being difeovered. The confpirators waited a
great part of the day with the moft extreme anxiety;
and at one time Caligula feemed refoived to fpend the
whole day without any refreftiment. This uncxpedled
38 H delay
Rome.
288
Great eon-
fufion en-
fnes on his
death.
ROM
[ 6826 ]
ROM
delay entirely exafperated Cherea; and had he not been
reflrained, he would have gone and perpetrated his
defign in the midft of all the people. Juft at that in-
flant, while he was yet hefitating what he ftionld do,
Afprenas, one of the confpirators, perfuaded Caligula
to go to the bath and take fome flight refrefhment, ifr
order to enjoy the reft of the entertainment with great¬
er relilh. The emperor therefore rifing up, the con¬
fpirators ufed every precaution to keep off the throng,
and to furround him, under pretence of greater afli-
duity. Upon entering into the little vaulted gallery
that led to the bath, he was met by a band of Grecian
children who had been inftrufted in finging, and were
come to perform in his prefence; He was once more
therefore going to return into the theatre with them,
had not the leader of the band excufed himfelf, as ha¬
ving a cold. This was the moment that Cherea feized
to ftrike him to the ground; crying out, “ Tyrant,
think upon this.” Immediately after, the other con¬
fpirators rufhed in; and while the emperor continued
to refill, crying out, that he was not yet dead, they
difpatched him with 30 wounds, in the 29th year of
his age, after a ffiort reign of three years ten months
and eight days. With him, his wife and infant daugh¬
ter alfo perifhed ; the one being ftabbed by a centu¬
rion, the other having its brains dafhed out againft the
wall. His coin was alfo melted down by a decree
of the fenate; and fuch precautions were taken, that
all feemed willing, that neither his features nor his
name might be tranfmitted to pofterity.
As foon as the death of Caligula was made public, it
produced the greateft confufion in all parts of the city.
The confpirators, who only aimed at deftroying a ty¬
rant without attending to a fucceffor, had all fought
fafety by retiring to private places. Some thought
the report of the emperor’s death was only an artifice
of his own, to fee how his enemies would behave.
Others averred that he was ftill alive, and adlually in
a fair way to recover. In this interval of fufpence, the
German guards finding it a convenient time to pillage,
gave a loofe to their licentioufnefs, under a pretence of
revenging the emperor’s death. All the confpirators
and fenators that fell in their way, received no mercy:
Afprenas, Norbanus, and Anteius, were cut to pieces.
However, they grew calm by degrees, and the fenate
was permitted to affemble, in order to deliberate upon
what was neceffary to be done in the prefent emer-
gency.
In this deliberation, Saturninus, who was then con-
ful, infifted much upon the benefits of liberty ; and talk¬
ed in raptures of Cherea’s fortitude, alleging that it
deferved the higheft regard. This was a language
highly pleafing to the fenate. Liberty now became the
favourite topic; and they even ventured to talk of ex-
tinguifliing the very name of Ctefar. Impreffed with
this refolution, they brought over fome cohorts of the
city to their fide, and boldly feized upon the capitol.
But it was now too late for Rome to gain her priftine
freedom ; the populace and the army oppofing their
endeavours. The former were ftill mindful of their an¬
cient hatred to the fenate; and remembered the dona¬
tions and public fpe&acles of the emperors with re¬
gret. The latter were fenfible they could have no
power but in a monarchy;; and had fome hopes that
• he ekdio-p of the emperor would fall to their deter¬
mination. In this oppofition of interefts, and variety Rome,
of opinions, chance feemed at laft to decide the fate of
the empire. Some foldiers happening to run about the
palace, difeovered Claudius, Caligula’s uncle, lurking
in a fecret place, where he had hid himfelf through
fear. Of this perfonage, who had hitherto been defpi-
fed for his imbecillity, theyrefolved to make an empe¬
ror: and accordingly carried him upon their ffioulders
to the camp, where they proclaimed him at a time he
expefted nothing but death. lSs)
The fenate now, therefore, perceiving that force Claiidm
alone was likely to fettle the fucceffion, were refolved made
to fubmit, fince they had no power to oppofe. Clau-Iieror'
dins was the perfon mod nearly allied to the late em¬
peror, then living; being the nephew of Tiberius, and
the uncle of Caligula. The fenate therefore paffed a
decree, confirming him in the empire; and went foon
after in a body, to render him their compulfive ho¬
mage. Cherea was the fir ft who fell a facrifice to the
jealoufy of this new monarch. He met death with all
the fortitude of an ancient Roman; defiring to die by
the fame fword with which he had killed Caligula.
Lupus, his friend, was put to death with him; and Sa-
binus, one of the confpirators, laid violent hands on
himfelf.
Claudius was 50 years old when he began to reign.
The complicated diieafes of his infancy had in fome
meafure affedled all the faculties both of his body and ,
mind. He was continued in a date of pupillage much
longer than was ufual at that time ; and feemed, in
every part of his life, incapable of conducling himfelf;
Hot that he was entirely deftitute of underftanding,
fince he had made a tolerable proficiency in the Greek
and Latin languages, and even wrote an hiftory of his
own time ; which, however deftitute of other merit,
was not contemptible in point of ftyle. Neverthelefs,
with this lhare of erudition, he was unable to advance
himfelf in the ftate, and feemed utterly neglefled un¬
til he was placed all at once at the head of affairs.
The commencement of his reign gave the mod promt-His happy
fing hopes of an happy continuance. He began by adminirti
palling an aft of oblivion for all former words and ac-J'or! 'n.t,’e
lions, and difannulled all the cruel •edifts of Caligula, ofllftreigr
He forbade all perfons, upon fevere penalties, to facri¬
fice to him as they had done to Caligula ; was afiidu-
ous in hearing and examining complaints; and fre¬
quently adminiftered juftice in perfon; tempering, by
bis mildnefs, the feverity of the law. We are told of
his bringing a woman to acknowledge her fon, by ad¬
judging her to marry him. The tribunes of the people
coming one day to attend him when he was on his tri¬
bunal, he courtedufly excufed himfelf for not having
room for them to fit down. By this deportment he fo
much gained the affeftions of the people, that upon a
vague report of his being flain by furprife, they ran
about the ftreets in the utmoft rage and confternation,
with horrid imprecations againft all fuch as were ac-
ceffary to his death; nor could they be appeafed, until
they were affured, with certainty, of his fafety. He
took a more than ordinary care that Rome ffiould be
continually fupplied with corn and provifions, fecuring
the merchants againft pirates. He was not lefs afii-
duous in his buildings, in which he excelled almoft all
that went before him. He conftrufted a wonderful
pqureduft, called after his own name, much furpaffing
any.
ROM [ 6827 ] ROM
Rome, any other in Rome, either for workmanfirlp, or plen-
tiful fupply. It brought water from 40 mile? cliftance,
through great mountains, and over deep valleys ; be¬
ing built on ftatdy arches, and furnifhing the hlgheft
parts of the city. He made alfo an haven at Oltia; a
work of fuch immenfe expence, that his fucceflbrs were
unable to maintain it. But his greateft work of all
was the draining of the lake Fucinus, which was the
largeft in Italy, and bringing its water into the Tiber,
in order to ftrengthen the current of that river. For
effe&ing this, among other vaft difficulties, he mined
through a mountain of done three miles broad, and
kept 30,000 men employed for 11 years together.
To this folicitude for the internal advantages of the
date, he added that of a watchful guardianlhip over
the provinces. He redored Judea to Herod Agrippa,
which Caligula had taken from Herod Antipas, his
uncle, the man who had put John the Baptid to death,
and who was banifhed by order of the prefent emperor.
Claudius alfo redored fuch princes to their kingdoms
as had been unjudly difpofleded by his predecedbrs;
but deprived the Lycians and Rhodians of their liber¬
ty, for having promoted infurre&ions, and crucified
Spx fome citizens of Rome.
s expcclr- He even undertook to gratify the people by foreign
|y againft conqued. The Britons, who had, for near 100 years,
; been left in foie poffeffion of their own ifland, began
to feek the mediation of Rome, to quell their intedine
commotions. The principal man who defired to fub-
jeft his native country to the Roman dominion, was
one Bericus, who, by many arguments, perfuaded the
emperor to make a defcent upon the ifland, magnify¬
ing the advantages that would attend the conqued of
it. In purfuance of his advice, therefore, Plautius the
prator was ordered to pafs over into Gaul, and make
preparations for this great expedition. At fird, indeed,
his foldiers feemed backward to embark ; declaring,
that they were unwilling to make war beyond the li¬
mits of the world, for fo they judged Britain to be.
However, they were at laft perfuaded to go; and the
Britons, under the condudt of their king Cynobelinus,
were feveral times overthrown. And thefe fucceffes foon
after induced Claudius to go into Britain in perfon,
upon pretence that the natives were dill feditious, and
had not delivered up fome Roman fugitives who had
taken fheiter among them ; but for a particular ac¬
count of the exploits of the Romans in this ifland, fee
the article England.
“induced But though Claudius gave in the beginning of his
his fa- reign the higheft hopes of an happy continuance, he
untes to foon began to leflen his care for the public, and to
toy a its commit to his favourites all the concerns of the empire,
cruelty. This weak prince was unable to aft but under the di-
re&ion of others. The chief of his dire&ors was his
wife Meflalina ; whofe name is almofl become a com¬
mon appellation to women of abandoned chara&ers.
However, (he was not lefs remarkable for her cruelties
than her luds; as by her intrigues (he deftroyed many
j) of the mod illuftrious families of Rome. Subordinate
to her were the emperor’s freedmen ; Pallas, the trea-
furer; Narciffus, the fecretary of ftate; and Calliftus,
the matter of the requefts. Thefe entirely governed
Claudius; fo that he was only left the fatigues of ce¬
remony, while they were podefled of all the power of
» the date.
It would be tedious to enumerate the various cruel- Rome.
ties which thefe infidious advifers obliged the feeble  
emperor to commit: thofe againft his own family will
fuffice. Appius Silanus, a perfon of great merit, who
had been married to the emperor’s mother-in-law,was
put to death upon the fuggeftions of Meflalina. After
him he flew both his fons-in-law, Silanus and Pompey,
and his two nieces the Livias, one the daughter of
Drufus, the other of Germanicus; and all without per¬
mitting them to plead in their defence, or even with¬
out affigning any caufe for his difpleafure. Great
numbers of others fell a facrifice to the jealoufy of Mef-
falina and her minions; who bore fo great a fway in
the ftate, that all offices, dignities, and governments,
were entirely at their difpofal. Every thing was put
to fale : they took money for pardons and penalties ;
and accumulated, by thefe means, fuch vaft fums, that
the wealth of Craffus was confidered as nothing in com-
parifon. One day, the emperor complaining that his
exchequer was exhaufted, he was ludicroufly told, that
it might be fufficiently.replenifhed if his two freedmen
would take him into partnerlhip. Still, however, du¬
ring fuch corruption, he regarded his favourites with
the higheft efteem, and even folicited the fenate to
grant them peculiar marks of their approbation. Thefe
diforders in the minifters of government did not fail to
produce confpiracies againft the emperor. Statius Cor-
vinus and Gallus Affinius formed a confpiracy againft:
him. Two knights, whofe names are not told us, pri¬
vately combined to affaffinate him. But the revolt
which gave him the greateft uneafmefs, and which was
punifhed with the moft unrelenting feverity, was that
of Camillus, his lieutenant-general in Dalmatia. This
general, incited by many of the principal men of Rome,
openly rebelled againft him, and aflumed the title of
emperor. Nothing could exceed the terrors of Clau¬
dius, upon being informed of this revolt: his nature
and his crimes had difpofed him to be more cowardly
than the reft of mankind; fo that when Camillus com¬
manded him by letters to relinquilh the empire, and
retire to a private ftation, he feemed inclined to obey.
However, his fears upon this occafion were foon remo¬
ved: for the legions which had declared for Camillus
being terrified by fome prodigies, fhortly after aban¬
doned him ; fo that the man whom but five days be¬
fore they had acknowledged as emperor, they now
thought it no infamy to deftroy. The cruelty of Mef-
falina and her minions upon this occafion feemed to
have no bounds. They fo wrought upon the emperor’s
fears and fufpicions, that numbers were executed with¬
out trial or proof; and fcarce any, even of thofe who
were but fufpe&ed, efcaped, unlefs by ranfoming their
lives with their fortunes. 295
By fuch cruelties as thefe, the favourites of the em-Their infa-
peror endeavoured to eftablilh his and their own autho- ct>a'
rity: but in order to increafe the neceffity of their af- u *
fiftance, they laboured to augment the greatnefs of his
terrors. He now become a prey to jealoufy and dif-
quietude. Being one day in the temple, and finding
a fword that was left there by accident, he convened
the fenate in a fright, and informed them of his dan¬
ger. After this he never ventured to go to any feaft
without being furrounded by his guards, nor would he
fuffer any man to approach him without a previous
fearch. Thus wholly employed by his anxiety for
38 H 3 felf-
R O M [ 6828 1 ROM
Rome, felf-prefervation, he entirely left the care of the (late
“ to his favourites, who by degrees gave him a relifh for
flaughter. From this time, he feemed delighted with
infliding tortures; and on a certain occafion continued
a whole day at the city Tibur, waiting for an hang¬
man from Rome, that he might feaft his eyes with an
execution in the manner of the ancients. Nor was he
lefs regardlefs of the perfons he condemned, than cruel
in the inflidion of their punifhment. Such was his ex¬
treme flupidity, that he would frequently invite thofe
to fupper whom he had put to death but the day be¬
fore; and often denied the having given orders for an
execution, but a few hours after pronouncing fentence.
Suetonius allures us, that there were no lefs than 35 fe-
nators and above 300 knights executed in his reign;
and that fuch was his unconcern in the midll of flaugh¬
ter, that one of the tribunes bringing him an account
of a certain fenator who was executed, he quite forgot
194 his offence, but calmly acquiefced in his punifhment.
F.xtrava- ja manner Was Claudius urged on by Mefialina
reftofThe t0 commit cruelties, which he confidered only as whole-
emprefs fome feverities; while, in the mean time, ffie put no
MefTalina, bounds to her enormities. The impunity of her paft
vices only increafing her confidence to commit new’,
her debaucheries became every day more notorious, and
her lewdnefs exceeded what had ever been feen at Rome.
She caufed fome women of the firlt quality to commit
adultery in the prefence of their hufbands, and deftroy-
ed fuch as refufed to comply. After appearing for
fome years infatiable in her defires, Ihe at length fixed
her affesftions upon Caius Silius, the mod beautiful
youth in Rome. Her love for the young Roman feem¬
ed to amount even to madnefs. She obliged him to di¬
vorce his wife Junia Syllana, that Ihe might entirely
poflefs him to herfelf. She obliged him to accept of
immenfe treafures, and valuable prefents; cohabiting
with him in the mod open manner, and treating him
with the mod (hamelefs familiarity. The very impe¬
rial ornaments were transferred to his houfe ; and the
emperor’s flaves and attendants had orders to wait up¬
on the adulterer. Nothing was wanting to complete
the infolence of their conduct but their being married
together; and this was foon after effe&ed. They re¬
lied upon the emperor’s imbecillity for their fecurity,
and only waited till he retired to Odia to put their ill-
judged projeft in execution. In his abfence they ce¬
lebrated their nuptials with all the ceremonies and
fplendor which attend the mod confident fecurity.
Mefialina gave a loofe to her palfion, and appeared as a
Bacchanalian with a thyrfus in her hand; while Silius
afluraed the character of Bacchus, his body being ad¬
orned with robes imitating ivy, and his legs covered
with bufkins. A troop of fingers and dancers attend¬
ed, who heightened the revel with the mod lafcivious
fongs and the mod indecent attitudes. In the midd
of this riot, one Valens, a buffoon, is faid to have climb¬
ed a tree; and being demanded what he faw, anfwered
that he perceived a dreadful dorm coming from Odia.
What this fellow fpoke at random, was actually at that
time in preparation. It feems that fome time before
there had been a quarrel between Mcffalina and Nar-
ciffus, the emperor’s fird fretdmen. This fubcle mini-
ffer therefore defired nothing more than an opportu¬
nity of ruining the emprefs, and he judged this to be
a mod favourable occafion. He firft made, the difco.
very by means of two concubines who attended the Rome, j
emperor, who were indrudled to inform him of Mefia- f
lina’s marriage as the news of the day, while Narciffus
himfelf depped in to confirm their information. Find¬
ing it operated upon the emperor’s fears as he could
wifh, he refolved to alarm him dill more by a difco very
of all Mtffalina’s projects and attempts. He aggrava¬
ted the danger, and urged the expediency of ipeedily
punilhing the delinquents. Claudius, quite terrified at
ib unexpe&ed a relation, fuppofed the enemy were al¬
ready at his gates ; and frequently interrupted his
freedman, by afking if he was dill mader of the em¬
pire. Being aflurtd that he yet had it in his power to
continue fo, he refolved to go and punifh the affront
offered to his dignity without delay. Nothing could
exceed the condernation of Meffalina and her thought-
lefs companions, upon being informed that the empe¬
ror was coming to didurb their fedivity. Every one
retired in the utmod confufion. Silius was taken.
Meffalina took flielter in fome gardens which ftie had
lately feized upon, having expelled Afiaticus the true
owner, and put him to death. From thence fhe fent
Britannicus, her only fon by the emperor, with Oidavia
her daughter, to intercede for her, and implore his a
mercy. She foon after followed them herielf; but
Narciffus had fo fortified the emperor againd her arts,
and contrived fuch methods of diverting his attention
from her defence, that die was obliged to return in de-
fpair. Narciffus being thus far fuccefsful, led Claudius
to the houfe of the adulterer, there fliowing him the 1
apartments adorned with the fpoils of his own palace;
and then conducing him to the praetorian camp, revi¬
ved his courage by giving him affurances of the readi-
nefs of the foldiers to defend him. Having thus art¬
fully wrought upon his fears and refentment, the wretch¬
ed Silius was commanded to appear; who, making no
defence, was indantly put to death in the emperor’s
prefence. Several others ffiared the fame fate; but
Meffalina ftill flattered herfelf with hopes of pardon.
She refolved to leave neither prayers nor tears unat¬
tempted to appeafe the emperor. She fometimes even
gave a loofe to her refentment, and threatened her ac-
cufers with vengeance. Nor did fhe want ground for-
entertaining the mod favourable expectations. Clau¬
dius have returned from the execution of her paramour,
and having allayed his refentment in a banquet, begam
to relent. He now therefore commanded his attend¬
ants to appvife that miferable creature, meaning Mef-
falin-a, of his refolution to hear her accufation the next
day, and ordered her to be in readinefs with her de¬
fence. The permiflion to defend herfelf would have 2pJ I
been fatal to Narciffus; wherefore he rufhed out, and she is put';
ordered the tribunes and centurions who were in rea- to death.,
dinefs, to execute her immediately by the emperor’s
command. Claudius was informed of her death in the-
midft of his banquet; but this infenfible idiot fliewed,
not the lead appearance of emotion. He continued ac
table with his ufual tranquillity; and the day follow¬
ing, while he was fitting at dinner, he afked why Mef-*.
falina was abfent, as if he had totally forgotten her
crimes and her punifhraent.
Claudius being now a widower, declared publicly,
that as he had hitherto been unfortunate in his mar¬
riages, he would remain Angle for the future, and that
he would be contented to forfeit his life in cafe he broke
his
ROM [ 6829 ] ROM
Rome. Kis refolution. However, the rcfolutions of Claudius
‘ were but of fhort continuance. Having been accu-
flomed to live under the controul of women, his prefent
( freedom was become irkfome to him, and he was en¬
tirely uriable to live without a diredor. His freedmen
therefore perceiving his inclinations, refolved to pro-
l5)(S cure him another wife; and, after Tome deliberation,
The empe- they fixed upon Agrippina, the daughter of his bro-
ror marries ther Germanicus. This woman was more praftifed in
Agrippina. vjce than even the former emprefs. Her cruelties were
more dangerous, as they were direded with greater
caution: fine had poifoned her former huiband, to be
at liberty to attend thecallsof ambition; and, perfed-
ly acquainted with all the infirmities of Claudius, only
made ufe of his power to advance her own. However,
as the late declaration of Claudihs feemed to bean ob-
ilacle to his marrying again, perfons w,ere fuborned to
move in the fenate, that he (hould be compelled to take
a wife, as a matter of great importance to the com¬
monwealth; and fome more determined flatterers than
the reft, left the houfe, as with a thorough refolution,
that inftant, to conftrain him. When this decree pafled
in the fenate, Claudius had fearce patience to contain
himfelf a day before the celebration of his nuptials.
However, fuch was the deteftation in which the people
in general held thefe inceftuous matches, that though
they were made lawful, yet only one of his tribunes,
and one of his freedmen, followed his example.
Claudius having now received a new diredor, fub-
mitted with more implicit obedience than in any for¬
mer part of his reign. Agrippina’s chief aims were to
gain the fucceffion in favour ofher own Ton Nero, and
lb fet afide the claims of young Britannicus, fon to the
emperor and Meflalina. For this purpofe fhe married
Nero to the emperor’s daughter Odavia, a few days
after her own marriage. Not long after this, fhe urged
the emperor to ftrengthen the fucceffion, in imitation
of his predeceffors, by making a new adoption; and
caufed him take in her fon Nero, in fome meafure to
divide the fatigues of government. Her next care was
to increafe her fon’s popularity, by giving him Seneca
for a tutor. This excellent man, by birth a Spaniard,
had been banifhed by Claudius, upon the falfe tefti-
mony of Meftalma, who had accufed him of adultery
with Julia the emperor’s niece. The people loved and
admired him for his genius, but {till more for his fin'd
morality; and a part of his reputation neceflarily de¬
volved to his pupil. This fubtle woman was not lefs
affiduous in pretending the utmoft affedion for Britan-
nicus; whom, however, fhe refolved in a proper time
to deftroy : but her jealoufy was not confined to this
child only; fhe, fhortly after her acceffion, procured
the deaths of feveral ladies who had been her rival in
the emperor’s affedions. She difplaced the captains
of the guard, and appointed Burrhus to that command ;
a perfon of great military knowledge, and ftrongly at¬
tached to her interefts. From that time fhe took lefs
pains to difguife her power, and frequently entered the
capitol in a chariot; a privilege which none before
, were allowed, except of the facerdotal order.
In the 12 th year of this monarch’s .reign, fhe per-
fuaded him to reftore liberty to the Rhodians, of which
he had deprived them fome years before ; and to re¬
mit the taxes of the city Ilium, as having been the
progenitors of Rome. Her defign in this was to in¬
creafe the popularity of Nero, who pleaded the caufe Rome,
of both cities with great approbation. Thus d'd this
ambitious woman nake every flep to aggrandize her
fon, and was even contented to become hateful herftif
to the public, merely to increafe his popularity.
Such a very immoderate abufe of her power, ferved
at laft to awaken the emperor’s fufpicions. Agrippi¬
na’s imperious temper began to grow infuppoi table to
him; and he was heard to declare, when heated with
wine, that it was his fate to Tuffer the diforders of his
wives, and to be their executioner. This expreffion
funk deep on her mind, and engaged all her faculties
to prevent the blow. Her firlt care was to remove
Narciffus, whom fhe hated upon many accounts, but
particularly for his attachment to Claudius, This mini-
fler, for fome time, oppofed her defigns; but at length
thought fit to retire by a voluntary exile into Campa¬
nia. The unhappy emperor, thus txpofed to all the
machinations of his iniidious confort, feemed entirely
regardlefs of the dangers that threatened his deftruc- *
tion. His affe&ion for Britannicus was perceived every
day to increafe, which ferved alfo to increafe the vigi¬
lance and jealoufy of Agrippina. She now, therefore,
refolved not to defer a crime which fhe had meditated
a long while before ; namely, that of poifoning her
hufband. She for fome time, however, debated with
herfelf in what manner fhe (hould adminifter the poi-
fon; as fhe feared too ftrong a dofe would difeover her
treachery, and one too weak might fail of its effeift.
At length fhe determined upon a poifoil of Angular ef- *37
ficacy to deftroy his intelledls, and yet not fuddenly to
terminate his life. As fhe had been long converfant in foned!*01
this horrid pra&ice, (lie applied to a woman called
Locufta, notorious for affifting on fuch occafions. The
poifon was given to the emperor among mufhrooms, a
didi he was particularly fond of. Shortly after having
eaten, he dropped down infenfible ; but this caufed
no alarm, as it was ufual with him to fit eating till he
had flupefied ail his faculties, and was obliged to be
carried off to his bed from the table. However, his
conftitution feemed to overcome the effects of the.po¬
tion, when Agrippina refolved to make fure of him :
wherefore fhe directed a wretched phylician, who was
her creature, to thruft a poifoned feather down his
throat, under pretence of making him vomit; and this
difpatched him.
The reign of the emperor, feeble and impotent as
he was, produced no great calamities in the (late,
fince his cruelties were chiefly levelled at thofe about
his perfon. The lift of the inhabitants of Rome at this
time amounted to fix millions eight hundred and forty-
four thoufand fouls; a- mupber equal perhaps to all
the people of England at this day. The general cha-
ra&er of the times was that of corruption and luxury :
but the military fpirit of Rome, though much relaxed
from its former feverity, ftill continued to awe man¬
kind ; and tho’ during this reign, the empire might be
juftly faid to be without a head, yet the terror of the
Roman name alone kept the nations in obedience.
Claudius being deftroyed,, Agrippina took- every
precaution to conceal In’s death from the pubhf., -until
fhe had fettled hermeafures for fecuring'tbe fucceffion.
A ftrong guard was placed at all the avenues of the
palace, while fhe amofed the people with various re¬
ports; at one time giving.out that he was ftill alive ;,
ac:
ROM [ 6830 ] ROM
' Rom*;, at another, that he was recovering. In the mean
  * while, flie made fure of the perfon of young Britan-
nicus, under a pretence of affe&ion for him. Like
one overcome with the extremity of her grief, (he held
the child in her arms, calling him the dear image of
his father, and thus preventing his efcape. She ufed
the fame precautions with regard to his fillers, 0£la-
via and Antonia ; and even ordered an entertainment
in the palace, as if to amufe the emperor. At lad,
^ 198 when all things were adjudged, the palace-gates were
ceeds to^hethrown open, and Nero, accompanied by Burrhus,
empire!> prefect of the Praetorian guards, ilfued to receive the
congratulations of the people and the army. The co>
horts then attending, proclaimed him with the louddt
acclamations, tho’ not without making fome inquiries
after Britannicus. He was carried in a chariot to the
reft of the army ; wherein having made a fpeech pro¬
per to the occafion, and promifing them a donation, in
the manner of his predeceffors, he was declared empe¬
ror by the army, the fenate, and the people.
Nero’s fir ft care was, to fhow all pofiible refpeft to
the deceafed emperor, in order to cover the guilt of
his death. His obfeqnies were performed with a pomp
equal to that of Auguftus: the young emperor pro¬
nounced his funeral oration, and he was canonized
among the gods. The funeral oration, tho’ fpoken by
Nero, was drawn up by Seneca; and it was remarked,
that this was the firft time a Roman emperor needed
the affiftance of another’s eloquence.
Nero, though but 17 years of age, began his reign
with the general approbation of mankind. As he ow¬
ed the empire to Agrippina, fo in the beginning he
fubmitted to her diredlions with the molt implicit obe¬
dience. On her part, (he feemed refolved on govern¬
ing with her natural ferocity, and confidered her pri¬
vate animofities as the only rule to guide her in pub¬
lic jultice. Immediately after the death of Claudius,
(he caufed Silanus, the pro-conful of Afia, to be af-
faffinated upon very flight fufpicions, and without
ever acquainting the emperor with her defign. The
next obje£l of her refentment was Narciffus, the late
emperor’s favourite ; a man equally notorious for the
greatnefs of his wealth, and the number of his crimes.
He was obliged to put an end to his life by Agrippi¬
na’s order, tho’ Nero refufed his confent.
199 This bloody onfet would have been followed by
kntarlmi" many faverities of the fame nature, had not Seneca
niftration" an^ Barrhus, the emperor’s tutor and general, oppo-
for five fed. Thefe worthy men, although they owed their
years. rife to the emprefs, were above being the inftruments
of her cruelty. They, therefore, combined together in
an oppofitiorv; and gaining the young emperor on
their fide, fornhed a plan of power, at once the moil
merciful and wife. The beginning of this monarch’s
reign, while he continued to a£l by their counfels, has
always been confidered as a model for fucceeding priir-
ces to govern by. The famous emperor Trajan ufed
to fay, “ That for the firft five years of this prince,
all other governments came (hort of his.” In fadl, the
ybung monarch knew fo well how to conceal his innate
depravity, that his neareft friends could fcarce per¬
ceive his virtues to be but affumed. He appeared juft,
liberal, and humane. When a warrant for the execu¬
tion of a criminal was brought him to be figned, he
was heard to cry out, with feeming concern, “ Would
to Heaven that I had never learned to write !” The Rome,
fenate, upon a certain occafion, giving him their ap-
plaufe, for the regularity and jufticeof his adminiftra-
tion ; he replied with Angular modefty, “ That they
(hould defer their thanks till he had deferved them.”
His condefcenfion and affability were not lefs than
his other virtues ; fo that the Romans began to think,
that the clemency of this prince would compenfate for
the tyranny of his predeceffors.
In the mean time, Agrippina, who was excluded
from any (hare in government, attempted, by every
poflible method, to maintain her declining power.
Perceiving that her fon had fallen in love with a freed-
woman, named Afte, ar.d dreading the influence of a
concubine, (he tried every art to prevent his growing
paflion. However, in fo corrupt a court, it was no
difficult matter for the emperor to find other confi-
dents, ready to affift him in his willies. The gratifi-He pro- ®|
cation of his paflion, therefore, in this inftance, only vokes his-pJ
ferved to increafe his hatred for the emprefs. Nor was mother. |!:j
it long before he gave evident marks of his difobe-
dience, by difplacing Pallas her chief favourite. It
was upon this occafion, that (he firft perceived the to¬
tal declenfion of her authority ; which threw her into
the mod ungovernable fury. In order to give terror to
her rage, (he proclaimed that Britannicus, the real
heir to the throne, was Hill living, and in a condition
to receive his father’s empire, which was now poffeffed
by an ufurper. She threatened logo to the camp, and
there expofe his bafenefs and her own, invoking all
the furies to her affiftance. Thefe menaces ferved to
alarm the fufpicions of Nero ; who, though apparently ^or I
guided by his governofs, yet had begun to give way Poifons hi*
to his natural depravity. He, therefore, determined brother. 1
upon the death of Britannicus, and contrived to have
him poifoned at a public banquet. Agrippina, how¬
ever, dill retained her natural ferocity : (lie took every
opportunity of obliging and flattering the tribunes and
centurions; (he heaped up treafures with a rapacity
beyond her natural avarice; all her adlions feemed cal¬
culated to raife a fa&ion, and make herfelf formidable to
the emperor. Whereupon NerocommandedherGerman
guard to be taken from her, and obliged her to lodge
out of the palace. He alfo forbid particular perfons
to vifit her, and went himfelf but rarely and ceremo-
nioufly to pay her h;s refpefts. She now, therefore,
began to find, that, with the emperor’s favour, (he had
loft the affiduity of her friends. She was even accufed
by Silana of confpiring againft her fon, and ofdefign-
ing to marry Plautius, a perfon defcended from Au¬
guftus, and of making him emperor. A (hort time
after, Pallas, her favourite, together with Barrhus,
were arraigned for a fimilar offence, and intending to
fet up Cornelius Sylla. Thefe informations being pro¬
ved void of any foundation, the informers werebanifii-
«d; apanifliment which was confidered as very inade¬
quate to the greatnefs of the offence. 30a I
As Nero increafed in years, his critnes feemed tosbam*ful 1
increafe in equal proportion. He now began to find a |
pleafure in running about the city by night, difguifed peror> ;
like a (lave. In this vile habit he entered taverns and
brothels, attended by the lewd minifters of his plea-
furea, attempting the lives of fuch as oppofed him,
and frequently endangering his own. In imitation of
th? emperor’s example, numbers of profligate young
men
ROM [ 6831 j R O M
sme. rnen infcfted tbe ftreets llkewife ; fo that every night
the city was filled with tumult and diforder. How¬
ever, the people bore all thefe levities, which they
afcribed to the emperor’s youth, with patience, having
occafion every day to experience his liberality, and ha¬
ving alfo been 'gratified by the abolition of many of
their taxes. The provinces alfo were no way afie&ed
by thefe riots ; for except difturbances on the fide of
the Parthians, which were foon fupprelTed, they enjoy¬
ed the moft perfeft tranquillity.
But thofe fenfualities, which, for the firil four years
of his reign, produced but few diforders, in the fifth
became alarming. He firft began to tranfgrefs the
bounds of decency, by publicly abandoning O&avia,
his prefent wife; and then by taking Poppea, the wife
of his favourite Otho,. a woman more celebrated for
her beauty than her virtues. This was another gra¬
ting circumftance to Agrippina, who vainly ufed all
her intereft to difgrace Poppea, and reinftate herfelf in
her fon’s loft favour. Hiilorians affert, that (he even
offered to fatisfy his pafiion herfelf, by an inceftuous
compliance ; and that, had’not Seneca interpofed, the
fon would have joined in the .mother’s crime. This,
however, does not feem probable, fince we find Pop¬
pea viftorious, foon after, in the contention of inte-
rells; and at laft impelling Nero to parricide, to fa¬
tisfy her revenge. She began her arts by urging him
to divorce his prefent wife, and marry herfelf: (lie re¬
proached him as a pupil, who wanted not only power
Over others, but liberty to direft himfelf. She infinua-
ted the dangerous defigns of Agrippina; and, by de¬
grees, accuftomed his mind to refiefl: on parricide
without horror: His cruelties againft his mother be¬
gan rather by various circumftances of petty malice,
than by any downright injury. He encouraged feveral
perfons to teafe her with litigious fuits ; and employed
fome of the meaneft of the people to fing fatirical
fongs againft her, under her windowst but, at laft,
finding thefe ineffeftual in breaking her fpirit, he
refolved on putting her to death. His firft attempt
was by poifon ; but this, tho’ twice repeated, proved
. ineffefiual, as fhe had fortified her conftitution againft
it by antidotes. This failing, a (hip was contrived in
fo artificial a manner, as to fall to pieces in the water;
bn board of which, fhe was invited to fail to the
coafts of Calabria. However, this plot was as ineffec¬
tual as the former: the mariners, not being apprifed of
the fecret, difturbed each other’s operations ; fo that
the (hip not finking as readily as was expefted, Agrip¬
pina found means to continue fwimming, till (lie was
taken up by fome trading veffels paffing that way.
Nero finding all his machinations were difcovered, re¬
folved to throw off the mafic, and put her openly to
death, without further delay. He therefore caufed a
Report lobe fpread, that fhe hadconfpired againft him,
and that a poniard was dropped at his feet by one
who pretended a command from Agrippina to affafllr
nate him. In confequence of this, he applied to his
governors Seneca and Burrhus, for their advice how
to aft, and their affiftance in ridding him of his fears.
Things were now come to fuch a crifis, that no middle
way could be taken ; and either Nero or Agrippina
was to fall. Seneca, therefore, kept a profound fi-
lence : while Burrhus, with more refolution, refufed
tp be perpetrator of fo great a crime; alleging, that.
the army was entirely devoted to all the defcendants of Rome.
Caefar, and would never be brought to imbrue their *'
hands in the blood of any of his family. In this em-
Barraffment, Anicetus, the contriver of the fliip above-
mentioned, offered his fervices; which Nero accepted
with the greateft joy, crying out, “ That then was
the firft moment he ever found himfelf an emperor.”
This freedman, therefore, taking with him a body ofcaii^his
foldiers, furrounded the houfe of Agrippina, and then mother to
forced open the doors. The executioners having dif- be murder-
patched her with feveral wounds, left her dead on thee^’
couch, and went to inform Nero of what they had
done. Some hiftorians fry, that Nero came imme¬
diately to view the body ; that he continued to gaze
upon it with pleafure, and ended his horrid furvey, by
coolly obferving, that he never thought his mother
had been fo handfome. However this be, he vindica¬
ted his conduft next day to the fenate ; who not only
excufed, but applauded his impiety. 504
All the bounds of virtue being thus broken down, Folly and
Nero now gave a loofe to his appetites, that were nottrieannef5
only fordid but inhuman. There feemed an odd con-Ner0,
trait in his difpofition ; for while he praftifed cruel¬
ties, which were fufficient to make the mind fhudder
with horror, he was fond of thofe amufing arts that
foften and refine the heart. He was particularly ad-
difted, even from childhood, to mufic, and not total¬
ly ignorant of poetry. But chariot-driving was his
favourite purfuit. He never miffed the circus, when
chariot-races were to be exhibited there; appearing at
firft privately, and foon after publicly ; till at laft,
his paffion increafing by indulgence, he was not con,
tent with being merely a fpeftator, but refolved to be¬
come one of the principal performers. His governors,
however, did all in their power to reftrain this pervert¬
ed ambition ; but finding him refolute, they inclofed
a fpace of ground in the valley of the Vatican, where
he firft exhibited only to fome chofefi fpeftators, but
fhortly after invited the whole town. The praifes of
his flattering fubjeftsonly ftimulated him ftil! more to
thefe unbecoming purfuits ; fo that he now refolved to
alfume a new charafter, and to appear as a finger upon
the ftage.
His pafiion for mnfic, as was obferved, was no lefs
natural to him than the former ; but as it was lefs
manly, fo he endeavoured to defend it by the example
of fome of the moft celebrated men, who praftifed it
with the fame fondnefs, He had been inftrufted in
the principles of this art from his childhood ; and up¬
on his advancement to the empire, he had put himfelf
under the moft celebrated matters. He patiently fub-
mitted to their inftruftions, and ufed all thofe methods
which fingera-praftife, either to mend the voice, or
improve its volubility.. Yet, notwitbftanding all his
afiiduity, his voice was but a wretched 6ne, being both
feeble and unpleafant. However, he was refolvtd to
produce it to the public, fuch as it was ; for flattery,
he knew, would fupply every deficiency. His firft
public appearance was at games of his own inftitu-
tion, called juveniles; where he advanced upon the
ftage, tuning his inftrument to his voice with great
appearance of (kill. A groupe of tribunes and centu¬
rions attended behind him ; when his old governor
Burrhus flood by his hopeful pupil, with indignation in.
Ins countenance and praifes on his lips. .
Rome.
ROM [ 6832 ] R O M
He was defirbus alfo of becoming a poet: but he
'was unwilling to undergo the pain of ftudy, which a
proficiency in that art requires; he was defirous of be¬
ing a poet ready made. For this purpofe, he got to¬
gether feveral perfons, who were confidered as great
wits at court, tho’ but very little known as fuch to the
public. Thefe attended him with verfes which they
had compofed at home, or which they blabbed out ex-
temporaneoufly ; and the whole of their compofitions
being tacked together, by his dire&ion, was called a
poem. Nor was he without his philofophers alfo ; he
took a pleafure in hearing their debates after flipper,
but he heard them merely for his amufement.
Furnifhed with fuch talents as thefe for' giving
pleafure, he was rjfolved to make the tour of his em¬
pire, and give the mod public difplay of his abilities
wherever he came. The place of his firft exhibition,
upon leaving Rome, was Naples. The crowds there
were fo great, and the curiofity of the people fo ear¬
ned in hearing him, that they did not perceive an
earthquake that happened while he was finging. His
defire of gaining the fuperiority over the other abtors
was truly ridiculous: he made intereft with hisjudges,
reviled his competitors, formed private fadtions to fup-
port him, all in imitation of thofe who got their li¬
velihood upon the ftage. While he continued to per¬
form, no man was permitted to depart from the,theatre,
upon any pretence whatfoever. Some were fo fatigued
with hearing him, that they leaped privately from the
walls, or pretended to fall into fainting fits, in order
to be carried out. Nay, it is faid, that feveral wo¬
men were delivered in the theatre. Soldiers were placed
in feveral parts to obferve the looks and geftures of the
fpeclators, either to direct them where to point their
applaufe, or rdtrain their difpleafure. An old fenator,
named Vefpafian, afterwards emperor, happening to
fall afleep upon one of thefe occalions, very narrow¬
ly efcaped with his life.
After being fatigued with the praifes of his coun¬
trymen, Nero refoived upon going over into Greece,
to receive new theatrical honours. The occafion was
this. The cities of Greece had made a law to fend
him the crowns from all the games ; and deputies
were accordingly difpatched with this (to him) im¬
portant embafly. As he one day entertained them
at his table in the mod fumptuous manner, and con-
verfed with them with the utmoft familiarity, they in-
treated to hear him fing. Upon his complying, the
artful Greeks teftified all the marks of eeftafy and
rapture. .Applaufes fo warm, were peculiarly plea-
«ing to Nero,: he could not refrain from crying out,
That the Greeks alone were worthy to hear him; and
accordingly prepared without delay to go into Greece,
where he fpent the whole year enfuing. In this jour¬
ney, his retinue refembled an army in number; but it
was only compofed of fingers, dancers, taylors, and
other attendants upon the theatre. He paded over all
Greece, and exhibited at all their games, which he
ordered to be celebrated in one year. At the Olym¬
pic games he refoived to fitow the people fomething
extrahrdinary ; wherefjore, he drove a chariot with 10
horfes: but being unable to fuftain the violence of the
motion, he was driven from his feat. The fpe£la-
tors, -however, gave their unanimous applaufe, and
he was crowned as conqueror. In this manner he ob¬
tained the prize at the Ifthmian, Pythian, and Ne- Rome,'j1
mean games. The Greeks were not fparing of their   ^
crowns; he obtained 1800 of them. An unfortunate
finger happened to oppofe him on one of thefe occa-
fions, and exerted all the powers of his art, which, it
appears, were prodigious. But he feems to have been
a better finger than a politician ; for Nero ordered
him to be killed on the fpot. Upon his return from
Greece, he entered Naples, through a breach in the
walls of the city, as was cuftomary with thofe who were
conquerors in the Olympic games. But all the fplen-
dor of his return was referred for his entry into Rome.
There he appeared feated in the chariot of Auguftus,
drdfed in robes of purple, and crowntd with wild
olive, which was the Olympic garland. He bore in
his hand the Pythian Crown, and had noo more car¬
ried before him. Befide him fat one Diodorus, a mu-
fician; and behind him followed a band of fingers, as
numerous as a legion, who fung in honour of his vic¬
tories. The fenate, the knights, «nd the people, at¬
tended this puerile pageant, filling the air with theiy
acclamations. The whole city was illuminated, every
ftreet fmoked with incenfe.; wherever he pafled, vic¬
tims were flain ; the pavement was ftrewed with faf-
fron, while garlands of flowers, ribbons, fowls, and
pafties, (for fowe are told), were (howered down up¬
on him from the windows as hepaffed along. So many
honours only inflamed his defires of acquiring new; he
at laft began to take leffons in wreftling; willing to
imitate Hercules in ftrengtb, as he had rivalled Apollo
in aftivity. He alfo caufed a lion of pafteboard to be
made with great art, againft which he undauntedly
appeared in the theatre, and ftruck it down with a
blow of his club.
But his cruelties even outdid all his other extrava¬
gancies, a complete lift of which would exceed the
limits of the prefent article. He was often heard to
obferve, that he had rather be hated than loved.
When one happened to fay in bis prefence, That the
world might be burned when he was dead : “ Nay,”
replied Nero, “ let it be burnt while lam alive.” In 3oj
fa<3, a great part of the city of Rome was confumed 0
by fire Ihortly after. This remarkable conflagration
took place in the 1 ith year of Nero’s reign. The fire
began among certain fhops, in which were kept fuch
goods as were proper to feed it; and fpread every way
with fuch amazing rapidity, that its havock was felt
in diftant ftreets, before any meafures to flop it could
be tried. Befides an infinite number of common heufes,
all the noble monuments of antiquity, all the (lately
palaces, temples, porticoes, with goods, riches, furni¬
ture, and merchandize, to an immenfe value, were de¬
voured by the flames, which raged firft in the low re¬
gions of the city, and then mounted to ti e higher with
luch'terrible violence and impttuofity, as to fruftrate
all relief. The (hrieks of the women, the various ef¬
forts of fome endeavouring to fave the yqung and ten¬
der, of others attempting tp affift the aged and infirm, |
and the hurry of .fuch as drove only to provide for
themfelves, occafioned a mutual interruption and uni-
verfal confnfion. Many, while they chiefly regarded
the danger that purfued them from behind, found
themfelves fuddenly involved in the flames before and 9
on every fide. If they efcaped into the quarters ad¬
joining, or into the parts quite remote, there too they
met
ROM [ 6813 ] ROM
Rome, met with the devouring flames. At laft, not know-
  1 ing whither to fly, nor where to feek fan&uary, they
abandoned the city, and repaired to the open fields.
Some, out of defpair for the lofs of their whole fub*
fiance, others, thro’ tendernefs for their children and
relations, whom they had not been able to fnatch from
the flames, fuffered themfelves to perilh in them, tho’
they had eafy means to efcape. No man dared to
flop the progrefs of the fire, there being many who
had no other bufinefs but to prevent with repeated
menaces all attempts of that nature; nay, fome were,
in the face of the public, feen to throw lighted fire¬
brands into the houfes, loudly declaring that they were
authorifed fo to do ; but whether this was only a de¬
vice to plunder more freely, or in reality they had
fuch orders, was never certainly known.
Nero, who was then at Antium, did not offer to re¬
turn to the city, till he heard that the flames were ad¬
vancing to his palace, which, after his arrival, was, in
fpite of all oppofition, burnt down to the ground, with
all the houfes adjoining to it. However, Nero, affec¬
ting compaffion for the multitude, thus vagabond and
bereft of their dwellings, laid open the field of Mars,
and all the great edifices erefted there by Agrippa, and
even his own gardens. He likewife caufed tabernacles
to be reared in hafte for the reception of the forlorn
populace; from Oftia too, and the neighbouring ci¬
ties, were brought, by his orders, all forts of furniture
and neceffaries, and the price of corn was confiderably
leffened. But thefe-bounties, however generous and
popular, were beflowed in vain, becaufe a report was
fpread abroad, that, during the time of this general
conflagration, he mounted his domdtic ftage, and fung
the deftru&ion of Troy, comparing the prefent defo-
lation to the celebrated calamities of antiquity. At
length, on the fixth day, the fury of the flames was
flopped at the foot of mount Efquiline, by levelling
with the ground an infinite number of buildings; fo
that the fire found nothing to encounter, but the open
fields and empty air.
But fcarce had the late alarm ceafed, when the fire
broke out anew with frefh rage, but in places more
wide and fpacious; whence fewer perfons were de-
ftroyed, but more temples and public porticoes
were overthrown. As this fecond conflagration
broke out in certain buildjngs belonging to Ti-
gellinus, they were both generally afcribed to Nero;
and it was conje&ured, that, by deftroying. the old
city, he aimed at the glory of building a new one, and
calling it by his name. Of the fourteen quarters into
which Rome was divided, four remained entire, three
were laid in allies, and, in the feven others, there re¬
mained here-and-there a few houfes, miferably ftiatter-
ed, and half confumed. Among the many ancient
and (lately edifices, which the rage of the flames ut¬
terly confumed, Tacitus reckons the temple dedicated
by Servius Tullius to the Moon; the temple and
great altar confecrated by Evander to Hercules; the
chapel vowed by Romulus to Jupiter Stator; the court
of Numa, with the temple of Vefta, and in it the tu¬
telar gods peculiar to the Romans. In the fame fate
were involved the ineftimable treafures acquired by fo
many viftories, the wonderful works of the bell paint¬
ers and fculptors of Greece, and, what is Hill more
to be lamented, the ancient writings of celebratedau-
Yol. IX. 3
thors, till then preferved perfectly entire. It was ob- Rems.
ferved, that the fire began the fame day on which the    
Gauls, having formerly taken the city, burnt it to the
ground. 30(j
Upon the ruins of the demoliflied city, Nero found- Nero’s got-
ed a palace, which he called his go/den houfe } tho’ itdcn Palace'
was not fo much admired on account of an immenfe
profufion of gold, precious ftones, and other inefti¬
mable ornaments, as for its vaft extent, containing
fpacious fields, large wilderneffes, artificial lakes, thick
woods, orchards, vineyards, hills, groves, &c. The
entrance of this (lately edifice was wide enough to re¬
ceive a colofius, reprefenting Nero, 120 feet high : the
galleries, which confifted of three rows of tall pillars,
were each a full mile in length: the lakes were encom-
paffed with magnificent buildings, in the manner of
cities; and the woods flocked with all manner of wild
beads. The houfe itfelf was tiled with gold: the walls
were covered with the fame metal, and richly adorned
with precious fton'esand mother-of-pearl, which in thofe
days was valued above gold : the timber-work and
cielings of the rooms were inlaid with gold and ivory:
the roof of one of the banqueting-rooms refembled the
firmament both in its figure and motion, turning in-
ceflantly about night and day, and Ihowering all forts
of fweet waters. When this magnificent ftnnfture was
finilhed, Nero approved of it only fo far as to fay,
that at length he began to lodge like a man. Pliny tells
us, that this palace extended quite round the city.
Nero, it feems, did not finilh it; for the firft order
Otho figned, was, as we read in Suetonius, for fifty
millions of fefterces to be employed in perfedting the
golden palace which Nero had begun. 3*7
The proje&ors of the plan were Severus and Celer, Undertakes
two bold and enterprifing men, who foon after putto clUf^om
the emperor upon a ftill more expenfive and arduous
undertaking, namely, that of cutting a canal through Tiber,
hard rocks and fteep mountains, from the lake Aver-
nus to the mouth of the Tiber, 160 miles in length,
and of fuch breadth that two galleys of five ranks
of oars might eafily pafs abreaft. His view in this was
to open a communication between Rome and Campa¬
nia, free from the troubles and dangers of the fea;
for, this very year, a great number of veffels laden
with corn were fhipwrecked at Mifenum, the pilots
choofing rather to venture out in a violent ftorm, than
not to arrive at the time they were expedted by Nero.
For the projedling of this great undertaking, the em¬
peror ordered the prifoners from all parts to be tranf-
ported into Italy ; and fuch as were convidted, what¬
ever their crimes were, to be condemned only to his
works. Nero, who undertook nothing with more ar¬
dour and readinefs than what was deemed impofiible,
expended incredible fums in this ralh undertaking, and
exerted all his might to cut thro’ the mountains adjoin¬
ing to the Jake Avernus ; but, not being able to re¬
move by art the obftades of nature, he was in the end
obliged to drop the enterprize.
The ground that was not taken up by the foun- 308
dations of Nero’s own palace, he afligned for houfes, rc"
which were not placed, as after the burning of the0, *
city by the Gauls, at random, and without order; but
the ftreets were laid out regularly, fpacious and ftraight;
the edifices reftrained to a certain height, perhaps of
70 feet, according to the plan of Auguftus; the courts
38 I were
ROM [ 6834 ] ROM
Rome, were widened; and to all the great houfes which ftood
   "—■by themfeives, and were called ijles, large porticos
were added, which Nero engaged to raife at his own
'expence, and to deliver to each proprietor the fquares
about them clear from all rubbifli. Helikewife promi-
fed rewards according to every man’s rank and fub-
ftance ; and fixed a day for the performance of his
promtfe, on condition that agaijift that-day their feve-
ral houfes and palaces were finifhed. He moreover
made the following wife regulations to obviate fuch a
dreadful calamity for the future; to wit, That the new
buildings fhould be railed to a certain height without
timber; that they fhould be arched with ftone from
the quarries of Gabii and Alba, which were proof
againft fire ; that over the common fprings, which
were diverted by private men for their own ufes, over-
feers fhould be placed to prevent that abufe; that
every citizen fhould have ready in his houfe fome ma¬
chine proper to extinguifh the fire; that no wall
fhould be common to two houfes, but every houfe be
inclofed within its own peculiar walls, &c. Thus the
city in a fhort time rofe out of its afhes with new
luftre, and more beautiful than ever. However, fome
believed, that the ancient form was more conducing
to health, the rays of the fun being hardly felt on ac¬
count of the narrownefs of the ftreets and the height
of the buildings, whereas now there was no fhelter
againft the fcorching heat. We are told, that Nero
defigned to extend the walls to Oftia, and to bring
from thence by a canal the fea into the city.
The emperor ufed every art to throw the odium of
this conflagration upon the Chriftians, who were at
that time gaining ground in Rome. Nothing could
be more dreadful than the perfecution railed againft
309 them upon this falfe accufation, of which an account
The confpi-is given under the article Ecclefiaftical History. Hi-
sacy of therto, however, the citizens of Rome feemed com-
paratively exempted from his cruelties, which chiefly
fell upon ftrangers and his neareft connexions; but a
confpiracy formed againft him by Pifo, a man of great
power and integrity, which was prematurely difcover-
ed, opened a new train of fufpicions that deftroyed
many of the principal families in Rome. This confpi¬
racy, in which feveral of the chief men of the city were
concerned, was firft difcovered by the indifcreet zeal
of a woman named Epicharis, who, by fome means
now unknown, had been let into the plot, which (he
revealed to Volufius, a tribune, in order to prevail up¬
on him to be an accomplice. Volufius, inftead of co¬
ming into her defign, went and difcovered what he had
learned to Nero, who immediately put Epicharis in
prifon. Soon after, a freedman belonging to Scsenius,
one of the accomplices, made a farther difcovery. The
confpirators were examined apart; and as their tefti-
monies differed, they were put to the torture. Natalis
was the firft who made a confeffion of his own guilt
and that of many others. Scsevinius gave a lift of the
confpirators ftill more ample. Lucan, the poet, was
amongft the number ; and he, like the reft, in order
to lave himfelf, ftill farther enlarged the catalogue,
naming, among others, Attilia, his own mother. E-
picharis was now, therefore, again called upon and
put to the torture : but her fortitude was proof againft
all the tyrant’s cruelty ; neither fcourging, nor burn¬
ing, nor all. the malicious methods ufed by jthe execu¬
tioners, could extort the fmalleft confeffion. She was Rome.J
therefore remanded to prifon, with orders to have her 
tortures renewed the day following. In the mean time
/he found an opportunity of tlrangling herfelf with her
handkerchief, by hanging it againft the back of her
chair. On the difcoveries already made, Pifo, Late-
ranus, Fennius Rufus, Subrius Flavius, Sulpicius Af-
per, Veftinus the conful, and numberlefs others, were
all executed without mercy. But the two moft re¬
markable perfonages who fell on thisoocafion were Se¬
neca the philofopher, and Lucan the poet, who was
bis nephew. It is not certainly known, whether Se¬
neca was really concerned in this eonfpiracy or not.
This great man had for fome time perceived the out¬
rageous conduX of his pupil; and, finding himfelf inca¬
pable of controuling his favage difpofition, had retired
from court into folitude and privacy. However, his re¬
treat did not now proteX him : for Nero, either ha¬
ving real teftimony againft him, or elfe hating him for
his virtues, fent a tribune to inform him that he was
fufpeXedas an accomplice, and foon after fent him an
order to put himfelf to death, with which he com¬
plied.
In this manner was the whole city filled with /laugh¬
ter, and frightful inftances of treachery. No mailer
was fecure from the vengeance of his /laves, nor even
parents from the bafer attempts of their children. Not
only throughout Rome, but the whole country round,
bodies of foldiers were feen in purfuit of the fufpeXed
and the guilty. Whole crowd* of wretches loaded
with chains were led every day to the gates of the pa¬
lace, to wait their fentence from the tyrant’s own lips.
He always prefided at the torture in perfon, attended
^7 Tigelinus, captain of the guard, who, from being
the moft abandoned man in Rome, was now become
his principal minifter and favourite.
Nor were the Roman provinces in a better fituation
than the capital city. The example of the tyrant
feemed to influence bis governors, who gave inftances
not only of their rapacity, but of their cruelty, in every
part of the empire. In the feventh year of his reign,
the Britons revolted, under the conduX: of their queen
Boadicia*; but were at laft fo completely defeated, that * See Cl¬
ever after, during the continuance of the Romans
among them, they loft not only all hopes, but even all
defire of freedom. 3ro
A war alfo was carried on againft the Parthians, forSiKcefs
the greateft part of this reign., conduXed by Corbulo; pga1?^ tf,s
who, after many fucceffes, had difpofftffed Tiridates, 3^ uans»
and fettled Tigranes in Armenia in his room. Tiri¬
dates, however, was foon after reftored by an invafion
of the Parthians into that country : but being once
moreoppofed by Corbulo, the Romans and Parthians
came to an agreement, that Tiridates /hould continue
to govern Armenia, upon condition that hefliould lay
down his crown at the feet of the emperor’s ftatue,
and receive it as coming from him; all which he
fhortly after performed. A ceremony, however, which
Nero defired to have repeated to his perfon ; where¬
fore, by letters and promifes, he invited Tiridates to
Rome, granting him the moft magnificent fupplies for
his journey. Nero attended his arrival with very fump-
tuous preparations. He received him feated on a
throne, accompanied by the fenate Handing round
him, and the whole army drawn out with all imagi¬
nable
ROM
f Rome;; nable fpkndor. Tiridates afcended the throne with
|“ great reverence ; and approaching the emperor, fell
down at his feet, and in the tnoft abjedt teems acknow¬
ledged himfelf his (lave. Nero raifed him up, telling
him with equal arrogance, that he did well, and that
by his fubmiffion he had gained a kingdom which his
anceftors could never acquire by their arms. He then
placed the crown on his head, and, after the mod
coftly ceremonies and entertainments, he was fent back
to Armenia with incredible fums of money to defray
the expences of his retorn.
(Revolt of In the 12th year of this emperor’s reign, the Jews
jthe Jews, alfo revolted, having been feverely oppreffed by the
Roman governor. It is faid that Fiorus, in particular,
was arrived at that degree of tyranny, that by public
proclamation he gave permiflion to plunder the coun¬
try, provided he received half the fpoil. Thefe oppref-
Cons drew fuch a train of calamities after them, that
the fufferings of all other nations were flight incom-
parifon to what this devoted people afterwards endu*
red, as is related under the article Jews. In the mean
time, Nero proceeded in his cruelties at Rome with
unabated feverity.
The valiant Corbulo, who had gained fo many vic¬
tories over the Parthians, could not efcape his fury.
Nor did the emprefs Poppsea herfelf efcape; whom, in
a fit of anger, he kicked when fhe was pregnant, by
which file mifearried and died. At laft the Romans
began to grow weary of fuch a monfter, and there ap-
3H peared a general revolution in all the provinces.
Revolt of The firft appeared in Gaul, under Julius Vindex,
Vindex in commanded the legions there, and publicly pro-
Gau ’ tefted againtt the tyrannical government of Nero. He
appeared to have no other motive for this revolt than
that of freeing the world from an oppreflbr; for when
it was told him that Nero had fet a reward upon his
bead of 10,000,000 of feflerces, he made this gallant
anfwer, “ Whoever^brings me Nero’s head, fhall, if
he pleafes, have mine.” But ftill more to fhow that he
was not aftuated by motives of private ambition, he
proclaimed Sergius Galba, emperor, and invited him
to join in the revolt. Galba, who was at that time
governor of Spain, was equally remarkable for his wif-
dom in peace, and his courage in war. But as all ta¬
lents under corrupt princes are dangerous, he for fome
years had feemed willing to court obfeurity, giving
himfelf up to an inactive life, and avoiding all oppor¬
tunities of fignalizir.g his valour. He now therefore,
either through the caution attending old age, or from
a total want of ambition, appeared little inclined to
join with Vindex, and continued for fome time to de¬
liberate with his friends on the part he fhould take.
In the mean time, Nero, who had been apprifed of
the proceedings againft him in Gaul, appeared totally
regardlefs of the danger, privately flattering himfelf
that the fuppreffion of this revolt would give him an
opportunity of frefh confifcations. But the aftual re¬
volt of Galba, the news of which arrived foon after,
And'of affe&ed him in a very different manner. The reputa-
Oalba. tion of that generaf was fuch, that from the moment he
declared againft him, Nero confidered himfelf as un¬
done. He received the account as he was at fupper;
and inftantly, ftruck with terror, overturned the table
with his foot, breaking two cryftal vafes of immenfe
value. He then fell into a fwoon; from which when
ROM
he recovered, he tore his cloaths, and flruck his head, Rome,
crying out, “ that he was utterly undone.” He then  "
began to meditate flaughters more extenfive than he
yet had committed. He pefolved to mefiacre all the
governors of provinces, to deftroy all exiles, and to
murder all the Gauls in Rome, as a punifhment for
the treachery of their countrymen. In (hort, in the
wildnefs of his rage, he thought of poifoning the whole
fenate, of burning the city, and turning the lions kept
for the purpofes of the theatre, out upon the people.
Thefe defigns being impradticable, he refolved at laft
to face the danger in perfon. But his very prepara¬
tions ferved to mark the infatuation of his mind. His
principal care was, to provide waggons for the conve¬
nient carriage of his mufical inftruments; and to drefs
out his concubines like Amazons, with whom he in¬
tended to face the enemy. He alfo made a refolution,
that if he came off with fafety and empire, he would
appear again upon the theatre with the lute, and would
equip himfelf as a pantomime.
While Nero was thus frivoloufly employed, the re¬
volt became general. Not only the armies in Spain and
Gaul, but alfo the legions in Germany, Africa, and
Lufitania, declared againft him. Virginius Rufus alone,
who commanded an army on the Upper Rhine, for a
while continued in fufpenfe; during which, his forces
without his permifiion, falling upon the Gauls, routed
them with great flaughter, and Vindex flew himfelf.
But this ill fuccefs noway advanced the interetts of
Nero; he was fo detefted by the whole empire, that he
could find none of the armies faithful to him, however ^
they might difagree with each other. He therefore ]vj|fera|,[e
called for Locufta to furnilh him with poifon; and, thusfmiation of
prepared for the worft, he retired to the Servilian gar- Nero,
dens, with a refolution of flying into Egypt. He ac¬
cordingly difpatched the freedmen, in which he had
the moft confidence, to prepare a fleet at Oftia ; and in
the mean while, founded, in perfon, the tribunes and
centurions of the guard, to know if they were willing
to (hare his fortunes. But they all excufed themfelves,
under divers pretexts. One of them had the boldnefs
to anfwer him by part of a line from Virgil: Ufque
adeone rniferunt ejl mart? “ Is death then fuch a mil-
fortune ?” Thus deftitute of every refource, all the ex¬
pedients that cowardice, revenge, or terror could pro¬
duce, took place in his mind by turns. He at one time
refolved to take refuge among the Parthians; at ano¬
ther, to deliver himfelf up to the mercy of the infur-
gents : one while, he determined to mount the roftrum,
to afle pardon for what was paft,and to conclude with
promifes of amendment for the future. With thefe
gloomy deliberations he went to bed ; but waking
about midnight, he was furprifed to find his guards
had left him. The prastorian foldiers, in fadt, having
been corrupted by their commander, had retired to
their camp, and proclaimed Galba emperor. Nero im¬
mediately fent for his friends, to deliberate upon his
prefent exigence ; but his friends alfo forfook him. He
went in perfon from houfe to houfe; but all the doors
were (hut againft him, and none were found to anfwer
his inquiries. While he was purfuing this inquiry, his
very domeftics followed the general defedlion; and ha¬
ving plundered his apartment, efcaped different ways.
Being now reduced' to defperation, he defired that
one of his favourite gladiators might come and difpatch
38 I 2 him:
I 6$3S ]
ROM [ 6836 ] ROM
Rome, him : but even in this requeft, there was none found
"" to obey. “ Alas! (cried he) have I neither friend nor
enemy?” And then running defperately forth, feemed
refolved to plunge headlong into the Tiber. But juft
then his courage beginning to fail him, he made a bid¬
den flop, as if willing to recollect bisreafon; and allied
for fome fecret place, where he might re-affume his
courage, and meet death with becoming fortitude. In
this diftrefs, Phaon, one of his freedmen, offered him
his country-houfe, at about four miles diftant, where
he might for fome time remain concealed. Nero ac¬
cepted his offer; and, half dreffed as be was, with his
head covered, and hiding his face with an handkerchief,
he mounted on horfeback, attended by four of his do-
meftics, of whom the wretched Sporus was one. His
journey, tho’ quite ff.ort, was crowded with adventures.
Hound him he heard nothing but confufed noifes from
the camp, and the cries of the foldiers, imprecating a
thoufand evils upon his head. A paffenger, meeting
him on the way, cried, “ There go men in purfuit of
Nero.” Another afktd him, if there was any news of
Nero in the city ? His horfe taking fright at a dead
body that lay near the road, he dropped his handker¬
chief; and a foldier that was near, addreffed him by
name. He now therefore quitted his horfe, and for-
faking the highway, entered a thicket that led towards
the back part of Phaon’s houfe, through which he
crept, making the bed of his way among the reeds and
brambles, with which the place was overgrowu. When
he was arrived at the back part of the houfe, while he
was waiting till there fhould be a breach made in the
wall, he took up fome water in the hollow of his hands
from a pool to drink; faying, “ To this liquor is Nero
reduced.” When the hole was made large enough to
admit him, he crept in upon all-fours, and took a fhort
repofe upon a wretched pallet, that had been prepared
for his reception. Being prtffed by hunger, he de¬
manded fomewhat to eat: they brought him a piece
of brown bread, which he refufed; but drank a little
water. During this interval, the fenate finding the
praetorian guards had taken part with Galba, declared
him emperor, and condemned Nero to die more ma-
jorum; that is, “ according to the rigour of the an¬
cient laws.” Thefe dreadful tidings were quickly
brought by one of Phaon’s flaves from the city, while
Nero yet continued lingering between his hopes and
his fears. When he was told of the refolution of the
fenate againft him, he afked the meffenger what he
meant by being punilhed “ according to the rigor of
the ancient laws ?” To this he was anfwered, that the
criminal was to be dripped naked, his head was to be
fixed in a pillory, a-nd in that pofture he was to be
fcourged to death. Nero was fo terrified at this, that
he feized two poniards which he had brought with
him, and examining their points, returned them to their
fheaths, faying, that the fatal moment was not yet ar¬
rived. However, he had little time to fpare; for the
foldiers who had been fent in purfuit of him were juft
then approaching the houfe: wherefore hearing the
found of the horfes feet, he fet a dagger to his throat,
5,j with which, by the affiftance of Epaphroditus, his frecd!-
Bis death, man and fecretary, he gave himfslf a mortal wound.
He was not quite dead when one of the centurions en¬
tering the room, and pretending he came to his relief,
attempted to ftop the blood with his cloak, jdut Nero
regarding him with a ftern countenance, faid, “ It is Rome,
now too late. Is this your fidelity?” Upon which, mr^s‘
with his eyes fixed, and frightfully flaring, he expired,
in the 32d year of his age, and the 14th of his reign. I(J j
Galba was 72 years old when he was declared em-uneafincfs1
peror, and was then in Spain with his legions. How-of Galba in;
ever, he foon found that his being raifed to the throne^ begin-
was but an inlet to new difquietudes. His firft embar-”\nSof hl*i
raffment arofe from a diforder in his own army; for 1*n' j
upon his approaching the camp, one of the wings of
borfe repenting of their choice, prepared to revolt, and
he found it no eafy matter to reconcile them to their
duty. He alfo narrowly efcaped affafEnation from fome
flaves, who were prefented to him by one of Nero’s
freedmen with that intent. The death of Vindex alfa
ferved to add not a little to his difquietudes; fo that,
upon his very entrance into the empire, he had fome
thoughts of putting an end to his own life. But hear¬
ing from Rome that Nero was dead, and the empire
transferred to him, he immediately affumed the title
and enfigns of command. In his journey towards Rome,
he was met by Rufus Virginius, who, finding the fe¬
nate had decreed him the government, came to yield
him obedience. This general had more than once re¬
fufed the empire himfelf, which was offered him by his
foldiers; alleging, that the fenate alone bad the difpo-
fal of it, and from them only he would accept the ho¬
nour.
Galba having been brought to the empire by means Fault/in
of his army, was at the fame time willing to fupprefshis adtnini-
their power to commit any future difturbance. His ftration.\
firft approach to Rome was attended with one of thofe
rigorous ftrokes of juftice which ought rather to be
denominated cruelty^ than any thing elfe. A body of
mariners, whom Nero had taken from the oar and en-
lifled among the legions, went to meet Galba, three
miles from the city, and with loud importunities de¬
manded a confirmation of what his pfedeceffor had
done in their favour. Galba, who was rigidly attach¬
ed to the ancient difeipline, deferred their requeft to
another time. But they, confidering this delay as equi¬
valent to an abfolute denial, infilled in a very difre-
fpe&ful manner; and fome of them even had recourfe
to arms: whereupon Galba ordered a body of horfe
attending him, to ride in among them, and thus killed.
7000 of them; but not content with this punilhment^
he afterwards ordered them to be decimated. Their
infolence demanded corredtion; but fuch extenfive pu-
nifhments deviated into cruelty. His next flep to curb-
the infolqnce of the foldiers, was his difeharging the
German cohort, which had been eftablilhed by the for¬
mer emperors as a guard to their perfons. Thofe he
Rut home to their own country unrewarded; pretend¬
ing they were difaffefted to his perfon. Hs feemed to
have two other objedls alfo in view: namely, to punifh
thofe vices which had come to an enormous height in
the laft reign, with the ftriAeft feverity; and to reple-
nifh the exchequer, which had been quite drained by
the prodigality of his predeceffors. But thefe attempt*
only brought on him the imputation of feverity and
avarice; for the ftate was too much corrupted to adr
mit of fuch an immediate tranfition from vice to virtue.
The people had long been maintained in floth and
luxury by the prodigality of the former emperors, and
could ftol tkiuk.of being obliged to feck for new means.
ROM [ 6837 ] ROM
tome, of fubfiftence, and to retrench their fupetfluuies. They
began therefore to fatirize the old man, and turn the
fimplicity of his manners into ridicule. Among the
marks of avarice recorded of him, he is faid to have
groaned upon having an expenfive foup ferved up to
v his table,; he is faid to have prefented to his Reward,
for his fidelity,' a plate of beans; a famous player up¬
on the flute, named Canus, having greatly delighted
him, it is reported, that he drew out his purfe and
gave him five-pence, telling him, that it was private,
and not public money. By fuch ill-judged frugalities,
at fuch a time, Galba began to lofe his popularity ;
and he, who before his acceffion was efteemed by all,
being become emperor, was confidered with ridicule
and contempt. But there are fome circumftances al¬
leged againft him, lefs equivocal than thofe trifling
ones already mentioned. Shortly after his coming to
Rome, the people were prefented with a moft grateful
fpeftacle; which was that of Locufta, Elius, Policle-
tus, Petronius, and Petinus, all the bloody minilters of
Nero’s cruelty, drawn in fetters through the city, and
publicly executed. But Tigelinus, who had been more
aflive than all the reft, was not there. The crafty vil¬
lain had taken care for his own fafety, by the large-
nefs of his bribes; and though the people crietfout
for vengeance againft him, at the theatre, and at the
circus, yet the emperor granted him his life and par¬
don. Helotus, the eunuch, alfo, who had been the
inftrument of poifoning Claudius, efcaped, and owed
his fafety to the proper application of his wealth.
Thus, by the inequality of his conduS, he became de-
fpicable to his fubjedls. At one time, fhewing him-
felf fevere and frugal; at another, remifs and prodigal;
condemning fome illuftrious perfons without any hear¬
ing, and pardoning others though guilty: in fhort,
nothing was done but by the mediation of his favour¬
ites; all offices were venal, andall puniffiments redeem¬
able by money.
Affairs were in this unfettled poflure at Rome, rvhen
the provinces were yet in a worfe condition. The fuc-
cefs of the army in Spain in choofing an emperor, in¬
duced the legions in the other parts to wifh for a fimi-
lar opportunity. Accordingly, many feditions were
kindled, and feveral fadions promoted in different parts
of the empire, but particularly in Germany. There
were then in that province, two Roman armies : tire
one vyjnch had lately attempted .to make Rufus Virgi-
nius emperor, as has been already mentioned, and
which was commanded by his lieutenant: the other
commanded by Vitellius, who long had an ambition
to obtain the empire for hi.mfelf. The former of thefe
armies defpifing their prefent general, and confidering
themfelves as fufpe&ed by the emperor for having
been the laft to. acknowledge his title,, refol.ved now to
be foremoft in denying it. Accordingly, when, they
were fummoned to take the oaths of homage and fide¬
lity, they refufed to acknowledge any other commands
but thofe of the fenate. This refufol they backed by
a meffage of the praetorian bands, importing, that they
were refolved not to acquiefce in the ele&ion of an em¬
peror created in Spain, and defiring that the fenatc
fhould proceed to a new choice.
Galba being informed of this commotion, was fen-
fible, that, befide his age, he was lefs refpe&ed for
want of an heir. He refolved therefore to put what
he had formerly defigned in execution, and to adopt Rome.
fome perfon whofe virtues might deferve fuch advance-  
ment, and proteft his declining age from danger. His
favourites underftanding his determination, inftantly
refolved to give him an heir of their own choofing; fo
that there arofe a great contention among them upon
this occafion. Otho made Warm application for hitn-
felf; alleging the great fervices he had done the em¬
peror, as being the firft man of note who came to
his affiilance when he had declared againft Nero.
However, Galba, being fully refolved to confult the
public good alone, rcjeded his fuit; and on a day ap¬
pointed, ordered Pifo Lucinianus to attend him. The
character given by bitlorians of Pifo is, that be was
every way worthy of the honour defigneu him. He
was noway related to Galba; and had no other inte-
reil but merit to recommend him to his favour. Taking
this youth therefore by the hand, in the prefence of
his friends, he adopted him to fucceed in the empire,
giving him the molt wholefome lefibns for guiding hia
future conduit. Pifo’s conduit (howed that he was
highly deferving this diftinition: in all his deportment
ihere appeared fuch modefty, firmnefs, and equality of
mind, as befpoke him rather capable of difcharging,
than ambitious of obtaining, his prefent dignity. But
the army and the fenate did not feem equally difinte-
relted upon this occafion; they had been long ufed to
bribery and corruption, that they could now bear no
emperor who was not in a capacity of fatisfying their
avarice. The adoption therefore of Pifo was but cold¬
ly received ; for his virtues were no recommendation in
a nation of univerfal depravity. 5j8
Otho now finding his hopes, of adoption wholly fru-Otho dectb*-
ftrated, and ftill further ftimulated by the immenfered emPe‘
load of debt which, he had contrajfted by his riotousror*
way of living, refolved upon obtaining the empire by
force, fince he could not by peaceable fucceffion. In
fadt, his circumftances were fo very defperate, that he
was heard to fay, that it was equal to him whether he
fell by his enemies in the field, or by his creditors in
the city. He. therefore raifed a moderate fum of money,
by felling his imereft to a perlbn who wanted a place;,
and with this bribed two fubaltern officers in the prae¬
torian bands, fupplying the deficiency of largefies by
promifes and planfible pretences. Having in this man¬
ner, in lefs. than eight days, corrupted the fidelity of
the foldiers, he ftole fecretly from the emperor while
lie was facrificing ;, and affembling the foldiers, in a
fhort fpeech. urged the cruelties and avarice of Galba.
Finding thefe his invedlives received with univerfal
{bouts by the whole army, he entirely threw off the
mafic, and avowed his. intentions of dethroning him.
The fo Idlers being ripe for fedition, immediately fe-
conded his viewstaking Otho upon their fhoulders,
they immediately proclaimed him emperor; and, to
ftrike the citizens with terror, carried him with, their
fwords drawn into the camp.
Galba, in the mean time, being informed of the re-Galb^rnuri-
volt of the army, feemed utterly confounded, and ihdered-
want of .fufficient refblution to face an event which he
fhould have long forefeen. In this manner the. poor old
man continued wavering and doubtful; till at laft, be¬
ing deluded by a falfe report of Otho’s being flain, he
rode into the forum in complete armour,, attended by
many of hia followers. Juft at the fame inftant, &
ROM [ 683$ ] ROM
:Rome. body of horfe fent from the camp to dedroy him, en-
tered on the oppofite fide, and each party prepared
for the encounter. For fome time hoftilities were fuf-
pended on each fide ; Galba confufed and irrcfolute,
and his antagonifts ftruck with horror at the bafenefs
of their enterprife. At length, however, finding the
emperor in fome meafure deferted by his adherents,
they ruihed in upon him, trampling under foot the
crowds of people that then filled the forum. Galba fee¬
ing them approach, feemed to recolledt all his former
fortitude; and bending his head forward, bid the af-
fafiins flrike it off if it were for the good of the people.
This was quickly performed; and his head being fet
upon the point of a lance, was prefented to Otho, who
ordered it to be contemptuoufly carried round the
camp; his body remaining expofed in the ftreets, till
it was buried by one of his flaves. He died in the 73d
year of his age, after a fhort reign of feven months.
No fooner was Galba thus murdered, than the fe-
nate and people ran in crowds to the camp, contend¬
ing who fhould be foremoft in extolling the virtues of
the new emperor, and depreffing the charafter of him
they had fo unjuftly deftroyed. Each laboured to ex¬
cel the reft in his inftances of homage; and thelefs his
affeftions were for him, the more did he indulge all
the vehemence of exaggerated praife. Otho finding
himfelf forrounded by congratulating multitudes, im-
mediaetly repaired to the fenate, where he received the
titles ufually given to the emperors; and from thence
returned to the palace, feemingly refolved to reform his
life, and afiu'me manners becoming the greatnefs of his
ftation.
He began his reign by a fignal inftance of clemen¬
cy, in pardoning Marius Celms, who had been highly
favoured by Galba; and not contented with barely for¬
giving, he advanced him to the higheft honours; af-
ferting, that “ fidelity deferved every reward.” This
aft of clemency was followed by another of juftice,
equally agreeable to the people. Tigellinus, Nero’s fa¬
vourite, he who had been the promoter of all his cruel¬
ties, was now put to death; and all fuch as had been
unjuftly banifhed, or ftripped, at his inftigation, during
Nero’s reign, were reftored to their country and for-
31c, tunes.
Vitellius In the mean time, the legions in Lower Germany,
revolts. having been purchafed by the large gifts and fpecious
promifes of Vitellius their general, were at length in¬
duced to proclaim him emperor; and regardlefs of the
fenate, declared that they had an equal right to ap¬
point to that high ftation with the cohorts at Rome.
The news of this conduft in the army foon fpread con-
fternation throughout Rome ; but Otho was particu¬
larly ftruck with the account, as being apprehenfive
that nothing but the blood of his countrymen could
decide a conteft of which his own ambition only was
the caufe. He now therefore fought to come to an
agreement with Vitellius; but this not fucceeding, both
fides began their preparations for war. News being
received that Vitellius was upon his march to Italy,
Otho departed from Rome with avail, army to oppofe
him. But though he was very powerful with regard
to numbers, his men, being little ufed to war, could
not be relied on. He feemed by his behaviour fen-
fible of the difproportion of his forces; and he is faid
to have been tortured with frightful dreams and the
moft uneafy apprehenfions. It is alfo reported by RomqJ
fome, that one night fetching many profound fighs in-1 !
his fleep, his fervants ran haftily to his bed-fide, and
found him ftretched on the ground. He alleged he
had feen the ghoft of Galba, which had, in a threaten¬
ing manner, beat and puihed him from the bed; and
he afterwards ufed many expiations to appeafe it. How¬
ever this be, he proceeded with a great (how of cou*
rage till he arrived at the city of Brixellum, on the ri¬
ver Po, where he remained, fending his forces before j
him under the conduft of his generals Suetonius and
Celfus, who made what hafte they could to give the
enemy battle. The army of Vitellius, which confifted
of 70,000 men, was commanded by his generals Va-
lens and Cecina, he himfelf remaining in Gaul in or¬
der to bring up the reft of his forces. Thus both fides j
haftened to meet each other with fo much animofity
and precipitation, that three confiderable battles were
fought in the fpace of three days. One near Placentia,
another near Cremona, and a third at a place called
Cajior; in all which, Otho had the advantage. But
thefe fuccefies were but of ftiort lived continuance; for
Valens and Cecina, who had hitherto afted feparately,
joining their forces, and reinforcing their armies with
freftt fupplies, refolved to come to a general engage¬
ment. Otho, who by this time had joined his army oth^de-
at a little village ca\\e& Bedriacum, finding the enemy, feated at
notwithftanding their late Ioffes, inclined to come to alkdiiacur
battle, refolved to call a council of war to determine
upon the proper meafures to be taken. His generals
were of opinion to protraft the war: but others, whofe
inexperience had given them confidence, declared, that
nothing but a battle could relieve the miferiSs of the
ftate; protefting, that Fortune, and all the gods, with
the divinity of the emperor himfelf, favoured the de-
fign, and would undoubtedly profper the enterprife.
In this advice Otho acquiefced: he had been for fome
time fo uneafy under the war, that he feemed willing
to exchange fufpenfe for danger. However, he was fo
furrounded with flatterers, that he was prohibited from
being perfonally prefent in the engagement, but pre¬
vailed upon to referve himfelf for the fortune of the
empire, and wait the event at Brixellum. The affairs
of both armies being thus adjufted, they came to an
engagement at Bedriacum ; where, in the beginning,
thofe on the fide of Otho feemed to have the advan¬
tage. At length, the fuperior difcipline of the legions
of Vitellius turned the fcale of viftory. Otho’s army
fled in great confufion towards Bedriacum, being pur-
fued with a miferable flaughter all the way. ^
In the mean time, Otho waited for the news of the Defpairj,;
battle with great impatience, and feemed to tax his mef- and kills
fengers with delay. The firft account of his defeat was^'m^f’ i
brought him by a common foldier, who had efcaped
from the field of battle. However, Otho, who was ftiil
furrounded by flatterers, was defired to give no credit
to a bafe fugitive, who was guiity of falfehoood only
to cover his own cowardice. The foldier, however, ftiil
perfifted in the veracity of his report; and, finding
none inclined to believe him, immediately fell upon his
fword, and expired at the emperor’s feet. Otho was
fo much ftruck with the death of this man, that he
cried out, that he would caufe the ruin of no more
fuch valiant and worthy foldiers, but would end the
contcft the fliorteft way; and therefore having exhort-
. -
ROM [ 6839 ] ROM
-orne. cd his followers to fubmit to Vitellius, he put an end
to his own life.
It was no fooner known that Otho bad killed him-
felf, than all the foldiers repaired to Virginius, the
commander of the German legions, earneftly intreat¬
ing him to take upon him the reins of government ;
or at leaft, intreating his mediation with the generals
of Vitellius in their favour. Upon his declining their
requeft, Rubrius Gallus, a perfon of confiderable note,
undertook their embaffy to the generals of the con¬
quering army; and foon after obtained a pardon for
315 all the adherents of Otho.
U ed Vitellius was immediately after declared emperor by
oeror. t'ie fenate> and received the marks of diftin&ion which
were now accuilomed to follow the appointment of the
ftrongeft fide. At the fame time, Italy was feverely
diflrefied by the foldiers, who committed fuch out¬
rages as exceeded all the opprcffions of the moft ca¬
lamitous war. Vitellius, who was yet in Gaul, refol-
ved, before he fet out for Rome, to punifii the praeto¬
rian cohorts, who had been the inftruments of all the
late diflurbances in the ftate. He therefore caufed them
to be difarmed, and deprived of the name and honour
of foldiers. He alfo ordered 150 of thofe who were
moft guilty to be put to death.
As he approached towards Rome, he palled through
the towns with all imaginable fplendor; his pafiageiby
( water was in painted galleys, adorned with garlands of
flowers, and profufely furnilhed with the greateft de¬
licacies. In his journey there was neither order nor
■ difcipline among his foldiers; they plundered wherever
they came, with impunity ; and he feemed no way dif-
pleafed with the licentioufnefs of their behaviour.
Upon his arrival at Rome, he entered the city, not
as a place he came to govern with juftice, but as a town
that became his own by the laws of conqueft. He
marched through the ftreets mounted on horfeback, all
in armour; the fenate and people going before him, as
if the captives of his late vidtory. He the next day
made the fenate a fpeech, in which he magnified his
own adtions, and promifed them extraordinary advan¬
tages from his adminiftration. He then harangued the
people, who, being now long accuftomed to flatter all
in authority, highly applauded and bleffed their new
316 emperor.
ih a me- in the mean time, his foldiers being permitted to fa-
^a'r.d tiate tl'ernfclves *n t^ie debaucheries of the city, grew
lei- vices, totally unfit for war. The principal affairs of the ftate
were managed bytthe loweft wretches. Vitellius, more
abandoned than they, gave himfelf up to ail kinds of
luxury and profufenefs: but gluttony was his favourite
vice, fo that he brought himfelf to a habit of vomit¬
ing, in order to renew his meals at pleafure. His en¬
tertainments, though ftldom at his own coft, were pro-
digioufly expenfive ; he frequently invited himfelf to
the tables of his fubjedts, breakfafting with one, dining
with another, and flipping with a third, all in the fame
day. The moft memorable of thefe entertainments,
was that made for him by his brother on his arrival at
Rome. In this were ferved up 2000 feveral dirties of
fifli, and 7000 of fowl, of the moft valuable kinds.
But in one particular difti, he feemed to have outdone
all the former profufion of the moft luxurious Romans.
This di(h, which was of fuch magnitude as to be called
the Jhield of Minerva, was filled with an olio made from
the founds of the fi(h called fcarri, the brains of phea- Roms.
fants and woodcocks, the tongues of the moft coftly   ^
birds, and the fpawn of lampreys brought from the
Carpathian fea. In order to cook this difli properly,
a furnace was built in the fields, as it was too large for
any kitchen to contain it.
In this manner did Vitellius proceed; fo that Jofe-
phus tells us, if he had reigned long, the whole empire
would not have been fufficient to have maintained his
gluttony. All the attendants of his court fought to
raife themfelves, not by their virtues and abilities, but
the fumptuoufnefs of their entertainments. This pro¬
digality produced its attendant, want; and that, in turn,
gave rife to cruelty.
Thofe who had formerly been his affociates, were
now deftroyed without mercy. Going to vifit one of
them in a violent fever, he mingled poifon with his
water, and delivered it to him with his own hands. He
never pardoned thofe money-lenders who came to de¬
mand payment of his former debts. One of the num¬
ber coming to falute him, he immediately ordered him
to be carried off to execution ; but fhortly after, com¬
manding him to be brought back, when all his attend¬
ants thought it was to pardon the unhappy creditor,
Vitellius gave them foon to underhand, that it was
merely to have the pleafure of feeding his eyes with
his torments. Having condemned another to death, he
executed his two fons with him, only for their prefu¬
ming to intercede for their father. A Roman knight
being dragged away to execution, and crying out that
he had made the emperor his heir, Vitellius demanded
to fee the will, where finding himfelf joint heir with
another, he ordered both to be executed, that he might
enjoy the legacy without a partner.
By the continuance of fuch vices and cruelties as
thefe, he became odious to all mankind, and the aftro-
logers began to prognofticate his ruin. A writing was
fet up in the forum to this effeS : “ We, in the name
of the ancient Chaldeans, give Vitellius warning to de¬
part this life by the calends of October.” Vitellius,
on his part, received this information with terror, and
ordered all the aftrologers tabe banifhed from Rome.
An old woman having foretold, that if he furvived his
mother, he ftiould reign many years in happinefs and
fecurity, this gave him a defire of putting, her to
death ; which he did, by refufing her fuftenance, un-
dec the pretence of its being prejudicial to her health.
But he foon faw the futility of relying upon fuch vain
prognoftications; for hiss foldiers, by their cruelty
and rapine, having become infupportable to the inha¬
bitants of Rome, the legions of the Eaft, who had 3tVe/^aI1
firft acquiefced in his dominion, began to revolt-, andpre0ja;^nCtl
fhortly after unanimoufly refolved to make Vefpafian emperor,
emperor.
Vefpafian, who was appointed commander againft
the rebellious Jews, had reduced moft of their coun¬
try, except Jerufalem, to fubjeftion. The death of
Nero, however, had at firft interrupted the progrefs
of his arms, and the fuccefiion of Galba gave a tempo¬
rary check to his conquefts; as he was obliged to fend
his fon Titus to Rome, to receive that emperor’s com¬
mands. TituSj however, was fo long detained by
contrary winds, that he received news of Galba’s death
before he fet fail. He then refolved to continue neuter,
during the civil wars between Otho and Vitellius; and
wheat
ROM [ 6840 ] ROM
Rome, when the latter prevailed, he gave him his homage
with relu&ance. But being defirous of acquiring re¬
putation, though he difliked the government, he de¬
termined to lay fiege to Jerufalem, and actually made
preparations for that great undertaking, when he was
given to underftand, that Vitellius was detefted by all
ranks in the empire. Thefe murmurings increafed
every day, while Vefpafian fecretly endeavoured to
advance the difcontents of the army. By thefe means
they began at length to fix their eyes upon him as the
perfon the mod capable and willing to terminate the
miferies of his country, and put a period to the inju-
' ries it fuffered. Not only the legions under his com¬
mand, but thofe in Msefia and Pannonia came to the
fame refolution, fo that they declared themfelves for
Vefpafian. He was alfo without his own confent pro¬
claimed emperor at Alexandria, the army there con¬
firming it with extraordinary applaufe, and paying
their accuftomed homage. Still, however, Veipafian
feemed to decline the honour done him ; till at length
his foldiers compelled him, with their threats of imme¬
diate death, to accept a title, which, in all probabi¬
lity, he wifhed to enjoy. He now, therefore, called a
council of war : where it was refolved, that his fon Ti¬
tus fhould carry on the war againft the Jews; and that
Mutianus, one of his generals, Ihould, with the greateft
part of his legions, enter Italy; while Vefpafian
himfelf fliould levy forces in all parts of the call, in
order to reinforce them in cafe of necefiity.
During thefe preparations, Vitellius, tho’buried in
floth and luxury, was refolved to make an effort to de¬
fend the empire ; wherefore his chief commanders,
Valens and Cecina, were ordered to make all pofiible
preparations to refill the invaders. The firft army that
entered Italy with an hoftile intention, was under the
command of Antonius Primus, who was met by Ce¬
cina near Cremona. A battle was expe&ed to enfue ;
but a negociation taking place, Cecina was prevailed
upon to change fides, and declare for Vefpafian. His
army, however, quickly repented of what they had
318 done; and imprifoning their general, attacked Anto-
Vitellius nJus> though without a leader. The engagement
defeated, continued during the whole night: in the morning,
after a fhort repaft, both armies engaged a fecond
time; when the foldiers of Antonius faluting the ri-
fing fun, according to cuftom, the Vitellians fuppo-
fing that they had received new reinforcements, be¬
took themfelves to flight, with the lofs of 30,000
men. Shortly after, freeing their general Cecina
from prifon, they prevailed upon him to intercede with
the conquerors for pardon ; which they obtained, tho’
not without the mod horrid barbarities committed
upon Cremona, the city to which they had retired for
fhelter.
When Vitellius was informed of the defeat of his
army, his former infolence was converted into an ex¬
treme of timidity and irrefolution. At length he com¬
manded Julius Prifcus, and Alphenus Varus, with
fome forces that were in readinefs, to guard the paffes
of the Appenines, to prevent the enemy’s march to
Rome ; referying the principal body of his army to
fecure the city, under the command of his brother
Lucius, But being perfuaded to repair to his army in
perfon, his prefence only ferved to increafe the con¬
tempt of his foldiers. He there appeared irrefolute,
and ftill luxurious, without counfel or eondudl, igno* Romjr
rant of war, and demanding from others thofe in- f
ftruftions which it was his duty to give. After a fhort
continuance in the camp, and underftanding the revolt
of his fleet, he returned once more to Rome : but
every day only ferved to render his affairs ftill more
defperate ; till at lad he made offers to Vefpafian of
refigning the empire, provided his life were granted,
and a fufficient revenue for his fupport. In order to
enforce his requeft, he iffued from his palace in deep !j
mourning, with all his domeftics weeping round him.
He then went to offer the fword ofjultice to Cecilius,
the conful ; which he refufing, the abjefl empferor
prepared to lay down the enfigns of the empire in
the temple of Concord. But being interrupted by
fome, who cried out, That he himfelf was Concord, )
he refolved, upon fo weak an encouragement, ftill to
maintain his power, and immediately prepared for his
defence.
During this flu&uatiou of counfels, one Sabinus,
who had advifed Vitellius to refign, perceiving his de¬
fperate fituation, refolved, by a bold ftep, to oblige
Vefpafian, and accordingly feized upon the Capitol. 319
But he was premature in his attempt; for the foldiersT1,e caP
ofVitellus attacked him with great fury, and, prevail-burm' ; j
ing by their numbers, foon laid that beautiful build¬
ing in afhes. During this dreadful conflagration, Vi¬
tellius was feafting in the palace of Tiberius, and be¬
holding all the horrors of the affault with great fatis-
faftion. Sabinus was taken prifoner, and ftiortly after
executed by the emperor’s command. YoungDomitian,
his nephew, who was afterwards emperor, efcaped by
flight, in the habit of a prieft ; and all the reft who
furvived the fire were put to the fword.
But this fuccefs ferved little to improve the affairs of
Vitellius. He vainly fent meffenger after meffenger, to r
bring Vefpafian’s general, Antonius,- to a compofi-
tion. This commander gave no anfwer to his requefts,
but ftill continued his march towards Rome. Being
arrived before the walls of the city, the forces of Vi¬
tellius were refolved upon defending it to the utmoft 330
extremity. It was attacked on three Tides, with the Dreadful'i
utmoft fury ; while the army within, Tallying upon the j“tuation J
befiegers, defended it with equal obftinacy. The battle Ron1®’ j
lafted a whole day, till at Jaft the befieged were
driven into the city, and a dreadful flaughter made of
them in all the ftreets, which they vainly attempted
to defend. In the mean time, the citizens flood by,
looking on as both fides fought; and, as if they had
been in a theatre, clapped their hands; at one time
encouraging one party, and again the other. As ei- ,
ther turned their backs, the citizens would then fall
upon them in their places of refuge, and fo kill and
plunder them without mercy. But what was ftill more
remarkable, during thefe dreadful flaughters both
within and without the city, the people would not
be prevented from celebrating one of their riotous
feafts, called the Saturnalia; fo that at one time might
have been feen a ftrange mixture of mirth and mifery,
of cruelty and lewdnefs ; in one place, buryings and
flaughters ; in another, drunkennefs and feafting; in
a word, all the horrors of a civil war, and all the li-
centioufnefs of the moft abandoned fecurity !
During this complicated feene of mifery, Vitellius
retired privately to his wife’s houfe, upon mount Aven-
tine,
ROM [ 6849 ] ROM
-j Rome, tine, defigning that night to fly to the army com-
  manded by his brother at Tarracina. But, quite in¬
capable, through tear, of forming any refolutioa, he
changed his mind, and returned again to his pa¬
lace, now void and defolate; all his (laves forfaking
him in his diftrefs, and purpofely avoiding his pre-
fence. There, after wandering for fome time, quite
difconfolate, and fearing the face of every creature he
met, he hid himfeifin an obfcure corner, from whence
j he was foot) taken by_a party of the conquering fol-
diers. Still, however, willing to add a few hours more
to his miserable life, he begged to be kept in prifon
till the arrival of Vefpafian at Rome, pretending that
he had fecrets of importance to difeover. But his in¬
treaties were vain : the foldiers binding his hands be¬
hind him, and throwing an halter round his neck, led
him along, half naked, into the public forum, up¬
braiding him, as they proceeded, with all thofe bitter
reproaches their malice could fuggeft, or his own
cruelty could deferve. They alfo tied his hair back¬
wards, as was ufual with the mod infamous malefac¬
tors, and held the point of a fword under his chin, to
prevent his hiding his face from the public. Some call
dirt and filth upon him as he palled, others (truck him
with their hands ; fome ridiculed the defeats of his
^erfon, his red fiery face, and the enormous greatnefs
of his belly. At length, being come to the place of
punilhment, they killed him with many blows ; and
then dragging the dead body through the ftreets with
an hook, they threw it, with all poffible ignominy,
into the river Tiber. Such was the miferable end of
this emperor, in the 57th year of his age, after a (hort
33* reign of eight months and five days,
luelfics* Vitellius being dead, the conquering army purfued
iraftifed by ^,e‘r enemics throughout the city, while neither hou-
>he fol- ies nor temples afforded refuge to the fugitives. The
lliers. ftreets and public places were all ftrewed with dead,
each man lying (lain where it was his misfortune to be
overtaken by his unmerciful purfuers. But not only the
enemy fuffered in this manner, but many of the citi¬
zens, who were obnoxious to the foldiers, were drag¬
ged from their houfes, and killed without any form of
trial. The heat of their refentment being fomewhat
abated, they next began to feek for plunder ; and un¬
der pretence of fearching for the enemy, left no place
without marks of their rage or rapacity. Bdidts the
foldiers, the lower rabble joined in thefe detellable
outrages ; fome (laves came and difeovered the riches
of their mafters ; fome were detefted by their neared
friends; the whole city was filled with outcry and la¬
mentation; infomuch, that the former ravages of Otho
and Vitellius were now confidered as (light evils in
cbmpan'fon.
At length, however, upon the arrival of Mutianus,
general to Vefpafian, thefe (laughters ceafed, and the
1 331 (late began to wear the appearance of former tran-
■Vefpafian quillity. Vefpafian was declared emperor, by the una-
proclaimed nimous confent both of the ferrate and the army ; aud
^^orof dignified with all thofe titles, which now followedra-
’ ther the power than the merit of thofe who were ap¬
pointed to govern. Meffengers were difpatched to him
, into Egypt, defiring his return, and teftifying the ut-
moft defire for his government. However, the winter
being dangerous for failing, he deferred Lis voyage to
a more convenient feafon. Perhaps, alio, the diffen-
Vol. IX. 1
fions in other parts of the empire retarded his return Rome.
to Rome; for one Claudius Civilis, in Lower Ger-
many, excited his countrymen to revolt, and deflroy-Revolt of
ed the Roman garrifons, which were placed in differ- Claudius
ent parts of that province. But, to give his rebellion
an air of juftice, he caufed his army to fwear alle¬
giance to Vefpafian, until he found himfelf in a condi¬
tion to throw off the maflr. When he thought him¬
felf fnffieiently powerful, he dlfclaimed all fubmiflion
to the Roman government; and having overcame one
or two of the lieutenants of the empire, and being
joined by fuch of the Romans as refufed obedience to
the new emperor, he boldly advanced to give Cerealis,
Vefpafian’s general, battle. In the beginning of this
engagement, he feemed fuccefsful, breaking the Ro¬
man legions, and putting their cavalry to flight. But
at length Cerealis by his conduft turned the fate of
the day, and not only routed the enemy, but took
and deftroyed their camp. This engagement, how¬
ever, was not decifive; feveral others enfued with
doubtful fuccefs. An accommodation at length took
place. Civilis obtained peace for his countrymen, and
pardon for himfelf; for the Roman empire, was, at
this time, fo torn by its own divifions, that the bar¬
barous nations around made incurfions with impunity,
and were fure of obtaining peace whenever they
thought proper to demand it. ^
During the time of thefe commotions in Germany, Irruption of
the Sarmatians, a barbarous nation in the north-eaftthe Sarma-
of the empire, fuddenly paffed the river Ifer, andtians*
marched into the Roman dominions with fuch cele¬
rity and fury, as to deftroy feveral garrifons, and an
army under the command of Fonteius Agrippa. How¬
ever, they were driven back, by Rubrius Gallus, Ve¬
fpafian’s lieutenant, into their native forefts ; where
feveral attempts were made to confine them by garri¬
fons and forts, placed along the confines of their coun¬
try. But thefe hardy nations, having once found the
way into the empire, never after defifted from inva¬
ding it upon every opportunity, till at length they
over-ran and deftroyed it entirely.
Vefpafian continued fome months at Alexandria in
Egypt, where it is faid he cured a blind and a lame
man by touching them. Before he fet out for Rome,
be gave his fon Titus the command of the army that
was to lay fiege to Jerufalem ; while he himfelf went
forward, and was met many miles from Rome by all Titus fent
the fenate, and near half the inhabitants, who gave*ga'nft je-
the fincereft teftimonies of their joy, in having anru^em-
emperor of fuch great and experienced virtues. Nor
did he in the lealt difappoint their expeftatioris; be¬
ing equally afiiduous in rewarding merit, and par¬
doning his adversaries ; in reforming the manners of
the citizens, and fetting them the bell example in his
own.
In the mean time, Titus carried on the war agalnfl:
the Jews with vigour, which ended in the terrible de-
(trudtion of the city, mentioned under the article
Jews. After which his foldiers would have crowned
Titus as conqueror ; but he refufed the honour, al-
leging, that he was only an inftrument in the hand of
Heaven, that maaifeftly declared its wrath againft the
Jews. At Rome, however, all mouths were filled with
the praifes of the conqueror, who had not only (bow¬
ed himfelf an excellent general, but a courageous com-
38 K bataut:
ROM f 6859 ] ROM
Rome, batant: his return, therefore, in triumph, which he
did with his father, was marked with all the magnifi¬
cence and joy that was in. the power of men to ex-
prefs. All things that were elleemed valuable or beau¬
tiful among men, were brought to adorn this great oc-
cafion. Among the rich fpciis were expofed vaft quan¬
tities of gold taken out of the temple; but the book
of their law was not’the leaft remarkable amongft the
magnificent profufion. A triumphal arch was ere&ed
upon this occafion, on which were defcribed all the
viffories of Titus over the Jews, which remains al-
moft entire to this very day. Vefpafian likewife
built a temple to Peace, wherein were depofited moft
of the Jewifh fpoils ; and having now calmed all the
commotions in every part of the empire, he /hut up the
temple of Janus, which had been open about five or fix
335 years.
Various a- Vefpafian having thus given fecurity and peace to
bufes re- the empire, refolved to correct, numberle/s abufes
formeil by ^{^j, jiaj grown Up under the tyranny of his prede-
ceffors. To efjeft this with greater eafe, he joined
Titus with him in the conful/hi]) and tribunitial power,
and in fome meafure admitted him a partner in all the
higheft offices of the (late. He began with reftraining
the licentioufnefs of the army, and forcing them back
10 their priitine difcipline. He abridged the proceffes
that had been carried to an unreafonable length in the
courts of juftice. He took care to rebuild fuch parts
of the city as had fuffered in the late commotions; par¬
ticularly the Capitol, which had been lately burnt;
and which he now reftored to more than former mag¬
nificence. He likewife built a famous amphitheatre,
the ruins of which are to this day an evidence of its
ancient grandeur. The other ruinous cities of the em¬
pire alio /hared his paternal care ; he improved fuch
as were declining, adorned others, and built many
anew. In fuch a£ts as thefe, he pa/Ttd a long reign
of clemency and moderation ; fo that it is faid, no man
fuffered by an unjutt or a fevere decree during his ad-
337 miniftration.
Adventures Julius Sabinus feems to be the only perfon who was
and death treatecj w;th greater rigour than was ufual with this
binus. emperor. Sabinus was commander of a fmall army in
Gaul, and had declared himfelf emperor upon the
death of Vitellius. However, his army was /hortly af¬
ter overcome by Vefpafian’s general, and he himfelf
compelled to feek fafety by flight. He for fome time
wandered thro’ the Roman provinces, without being
difeovered : but finding the purfuit every day become
clofer, he was obliged to hide himfelf in a cavp ; in
which he remained concealed for no lefe than nine
years, attended all the time by his faithful wife Em-
pona, who provided provifions for him by day, and
repaired to him by night. However, /he was at
l.-ngth difeovered in the performance of this pious of¬
fice, and Sabinus was taken prifoner and carried to
Rome. Great intercefiion was made to the empe¬
ror in his behalf: Empona herfelf appearing with her
two children, and imploringherhu/band’spardon. How¬
ever, neither her tears nor intreaties could prevail; Sa-
3,8 binus had been too dangerous a rival for mercy; fo
Clemency that, tho’ /he and her childre-n were/pared, her hu/band
and good fuffered by the executioner.
qualities of gut feems to be (fog on]y ,'nftance in which he
t^eempe- rcfcntC(j paft offences. He caufed the daughter of Vi¬
tellius, his avowed enemy, to be married into a noble
family, and he himfelf provided her a fuitable fortune."
One of Nero’s fervants coming to beg for pardon for
having once rudely thruft him out of the palace, and
infulted him wlwrn in office, Vefpafian only took his
revenge by ferving him juft in the fame manner. When
any plots or confpiraeies were formed againft him, he
difdained to puni/h the guilty, faying, That they de-
ferved rather his contempt for their ignorance, than his
refentment; as they feemed to envy him a dignity of
which he daily experienced the uneafinefs. His libera¬
lity towards the encouragement of arts and learning,
was not lefs than his clemency. He fettled a conftant
falary of 100,000 fefterces upon the teachers of rheto-
ric. He was particularly favourable to Jofephus, the
Jewi/h hiftorian. Qmn&ilian the orator, and Pliny
the naturalift, flouriihed in his reign, and were high¬
ly efteemed by him. He was no lefs an encou-
rager of all other excellencies in art; and invited the
greateft mafters and artificers from all parts of the
world, making them confiderable prefents, as he found
occafion.
Yet all his numerous afts of generofity and magnifi¬
cence could not preferve his charader from the impu¬
tation of rapacity and avarice. He revived many obfo-
lete methods of taxation; and even bought and fold
commodities himfelf, in order to increafe his fortune.
He is charged with advancing the moft avaricious go¬
vernors to the provinces, in order to /hare their plunder
on their return to Rome. He defeended to fome very
unufual and di/honourable impofts, even to the laying
a tax upon urine. When his fon Titus remonftrated
againft the meannefs of fuch a tax, Vefpafian taking a
piece of money, demanded if the fmell offended him
and then added, that this very money was produced by
urine. But in excufe for this, we muff obferve, that
the exchequer, when Vtfpafian came to the throne,
was fo much exhaufted, that he informed the fenate
that it would require a fupply of three hundred mil¬
lions (of our money) to re-eftabli/h the commonwealth.
This nece/fity mull naturally produce more numerous
and heavy taxations than the empire had hither to ex¬
perienced: but while the provinces were thus obliged to
contribute to the fupport of his power, he took every
precaution to provide for their fafety ; fo that we find;
but two infurreftions in this reign.—In the fourth
year of bis reign, Antiochus king of Comagena, hold¬
ing a private correfpondence with the Parthians, the
declared enemies of Rome, was taken prifoner in Ci¬
licia, by Pyrrhus the governor, and lent bound to
Rome. But Vefpafian generou/ly prevented all ill
treatment, by giving him a refidence at Lacedaemon,
and allowing him a revenue fuitable to his dignity..
About the fame time alfo, the Alani, a barbarous
people inhabiting along the river Tanais, abandoned
their barren wilds, and invaded the kingdom of Media.
From thence pa/fing into Armenia, after great rava¬
ges, they overthrew Tiridates, the king of that coun¬
try,. with prodigious /laughter. Titus was at length
fent to chaftife their infolence: but the barbarians re¬
tired at the approach of the Roman army, loaden with
plunder ; being compelled to wait a more favourable
opportunity of renewing their irruptions. Thefe in-
curfions, however, were but a tranfient ftorm, the ef-
fe&8 of which were foon repaired by the emperor’s mo-
3 deration*
Rome,
ROM [ 6851 ] ROM
iome. deration and affiduity. We are told, that he now form-
~ ed and eltablifhed a thoufand nations, which had
fcarcely before amounted to 2oo» No provinces in the
empire lay out of his view and prote&ion. He had,
during his whole reign, a particular regard to Britain;
his generals, Petilius Cerealis, and Julius Frontinus,
brought the greateft part of the ifland into fubjedtion;
and Agricola, who fucceeded foon after, compleated
339 what they had begun. See England.
nth of ln this manner, having reigned 10 years, loved by
jpafian. jj|s fubje£!g} and deferving their affedtion, he was fur-
prifed by an indifpofition at Campania, which he at
once declared would be fatal, crying out, in the fpirit
of Paganifm, “ Methinks I am going to be a God.”
Removing from thence to the city, and afterwards to
a country-feat near Reate, he was there taken with a
flux, which brought him to the laft extremity. How¬
ever, perceiving his end approach, and jult going to
expire, he cried out, that an emperor ought to die
Handing; wherefore, raifmg himfelf upon his feet, he
expired in the hands of thofe that fuflained him.
itus fuc- Titus being joyfully received as emperor, notwith-
eds to the Handing a flight oppofition from his brother Domi*
spire. tian, who maintained that he himfelf was appointed,
and that Titus had falfificd the will, began his reign
with every virtue that became an emperor and a man.
During the life of his father there had been many im¬
putations againlt him; but upon his exaltation to the
throne, he feemed entirely to take leave of his former
vices, and became an example of the greateft modera¬
tion and humanity. He had long loved Berenice, fi-
fter to Agrippa king of Judea, a woman of the great¬
eft beauty and allurements. But knowing that the
conneftion with her was entirely difagreeable to the
people of Rome, he fent her away, notwithftanding
their mutual paffion and the many arts fhe ufed to in¬
duce him to change his refolutions. He next difearded
all thofe who had been the former minifters of his plea-
fures, and forebore to countenance the companions of
his loofer recreations, though he had formerly taken
great pains in the feleftion. This moderation, added
to his juftice and generofity, procured him the love of
all good men, and the appellation of the delight of
mankind} which all his a&ions feemed calculated to
enfure. As he came to the throne with all the advan¬
tages of his father’s popularity, he was refolved to ufe
every method to increafe it. He therefore took parti¬
cular care to punifh all informers, falfe witnefles, and
promoters of diflenfiort; condemning them to be fcour-
ged in the moft public ftreets, next to be dragged
through the theatre, and then to be banifhed to the
uninhabited parts of the empire, and fold as flaves. His
courtefy and readinefs to do good have been celebra¬
ted even by Chriftian writers; his principal rule being,
never to fend any petitioner diffatisfied away. One
night, recolle&ing that he had done nothing beneficial
to mankind the day preceding, he cried out among his
friends, “ I have loft a day.” A fentence too re-
\ 34i markable not to be univerfally known.
& dread- In this reign, an eruption of mount Vefuvius did
ijil irrup- confiderable damage, overwhelming many towns, and
fuvius '* fcnd'ng lts aihes into countries more than too miles
diftant. Upon this memorable occafion, Pliny the na-
turalift loft his life; for, being impelled by too eager a
curiofity to obferve the eruption, he was fuffocatcd in
the flames*. There happened alfo about this time a Rome.
fire at Rome, which continued three days and nights. Ree
fuccelfively, which was followed by a plague, in which
10,000 men were buried in a day. The emperor, how¬
ever, did all that lay in his power to repair the damage
fuftained by the public; and, with refpedl to the city,
declared that he would take the whole lofs of ityupon
himfelf. Thefe difafters were in fome meafure coun-Agricola
terbalanced by the fucceffes in Britain, under Agri- ^V1*I7XS t!!t
cola. This excellent general having been fent into that “rit01!j‘
country towards the latter end of Vefpafian’s reign,
fhowed himfelf equally expert in quelling the refrac¬
tory, and civilizing thofe who had formerly fubmitted
to the Roman power. The Ordovices, or inhabitants
of North Wales, were the firft that were fubdued. He
then made a defeent upon Mona, or the ifland of An-
glefea; which furrendered at diferetion. Having thus
rendered himfelf mafter of the whole country, he took
every method to reftore difeipline to his own army, and
to introduce fome (hare of politenefs among thofe
whom he had conquered. He exhorted them, both by
advice and example, to build temples, theatres, and
ftately houfes. He caufed the fons of their nobility to
be inftru&ed in the liberal arts; he had them taught
the Latin language, and induced them to imitate the
Roman modes of drefiing and living. Thus, by de¬
grees, this barbarous people began to affume the luxu¬
rious manner of their conquerors; and in time even
outdid them in all the refinements of fenfual pleafure. _
For the fuccefs in Britain, Titus was faluted empe-^‘tus
ror the 15th time ; but he did not long furvive his
honours, being feized with a violent fever at a little
diftance from Rome. Perceiving his death to approach^
he declared, that during the whole courfe of his life
he knew but of one a&ion which he repented of; but
that adtion he did not think proper to exprefs. Shortly
after, he died (not without fufpicion of treachery from
his brother Domitian, who had long wilhed to govern)
in the 41ft year of his age, having reigned two years
two months and twenty days.
The love which all ranks of people bore to Titus, shewed
facilitated the ele&ion of his brother Domitian, not- by Domi.
withftanding the ill opinion many had already concei- tian.
ved of him. His ambition was already but too well
known, and his pride foon appeared upon his coming
to the throne; having been heard to declare, that he
had given the empire to his father and brother, and
now received it again as his due.
The beginning of his reign was univerfally accept¬
able to the people, as he appeared equally remarkable
for his clemency, liberality, and juftice. He carried
his abhorrence of cruelty fo far, as at one time to for¬
bid the facrificing of oxen. His liberality was fuch,
that he would not accept of the legacies that were left
him by fuch as had children of their own. His juftice
was fuch, that he would fit whole days and reverfe
the partial fentences of the ordinary judges. He ap¬
peared very careful and liberal in repairing the libra¬
ries which had been burnt, and recovering copies of fuch
books as had been loft, fending on purpofe to Alex¬
andria to tranferibe and tranferibe them. But he foon
began to Ihow the natural deformity of his mind. In-
ftead of cultivating literature, as his father and bro¬
ther had done, he negledled all kinds of ftudy, addic¬
ting himfelf wholly to the meaner purfuits* particu-
38 K 2 lari/
ROM
Rome, jarly arcbery and gaming. No emperor before him
" ‘ entertained the people with fuch various and expenfive
fhows. During thefe diverfions he diftributed great
rewards; fitting as prefident himfelf, adorned with a
purple robe and crown, with the prieRs of Jupiter and
the college of Flavian prieils about him. The mean-
nefs of his occupations in folitude, were a juft contrail
to his exhibitions in public oftentation. He ufually
fpent his hours of retirement in catching flies, and
liicking them through with a bodkin; fo that one of
his fervants being alked if the emperor was alone, he
anfwered, that he had not fo much as a fly to bear him
llls^ener* company. His vices feemed every day to increafe with
mous vices, the duration of his reign ; and as he thus became more
odious to his people, all their murmurs only ferved to
add ftrength to his fufpicions, and malice to his cruelty.
His ungrateful treatment of Agricola feemed the firll
fymptom of his natural malevolence. Domitian was
always particularly fond of obtaining a military repu¬
tation, and therefore jealous of it in others. He had
marched fome time before into Gaul upon a pretend¬
ed expedition againft the Catti, a people of Germany;
and, without ever feeing the enemy, refolved to have
the honour of a triumph upon his return to Rome. For
that purpofe he purchafed a number of flaves, whom
he dreffed in German habits; and at the head of this,
miferable proceffion entered the city amidft the appa¬
rent acclamations and concealed comtempt of all his
fubjc&s. The fucceffes therefore of Agricola in Bri¬
tain, affefted him with an extreme degree of envy.
This admirable general, who is fcarce mentioned by
any other writer except Tacitus, purfued the advan¬
tages which he had already obtained. He routed the
Caledonians; overcame Galgacus, the Britifli chief,
at the head of 30,000 men ; and afterwards fending
out a fleet to fcour the coaft, firft difeovered Great
t See Scot- Britain to be an iflandf . He likewife difeovered and
bnd. fubdued the Orkneys, and thus reduced the whole into
a civilized province of the Roman empire. When the
account of thefe fuccefles was brought to Domitian,
he received it with a feeming pleafure, but real unea-
iinefs. He thought Agricola’s rifing reputation a re¬
proach upon his own inactivity ; and, inftead of at¬
tempting to emulate, he refolved to fupprefs the merit
of his fervices. He ordered him therefore the external
marks of his approbation, and took care that trium¬
phant ornaments, ftatues, and other honours, fhould
be decreed him; but at the fame he removed him from
his command, under a pretence of appointing him to
the government of Syria. By thefe means, Agricola
furrendered up his government to Saluftius Lucuilus,
but foon found that Syria was otherwife difpofed of.
Upon his return to Rome, which was privately and
by night, he was coolly received by the emperor; and
dying fome time after in retirement, it was fuppofed
by fome that his end was haitened by Domitian’s di-
346 reAion.
Many bar- Domitian foon after found the want of fo experienced
tio[°U* na" a coriDman^er> *n many irruptions of the barbarous
vade the nations that furrounded the empire. The Sarmatians
empire. in Europe, joined with thofe in Afia, made a formi¬
dable invafion; at once deftroying a whole legion, and a
general of the Romans. The Dacians, under the con¬
duct of Decebalus their king, made an irruption, and
overthrew the Romans in feveral engagements. Lcfl'es
ROM
were followed by Ioffes, fo that every feafon became Rome;-!
memorable for fome remarkable overthrow. At lad, *
however, the ftate making a vigorous exertion of its
internal power, the barbarians were repelled, partly by
force and partly by the affiflance of money, which only
ferved to enable them to make future invafions to
greater advantage. But in whatever manner the enemy
might have been repelled, Domitian was refolved not
to lofe the honour of a triumph. He returned in great
fplendor to Rome ; and not contented with thus tri¬
umphing twice without a viClory, he refolved to take
the furname of Germanicus, for his conqueft over a
people with whom he never contended.
In proportion as the ridicule increafed againfl him,
his pride feemed everyday to demand greater homage.
He would permit his ftatues to be made only of gold
and filver; affumed to himfelf divine honours; and or¬
dered that all men fliould treat him with the fame ap¬
pellations which they gave to the divinity. His cruelty
was not behind his arrogance ; he caufed numbers of
the moft illuftrious fenators and others to be put to
death upon the moft trifling pretence?. Saluftius Lu-
cullus, his lieutenant in Britain, was deftroyed only for
having given his own name to a new fort of lances of |
his own invention. Junius Rufticus died for publifhing
a book, in which he commended Thrafea and Prifcus,
two philofophers who oppofed Vefpafian’s coming to
the throne.
Such cruelties as thefe, that feem almoft without a
motive, may naturally be fuppofed to have produced
rebellion. Lucius Antonins, governor in Upper Ger¬
many, knowing how much the emperor was detefted at
home, aflumed the eniigns of imperial dignity. As he
was at the head of a formidable army, his fuccefs re- ‘j
mained long doubtful; but a fuddtn overflowing of
the Rhine dividing his army, he was fet upon at that
junClure by Normandus, the emperor’s general, and :|
totally routed. The news of this vidory, we are told, Monftrousl
was brought to Rome, by fupernatural means, on the cruelty of ;J
fame day that the battle was fought. Domitian’s fe-the empe- j
verity was greatly increafed by this fuccefs, of lhortror*
duration. In order to difeover thofe who were accom¬
plices with theadverfe party, he invented new tortures,
iometimes cutting off the hands, at other times thruft-
ing fire into the privities of the people whom he fuf-
peded of being his enemies. During thefe cruelties,
he aggravated their guilt by hypocrify, never pro¬
nouncing fentence without a preamble full of gentle-
nefs and mercy. He was particularly terrible to the
fenate and nobility; the whole body of whom he fre¬
quently threatened entirely to extirpate. At one time,
he furrounded the fenate-houfe with his troops, to the
great confternation of the fenators. At another, he
refolved to amufe himfelf with their terrors in a differ¬
ent manner. Having invited them to a public enter¬
tainment, he received them all very formally at the en¬
trance of his palace, and conduded them into a fpa-
cious hall, hung round with black, and illuminated by ^
a few melancholy lamps, that diffufed light only fuffi-
cient to fhow the horrors of the place. All around
were to be feen nothing but coffins, with the names
of each of the fenators written upon them, together
with other objeds of terror and inftruments of execu¬
tion. While the company beheld all the preparations
with filent agony* feyeral men, having their bodies
black-
[ 6852 ]
p
ROM [ 6853 ] ROM
J Rome, blackened, each with a drawn fword in one hand and the confpiracy with alacrity. Pathenius alfo, the chief Rome;
. 1 a flaming torch in the other, entered the hall, and dan- chamberlain, was of the number. Thefe, after many  
ced round them. After fome time, when the guefts confultations, determined on the firft opportunity to
expe&ed nothing lefs than inhant death, well knowing put their defign in execution; and at length fixed on
Domitian’s capricious cruelty, the doors were fet open, the 18th day of September for the completion of their
and one of the fervants came to inform them, that the attempt Domitian, whofe death was every day fore¬
emperor gave all the company leave to withdraw. told by the allrologers, who, of confequence, mud at
Thefe cruelties were rendered ftill more odious by laft be right in their prediftions, was in fome meafure
his luft and avarice. Frequently after prefiding at an apprehenfive of that day; and as he had been ever ti-
cxecution, he would retire with the lewdeft prollitutes, morons, fo he was now more particularly upon his
and ufe the fame baths which they did. His avarice, gu3rd. He had fome time before fecluded himftlf in
which was the confequence of his profufion, knew no the moft fecret receffes of his palace; and at midnight
bounds. He feized upon the eftates of all againft was fo affrighted as to leap out of his bed, inquiring
whom he could find the fmalleft pretenfions; the moft of his attendants what hour of the night it was. Upon
trifling aftion, or word, againlt the majefty of the their falfely affuring him that it was an hour later than
prince, was fufficient to ruin the pofleffor. He parti- that which he was taught to apprehend, quite tranf-
cularly exafted large fums from the rich Jews ; who ported, as if all danger was paft, he prepared to go to
34S even then began to praftife the art of peculation, for the bath,. Juft then, Petronius his chamberlain came
•utesThe* l^ey are at ptefent fo remarkable. He was ex- to inform him that Stephanus the comptroller of his
tews and cited againft them, not only by avarice, but by jea- houfehold defired to fpeak to him upon an affair of the.
Cliriftians. loufy. A prophecy had been long current in the eaft, utmoft importance. The emperor having given orders
that a perfon from the line of David fliould rule the that his attendants fhould retire, Stephanus entered
world. Whereupon, this fufpicious tyrant, willing to with his hand in a fcarf, which he had worn thus for
evade the predi&ion, commanded all the Jews of the fome days, the better to conceal a dagger, as none
lineage of David to be diligently fought out, and put were permitted to approach the emperor except un¬
to death. Two Chriftians, grandfons of St Jude the armed. He began by giving information of a pretend-
apoftle, of that line, were brought before him; but ed confpiracy, and exhibited a paper in which the par- 3j0
finding them poor, and no way ambitious of temporal ticulars were fpecified. While Domitian was reading He it mm>
power, he difmiffed them, confidering them as obje£ls the contents with an eager curiolity, Stephanus drew ^ere^•
too mean for his jealoufy. However, his perfecution his dagger, and ftruck him in the groin. The wound
of the Chriftians was more fevere than that of any of not being mortal, Domitian caught hold of the affaffin,
his predeceffors. By his letters and edi&s they were and threw him upon the ground, calling out for aflift-
baniftied in feveral parts of the empire, and put to death ance. He demanded alfo his fword, that was nfually
with all the tortures of ingenious cruelty. The pre- placed under his pillow ; and a boy who attended in
ditftions of Chaldeans and aftrologers alfo, concerning the apartment running to fetch it, found only the fcab-
his death, gave him moft violent apprehenfions, and bard, for Parthenius had previoufly removed the blade,
kept him in the moft tormenting difquietude. As he The flruggle with Stephanus ftill continued : Domi-
approached towards the end of his reign, he would per- tian ftill kept him under, and at one time attempted
mit no criminal, or prifoner, to be brought into his to wreft the dagger from his hand, at another to tear
prefence, till they were bound in fuch a manner as to out his eyes with his fingers. But Parthenius, with his
be incapable of injuring him; and he generally fecu- freedman, a gkdiator, and two fubaltern officers, now
red their chains in his own hands. His jealoufies in- coming in, ran all furioufly upon the emperor, and dif-
creafed to that degree, that he ordered the gallery in patched him with many wounds. In the mean time,
which he walked to be fet round with a pellucid ftone, fome of the officers of the guard being alarmed, came
which ferved as a mirror to refleft the perfons of all to his affiftance, but too late to fave him ; however,,
fuch as approached him from behind. Every omen and they flew Stephanus on the fpot.
> 349 prodigy gave him frefh anxiety. When it was publicly known that Domitian was
I A confpi- But a period was foon to be put to this monfter’a flain, the joy of the fenate was fo great, that being af-
i racy form- cruelty. Among the number of thofe whom he at once fembled with the utmoft hafte, they began to load his
carefrcd and fufpedfed, was his wife Domitia, whom memory with every reproach. His flatues were com-
: ‘ he had taken from iElius Lama, her former hufband. manded to be taken down ; and a decree was made*
This woman, however, was become obnoxious to him, that all his iuferiptions fhould be erafed, his name
for having placed her affe&ions upon one Paris, a ftruck out of the regifters of fame, and his funeral
player ; and he refolved to difpatch her, with feveral omitted. The people, who now took little part in the
others that he either hated or fufpetfted. It was the affairs of government, looked on his death with indif-
tyrant’s method to put down the names of all fuch as ference ; the foldiers alone, whom he had loaded with
he intended to deftroy in his tablets, which he kept favours and enriched by largeffes, flncerely regretted
about him with great circumfpe&ion. Domitia, for- their benefadlor. The fenate, therefore, refolved to
tunately happening to get a fight of them, was ftruck provide a fucceffor before the army could have an op-
at finding her own name in the catalogue of thofe fa- portunity of taking the appointment upon themfelves: 3Jy:
ted to deftru&ion. She fhowed the fatal lift to Nor- and Coccetus Nerva was chofen to the empire the very,
banns and Petronius, praefedls of the prastorian bands, day on which the tyrant was flain. mad/era*
who found themfelves fet down; as likewife to Stepha- Nerva was of an illuftrious family, as moft fay, byperor.
aus, the comptroller of the houfehold, who came icto birth a Spaniard, and above 65 years old when he was
t called
Pv O M [ 6854 ] ROM
Rome, called to the throne. He was, atrthat t’me, the mod
remarkable man in Rome, for his virtues, moderation,
and refpeft to the laws ; and he owed his exaltation
to the blamelefs condudl of his former life. When the
fenate went to pay him their fubmiffions, he received
them with his accuftomed humility; while Arius An¬
tonios, his moft intimate friend, having embraced him
with great familiarity, congratulated him on his ac-
ceffion to the empire ; and indeed no emperor had ever
fhewed himfelf more worthy of the throne than Nerva;
his only fault being that he was too indulgent, and
often made a prey by his infidious courtiers.
His great However, an excefs of indulgence and humanity
clemency were faults that Rom^ could eafily pardon, after the
and mode- cruelties of fuch an emperor as Domitian. Being long
ration. accuftomed to tyranny, they regarded Nerva’s gentle
reign with rapture, and even gave his imbecHlity the
name of benevolence. Upon coming to the throne, he
folemnly fwore that no fenator of Rome fliould
be put to death by his command, during his reign,
though they gave ever fo juft a caufe. He con¬
ferred great favours, and beftowed large gifts, up¬
on his particular friends. His liberality was fo ex-
tenfive, that, upon his firft promotion to the empire,
he was conftrained to fell his gold and filver plate,
with his other rich moveables, to enable him to conti-
-nue his liberalities. He releafed the cities of the em¬
pire from many fevere impofitions, which had been laid
upon them by Vefpafian ; took off a rigorous tribute,
which had been laid upon carriages ; and reftored thofe
to their property who had been unjuftly difpoffeffed by
Domitian.
"Makes fe- During his fhort reign be made feveral good laws,
veral good He particularly prohibited the caftration of male chil-
laws. dren ; which had been likewife condemned by his pre-
deccffor, but not wholly removed. He put all thofe
Haves to death, who had, during the laft reign, in¬
formed againft their mailers. He permitted no fta-
tues to be eredled to honour him, and converted into
money fuch of Domitian’s as had been fpared by the
fenate. He fold many rich robes, and much of the
fplendid furniture of the palace, and retrenched feve¬
ral unreafonable expences at court. At the fame time,
he had fo little regard for money, that when Herodes
Atticus, one of his fubjefts, had found a large trea-
fure, and wrote to the emperor how to difpofe of it,
he received for anfwer, that he might vje it: but
the finder ftill informing the emperor that it was a
fortune top large for a private perfon, Nerva, admi¬
ring his honefty, wrote him word, that then he might
abiife it.
A life of fuch generofity and mildnefs, was not,
however, without its enemies. Calpurnius Craffus,
with fome others, formed a dangerous confpiracy
to deftroy him ; but Nerva would ufe no feverity: he
refted fatisfied with baniftiing thofe who were culpable,
though the fenate were for inflidting more rigorous pu-
nilhments. But the moft dangerous infurredtion againft
his interefts was from the praetorian bands; who,
headed by Cafparius Olianus, infilled upon revenging
the late emperor’s death, whofe memory was ftill dear
to them, from his frequent liberalities. Nerva, whofe
kindnefs to good men, rendered him more obnoxious
to the vicious, did all in his power to flop the pro¬
gress of this infurredlion j he prefentcd hirafelf to the
mutinous foldiers, and, opening his bofoflr!, defired Rome;
them to ftrike there, rather than be guilty of fo much
injuftice. The foldiers, however, paid no regard to
his remonftrances; but feizing upon Petronius and
Parthenius, flew them in the moft ignominious man¬
ner. Not content with this, they even compelled the
emperor to approve of their fedition, and to make a
fpeech to the people, in which he thanked the cohorts
for their fidelity. So difagreeable a conftraint upon
the emperor’s inclinations, was, in the end, attended
with the moft happy effects, as it caufed the adoption 3?*
of Trajan to fucceed him in the empire. Nerva per-^d°Pts
ceived that in the prefent turbulent difpofition of ^ie hisdfuccef-
times, he (food in need of an afliflant in the empire, for.
who might (hare the fatigues of government, and con¬
tribute to keep the licentious in awe. For this purpofe,
fetting afide all his own relatione, he fixed upon Ul-
pius Trajan, an utter ftranger to his family, who was
then governor in Upper Germany, to fucceed him.
Having put his determination in execution, and per¬
formed the accuftomed folemnities, he inftantly fent off
ambaffadors to Cologne, where Trajan then refided,
intreating his affiftance in punilhing thofe from whom
he had received fuch an infult. The adoption of this
admirable man, proved fo great a curb to the licenti-
oufnefs of the foldiery, that they continued in perfe&
obedience during the reft of this reign ; and Cafparius
being fent to him, was, by his command, either ba-
niflied or put to death.
The adopting Trajan was the laft public aft ofDeath ol
Nerva. In about three months after, having put him- Nerva*
felf in a violent paffion with one Regulus a fenator,
he was feized with a fever, of which he fliortly after
died, after a (hort reign of one year four months and
nine days. He was the firft foreign emperor who
reigned in Rome, and juftly reputed a prince of great
generofity and moderation. He is alfo celebrated for
his wiftlom, tho’ with iefs reafon, the greateft inftance
he gave of it, during his reign, being in the choice of
his fucceffor. ^
Trajan’s family was originally from Italy, but heG,eatqUai
himfelf was born in Seville in Spain. He very early lities of
accompanied his father, who was a general of the Ro-Trajan,
mans, in his expeditions along the Euphrates and the
Rhine; and while yet very young, acquired a confide-
rable reputation for military accomplifliments. He
enured his body to fatigue ; he made long marches on
foot; and laboured to acquire all that ikill in war
which was neceffary fora commander. When he was
made general of the army in Lower Germany, which
was one of the moft confiderable employments in the
empire, it made no alteration in his manners or way
of living ; and the commander was feen noway differ¬
ing from the private tribune, except in his fnperior
wifdom and virtues. The great qualities of his mind
were accompanied with all the advantages of perfon.
His body was majeftic and vigorous ; he was at that
middle time of life which is happily tempered with the
warmth of youth and the caution of age, being 42
years old. To thefe qualities were added, a modefty
that feemed peculiar to himfelf alone; fo that man¬
kind found a pleafure in praifing thofe accomplilh-
ments of which the poffeffor feemed no way confcious.
Upon the whole, Trajan is diftinguilhed as the great-
eft and the belt emperor of Rome. Others might have
equalled
R O M
[Rome, equalled him in war, and fome might have been his
rivals in clemency and goodnefs; but he feems the only
prince who united thefe talents in the greateft per-
fe&ion, and who appears equally to engage our admi¬
ration and our regard. Upon being informed of the
death of Nerva, he prepared to return to Rome, whi¬
ther he was invited by the united intreaties of the (late.
He therefore began hisimarch with a difeipline that
was for a long time unknown in the armies of the em¬
pire. The countries through which he pafled, were
neither ravaged nor taxed, and he entered the city,
not in a triumphant manner, though he had deferved
it often, but on foot, attended by the civil officers of
the ftate, and followed by his foldiers, who marched
Clently forward with modefty and refpedl. It would
be tedious and unneceflary to enter into a detail of
this good monarch’s labours for the ftate. His appli¬
cation tojiufinefs, his moderation to his enemies, his
modefty in exaltation, his liberality to the deferving,
and his frugality in his own expences; thefe have all
been the fubjedl of panegyric among his cotempora¬
ries, and they continue to be the admiration of pofte-
rity. Upon giving the prefeft of the praetorian band
the fword, according to cuftom, he made ufe of this
remarkable expreffimt, “ Take this fword, and ufe it,
if I have merit, for me; if otherwife, againft me.”
After which he added, That he who gave laws was the
r hr ft who was bound to obferve them. His failings,
' were his love of women, which however never hur¬
ried him beyond the bounds of decency; and his im¬
moderate paffion for war, to which he had been bred
up from his childhood. The firft war he w'as engaged
in after his coming to the throne, was with the Da-
.1 cians, whor during the reign of Domitian, had com¬
mitted numberlefs ravages upon the provinces of the
empire. He therefore raifed a powerful army, and
with great expedition marched into thofe barbarous
cobntries, where he was vigoroufly oppofed by Dece-
balus, the Dacian king, who for a long time withftood
his boldert efforts; but was at laft entirely reduced; and
his kingdom made a Roman province, as is related un¬
der the article Dacia.. At his return to Rome, he
entered the city in triumph ; and the rejoicings for his
victories lafted for the fpace of 120 days..
Having thus given peace and profptrity to the em¬
pire, Trajan. Continued his reign, loved, honoured, and
almod adored, by his fubjetls. He adorned the city
with public buildings; he freed it from fuch men as
lived by their vices ; he entertained perlons of merit
with the utmoft familiarity ; and fo little feared his
enemies, that he could fcarcely be induced to fuppofe
that he had any.
fe per e- It had been happy for this great prince’s memcry;
ites the Jf h£ had (hown equal clemency to all his fubjefts ;
piuhati:.. hut, about the ninth year of his reign, he was per-
fuaded to look upon the Chriftians with a fufpicious
eye. The extreme veneration which he profeffed for
| the religion of the empire, fet him feduloufly to op-
| pofe every innovation, and the progrefs of Chriftia-
j nity feemed to alarm him. A. law had for fome time
before been paffed, in which all Heteriae, or focieties
diflenting from the eftablifhed religion, were confidered
as illegal, being reputed nurferies of impofture and
I fedition. Under the fanftion of this law, the Chri-
Sians wc|e perfecuted in all parts of the empire. Great
ROM
numbers of them were put to death, as well by popu- Rome..
lar tumults as by edifts and judicial proceedings. “
However, the perfecution ceafed after fome time ; for
the emperor having advice from Pliny, the pro-conful
in Bithynia, of the innocence and fimplicity of the
Chriftians, and of their inoffenfive and moral way of
living, he fufpended their punifhments. But a total
flop was put to them upon Tiberianus the governor
of Paleftine’s fending him word, That he was wearied
out with executing the laws againft the Galileans,
who crowded to execution in fuch multitudes, that he
wa-3 at a lofs how to proceed. Upon this information,
the emperor gave orders, that the Chriftians (hould
not be fought after; but if any offered themfelves,
that they fhould fuffer. In this manner the rage of
perfecution ceafed, and' the emperor found leifure to
turn the force of his arms againft: the Armenians and
Parthians, who now began to throw off all fubmiffion
to Rome. Infmree
While he was employed in thefe wars, there was a tjon of
dreadful infurre&ion of the Jews in all parts of the em- Jews,
pire. This wretched people, (till infatuated, and ever
expefting fome (ignal deliverer, took the advantage of
Trajan’s abfence in the eaft, to maffacre all the Greeks
and Romans whom they got into their power, with¬
out relu&ance or mercy. This rebellion firft. began in
Cyrene, a Roman province in Africa from thence
the flame extended to Egypt, and next to the ifland of
Cyprus. Thefe places they in a manner difpeopled
with ungovernable fury. Their barbarities were fuch,
that they eat the flefh of their enemies, wore their (kins,
fawed them afunder,. caft them to wild beads, mads
them kill each other, and ftudied new torments by
which to deltroy them.. However, thefe cruelties were
of no long duration : the governors of the refpe£Uve
provinces making head againft their tumultuous fury,,
foon treated them with a retaliation of cruelty, and put
them to death, not as human beings, but as outra¬
geous pefts to fociety. As the Jews had pra&ifed their
cruelties in Cyprus particularly, a law was publicly
ena&edj, by which it was made capital for any Jew to
fet foot on the ifland. 359
During thefe bloody tranfaftions, Trajan was pro-,
fecuting his fucceffes in the eaft. His firft march was
into Armenia, the king of which country had dif-
claimed all alliance with Rome, and received the en-
figns of royalty and dominion from the monarch of
Parthia. However, upon.the news of Trajan’s expe¬
dition, his fears were fo great, that he abandoned his
country to the invaders; while the greatelt part of
his governors and nobility came fubmiffively to the
emperor,, acknowledging themfelves-his fubjedls, anci
making him the moil coftly prefents. Having in this
manner taken poffeffion of the whole country, and
gotten the king into his power, he marched into the
dominions of the king of Parthia. There entering
the opulent kingdom of Mefopotamia, he reduced it
into the form of a Roman province. From thence he
went againft the Parthians, marching on foot at the
head of his army ; in this manner eroding the rivers,
and conforming to all the feverities of difeipline which,
were impofed on the meaneft foldier.. His fucceffes
againft the Parthians were great and numerous. He
conquered Syria and Chaldea, and took the famous
city of Babyloh. Here, attempting to crofs the Eu*
. pbrate%
[ 6855 ]
ROM [ 6856 ] ROM
■Rome, phrates, be was oppoied by the enemy, who were re-
-* folved to ftop his paffage: but he fecretly caufed boats
to be made upon the adjoining mountains ; and bring¬
ing them to the water fide, pafled his army with
great expedition, not, however, without great flaugh-
ter on both Tides. From thence he traverfed trafts
of country which had never before been invaded by a
Roman army, and feemedto take a pleafure in purfu-
ing the fame march which Alexander the Great had
formerly marked out for him. Having pafled the ra¬
pid ftreams of the Tigris, he advanced to the city
Ctefiphon, which he took, and opened himfelf a paf¬
fage into Perfia, where he made many conquefts, that
were rather fplendid than ferviceable. After fubduing
all the country boidering on the Tigris, he marched
fouthward to the Perfian gulph, where he fubdued a
monarch who poflcfled a confiderable ifland made by
the divided ftreams of that river. Here, winter co¬
ming on, he was in danger of lofing the greateft part
of his army by the inclemency of the climate and the
inundations of the river. Fie therefore with indefati¬
gable pains fitted out a fleet, and failing down the Per¬
fian gulph, entered the Indian ocean, conquering, even
to the Indies, and fubduing a part of them to the Ro¬
man empire. He was prevented from purfuing fur¬
ther conquefts in this diftant country, both by the re¬
volt of many of the provinces he had already fubdued,
and by the fcarcity of provifions, which feemed to con¬
tradict the reports of the fertility of the countries he
was induced to invade. The inconveniencies of increa-
fing age alfo contributed to damp the ardour of this
enterprife, which at one time he intended to purfue to
the confines of the earth. . Returning, therefore, along
the Perfian gulph, and fending the fenate a particular
account of all the nations he had conquered, the names
of which alone compofed a long catalogue, he pre¬
pared to punifh thofe countries which had revolted
from him. He began by laying the famous city of
Edtfla, in Mefopotamia, in allies; and in a ftiort fpace
of time, not only retook all thofe places which had be¬
fore acknowledged fubje&ion, but conquered many
other provinces, fo as to make himfelf mafter of the
moft fertile kingdoms of all Afia. In this train of fuc-
ceflcs he fcarce met with a repulfe, except before the
city Atra, in the deferts of Arabia. Wherefore judg-
ing that this was a proper time for bounding his con¬
quefts, he refolved to give a mafter to the countries
be had fubdued. With this refolution he repaired to
the city Ciefiphon, in Perlia ; and there, with great
ceremony, crowned Parthamafpates king of Parthia,
to the great joy of all his fubje£ts. He eftabliftied an¬
other king alfo over the kingdom of Albania, near the
Cafpian fea. Then placing governors and lieutenants
in other provinces, he refolved to return to his ca¬
pital in a more magnificent manner than any of his
predeceflbrs had done before him. He accordingly
left Adrian general of all his forces in the call; and
continued his journey towards Rome, where the moft
magnificent preparations were made for his arrival.
However, he had not got farther than the province of
Cilicia, when he found himfelf too weak to proceed in
bis ufual manner. He therefore caufed himfelf to be
carried on (hip-board to the city of Scleucia, where he
died of thd apoplexy, havirtg been attacked by that
^iforder once before. .During the time of his indif-
pofition, his wife Plotina conftantly attended near Rome,
him ; and, knowing'the emperor’s diflike to Adrian, it "
is thought forged the will, by which he was adopted
to fucceed. He dies 1
Trajan died in the 63d year of his age, after a reign and j-s ^c|
of nineteen years fix months and fifteen days. HowCeeded by j
highly be was eftfeemed by his fubjedis appears by their Adihn.
manner ef bleffing his fucceflbrs, always wiftiing them
the fortune of Auguftus, and the goodnefs of Trajan.
His military virtues, however, upon which he chiefly
valued himfelf, produced no real advantages to his
country ; and all his conquefts difappeared, when the
power was withdrawn that enforced them.
Adrian was by defcent a Spaniard, and of the fame
city where Trajan was born. He was nephew to Tra¬
jan, and married to Sabina bis grand-niece. When
Trajan was adopted to the empire, Adrian was a tri¬
bune of the army in Maefia, and was fent by the troops
to congratulate the emperor on his advancement. How¬
ever, his brother-in-law, who defired to have an op¬
portunity of congratulating Trajan himfelf, fupplied
Adrian with a carriage that broke down on the way.
But Adrian was refolved to lofe no time, and performed
the reft of the journey on foot. This afliduity was very
pleafing to the emperor; but he difliked Adrian from
feveral more prevailing motives. His kinfman was ex-
penfive, and involved in debt. He was, befides, incon-
ftant, capricious, and apt to envy another’s reputation.
Thefe were faults, that, in Trajan’s opinion, could not
be compenfated either by his learning or his talents.
His great (kill in the Greek and Latin languages, his
intimate acquaintance with the laws of his country
and the philofophy of the times, were no inducement
to Trajan, who, being bred himfelf a foldier, defired
to have a military man to fucceed him. For this rea-
fon it was that the dying emperor would by no means
appoint a fuccefibr; fearful, perhaps, of injuring his
great reputation, by adopting a perfon that was un¬
worthy. His death, therefore, was concealed for
fome time by Platina his wife, till Adrian had found¬
ed the inclinations of the army, and found them firm
in his interefts. They then produced a forged in-
ftrument, importing that Adrian was adopted to fuc¬
ceed in the empire. By this artifice he was ele&ed
by all orders of the date, though then abfent from
Rome, being left at Antioch as general of the forces
in the eaft.
Upon Adrian’s ele&ion, his firft care was to write
the fenate, excufing himfelf for affuming the empire
without their previous approbation; imputing it to
the hafty zeal of the army, who rightly judged that
the fenate ought not long to remain without a head,
tie then began to purfue a courfe quite oppofite to
that of his predeccfibr, taking every method of de¬
clining war, and promoting the arts of peace. He
was quite fatisfied with preferving the ancient limits of
the empire, and feemed no way ambitious of extenfive 37*
con quell. For this rtafon he abandoned all the con-
quetts which Trajan had made, judging them to be e3d{,rn con
rather an inconvenience than an advantage to the em -qnefl-s of
pire ; and made the river Euphrates the boundary of Adrian, i
the empire, placing the legions along its banks to pre¬
vent the incuriions of the enemy.
Having thus fettled the affairs of the eaft, and lea¬
ving StveVus governor of Syria, he took his journey
by
ROM [ 6841 1 ROM
Rame. by land to Rome, fending the aihes of Trajan thither
  by fea. Upon hia approach to the city, he was in¬
formed of a magnificent triumph that waspreparing for
him; but this he modeftly declined, defiring that thofe
honours might be paid to Trajan’s memory which
they had defigned for him. In confequence of this
command, a moll fuperb triumph was decreed, in which
Trajan’s ftatue was carried as a principal figure in the
proctffion, it being remarked that he was the only
man that ever triumphed after he was dead. Not con¬
tent with paying him thefe extraordinary honours, his
allies were placed in a golden urn, upon the top of a
column 140 feet high. On this were engraven the par¬
ticulars of all his exploits in bafib relievo; a work of
great labour, and which is ftill remaining. But his
virtues were contrafted by a ftrange mixture of vices ;
or to fay the truth, he wanted ftrength of mind to
preferve his general reflitude of character without de¬
viation. As an emperor, however, his condudt was
moll admirable, as all his public tranfaflions appear
di&ated by the founded policy and the mod difin-
terefted wifdom. But thefe being already enumera¬
ted under the article Adrian, it would be fuperfluous
to repeat them in this place. He was fucceeded by
Marcus Antoninus, afterwards furnamed the Pious,
whom he had adopted fome time before his death. See
Antoninus Pius.
■Caufes of From the beginning of the reign of Antoninus Pius,
the decline we may date the declintf of the Roman empire. From
of the Ro- the time of Caefar to that of Trajan, fcarce any of the
man em- crnperors had either abilities or inclination to extend
I>irC’ the limits of the empire, or even to defend it againft
the barbarous nations who furrounded it. During all
this fpace, only fome inconfiderable provinces to the
northward of Italy, and part of the ifland of Britain,
had been fubjugated. However, as yet, nothing was
Vol. IX. 2
loll; but the degeneracy and corruption of the people
had fown thofe feeds of dHTolution which the empire
quickly began to feel. The diforders were grown to
fuch an height, that even Trajan himfelf could not cure
them. Indeed his eaftern conquefts could fcarce have
been preferved though the republic had been exiiling
in all its glory ; and therefore they were quietly re-
figned by his fucceflbr Adrian, as too diftant, d'faffec-
ted, and ready to be over-run by the barbarous nations.
The province of Dacia being nearer to the centre of
government, was ntore eafily preferved ; and of confe¬
quence remained for a long time fubjeft to Rome.
During the 23 years of the reign of Antoninus, few
remarkable events happened. The hiftorians of thofe
times are exceflive in their praifes of his juftice, gene-
nerofity, and other virtues, both public and private.
He put a flop to the perfecution of the Chriftians,
which raged in the time of Trajan and Adrian, and
reduced the Brigantes, a tribe of Britons, who had re¬
volted. However, during his reign, feveral calamities
bef?l the empire. The Tiber, overflowing its banks,
laid the lower part of Rome under water. The inun¬
dation was followed by a fire, and this by a famine,
which fwept off great numbers, though the emperor
took the utmoft care to fupply the city from the molt
diftant provinces. At the fame time the cities of Nar-
bonne in Gaul, and Antioch in Syria, together with
the great fquare in Carthage, were deftroyed by fire;
however, the emperor foon reftored them to their for¬
mer condition. He died in the year 163, univerfally
lamented by his fubjedts, and was fucceeded by Mar¬
cus Aurelius, furnamed the Pbilofopher, whom he had
adopted towards the latter end of his reign.
The tranfa&ioos of this emperor the reader will
find related under the article Antoninus Philofophus
(a).
38 L After
Rome.
(a) As, after the death of Marcus Aurelius, the Roman empire declined very fall, it may not be amifs here to
give fome account of the military and other eftablilhments of the Roman emperors. Mr Gibbon obferves, that,
in the times of the commonwealth, the ufe of arms was confined to thofe who had fome property to defend, and
an intereft in maintaining the laws which were propofed to be enadted. But, as the public freedom declined,
and war became degraded into a trade, thofe who bad the property of the country chofe rather to hire others than
to expofe theirown perfons, as is the cafe with our modern armies. Yet, even after all confideration of property had
been laid afide among the common foldiers, the officers continued to be chofen from among thofe who had a liberal
education together with a good ffiare of property. However, as the common foldiers, in which the ftrength of an
army confifts, had now no more of that virtue called patriotifm, the legions which were formerly almoft invincible,
no longer fought with the fame ardour as before. In former times, the profeffion of a foldier was more honourable
than any other; but, when the foldiers came to be looked upon as hirelings, the honour of the profeffion funk of
courfe, and, by this means, one of the ftrongeft motives which the foldiers had to fubmit to their fevere difeipline,
and exert themfelves againft their enemies, was removed. On the very firft entrance of a foldier into the Roman fer-
vice, a folemn oath was adminiftered to him, by which he engaged never to defert his ftandard ; to fubmit his own
will to that of his leaders, and to facrifice his life for the fafety of the emperor aod the empire. The attachment which
the Romans had to their ftandards was indeed aftoniffiing. The golden eagle, which appeared in the front of the
legion, was almoft an objedt of adoration with them; and it was efteemed impious, as '.veil as ignominious, to abandon
that facred enfign in the time of danger. The centurions had a right to puniffi with blows, the generals with death ;
and it was an inflexible maxim of the Roman difeipline, that a good foldier ffiould dread his officers much more
than the enemy.
Notwithftanding all this, fo feniible were the Romans of the infufficiency of mere valour without Ikill, that military
exercifes were the unremitted object of their difeipline. The recruits and young foldiers were conftantiy trained both
in the morning and evening; and even the veterans were not excufed from the daily repetition of their exercife.
Large ftieds were eredted in the winter-quarters ot the troops, that thefe ufeful labours might not be interrupted by
tempeftuous weather, and the weapons ufed in thefe imitations of war were always twice as heavy as thofe made ufe
of in real adtion. The foldiers were diligently inftrudted to march, to run, leap, fwim, carry heavy burdens, and
handle every fpecies of weapon either for offence or defence ; to form a variety of evolutions ; and to move to the
found of flutes in the pyrrhic or martial dance. It was the policy of the ableft generals, and even of the emperors them¬
felves, to encourage thefe military ftudies by their prefence and example ; and we are informed that Adrian, as well
as Trajan, frequently condefcended to inftrudt the unexperienced foldiers, to reward the diligent, and fometimes to
difpute with them the prize of fuperior ftrength and dexterity. Under the reigns of thofe princes the fcience of tac-
ROM [ 6842 ] ROM
After the death of Marcus Aurelius, his fon Com- ther; and fo prone to vice, that he was generally be- Rome.
modus fucceeded to the imperial throne without oppo- lieved to have been the fon, not of Marcus Aurelius,  
fition. He was in every refpedt unworthy of his fa- but of a celebrated gladiator, with whom the emprefs
Fauftina
tics was cultivated with fuccefs; and, as long as the empire retained any vigour, their military inftru&ions were re-
ipe<fted as the moft perfedt model of Roman difcipline.
From the foundation of the city, as the Romans had in a manner been continually engaged in war, many altera¬
tions had taken place in the conftitution of the legions. In the time of the emperors, the heavy-armed infan¬
try, which compofed its principal ftrength, was divided into 10 cohorts and jj companies, under the orders of a
corfefpondent number of tribunes and centurions. The firft cohort, which always claimed the poft of honour and
the cuftody of the eagle, was formed of ixoj foldiers, the moft approved for valour and fidelity. The remaining
nine cohorts confifted each of 555 ; and the whole body of legionary infantry confifted of 6100 men. Their arms
were uniform, and excellently adapted to the nature of their fervice ; an open helmet with a lofty creft ; a breaft-
plate, or coat of mail; greaves on their legs, and a large buckler on their left arm. Their buckler was of an oblong
and concave figure, four feet in length and two and an half in breadth ; framed of a light wood, covered with a
bull’s hide, and ftrongly guarded with brafs plates. Befides a lighter fpear, the legionary carried the pilum, a pon¬
derous javelin about fix feet long, and terminated by a mafiy triangular point of fled 18 inches in length. This wea¬
pon could do execution at the diftance of 10 or iz paces; but its ftroke was fo powerful that no cavalry durft venture
within its reach, and fcarce any armour could be formed proof againft it. As foon as the Roman had darted his pi¬
lum, he drew his fword, and rufhed forward to clofe with the enemy. It was a fhort well-tempered Spanifh blade
with a double edge, and equally calculated for the purpofes of pufhing and ftriking; but the foldier was always in-
ftru&ed to prefer the former ufe of his own weapon, as his body remained thereby the lefs expofed, while at the
fame time he inflided a more dangerous wound on his adverfary. The legion was ufuaily drawn up eight deep ; and
the regular diftance of three feet was left between the files and ranks. Thus the foldier pofieffed a free fpace for his
arms and motions; and fufficient intervals were allowed, through which feafonable reinforcements might be introdu¬
ced to the relief of the combatants. The cavalry, without which the force of the legion remained imperfed, was di¬
vided into ten troops or fquadrons: the firft, as the companion of the firft cohort, confifted of 131 men ; whilft each
of the other nine amounted only to 66. The entire eftablilhment formed a body of 716 horfe, naturally conneded
with its refpedive legion ; but occafionally ading in the line, and compofing a part of the wings of the army. The
cavalry of the ancient republic was compofed of the nobleft youths of Rome and Italy, who, by performing their mi¬
litary fervice on horfeback, prepared themfelves for the offices of fenator and conful: but after the alteration of man¬
ners and government which took place at the end of the commonwealth, the moft: wealthy of the equeftrian order
were engaged in the adminiftration of juftice and of the revenue; and, whenever they embraced the profeffion of arms,
they were immediately entrufted with a troop of horfe or a cohort of foot, and the’cavalry, as well as the infantry,
were recruited from the provinces. The horfes were bred for the moft part in Spain, or in Cappadocia. The Ro¬
man troopers defpifed the complete armour which encumbered the cavalry of the eaft. Inftead of this, their arms
confifted only of an helmet, an oblong ffiield, light boots, and a coat of mail. A javelin, and a long broad fword
were their principal offenfive weapons. They feem to have borrowed the ufe of lances and iron maces from the bar¬
barians.
Befides the legionaries, the Romans, efpecially in the times of the emperors, began to take auxiliaries into their
pay. Confiderable levies were regularly made among thofe provincials who had not yet attained to the rank of Ro¬
man citizens. Many dependent princes and communities, difperfed round the frontiers, were permitted, for a while,
to hold their freedom and fecurity by the tenure of military fervice. Even feledt troops of barbarians were compelled
to enter into the fervice; which was afterwards found to be a moft deftru&ive expedient, not only as it carried the
Roman military Ikill among barbarians who were otherwife unacquainted with it, but it gave thefe auxiliaries them¬
felves frequent opportunities of revolting, and at laft of dethroning the emperors at pleafure, and even of overturn¬
ing the empire itfelf. The number of auxiliaries was feldom inferior to that of the legionaries themfelves. The bra-
veft and moft faithful bands among them were placed under the command of prefeds and centurions, and feverely.
trained in the arts of Roman difcipline ; but the far greater part retained thofe arms which they had ufed in their.na-
tive country. By this inftitution, each legion, to whom a certain number of auxiliaries was allotted, contained with¬
in itfelf every fpecies of lighter troops, and of miffile weapons; and was capable of encountering every nation with,
the advantages of its refpedive arms and difcipline. Nor .wks the legion deftitute of what, in modern language,
would be ftyled a train of artillery. This confifted of 10 military engines of the largeft fize, and 56 fmaller ones;
but all of them, either in an oblique or horizontal manner, difcharged (tones and darts with irrefiftible violence.
The camp of a Roman legion prefented the appearance of a fortified city. As foon as the fpace was marked out,,
the pioneers carefully levelled the ground, and removed every impediment that might interrupt its perfed regularity.
Its form was an exad quadrangle; and it may be computed that a fquare of 700 yards was fufficient for the encamp¬
ment of 20,000 Romans, though a fimilar number of modern troops would expofe to the enemy a front of more than.,
treble that extent. In the midft of the camp, the pnetorium, or general’s tent, arofe above the others; and the ca¬
valry, infantry, and auxiliaries, had each their refpedive ftations appointed them. The ftreets were broad, and per-
fedly ftraight; and a vacant fpace of 200 feet was left on all fides between the tents and rampart. The rampart itfelf
was 12 feet high, armed with a line of ftrong and intricate palifades, and defended by a ditch 12 feet deep and as much,
broad. This labour was performed by the legions themfelves, to whom the ufe of the fpade and pick-ax was no lefs .
familiar than that of the fword or pilum. Whenever the trumpet gave the fignal of departure, the camp was almoffi
inftantly broke up, and the troops fell into their ranks without delay orconfufion. Befides their arms, which the fol-
diers fcarcely confidered as an encumbrance, they were laden with their kitchen-furniture, the inftruments of forti¬
fication, and provifions for many days. Under this weight, which would opprefs a modern foldier, they were taught-
to advance by a regular ftep, near 20 miles in fix hours- On the appearance of an enemy, they threw alide their bag¬
gage, and, by eafy and rapid evolutions, converted the column of march into an order of battle. The (lingers and
archers fidrmiffied in the front; the auxiliaries formed the firft line, and were feconded or fuftained by the legions.
The cavalry covered the flanks, and the military engines were placed in the rear.
The numbers of the Roman armies are not eafily calculated with any tolerable accuracy. Wemay compute, how¬
ever, that the legion, which confifted of 6831; Romans, might, with its attendant auxiliaries, amount to xi,jso men.
ROM [ 6843 ] ROM
Rome. Fauftina was fuppofed to be intimate. According to man blood, and capable from his infancy of the moft Rome*
  Mr Gibbon, however, Commodus was not, as has been inhuman adtions. Nature had formed him of a weak,"
reprefented, a tiger born with an infatiate third of hu- rather than a wicked difpofition. His fimplicity and
2 38 L 2 timidity
The peace rftablithment of Adrian and his fucceflbrs was compofed of no fewer than 30 of thefe formidable brigades;
and moft probably formed an army of 370,000 men. Inftead of being confined within the walls of fortified cities,
which the Romans confidered as the refuge of weaknefs or pufillanimity, the legions were encamped on the banks of
the great rivers, and along the frontiers of the barbarians. Three legions were fufficient for Britain. The principal
ftrength lay upon the Rhine and Danube, and confifted of 16 legions difpofed in the following proportions: two in
the Lower, and three in the Upper Germany; one in Rhaetia; one in Noricum ; four in Pannonia; three in Mrefia;
and two in Dacia. The defence of the Euphrates was intrufted to eight legions, fix of whom were placed in Syria,
and the other two in Cappadocia. With regard to Egypt, Africa, and Spain, as they were far removed from any
important fcene of war, a fingle legion maintained the domeftic tranquillity of each of thofe great provinces. Italy was
defended by the city cohorts and praetorian guards formerly mentioned., Thefe differed nothing from the legions in
their arms and inftitutions, except in a more fplendid appearance and a lefs rigid difcipline.
The Roman navy, though fufficient for every ufeful purpofe of government, never feemed adequate to the great-
nefs of the empire. The policy of the emperors was directed only to preferve the peaceful dominion of the Mediter¬
ranean fea, which was included within their dominions, and to proted the commerce of their fubjefts. Two perma¬
nent fleets were ftationed by Auguftus, one at Ravenna on the Adriatic, and the other at Mifenum in the bay of
Naples. A very confiderable force was alfo ftationed at Frejus in Provence; and the Euxine was guarded by 40 (hips,
and 3000 foldiers. To all thefe we may add the fleet which preferved the communication between Gaul and Britain,
and a great number of vefiels conftantly maintained on the Rhine and Danube to harrafs the enemy, or intercept
the paffage of the barbarians. The whole military eftablilhment by fea and land amounted to about 450,000 men.
It was not, however, to this formidable power alone, that the empire owed its greatnefs. The policy of the laws
contributed as much to its fupport as the martial eftablifhment itfelf. According to Mr Gibbon, though the provin¬
ces might occafionally fuffer from the partial abufe of delegated authority, the general principle of government was
wife, Ample, and beneficent. Among thefe beneficent principles he reckons that of univerfal toleration; but to this
there were feveral exceptions: for the Britilh Druids were perfecuted and deftroyed by the Romans on account of
their religion; the Egyptians and Jews were fometimes perfecuted; and the Chriftians were frequently fo, and that
even under the very beft emperors, Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. However, as a very general toleration of religious
fentiments did take place under the heathen emperors of Rome, we muft certainly look upon this as one of the caufes
of the profperity of the empire.
Another thing which greatly contributed to the ftrength and profperity of the empire was the extending the free¬
dom of Rome to fo many people. “ The narrow policy, fays Mr Gibbon, of preferring without any foreign mixture,
the pure blood of the ancient citizens, had checked the fortune and haftened the ruin of Athens and Sparta. Du¬
ring the moft flourifhing sera of the Athenian commonwealth, the number of citizens decreafed gradually from about
30,000 to zr,ooo. If, on the contrary, we ftudy the growth of the Roman republic, we may difcover, that notwith-
ftanding the inceflant demands of wars and colonies, the citizens, who, in the time of Servius Tullius, amounted to
no more than 83,00a, were multiplied, before the end of the facial war, to the number of 463,000 men able to bear
arms in the fervice of their country. When the allies of Rome claimed an equal (hare of honours and privileges, the
fenate preferred the chance of war to a conceflion; however, at laft, all the Italian dates, except the Samnites and
Lucanians, were admitted into the bofom of the republic, and foon contributed to the ruin of public freedom. When
the popular afiemblies had been fupprefied by the adminiftration of the emperors, the conquerors were diftinguiftied
from the vanquilhed nations only as the firft and moft honourable order of fubjedts; and theif increafe, however ra¬
pid, was no longer expofed to the fame dangers. Yet the princes who adopted the maxims of Auguftus, guarded
with the ftridteft care the dignity of the Roman name, and diffufed the freedom of the city with a prudent liberality.
“ Till the privileges of the Romans had been jn-ogreflively extended to all the inhabitants of the empire, an impor¬
tant diftindtion was preferved between Italy and the provinces. The eftates of the Italians were exempted from taxes,
and their perfons from the arbitrary jurifdidtion of governors. From the foot of the Alps to the extremity of Calabria,
all the natives of Italy were born citizens of Rome. The provinces of the empire were deftitute of any public force, or
conftitutional freedom. The free dates and cities, which had embraced the caufe of Rome, were infenfibly funk into
real fervitude. The public authority was every where engrofled by the minifters of the fenate and of the emperors,
and that authority was abfolute. But the fame falutary maxims of govefnment which had fecured the peace and obe¬
dience of Italy, were extended to the moft diftant conquefts. A nation of Romans was gradually formed in the pro¬
vinces, by the double expedient of introducing colonies, and of admitting the moft faithful and deferving provincials
to the freedom of Rome.
“ So fenfible were the Romans of the influence of language over national manners, that it was their moft fe-
rious care to extend, with the progrefs of their arms, the ufe of the Latin tongue. The eaftern provinces, however,
were lefs docile in this refpetft than the weftern ones; and this obvious difference, made adiftindion between the two
portions of the empire, which became very remarkable when it began to decline. Nor was the influence of the Greek
language and fentiments confined to the narrow limits of that once celebrated country. Their empire, by the pro¬
grefs of colonies and conqueft, had been diffufed from the Adriatic to the Euphrates and Nile. Afia was covered with
Greek cities, and the long reign of the Macedonian kings had introduced a filent revolution into Syria and Egypt. In
their pompous courts thofe princes united the elegance of Athens with the luxury of the eaft; and the example of the
court was imitated, at an humble diftance, by the higher ranks of their fubjeds. Such was the general divifion of
the Roman empire into the Latin and Greek languages; to which we may add a third diftindion for the body of the
natives in Syria, and efpecially in Egypt. The ufe of their ancient dialeds, by fecluding them from the commerce of
mankind, checked the improvements of thefe barbarians. The flothful effeminacy of the former expofed them to the
contempt, the fullen ferocioufnefs of the latter excited the averfion, of the Roman conquerors. They feldom defired
or deferved the freedom of the city; and it is remarked, that more than 230 years elapfed after the ruin of the Ptole¬
mies, before a native Egyptian was admitted into the fenate of Rome.
“ The number of fubjeds who acknowledged the laws of Rome, of citizens, of provincials, and of (laves, cannot
bow be fixed with fuch accuracy as the importance of the objed would deferve. We are informed, that when the
em-
ROM [ 6844 ] ROM
Rome, timidity rendered him the flave of his attendants, who
   gradually corrupted his mind. His cruelty, which at
firft obeyed the dictates of others, degenerated into
cnielt r<ofS and at became the ruling paflion of his
Commoduj.foul.” But, however this may be, it is certain that the
adions of this emperor were flagitious almoft beyond
a parallel. Many very ftrange inftances of his cruelty
are related by the ancients. He is faid to have cut
afunder a corpulent man whom he faw walking along
the ftreet; partly, to try his own ftrength, in which he
greatly excelled; and partly, as he himfelf owned, out
of curiofity, to fee his entrails drop out at once. He
took pleafure in cutting off the feet, and putting out
the eyes, of fuch as he met in his rambles through the
city; telling the former, after he had thus maimed
them, that now they belonged to the nation of Mono-
podii; and the latter, that they were now become Luf-
ciniiy alluding to the word lufeus, “ one-eyed.” Some
he murdered becaufe they were negligently drefled;
others, becaufe they feemed to be trimmed with too
much nicety. He pretended to great Ikill in furgery,
efpecially at letting blood: but fometimes, inftead of
eafing by that means thofe whom he vifited, or who
were prevailed upon to recur to him, he cut off, by way
of diverfion, their ears and nofes. His lewdnefs and Rome.
debaucheries were equally remarkable, and equally in-  
famous. However, he is faid to have been exceedingly
well flcilled in archery, and to have performed incre¬
dible feats in that way. He excelled all men in
ftrength ; and is faid to have run an elephant through
with his fpear, and to have killed in the amphitheatre
100 lions, one after another, and each of them at one
blow. Forgetful of his dignity, he entered the lifts
with the common gladiators, and came off conqueror
735 times; whence he often fubferibed himfelf in his
letters, the conqueror of \ooo gladiators. ' 3(s4
The public tranfaftions of this reign were but very He con-;
few. Soon after his father’s death, Commodus conclu-clniles a.
ded a peace with the Marcommanni, Quadi, &c. onfhe'barba-
the following conditions. 1. That they fhould notrians.
fettle within five miles of the Danube. 2. That they
(hould deliver up their arms, and fupply the Romans
with a certain number of troops when required.
3. That they ftiould affemble but once a month, in one
place only, and that in prefence of a Roman centu¬
rion. 4. That they fhould not make war upon the Ja-
zyges, Buri, or Vandals, without the confent of the
people df Rome. On the other hand, Commodus pro-
mifed
emperor Claudius exercifed the office of cenfor, he took an account of 6,945,000 Roman citizens; who with the pro¬
portion of women and children, muft have amounted to about 20,000,000 of fouls. The multitude of fubje&s of an
inferior rank was uncertain and fluctuating: but after weighing with attention every circumltance which could in¬
fluence the balance, it feems probable that there exifted, in the time of Claudius, about twice as many provincials as
there were Roman citizens, of either fex, and of every age ; and that the flaves were at leaft equal in number to the
free inhabitants of the Roman world. The total amount of this imperfect calculation would rife to about 120 millions
of perfons; a degree of population which poffibly exceeds that of modern Europe, and forms the moft numerous fo-
ciety that has ever been united under the fame fyftem of government.
“ Domeftic peace and union were the natural confequences of the moderate and comprehenfive policy embraced by
the Romans. The vanquifhed nations, blended into one great pleople, refigned the hope, nay even the wifh, of re¬
fuming their independence,' and fcarcely confidered their own exiftence as diftindt from the exiftence of Rome. The
eftabliihed authority of the emperors pervaded, without an effort, thd wide extent of their dominions, 'and was exer¬
cifed with the fame facility on the banks of the Thames, or of the Nile, as on thofe of the Tiber. The legions were
deftined to ferve againft the public enemy, and the civil magiftrate feldom required the aid of a military force.
“ It was fcarcely poffible that the eyes of cotemporaries fhould difeover in the public felicity the latent caufes of de¬
cay and corruption. This long peace, and the uniform government of the Romans, introduced a flow and fecret poi-
fon into the vitals of the empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced to the fame level; the fire of genius
was extinguilhed, and even the military fpirit evaporated. The natives of Europe were brave and robuft. Spain,
Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum, fupplied the legions with excellent foldiers, and conftituted the real ftrength of the mo¬
narchy. Their perfonal valour remained; but they no longer poflefled that public courage whichis nourifhedby the love
of independence, the fenfe of national honour, the prefe.nce of danger, and the habit of command. They received laws
and governors from the will of their fovereign, and trufted for their defence to a mercenary army. The pofterity of
their boldeft leaders were contented with the rank of citizens and fubje<5ts. The moft afpiring fpirits reforted to the
court or ftandard of the emperors ; and the deferted provinces, deprived of political ftrength or union, infenfibly funk
into the languid indifference of private life.
“ The love of letters, almoft infeparable from peace and refinement, was fafhionable among the fubje<51s of Adrian
and the Antonines; who were themfelves men of learning and curiofity. It was diffufed over the whole extent of
their empire; the rooft northern tribes of Britons had acquired a tafte for rhetoric; Homer as well as Virgil were
tranferibed and ftudied on the banks of the Rhine and Danube; and the moft liberal rewards fought out the fainteft
glimmerings of literary merit. The fciences of phyfic and aftronomy were cultivated with fome degree of reputation;
but, if we except Lucian, an age of indolence paffed away without producing a Angle writer of genius who deferved
the attention of pofterity. The authority of Plato, ofAriftotle, of Zeno, and Epicurus, ftill reigned in the fchools;
and their fyftems, tranfmitted with blind deference from one generation of difciples to another, precluded every gene¬
rous attempt to corredt the errors or enlarge the bounds of the human mind. The beauties of the poets and orators,
inftead of kindling a fire like their own, produced only fervile imitations; or, if any ventured to deviate from thefe
models, they deviated at the fame time from good fenfe and propriety. The provincials of Rome, trained by an uni¬
form artificial education, were engaged in a very unequal competition with thofe bold ancients, who, by expreffing
their genuine feelings in their native tongue, had already occupied every place of honour. The name of poet was al¬
moft forgotten; that of orator was ufurped by the fophifts. A cloud of critics, of compilers, of commentators,
darkened the face of learning, and the decline of genius was foon followed by the corruption of tafte.
“ Longinus obierves and laments the degeneracy of his cotemporaries, which debafed their fentiments, enervated
their courage, and deprefied their talents; comparing them to pygmies, whofe ftaturebas been diminifbed by conftant
preffure on their limbs. This diminutive ftature of mankind was conftantly finking below the old ftandard, and the
Roman world was indeed peopled by a race of pigmies ; when the fierce giants of the north broke in and mended the
puny breed. They reftored a manly freedom; and, after the revolution of ten centuries, freedom became the happy
parent of tafte and fcience,
ROM [ 6845 ] ROM
I Rome, mifed to abandon, which accordingly he did, all the
“caftles and fortrefles held by the Romans in their coun¬
try, excepting fuch as were within five miles of the
Danube. With the other German nations, whom his
I father had almoft entirely reduced, he concluded a very
difhonourable peace; nay, of fome he purchafed it with
large fums of money.
Soon after the return of the emperor to Rome, his
fitter Lucilla, perceiving that he was univerfally abhor¬
red on account of his cruelty, formed a confpiracy
againft his life. Among the confpirators were many
fenators of diftin&ion. It was agreed among them
that they (hould fall upon the emperor while he was
going to the amphitheatre through a narrow and dark
paffage; and that Claudius Pompeianus, to whom Lu¬
cilla had betrothed her daughter, (hould give the firft
blow. But he, inftead of ftriking at once, (howed him
the naked dagger, and cried out, “ This prefent the
fenate fends you:” fo that the guards had time to ref-
cue the emperor, and to feize the confpirators, who
were foon after put to death. The emperor banifhed
his fitter to the ifland of Caprete, where he foon after
caufed her to be privately murdered.
The favourite minifter of Commodus was one Pe-
rennis; who in oppreffion and cruelty feems to have
been nothing inferior to thole of the moft tyrannical
emperors. During the firft part of the reign of Corn-
modus^ he ruled with an abfolute fway; but at laft was
torn in pieces by the enraged foldiery, whom he had
ofiended by his too great feverity. He was fucceeded
in his place by a freedman named Oleander; for the
emperor himfelf was fo much taken up with his plea-
fnres, that he could not beftow even a moment on the
affairs of ftate. The new minifter abufed his power
in a more flagrant manner than even his predeceffor
had done. By him all things were openly fet to fale;
offices, provinces, public revenues,'juttice, and the lives
of men both innocent and guilty. The minifter, who
ruled the emperor without controul, infufed fuch ter¬
rors into his timorous mind, that he changed the cap¬
tains of his guards almoft continually. One Niger en¬
joyed the dignity only lix hours ; another only five
days; and feveral others a (fill (horter fpace. Moft of
thofe officers loft their lives along with their employ¬
ments; being accufed of treafon by Cleander, who con¬
tinually folicited, and at laft obtained, that important
365 poft for himfelf.
Revolt of ln the year 187 happened a remarkable revolt. One
Maternus, Mntemusj a common foldier, having fled from his co¬
lours, and being joined by many others guilty of the
fame crime, grew in a fhort time fo powerful, the ban¬
ditti flocking to him from all parts, that he over-ran
and plundered great part of Gaul and Spain; ftormed
the ftrongeft cities; and ftruck the emperor and people
of Rome with fuch terror, that troops were railed, aud
armies d’ifpatched againft him. Pefcennius Niger was
fent to make head againft him in Gaul, where he be¬
came very intimate with Severus, who was then gover¬
nor of Lyons, and who wrote a letter to the emperor,
commending the prudent and gallant behaviour of Niger
in purfuing the rebels. Maternus, finding himfelf re¬
duced to great ftraits, divided his men into feveral (mail
bands, and marched privately with them by different
ways into Italy; having nothing lefs in view than to
murder the emperor during the folemnity which waa
kept annually in honour of the mother of the gods, Rome,
and on his death to feize upon the empire for himfelf. “
They all arrived at Rome undifeovered; and feveral of
his men had already mixed themfelves with the empe¬
ror’s guards, when others of his own party betrayed
him. He was immediately feized and executed; and
his death put an end to the difturbances which fome of
his followers had begun to raife in other provinces.
In the fame year, broke out the moft dreadful plague,
fays Dio Caffius, that had been known. It lafted two
or three years; and raged with the greateft violence at
Rome, where it frequently carried off 2000 perfons
a-day. The following year a dreadful fire, wrhich con-
fumed a great part of the city, was kindled by light¬
ning; and at the fame time the people were afflifted
with a dreadful famine, occafioned, according to fome
authors, by Oleander* who, having now in view nothing
lefs than the fovereignty itfelf, bought up underhand
all the corn, in order to raife the price of it, and gain
the affe&ions of the foldiery and people by diftribu-
ting it among them. Others tell us, however, that
Papirius Dionyfius, whofe province it was to fupply
the city with provifions, contributed towards the fa¬
mine, in order to make the people rife againft Clean¬
der. Be this as it will, however, the populace aferibed
all their calamities to this hated minifter; and one day,
while the people were celebrating the Circaffian games,
a troop of children, having at their head a young wo¬
man of an extraordinary ftature and fierce afpedi, en¬
tering the circus, began to utter aloud many bitter in-
vedlives and dreadful curfes againft Cleander; which
being for fome time anfwertd by the people with other
invedfives and curfes, the whole multitude rofe all of a
bidden, and flew to the place where Cleander at that
time refided with the emperor. Ttiere, renewing their
invedtives, they demanded the head of the minifter who •
had been the occafion of fo many calamities. Here¬
upon Cleander ordered the praetorian cavalry to charge
the multitude; which they did accordingly, driving
them with great flaughter into the city. But the po¬
pulace diftharging (howers of (tones, bricks, and tiles,
from the top« of the houfes and from the windows,
and the city-guards at the fame time taking part with
the people, the praetorian horfe were foon obliged to
fave themfelves by flight: nor was the flaughter ended,
till the emperor, apprifed of the tumult, caufed the head
of Cleander to be ftruck off and thrown out to the en- 357
raged populace. The emperor himfelf did not long fur- Commodus
vive Cleander; being cutoff by a confpiracy of Marciamurdered*
his favourite concubine, Laetus captain of the guards,
and Ecletus his chamberlain.
No foonerwas the death of Commodus known, than
the fenate affembled, and declared him a public enemy,
loading him with curfes, ordering h s ftatuesto be bro¬
ken to pieces, and his name to he rafed out of all public
inferiptions; and demanded his body, that it might be
dragged through the ftreets, and thrown into the Ti- 368
ber. But Helvfus Pertinax, whom the confpiratorsPeninax
had previoufly defigned for the empire, and who hadt0‘ta*
already affumed it, prevented ftich an outrage, by let-empire’
ting the (enators know that Commodus was already
buried. This extraordinary per'onage had ' pafftd
through many changes of fortune. He was originally
the fon of an enfranchifed fl.iv , c.dkd--JEHks, who '
only gave him fo much learning as to qualify him for
v keep-
‘Rome.
ROM [ 6846 ] Pv O M
keeping a little (hop in the city. He then became a
"fchoolmaller, afterwards ftudied the law, and after
that became a foldier; in which ftation his behaviour
was fuch, as caufed him to be foonj made captain of
a cohort againft the Parthians. Being thus introdu^
ced to arms, he went through the ufual gradation of
military preferment in Britain and Mcefia, until he be¬
came the commander of a legion under Aurelius. In
this (lation he performed fuch excellent fervices againd
-the barbarians, that he was made conful, and fuccef-
fively governor of Dacia, Syria, and Afia Minor. In
the reign of Commodus he was baniftied; but foon after
recalled, and fent into Britain to reform the abufes in
the army. In this employment his ufual extraordinary
fortune attended him : he was oppofed by a fedition
among the legions, and left for dead among many
others that were flain. However, he got over this
danger, feverely punifhed the mutineers, and eftabliih-
ed regularity and difcipline among the troops he was
fent to command. From thence he was removed into
Africa, where the fedition of the foldiers had like to
have been as fatal to him as in his former government.
Removing from Africa, and fatigued with an a&ive
life, he betook himfelf to retirement: but Commodus,
willing to keep him ftill in view, made him prefeft of
the city; which employment he filled, when the con-
fpirators fixed upon him as the propereft perfon tofuc-
ceed to the -empire.
His being advanced by Commodus only ferved to
increafe his fears of falling as an objeft of his fufpi-
cions ; when therefore the confpirators repaired to his
houfe by night, he confidered their arrival as a com¬
mand from the emperor for his death. Upon Laetus
entering his apartment, Pertinax, without any fhow of
fear, cried out, That for many days he had expefted
to end his life in that manner, wondering that the em¬
peror had deferred it fo long. However, he was not
a little furprifed when informed of the real caufe of
their vifit; and being ftrongly urged to accept of the
empire, he at laft complied with their offer.
His excel- Being carried to the camp, Pertinax was proclaim-
lent reign. ed emperor: foon after, the citizens and fenate confent-
ed; the joy for the election of a new fovereign being
fcarce equal to that for the death of the former. The
provinces quickly followed the example of Rome; fo
that he began his reign with univerfal fatisfa&ion to
the whole empire, in the 68th year of his age.
Nothing could exceed the wifdom and juftice of this
monarch’s reign, the Ihort time it continued. He pu-
nilhed all thofe who had ferved to corrupt the late em¬
peror, and difpofed of his ill-got poffeffions to public
ufes. He attempted to reftrain the licentioufnefs of
the prsetoran bands, and put a ftop to the injuries and
infolences they committed againft the people. He fold
moft of the buffoons and jefters of Commodus as flaves;
particularly fuch as had obfcene names. He continu¬
ally frequented the fenate as often as it fat, and never
refufed an audience even to the meaneft of the people.
His fuccefs in foreign affairs was equal to his internal
policy. When the barbarous nations abroad had cer¬
tain intelligence that he was emperor, they immediate¬
ly laid down their arms, well knowing the oppofition
they were to expe& from fo experienced a commander.
His great error was avarice; and that, in fame mea-
fure, (etved to haften his ruin.
The prsetorian foidiers, whofe manners he had at- Rome. J
tempted to reform, having been long corrupted by the —
indulgence and profufion of their former monarch, be¬
gan to hate him for the parfimony and difcipline he
had introduced among them. They therefore refolved
to dethrone him ; and for that purpofe declared Ma-
ternus, an ancient fenator, emperor, and endeavoured
to carry him to the camp to proclaim him. Maternus,
however, was too juft to the merits of Pertinax, and
too faithful a fubjed, to concur in their feditious de- j
figns; wherefore efcaping out of their bands, he fled,
firft to the emperor, and then out of the city. They
then nominated one Falco, another fenator; whom the
fenate would have ordered for execution, had not Per¬
tinax interpofed, who declared that during his reign
no fenator ftiould fuffer death. jjo §
The prsetorian foldiers then refqlved unanimoufly not,s murdere#
to ufe any fecret confpiracies, or private contrivances,
but boldly to feize upon the emperor and empire a^ers, I
once. They accordingly, in a tumultuous manner,
marched through the ftreets of Rome, and entered the
palace without oppofition. Such was the terror at their
approach, that the greateft part of the emperor’s atten¬
dants forfook him; while thofe who remained earneft-
ly intreated him to fly to the body of the people, and
intereft them in his defence. However, he reje&ed
their advice; declaring, that it was unworthy his im¬
perial dignity, and all his paft actions, to fave himfelf
by flight. Having thus refolved to face the rebels, he
had fome hopes that his prefence alone would terrify
and confound them. But what could his former vir¬
tues, or the dignity of command, avail againft a tumul¬
tuous rabble, nurfed up in vice, and minifters of for¬
mer tyranny? One Thaufius, a Tungrian, ftruck him
with his lance on the breaft, crying out, “ The fol¬
diers fend you this.” Pertinax finding all was over,
covered his head with his robe, and funk down, man¬
gled with a multitude of wounds, which he received
from various affaflins. Ecledtus, and fome more of his
attendants, who attempted to defend him, were alfo
flain: his fon and daughter only efcaped, who hap¬
pened to be lodged out of the palace. Thus, after a
reign of three months, Pertinax fell a facrifice to the
licentious fury of the prsetorian army. From the num¬
ber of his adventures, he was called the tennis-ball of
Fortune; and certainly no man ever experienced fuch a
variety of fituations with fo blamelefs a charader. 3 ., |
The foldiers having committed this outrage, retired The empiiJ*
with great precipitation ; and getting out of the c'ty
to the reft of their companions, expedioufly fortified I
their camp, expedling to be attacked by the citizens.x>idius Ju-|
Two days having paffed without any attempt of this lianus. !
kind, they became more infolent; and willing to make
ufe of the power of which they found themfelves pof-
feffed, made proclamation, that they would fell the em¬
pire to whoever would purchafs it at the higheft price.
In confequence of this proclamation, fo odious and un¬
juft, only two bidders were found; namely, Sulpicia-
nus and Dtdius Julianus: The former, a confular per-
fon, prsefed of the city, and fon-in-lawto the late em¬
peror Pertinax; the latter, a confular perfon likewife,
a great lawyer, and the wealthieft man in the city.
He was fitting with fome friends at dinner when the
proclamation was publifhed; and being charmed with
the profped of unbounded power, immediately rate
from
ROM
[ 6847 ]
ROM
>j Rome, from table and haftened to the camp. Sulpicianus
was got there before him ; but as he bad rather pro-
mifes than treafure to beftow, the offers of Didius, who
produced immcnfe fums of ready money, prevailed.
He was received into the camp by a ladder, and they
inftantly fwore to obey him as emperor. From the
camp he was attended by his new ele&ors into the
city; the whole body of his guards, which confided of
10,000 men, ranged around him in fuch order, as if
they had prepared for battle, and not for a peaceful
ceremony. The citizens, however, refufed to confirm
Ibis eleftion; but rather curfed him as he paffed. Up¬
on being conducted to the fenate-houfe, he addreffed
the few fenators that were prefent in a very laconic
fpeech : “ Fathers, you want an emperor; and I am
the fitteft perfon you can choofe.” But even this, fhort
as it feems, was unneceffa-ry, fince the fenate had it not
in their power to refufe their approbation. His fpeech
I being backed by the army, to whom he had given
about a million of our money, fucceeded. The choice
of the foldiers was confirmed by the fenate, and Di¬
dius was acknowledged emperor,, now in the 57th year
of his age.
It (hould feem by this weak monarch’s conduct when
i feated on the throne, that he thought the government
of an empire rather a pleafure than a toil. Inftead of
attempting to gain the hearts of his fubje&s, he gave
himfelf up to eafe and inactivity, utterly regardlefs of
the duties of his ftation. He was mild and gentle in¬
deed; neither injuring any, nor expecting to be inju¬
red. But that avarice, by which he became opulent,
ftill followed him in his exaltation; fo that the very
foldiers who eleCted him, foon began to deleft him for
j thofe qualities, fo very oppefite to a. military character.
I The people alfo, againft whofe confent he was chofen,
} were no lefs inimical. Whenever he iffued from his pa¬
lace, they openly poured forth their imprecations a-
gainft him; crying out, that he was a thief, and had
ftolen the empire.. Didius, however, in the true fpirit
1 of a trader, patiently bore it all; fometimes beckoning
them with fmiles to approach him, and teftifying his
! regard by every kind of fubmifiion.,
[bennlus While Didius was thus contemptuoufly treated at
gci and home, two valiant generals, in different parts of the
ntimius empire, difclaimed his authority, and boldly refolved
hpThe**'" t0 atternPt lhe throne for themfelves. Thefe were, Pef-
p-ire> cennius Niger, governor of Syria; and Septimius Se-
verus, commander of the German legions. Niger was
beloved by the people for his-clemency and valour; and
the report of his propofing Pertinax for his model, and
refolving to revenge his- death, gained him univerfal
efteem among the people. Being thus apprifed of their
inclinations, he eafily induced his army in Syria to
proclaim him emperor^ and his title was, (hortly after,
} acknowledged by all the kings and potentates in Afia,
| who fent their ambaffadors to him as their lawful prince.
The pleafure, of being thus treated as a monarch, in
i fame meafure retarded his endeavours to fecure his
1 title. Entirely fatisfied with the homage of thofe abuitt
him, he negle&ed the opportunities of fuppreffing his
rivals; and gave himfelf up to luxury and feafting at
Antioch. The condud of Severus, an African by birth,
was very different. Being proclaimed by his army, he
began by promifing to revenge the death of Pertinax,
1 and took upon him hia name. He next fecured the
fidelity of all the ftrong places in his province; an<f Rome.
then refolved, with the utmoft expedition, to march 
with his whole force diredly to Rome. 373
In the mean time, Didius, who difregarded the at-Juliamis
tempts of Niger, was greatly alarmed at thofe of Se-ihp°fed:aa4
verus. He firft, with many felicitations, procured the^”^0
fenate to proclaim him a traitor. He then applied ^
himfelf to make the neceffary provifions to oppofe him,
in which he found nothing but difappointment. The
cohorts that ele&ed him, were enervated by vice and
luxury ; the people detefted his caufe ; and the cities
of Italy had long been difufed to the arts of war. Some
advifed him to march forward, and meet Severus as he
was croffing the Alps; others were for fending the ge¬
nerals upon that expedition. The unfortunate Didius.,
unequal to the talk of empire, and quite confounded
with the multiplicity of counfels, could.take no other
refolution, but that of awaiting his rival’s coming ac
Rome. Accordingly, foon after being informed of his
approach, he obtained the confent of the fenate to fend
his ambaffadors, offering to make liim a partner of the
empire. But Severus rejected this offer, confcious of
his own ftrength,and of the weaknefs of the propofer..
The fenate foon appeared of the fame fentiments;
and perceiving the timidity and weaknefs of their
prefent mafter,. began to abandon him, alleging, that
he who could not defend the empire was not worthy
to govern it. Didius vainly endeavoured to reduce
them to their duty, firft by intreaties, and then
by threats; but thefe only ferved to haften his de-
ftru&ion. The fenate being called together, as was
formerly pra&ifed in the times of the commonwealth
by the confuls, they unanimoully decreed, That Di¬
dius Ihould be deprived of the empire, and that Seve¬
rus Ihould be proclaimed in his Head. They then com¬
manded Didius to be llain ; and fent meffengers for-
this purpofe to the palace, where they found him dif-
armed, and weeping among a few friends that ftill ad¬
hered to his interelf. When the executioners began to
prepare for their fatal errand, he expoftulated with
them, demanding what crime he had committed? He
could not be perfuaded to think,, that paying his mo¬
ney, and.-receiving an empire in exchange, deferved fo
fevere a punilhment. The executioners, however, were,
neither able nor willing to enterinto the merits of the
caufe; they prefently led him into the fecret baths of
the palace, and obliging him ,to ftretch his neck for¬
wards, after the manner of condemned criminals, ftrtick
off his head, and placed it up. in thofe. courts where he
bad formerly pleaded with great fuccefs.
The fenate having thus difpatched Didius, fent'am- Siveriw <?**
baffadors to Severus, yielding him obedience, granting c*are<1'c,m’
him the. enfigns and the ufual titles.of empire, and in-*36™1'
forming him of the death of Didius. Severus, who
was now about 47 years of age, received them with all
proper refpeef ; and entertaining them honourably,
continued his march towards Rome. As he came near-
the city, his firft exertion of power was, to have all the
praetorian foldiers who had lately fold the empire, come
forth unarmed to meet him.. Thefe,. though fenfible
of tlieir danger, had no other refource left but compli¬
ance; and accordingly came forward with branches of
laurel, as if to welcome, his approach. Severus, how¬
ever, foon (bowed how little capable their prefent fub-
tnilDoa was to. alone for their paft offences .- after up-
braidittg.
ROM [ 6848 ] ROM
Rome, braiding them, in a (hort fpeecb, with all their crimes,
” ' he commanded them to be inftantly ftripped of their
military habits, deprived of the name and honour of
foldiersj and baniihed 100 miles from Rome. He then
entered the city in a military manner, took poffdlion
of the palace, and promifed the fenate to condudl him-
felf with clemency and jufticc. However, though he
united great vigour with the moft refined policy, yet
his African cunning was confidered as a particular de-
feft ift him. He is celebrated for his wit, learning,
and prudence ; but equally blamed for infidelity and
cruelty. In fhort, he feemed alike difpofed to the
performance of the greateft adtsof virtue, and the moft
bloody feveritics. He began his command, by feizing
all the children of fuch as had employments or autho¬
rity in the eaft, and detained them as pledges for their
fathers loyalty. He next fupplied the city with cornj
and then with all pofiible expedition marched againft
Niger, who was ftill confidered and honoured as em-
3^4 peror of the eaft.
Niger de- One of the chief obftaclesto his march was, the lea-
felted and v;ng behind him Clodius Albinus, commander of th?
killed. legions in Britain, whom he by all means wiftied to
fecure in his interefts. For this end, he endeavoured
to prevail upon him, by giving him hopes of fucceed-
ing to the empire ; infinuating, that he himfelf was de¬
clining, and his children were as yet but infants. To de¬
ceive him ftill farther, he wrote in the fame ftyle to the
fenate, gave him the title of Ctefar, and ordered money
to be coined with his image. Thefe artifices ferving to
full Albinus into falfe fecurity, Stverus marched againll
Niger with all his forces. After fome undecifive con-
fli&s, the laft great battle that was fought between
thefe extraordinary men, was upon the plains of Iffus,
on the very fpot where Alexander had formerly con¬
quered Darius. Befides the two great armies drawn up
on the plain, the neighbouring monntains were covered
with infinite numbers of people, who were merely led
by curiofity to become fpedlators of an engagement that
was to determine the empire of the world. Severus
was conqueror; and Niger’s head being ftruckoffby
fome foldiers of the conquering army, was infultingly
carried through the camp on the point of a lance.
This viftory fecured Severus in the pofleffion of the
throne. However, the Parthians, Perfians, and fome
other neighbouring nations, took up arms, under a pre¬
tence of vindicating Niger’s caufe. The emperor
marched againft them in perfon, had many engage¬
ments with them, and obtained fuch fignal viftories
over them, as enlarged the empire, and eftabliftied peace
in the eaft.
AlHmis Niger being no more, Severus now turned his views
defeated againft Albinus, whom he refolved by every means to
and de- deflroy. For this purpofe he fent affaflins into Britain,
flroyed. under a pretence of bringing him letters, but in reality
to difpatch him. Albinus being apprifed of their de-
figns, prevented their attempt by recurring to open
force and proclaiming himfelf emperor. Nor was he
without a powerful army to fupport his pretenfions; of
which Severus being fenfible, bent his whole force to
oppofe him. From the eaft he continued his courfe
acrofs the ftraits of Byzantium, into the moft weftern
parts of Europe, without intermiffion. Albinus being
informed of his approach, went over to meet him with
his forces into Gaul 5 fo that the campaign on both
fides was carried on with great vigour. Fortune feem- Rome
ed for a while variable : but at laft a decifive engage- '
ment came on, which was one of the moft defperate
recorded in the Roman hiftory. It lafted from morn¬
ing till night, without any fceming advantage on either
fide ; at length the troops of Severus began to fly, and
he himfelf happening to fall from his horfe, the army
of Albinus cried out, Vi&ory. But the engagement was
foon renewed with vigour by Lae us, one of Severus’s
commanders, who came up with a body of referve, de-
figning to deftroy both parties and make himfelf em¬
peror. This attempt, though defigned againft both,
turned out entirely to the advantage of Severus. He
therefore again charged with fuch fury and exaftnefs,
that he foon plucked the victory from thofe who but a
fhort time before feemed conquerors; and purfuing
them into the city of Lyons, took Albinus prifoner,
and cut off his head; treating his dead body with in-
fults that could only flow from a mean and revengeful
temper. All the fenators who were flain in battle, he
ordered to be quartered; and fuch as were taken alive;
were immediately executed.
Having thus fecured himfelf in poffeffion of the era*
pire, upon his return to Rome he loaded his foldiers
with rewards and honours; giving them fuch privileges
as ftrengthened his own power, while they deftroyed
that of the ftate. For the foldiers, who had hitherto
fhowed the ftrongeft inclination to an abufe of power,
were now made arbiters of the fate of emperors; and
we fliali henceforward behold them fetting them up,
and dethroning them, at pleafure.
Being thus ferure of his army, he refolved to give
way to his natural turn for conqueft, and to oppofe his
arms againft the Parthians, who were then invading
the frontiers of the empire. Having therefore previ-
oufly given the government of domeftic policy to one
Plautianus, "a particular favourite of his, to whofe daugh¬
ter he married his fon Caracalla, he fet out for the eaft,
and profecuted the war with his ufual expedition and
fuccefs. He forced fubmiflion from the king of Ar¬
menia, deftroyed feveral cities in Arabia Felix, landed
on the Parthian coafts, took and plundered the famous
city Ctefiphon, marched back through Paleftine and
Egypt, and at length returned to Rome in triumph.
During this interval, Plautianus, who was left to di-
redt the affairs of Rome, began to think of afpiring to
the empire himfelf. Upon the emperor’s return, he
employed a tribune of the praetorian cohorts, of which
he was the commander, to affaffinate him, as likewife
his fon Caracalla. The tribune feemed cheerfully to
undertake this dangerous office; but inftead of going
through with it, informed Severus of his favourite’s
treachery. He at firft received it as an improbable
ftory, and as the artifice of fome one who envied his
favourite’s fortune. However, he was at laft perfuaded
to permit the tribune to condudt Plautianus to the em¬
peror’s apartments. With this intent, the tribune went
and amufed him with a^ pretended account of his kill¬
ing the emperor and his fon, defiring him, if he thought
it fit to fee them dead, to come whh him to the pa¬
lace. As Plautianus ardently defired their deaths, he
readily gave credit to this relation; and following the
tribune, he was conduced at midnight into the inner-
mod receffes of the palace. But what muft have been
his difappointment, when, inftead of finding the em¬
peror'
Rome.
ROM [ 686c ] ROM
Rome, psror lying dead, as he expe&ed, he beheld the room
lighted up with torches, and Severus, furrounded by
his friends, prepared in array to receive him. Being
aflced by the emperor, with a Item countenance, what
had brought him there at that unfeafonable time? he
was at firft utterly confounded; wherefore, not know¬
ing what excufe to make, he ingenioufly confefled the
whole, intreating forgivenefs for what he had intended.
The emperor fecmed in the beginning inclined to par¬
don; but Caracalla, his fon, who from the earlieft age
fhowed a difpofition to cruelty, fpurned him away in
the midft of his fupplications, and with his fword ran
him through the body.
Severus having efcaped this danger, fpent a confi-
derable time in vifiting fome cities in Italy, permitting
none of his officers to fell places of trull or dignity,
and diftributing juftice with the ftrifteft impartiality.
He took fuch an exaft order in managing his exche¬
quer, that, notwithftanding his great expences, he left
more money behind him than any of his predeceffors.
His armies alfo were kept upon the moll refpeflable
footing; fo that he feared no invafion. Being equally
attentive to the prefervation of all parts of the empire,
he refolved to make his lall expedition into Britain,
where the Romans were in danger of being deftroyed,
or compelled to fly the province. Wherefore, after ap¬
pointing his two fons Caracalla and Geta joint fuc-
3,5 cefibrs in the empire, and taking them with him, he
Expedition landed in Britain, to the great terror of fuch as had
of Severus drawn down his refentment. Upon his progrefs into
tain.8”* t^ie country» he left his fon Geta in the fouthern part
of the province, which had continued in obedience, and
marched with his fon Caracalla againft the Caledo¬
nians. In this expedition, his army fuffered prodigious
hardlhips in purfuing the enemy; they were obliged
to hew their way through intricate forefts, to drain ex-
tenfive marlhes, and form bridges over rapid rivers; fo
that he loft 50,000 men by fatigue and ficknefs. How¬
ever, he fupported all thefe inconveniencies with the
greateft bravery; and is faid to have profecuted his
fucceffes with fuch vigour, that he compelled the enemy
to fue for peace ; which they obtained, not without
the furrender of a confiderable part of their country.
We mud here obferve, however, that the Pi£ts and
Caledonians are fo often confounded together by hifto-
rians, that many miftakes have thence arife concern¬
ing the progrefs and conquefts of the Romans in the
north of Britain. But from the boundary formed by
• See Si- ^ famous wall Qf Severus *, we mull conclude, that
Wtll. no Part Caledonia properly fo called, had been ei¬
ther on this or any other occafion ceded to him ; and
there is reafon to believe, that he rather received checks
from the people of that territory, than was ever able
to make any confiderable impreffion upon them. Be
this however as it may, after having made peace, and
built his wall, he retired to York; where, partly
through age and fatigue, and partly through grief at
the irreclaimable life of Caracalla, he found himfelf
daily declining, having already loft the ufe of his feet.
To add to the diftrefs of his fituation, he was in¬
formed that the foldiers had revolted, and declared
hit fon emperor. In this exigence, he feemed once
rrfbre to recall his natural vigour; he got himfelf im¬
mediately put into his litter, and commanded the new
emperor, with the tribunes and centurions, to be
You IX. 3
brought before him. Though all were willing to court
the favour of the young emperor, fuch was the autho¬
rity of Severus, that none dared to difobey. They ap¬
peared before him confounded and trembling, and im¬
plored pardon upon their knees, Upon which, put¬
ting his hand to his head, he cried out, “ Know, that
it is the head that governs, and not the feet.” How¬
ever, foon perceiving his diforder to increafe, and
knowing that he could not outlive it, he called forpoi-
fon ; which being refufed him, he loaded his ftomach jyy
with food; which not being able to digeft, it foonb’fverlw
brought him to his end, in the 56th year of his age,^65,
after an a&ive though cruel reign of about 18 years. 37g
Caracalla and Geta being acknowledged as empe-Caracalla
rors by the army, began to fhow a mutual hatred to311(1 Geta
each other even before their arrival at Rome. Their fuccee<1“
only agreement was, in refolving to deify Severus their
father ; but foon after, each fought to attach the fe-
nate and army to his own particular intereft. They
were of very oppofite difpofitions: Caracalla was fierce
and cruel to an extreme degree; Geta was mild and
merciful; fo that the city foon found the dangerous
effe&s of being governed by two princes of equal power
and contrary inclinations.
But this oppofition was of no long continuance; for
Caracalla being refolved to govern alone, furioufly en¬
tered Geta’s apartment, and, followed by ruffians, flew 3?^
him in his mother’s arms. Having committed this de- dered'b'^"
tellable murder, he iflued with great hafte from the Caracalla.
palace, crying out, That his brother would have flain
him; and that he was obliged, in felf-defence, to reta¬
liate the intended i njury. He then took refuge among
the praetorian cohorts, and in a pathetic tone began
to implore their affiltance, ftill making the fame ex¬
cufe for his condufit. To this he added a much more
prevailing argument, promifing to beftow upon them
the largelles ufually given upon the cleftion of new em¬
perors, and diftributing among them almoft all the
treafures which had been amaffed by his father. By
fuch perfuafives, the foldiers did not hefitate to pro¬
claim him foie emperor, aud to ftigmatize the memory
of his brother Geta as a traitor and an enemy to the
commonwealth. The fenators were foon after induced,
either through favour or fear, to approve what had
been done by the army : Caracalla wept for the death
of his brother whom he had flain; and, to carry biswho-prevts
hypocrify to the utmoft extreme, ordered him to be a moft
adored as a god. bloody ty- .
Being now emperor, he went on to mark his courfetant‘
with blood. Whatever was done by Domitian or
Nero, fell (hort of this rnonfter’s barbarities. Lsetus,
who firft advifed him to murder his brother, was the
firft who fell a facrifice to his jealoufy. His own wife,
Plautina, followed. Papinian, the renowned civilian,
was beheaded for refufing to write in vindication of his
cruelty ; anfwering the emperor’s requeft, by obfer-
Ving, That it was much eafier to commit a parricide,
than to defend it. He commanded all governors to be
flain that his brother had appointed; and deftroyed not
lefs than 2000 perfons who had adhered to his party.
Whole nights were fpent in the execution of his bloody
decrees; and the dead bodies of people of all ranks
were carried odt of the city in carts, where they were
burnt in heaps, without any of the ceremonies of a fu¬
neral. Upon a certain occafion, he ordered his foldiera
38 M to
ROM [ 6866 ] ROM
Rome, to fet upon a crowded audience in the theatre, only for
^ difcountenancing a charioteer whom he happened to
favour. Perceiving himfelf hated by the people, he
publicly faid, that he could infure his own fafety, tho’
not their love ; fo that he neither valued their re¬
proaches, nor feared their hatred.
This fafety which he fo much built upon, was pla¬
ced in the protedlion of his foldiers. He had exhauited
_ 381 the treafury, drained the provinces, and committed a
His ex- thoufand ads of rapacity, merely to keep them ftedfaft
folly,8cruel-,n ^’8 *ntereft8 » and being difpofed to truft. himfelf
ty, and with them particularly, he refolved to lead them upon
treachery, a vifit through all the provinces of the empire. He firft
went into Germany; where, to oblige the natives, he
drefled himfelf in the habit of their country. From
thence he travelled into Macedonia, where he pretend¬
ed to be a great admirer of Alexander the Great; and
among other extravagancies, caufed a ftatue of that
monarch to be made with two faces; one of which re-
fembled Alexander, aud the other hirofelf. He was fo
corrupted by flattery, that he called himfelf Alexander;
walked as he was told that monarch had walked; and,
like him, bent his head to one Ihoulder. Shortly after,
arriving at Lefler Afia and the ruins of Troy, as he
was viewing the tomb of Achilles, he took it into his
head to refemble that hero ; and one of his freedmen
happening to die at that time, he ufed the fame cere¬
monies that were performed at the tomb of Patroclus.
Palling thence into Egypt, he maffacred in the mod
terrible manner the inhabitants of Alexandria, on ac¬
count of the fatires they compofed on him, as is related
under the article Alexandria.
Going from thence into Syria, he invited Artaba-
nus, king of Parthia, to a conference; defiring his
daughter in marriage, and promifing him the molt ho¬
nourable protection. In confequence of this, that king
met him on a fpacious plain, unarmed, and only at¬
tended with a vaft concourfe of his nobles. This was
what Caracalia defired. Regardlefs of his promife, or
the law of nations, he inftantly furrounded him with
armed troops, let in wild beads among his attendants,
and made a mod terrible {laughter among them ; Ar-
tabanus himfelf efcaping with the utmod difficulty.
For this vile treachery, he obtained from the fenate
38j the furname of Parthicus.
fethe^5*”5 Upon his return towards Rome, it would feem as if
wife'1 S his vices were inexhaudible; for having been guilty of
parricide, he now refolved to marry the mother of Geta
whom he had flain. It happened that one day feeing
her drop her veil, which difclofed her naked bofom,
which was extremely beautiful, he told her, that he
would poffefs thofe charms he beheld, if it were lawful.
To this unnatural requed, die hefitated not to an-
fwer, that he might enjoy all things who poflefled all.
Whereupon, fetting afide all duty and refpeft for his
deceafed father, he celebrated his nuptials with her in
public, totally difregarding the cenfures and the far-
cafms of mankind.
However, though he difregarded fhame, he was not
infenfible to fear. He was ever uneafy, in the confci-
oufnefs of being univerfally hated ; and was continu¬
ally confulting aflrologers concerning what death he
Ihould die. Among others, he fent one of his confi¬
dants, named Maternianus, with orders to confult all
the aftvologers in the city concerning his end. Mater-
nianus confidered this as a proper time to get rid of Rome.
Macrinus, the emperor’s principal commander in Me-  
fopotamia ; a man who was daily fupplanting him in
his mafter’s favour. He therefore informed him by let¬
ter, as if from the aftrologers, that Macrinus had a de-
fign agaioft his life ; and they confequently advifed
him to put the coofpiratoi to death. This letter was
fent fealed, and made up, amongtl many others, to be
conveyed with the greater fecrecy, and delivered to the
emperor as he was preparing for a chariot-race. How¬
ever, as it never was his cuitom to interrupt his plea-
fures for his bufinefs, he gave the packet to Macrinus
to read over, and to inform him of the contents when
more at leifure. In perufing thefe letters, when Ma-
-crinus came to that which regarded himfclf, he was un¬
able to contain his furprife and terror. His firft care
was, to referve the letter in queftion to himfelf, and
to acquaint the emperor only with the fubftance of the
reft. He then fet about the moft probable means of
compaffing his death, by which alone he could expeft
any fafety. At length he determined to apply to one
Martialis, a man of great ftrength, and a centurion of
the guards, who hated the emperor from various mo¬
tives ; particularly for the death of a brother, whom
Caracalla had ordered to be flain. Him therefore Ma¬
crinus exhorted to revenge his brother’s death, by kill¬
ing the tyrant, which he might eafily effeft, as being
always fo near his perfon. Martialis readily undertook
the dangerous talk; being willing to meet death him¬
felf, fo he might obtain his defire of feeing the tyrant 383
expire before him. Accordingly, as the emperor was rnur*
riding out one day near a little city called Carra, hedete *
happened to withdraw himfelf privately, upon a natu¬
ral occafion, with only one page to hold his horfe.
This was the opportunity Martialis had fo long and
ardently defired; wherefore running to him as if he
had been called, he (tabbed the emperor in the back,
fo that he died immediately. Martialis unconcernedly
returned to his troop ; but retiring by infenfible de¬
grees, he endeavoured to fecure himfelf by flight. But
his companions foon miffing him, and the page giving
information of what had been done, he was purfued by
the German horfe and cut in pieces.
During the reign of this execrable tyrant, which
continued fix years, the empire was every day decli¬
ning; the foldiers were entirely mailers of every elec¬
tion ; and as there were various armies in different parts,
fo there were as many interefts all oppofite to each
other. Caracalla, by fatisfying their moft unreafonable
appetites, deftroyed all difcipline among them, and all
fubordination in the ftate. Marinus
The foldiers, now without an emperor, after a fuf-fucceeds.
penfe of two days, fixed upon Macrinus, who took all
poffible methods to conceal his being privy to Cara-
calla’s murder. The fenate confirmed their choice fhort-
ly after; and likewife that of his fon Diadumenus,
whom he took as a partner in the empire. Macrinus
was 53 years old when he entered upon the government
of the empire. He was of obfcure parentage; fome
fay, by birth a Moor, who by the mere rotation of of¬
fice, being firft made prsefed of the praetorian bands,
was now, by treafon and accident, called to fill the
throne. We are told but little of this emperor, except
his engaging in a bloody, though undecided battle,
with Artabanus king of Parthia, who came to take
vengeance
ROM
[ 6867 ]
ROM
vengeance for the injury he had fuftained in the late he frequently met naked, calling them his fellow fil-
reign; however, this monarch finding his real enemy diers, and companions in the field. He was fo fond of the-
fex, that he carried his mother with him to the fenate-
houfe, and demanded that Ihe fhould always be prefent
when matters of importance were debated. He even
went fa far as to build a fenate-houfe for women, with
fuitable orders, habits, and diftinaions, of which his
mother was made prefident. They met feveral times;
dead, was content to make peace, and returned into
Parthia. Something is alfo (aid of the feverity of this
emperor’s difcipline; for to fuch a pitch of licentiouf-
nefs was the Roman army now arrived, that the moft
fevere punifhments were unable to reftrain thefoldiers;
and yet the moft gentle infliaions were looked upon
as feverity. It was this rigorous difcipline, together all their debates turning upon the falhions of the day,
with the artifices of Masfa, grandmother to Helioga-
Helioga- balus the natural fon of Caracalla, that caufed the em-
balus re- peror’s ruin. Heliogabalus was prieft of a temple de-
voltsagainftdicated to the Sun, in Emefa, a city of Phoenicia; and
im‘ though but 14 years old, was greatly loved by the
army for the beauty of his perfon, and the memory of
his father, whom they ftill confidered as their greateft
benefaftor. This was foon perceived by the grandmo¬
ther; who being very rich in gold and jewels, gave li¬
beral prefents among them, while they frequently re¬
paired to her temple, both from the garifon in the city
and the camp of Macrinus. This intercourfe grow¬
ing every day more frequent, the foldiers, being dif-
•gufted with the feverities of their prefent emperor,
began to think of placing Heliogabalus in his
ftead. Accordingly, fending for him to their camp,
he was immediately proclaimed ; and fuch were the
hopes of his virtues, that all men began to affedl his
interefts.
MaCrinus, who at this time was purfuing his plea-
fures at Antioch, gave but little attention to the firft
report; only fending his lieutenant Julian, with fome
legions, to quell the infurredlion. However, thefe, like
the reft, foon declared for Heliogabalus, and flew their
general. It was then that Macrinos found he had
treated the rebellion too (lightly; he therefore refolved
with his fon, to march dire&ly againft the feditious le¬
gions, and force them to their duty. Both parties met
on the confines of Syria: the battle was for fome time
furious and obftinate ; but at laft Macrinus was over-
38s throw'n, and obliged to feek fafety by flight. His prin-
defeated * C'Pa^ a'm was t0 ^et t0 R0115^ w^ere knew his pre-
ancl pyt t0 fence was defired ; wherefore he travelled through the
death, provinces of Afia Minor with the utmoft expedition
and privacy, but unfortunately fell Tick at the city of
Chalcedon. There thofe who were fent in purfuit,
overtook and put him to death, together with his foa
Diadumenus, after a fliort reign of one year and two
months.
The fenate and citizens of Rome being obliged to
fubmit to the appointment of the army as ufual, He¬
liogabalus afcended the throne at the age of 14. One
at fo early an age, invefted with unlimited power, and
furrounded with flatterers, could be cxpedled to a£t
only as they thought proper to direct. This young
emperor was entirely led by them; and being fenfible
585 that it was in his power to indulge all his.appetites, he
Hehoga- ftudied only their gratification. As he is defcribed by
tharhan ofhift0™3118, *ie aPPears a monfter of fenfuality. His
diis prede-0f ^10rt ^ therefore is but a tiflue of effeminacy, luft,
rceffors. --J     -•-J t—« -1
and the different formalities to be ufed in giving and
receiving vifits. To thefe follies, he added great cruelty
and boundlefs prodigality; fo that he was heard to fay,
that fuch dirties as were cheaply obtained were fcarce
worth eating. His fuppers therefore generally cofl
6000 crowns, and often 60,000. He was always drefled
in cloth of gold and purple, enriched with precious
ftones, and yet never wore the fame habit twice. Hi*
palace, his chambers, and his beds, were all furnifhed
of the richeft (luffs, covered with gold and jewels.
Whenever he took horfe, all the way between his apart¬
ment and the place of mounting was covered with gold
and filver dull ftrewn at his approach. ,
Thefe exceffes were foon perceived by his grandmo¬
ther Masfa, whofe intrigues had firft raifed him to the
throne; fo that (he thought to leflen his power by di¬
viding it. For this purpofe, under a pretence of free¬
ing him from the cares of public bufinefs, fhe perfua-
ded him to adopt his coufin-german, Alexander, as his
fucceffor; and likewife to make him his partner in the^*8* ^
confulrtiip. Heliogabalus, having thus raifed his coufin, lexander,
had fcarce given him his power, when he wifhed again and takes
to take it away; but the virtues of this young princehim for his
had fo greatly endeared the people and the army t0 colleaSlie-
him, that the attempt had like to have been fatal to
the tyrant himfelf. The praetorian foldiers mutinying,
attempted to kill him as he was walking in his gar¬
dens ; but he efcaped, by hiding himfelf from their fury.
However, upon returning to their camp, they conti¬
nued the fedition ; requiring that the emperor fhould
remove fuch perfons from about him as oppreffed the
fubjedt, and contributed to contaminate him. They
required alfo, the being permitted to guard the young
prince themfelves, and that none of the emperor’s fa¬
vourites or familiars fhould ever be permitted to con-
verfe with him. Heliogabalus was relu&antly obliged
to comply; and confcious of the danger he was in,
made preparations for death, when it (hould arrive, in
a manner truly whimfical and peculiar. He built a
lofty tower with fteps of gold and pearl, from whence
to throw himfelf headlong in cafe of neceffity. He alfo
prepared cords of purple filk and gold to ftrangle him¬
felf with; he provided golden fwords and daggers to
flab himfelf with; and poifon to be kept in boxes of
emerald, in order to obtain what death he chofe beft.
Thus fearing all things, but particularly fufpicious of
the defigns of the fenate, he banifhed them all out of t
the city: he next attempted to poifon Alexander, and
fpread a report of his death ; but perceiving the fol¬
diers begin to mutiny, he immediately took him in his
and extravagance. He married, in the fmall fpace of chariot to the camp, where he experienced a frefh mor-
four years, fix wives, and divorced them all. He built tification, by finding all the acclamations of the army
a temple to the fun; and willing that his god (hould dirtied only to his fucceflbr. This not a little raifed
have a wife as well as himfelf, he married him to Pallas, his indignation, and excited his defire of revenge. He
and (hortly after to the moon. His palace was a place returned towards the city, threatening the moft fevere
of rendezvous for all the proftitutes of Rome, whom punifliments againft thofe who had difpleafed him, and
2 38 M 2 medi.
ROM- r 6868 1 ROM
Rome, meditating frefh cruelties. However, the foldiers were
' ~ unwilling to give him time to put his defigns in execu-
388 tion:. they followed him dire&ly to his palace, purfued
Is murdered him from apartment to apartment, and at laft found
dien^1" ^im concea^e^ in a privy; a fituation very different
from that in which he expected to die. Having drag¬
ged him from thence through the ftreets, with the moft
bitter invedives, and having difpatched him, they at¬
tempted once more to fqueeze his pampered body into
a privy; but not eafily effeding this, they threw it into
the Tiber, with heavy weights, that none might after¬
wards find or give it burial. This was the miferable
and ignominious death of Heliogabalus, in the 18th
year of hia age, after a deteftable reign of four years.
His mother alfo was {lain at the fame time by the fol¬
diers; as were alfo many of the opprobious aifociates
331) of his criminal pleafures.
Virtues of Alexander being, without oppofition, declared em-
Alexander. peror> the fenaie, in their ufual method of adulation,
were for conferring new titles upon him ; but he mo-
deftly declined them all, alleging, that titles were
only honourable when given to virtue, not to llation.
This outfide was an happy omen of his future virtues ;
and few princes in hiftory have been more commended
by his cotemporaries, or indeed more deferved com¬
mendation. To the moft rigid juftice he added the
greateft humanity. He loved the good, and was a fe-
vere reprover of the lewd and infamous. His accom-
plifhments were equal to his virtues. He was an ex¬
cellent mathematician, geometrician, and mufician;
be was equally {killed in painting and fculpture; and
in poetry, few of his time could equal him. In fiiort,
fuch were his talents, and fuch the folidity of his judg¬
ment, that tho’ but 16 years of age, he was confidered
as a wife old man.
The firft part of his reign was fpent in a reformation
of the abufes of his predeeefibr. He reftored the fe-
nators to their rank; nothing being undertaken with¬
out the moft fage advifers, and moft mature delibera¬
tion. Among the number of his advifers, was his
mother Mammaea; a woman eminent for her virtues
and accompli{hments, and who made ufe of her power
as well to fecure her fon the affeftions of his fubjefts,
as to procure them the moft juft adminiftratiovi. He
was a rigid punilher of fuch magiftrates as took bribes,
faying. That it was not enough ta deprive fuch of
their places; for their trufts being great, their lives,
in moft cafes, ought to pay for a breach of them. On
the contrary, he thought he could never fufficiently re¬
ward fuch as had been remarkable for their juftice and
integrity, keeping a regifter of their names, and fome-
times a being fuch of them as appeared modeft and un¬
willing to approach him, why they were fo backward
in demanding their reward, and why they fuffered him
to be in their debt. His clemency extended even to
the Chriftians, who had been punilhed in the former
reigns with unrelenting barbarity.. Upon a conteft
between them and a company of cooks and vintners,
about a piece of public ground, which the one claimed
as a place for public worfhip, and the other for exer-
cifing their reCpedive trades, he decided the point by
his refeript, in thefe words : “ It is better that God
be worfhipped there in any manner, than that the
place ftould be put to ufes of drunkennefs and de¬
bauchery.’’
His abilities in war were not inferior to his afii- Rome,
duity in peace. The empire, which from the remiffnefs ”*
and debauchery of the preceding reigns now began Rej|g°es
to be attacked on every fide, wanted a perfon of vi- affairs
gour and condu£l to defend it. Alexander faced the of the em-
enemy wherever the invafion was moft formidable, andphe.
for a (hort time deferred its ruin. His firft expedi¬
tion, in the tenth year of his reign, was againft the
Parthians and Perfians, whom he oppofed with a pow¬
erful army. The Perfians were routed in a decifive
engagement with great {laughter ; the cities of Ctefi-
phon and Babylon were once more taken, and the
Roman empire was reftored to its former limits. Upon
his return to Antioch, his mother Mammaea fent for
the famous Origen, to be inftru&ed by him in the
principles of Chriftianity ; and after difeourfing^ with
him for fome time upon the fubje<ft, difmifi'ed him,
with a proper fafeguard, to his native city of Alexan¬
dria. About the fame time that Alexander was vic¬
torious in the Eaft, Furius Celfus, his general, obtain¬
ed a fignal vi&ory over the Mauritanians in Africa,
Varius Macrinus was fuccefsful in Germany, and Ju¬
nius Palmatus returned with conqueft from Armenia.
However, the number of thefe victories only haftened
the decline of the empire, which was wafted by the ex¬
ertion of its own ftrength, and was now becoming little
more than a fpkndid ruin.
About the 13th year of his reign, the Upper Ger¬
mans, and other northern nations, began to pour down
immenfe fwarms of people upon the more fouthern
parts of the empire. They pafied the Rhine and the
Danube with fuch fury, that all Italy was thrown in¬
to the moft extreme confternation. The emperor,
ever ready to expofe himfelf for the fafety of his
people, made what levies he could, and went in perfon
to ftem thetorreht; which he fpeedily effe&ed. It was
in the courfe of his fucceffes againft the enemy, that he
was cut off by a mutiny among his foldiers. The le¬
gions encamped about Moguntia, having been abomi¬
nably corrupted during the reign of Heliogabalus,
and trained up in all kinds of rapine and difobedience,
required the moft ftri& command. Alexander could
neither endure their tumultuary obedience, nor they
his regular difeipline. His own faults, and thofe of
his mother Mammsea, were objeded againft him.
They openly exclaimed, That they were governed by
an avaricious woman, and a mean-fpirited boy; and 391
refolved upon eleding an emperor capable of ruling1® murders
alone. In this general-revolt, Maximinus, an old andfd*
experienced commander, held frequent conferences with
the foldiers, and enflamed the fedition. At length,,
being determined to difpatch their prefent emperor,
they fent an executioner into his tent; who imme¬
diately ftruck off his head ; and, {hortly after, that of
his mother. He died in the 29th year of his age,
after a profperous reign of thirteen years and nine
days.
The tumults occafioned by the death of Alexander Succeeded
being appeafed. Maximinus, who had been the chiefbX Maxi"
promoter of the fedition, was chofen emperor. Th'8 man of gi-
extraordinary man, whofe charadfter deferves partial- gantic (hU
ral attention, was born of very obfeure parentage, be-ture and
ing the fon of a poor herdfman of Thrace. In the be- extraordi*
ginning he followed his father’s profeffion, and only length,
exercifed his gerfonal courage againft the robbers who
in-
ROM [ 6869 1 ROM
Rome. InfefteJ the part of the country In which he livec?.
Soon after, his ambition encreafing, he left his poor
employment, and enlifted in the Roman army ; where
he foon became remarkable for his great ftrength, dif-
cipline, and courage. This gigantic man was no lefs
than eight feet and an half high } he had a body and
ftrength correfponding to his fize, being not lefs re¬
markable for the magnitude than the fymmetry of his
perfon. His wife’s bracelet ufually ferved him for a
thumb ring ; and his ftrength was fo great, that be
was able to draw a carriage which two oxen could not
move. He could ftrike out an horfe’s teeth with a
blow of his fift, and break its thigh with a kick.
His diet was as extraordinary as the reft of his endow¬
ments: he generally eat 40 pounds weight of flefh
every day, and drank fix gallons of wine, without
committing any debauch in either. With a frame fo
athletic, he was poffefled of a mind undaunted in dan¬
ger, and neither fearing nor regarding any man. The
firft time he was made known to the emperor Severus,
was upon his celebrating games on the birth-day of his
fon Geta. Maximinus was then a rude countryman,
and requcfted the emperor to be permitted to contend
for the prizes which were diftributed to the beft run¬
ners, wreftlers, and boxers, of the army. Severus, un¬
willing to infringe the military difcipline, would not
permit him at firft to combat, except with ftaves,
againft whom his ftrength appeared aftonilhing. He
overcame 16 in running, one after the other: he then
kept op with the emperor on horfeback ; and having
fatigued him in the courfe, he was oppofed to fevenof
the moft adlive foldiers, and overcame them with the
greateft eafe. From that time he was particularly no¬
ticed, and taken into the emperor’s body-guards, in
I which his affiduity and prompt obedience were parti¬
cularly remarkable. In the reign of Caracalla,he was
' made a centurion, and diftinguifhed hitnfelf in this
ftation by his ftridt attention to the morals and difci¬
pline of thofe he commanded. When made a tribune,
he ftill retained the hard fimplicity of his life ; eat as
the meaneft eentinel; fpent whole days in exercifing
his troops; atid would now and then himfelf wreftle
with eight or ten of the ftrongeft men in the army,
whom he threw with fcarce any effort. Being thus be¬
come one of the moft remarkable men in the empire^
both for courage, difcipline, and perfonal a&ivity, he
gave, fttortly after, a very high inftance of his unlha-
ken fidelity: for when Macrinus was made emperor,
he refufed to ferve under a prince that had betrayed
his fovereign ; and retired to Thrace, his native coun¬
try, where he followed commerce, and purchafed fome
lands, content with privacy rather than a guilty de]
pendence. Upon the acceffion of Heliogabalus to the
throne, this bold veteran once more returned to the
army ; but was, in the very beginning, difgufted at
the bafe effeminacy of the emperor; who, hearing
amazing inftances of his ftrength, allied him, if he
were equally capable in combats of another nature ?
This lewd demand was fo little fuitable to the temper
1 of Maximinus, that he inftantly left the court. Upon
the death of Heliogabalus, he again returned to Rome,
and was received with great kindnefs by Alexander,
who particularly recommended him to the fenate, and
made him commander of the fourth legion, which con¬
fided of new-raifed foldiers. Maximinu* gladly accep¬
ted of this charge, and performed his duty with great Rome,
exaftnefs and fuccefs, fetting an example of virtue and ~ ”
difcipline to all the commanders of the army. Nor was
his valour lefs apparent againft the Germans, whither
he was fent with his legion ; fo that he was unani-
moufly confidered as the boldeft, braved, moft valiant
and moft virtuous foldier in the whole empire. He
foon, however, forfeited all thefe juftly merited titles
when he was raifed to the throne ; and, from being
the moft loved commander in the army, he became the
moft cruel tyrant upon earth. Yet in fa<St, his former
virtues were all of the fevere and rigid kind, which,
without any education, might very eafily degenerate in¬
to tyranny ; fo that he might have miftafeen his fuc-
ceeding cruelty for difcipline, and his feverity for ju-Bcc^’es ^
ftice. Hov/ever this be, Maximinns is confidered as cruel tyrant,
one of the greateft monfters of cruelty that ever dif-
graced power; and, fearful of nothing himfelf, he
feemed to fport with the terrors of ail mankind.
He began his reign by endeavouring to force obe¬
dience from every rank of people, and by vindicating
his authority by violence. The fenate and people of
Rome were the firft that incurred his refentment.
They utterly refufing to confirm the cle&ion of the
army, he was the firft emperor who reigned without
their concurrence or approbation- However, hefeem-
ed> regardlefs of their oppofition, proceeding to fecure
his e!e&ion by putting all fuch to death as had been
raifed by his predeceftbr. The Chriftians alfo; having
found favour in the former reign, felt the weight of
his refentment; and were perfecuted in feveral parts of
the empire, particularly in thofe where he himfelf re-
fided. His cruelty likewife extended to the rich,
whofe lives and eftates became a frequent facrifice to
avarice and fufpicion. But what appears ftill a more
extraordinary inftance of his cruelty, being afhamed of
the meannefs of his extra&ion, he commanded all fuch.
as were beft acquainted with him and his parentage to
be fiain, altho’ there were fome among the number that
bad relieved him in his low condition. 334
However, his cruelties did not retard his military His fuccefi
operations, which were carried on with a fpirit be- m war’
coming a better monarch. He overthrew the Germans
in feveral battles, wafted all their country with fire
and fword for 400 miles together, and fet a refolution
of fubduing all the northern nations as far as the
ocean. In thefe expeditions, in order to attach the
foldiers more firmly to him, he inereafed their pay t
and in every duty of the camp, he himfelf took as
much pains as the meaneft centinel in his army, fhow-
ing incredible courage and affiduity. In every engage¬
ment, where the conflidl was hotteft, Maximimis was
always feen fighting there in perfon, and deftroying
aft before him : for, being bred a barbarian, he confi¬
dered it as his duty to combat as a common foldier^
while he commanded as a general. ^
In the mean time, his cruelties haft fo alienated theConfpira-
minds of his fubjefts, that feveral confpiracies were ees formed;
fecretly aimed againft him. Magnus, a confular pCr. agalI)fthlHa»-
fon, and fome others, had plotted to break down a
wooden bridge, as foon as the emperor had paffed it,
and thus to abandon him to the enemy. But this be¬
ing difeovered, gave Maximinus-an opportunity of in¬
dulging his jjnatural feverky, upon this pretext alone
caufing above 4000 to be flain. Shortly after, fome oF
Ales.*
ROM [ 6870 ] ROM
Rome* Alexander’s old foldiers withdrawing themfelves from
the camp, proclaimed one Qua.rcianus as emperor, who
had been lately difgufted at Maximinus for being dif-
mifled from employment. The foldiers, in fa£, con-
ftrained him to accept of the dangerous fupertority to
which he was expofed : and flrortly after, in the fpirit
of the times, the perfon who had been the promoter
of his advancement, murdered him in his bed, and car¬
ried his head to Maximinus; who received him kindly
at firft, but foon put him to a cruel death, for his com¬
plicated guilt of treafon and treachery.
Thefe partial infurre&ions were foon after followed
by a fpirit of general difcontent throughout all the
empire. The provinces of Africa were the firft that
Ihowed their deteftation of the tyrant, whofe extortions
and cruelties among them were become infupportable.
They firft flew his procurator; and afterwards confide-
riug how dangerous a crime they had committed, they
refolved to throw off all expectations of pardon, and
create a new emperor. Gordian was then proconful
of Africa, a perfon of great fame for his virtues, and
highly reverenced for a blamelefs life of near eighty.
Him, therefore, they determined to eleft ; and ac¬
cordingly the foldiers and natives affembling together,
395 tumultuoufly entered his houfe, refolved to put their
fjord1*!! defign in execution. Gordian, who at firft fuppofed
emperor.6 khey were come to kill him, being made fenfible of
their intentions, utterly refufed their offer, alleging
his extreme age, and Maximinus’s power. But all his
Oppofition was vain : they conftrained him to accept of
the proffered dignity ; and he, with his fon Gordian,
who was 46 years of age, were declared emperors. Be¬
ing thus raifed contrary to his inclinations, the old
man immediately wrote to the fenate, declaring that
he had unwillingly accepted of the empire, and would
only keep his authority till he had freed it from the
tyranny of its prefent oppreffor. The fenate very
joyfully confirmed his eledtion, adjudging Maximinus
as an enemy and traitor to the ftate- The citizens alfo
(hawed an equal zeal in the caufe : they flew upon fuch
as were the reputed friends of Maximinus, and tore
them in pieces ; even fome who were innocent, falling
a facrifice to the multitude’s blind rage. So great an
alteration being made in the city againft the interefts
of Maxirainus, the fenate were refolved to drive the
oppofition to the extreme ; and accordingly made all
neceffary preparations for their fecurity, ordering
Maximinus’s governors to be difplaced, and command¬
ing all the provinces to acknowledge Gordian for
emperor. This order was differently received in dif¬
ferent parts, as people were affedfed to one or the
other party ; in fome provinces the governors were
(lain ; in other*, the meffengers of the fenate; fo that
all parts of the empire felt the confequences of the ci-
397 war‘
Rage of. In the mean time, when Maximinus was informed
Maximinus of thefc charges againft him, his rage appeared ungo-
the neWs^ vernahle. He roared like a favage beaft, and violent-
e "e s" ly ftruck his head againft the wall, (bowing every in-
(tance of ungovernable diftradfion. At length his fury
being fomewhat fubfided, he called his whole army to¬
gether ; and, in a fet fpeech, exhorted them to re¬
venge his caufe, giving them the ftrongeft affurances
that they (hould poffefs the eftates of all fuch as had
offended, The foldiers unanimoufly promifed to be
faithful; they received his harangue with their ufual Rome. ||
acclamations; and, thus encouraged, he led them to- 1
wards Rome, breathing nothing but (laughter and re¬
venge. However, he found many obftacles to hisim-
petuofity ; and, though he defired nothing fo much as
difpatch, his marches were incommodious and flow.
The tumultuous and difobedient armies of the empire,
were, at prefent very different from the legions that
were led on by Sylla or Csefar ; they were loaded with
baggage, and followed by (laves and women, rather
refembling an eaftern caravan, than a military battal-
lion. To thefe inconvenienciea alfo was added the
hatred of the cities through which he pafled, the in¬
habitants all abandoning their houfes upon his ap¬
proach, and fecuring th.eir provifions in proper hiding-
places. However, in this complication of inconvenien¬
ces and misfortunes, his affairs began to wear a fa¬
vourable appearance in Africa: for Capelianus, the 398
governor of Numidia, raifed a body of troops in his Gordian
favour, and marched againft Gordian, towar<I3 I-'ar‘;
thage; where he fought the younger Gordian, flew i
him, and deftroyed his army. The father hearing of
the death of his fon, together with the lofs of the
battle, ftrangled himfelf in his own girdle. Capelia-
mis purfuing his riflory, entered Carthage; where he
gave a loofe to pillage and (laughter, under a pretence
of revenging the caufe of Maximinus. The news of
thefe fucceffes was foon brought to the emperor, who
now increafed his diligence, and flattered himfelf with
a fpeedy opportunity of revenge. He led on his large
army by haftyjourneys into Italy, threatening deftruc-
tion to all his oppofers, and ardently wifhing forfrelh
opportunities of (laughter.
Nothing could exceed the confternation of the fenate
upon the news of this defeat. They now faw them¬
felves not only deprived of the affiftance of Gordian
and his fon, on whom they greatly relied ; but alfo op-
pofed by two formidable tyrants, each commanding a
vi&orious army, dire&ly marching towards Rome,
and meditating nothing but vengeance. In this afflic¬
ting exigence, they, with great folemnity, met at the
temple of Jupiter, and after the moft mature delibera- 3S9
tions chofe Pupienus and Balbinus emperors conjoint-
ly. Thefe were men who had acquired the efteem of a„s py0.,"
the public both in war and peace, haying commanded claimed
armies and governed provinces with great reputation ; emperors, *
and being now appointed to oppofe Maximinus, they
made what levies they could, both in Rome and the
country. With thefe, Pupienus marched to flop the
progrefs of the invaders, leaving the city to a frelh and
unlocked for calamity. This was occafioned by two
of Maximinus’s foldiers, who, entering the fenate-
houfe, were (lain by two fenators. This quickly gave
offetice to the body of the praetorian foldiers, who in-
ftantly refolved to take revenge, but were oppofed by
the citizens ; fo that nothing was feen throughout
Rome, but tumult, (laughter, and cruelty. Inthisuni-
verfal confufion the calamity was increafed, by the
foldiers fetting the city on fire, while the wretched in¬
habitants were combating each other in the midft of
the flames.
Neverthelefs, Maximinus himfelf, in whofe favour
thefe feditipns were promoted, did not feem to be
more fortunate. Upon being informed of the new
ekftion of emperors, his fury was again renewed, and
he
ROM [ 6871 ] ROM
o re¬
part
Dint¬
ed ; the fenate had taken fuch care to remove all kinds
of fuftenance to fortified places, that he ftill found
himfelf reduced to his former neceffities, while his ar-
I400 roy began to murmur for want. To this another dif-
.quiieia appointment was added fiiortly after : for approach-
ifieged bying the city of Aquileia, which he expe&ed to enter
taximi- without any difficulty, he was aftoniffied to find it
1S" prepared for the mod obftinate refiftance, and refolved
to hold out a regular fiege. This city was well forti¬
fied and populous, and the inhabitants greatly averfe
to Maximinus’s government; but what added ftill
more to its ftrength, it was commanded by two excel¬
lent generals, Crifpinus and Menophilis, who had fo
well furnilhed it with men and ammunition, that Maxi¬
minus found no fmall refiftance, even in invefting the
place. His firft attempt was, to take the city by
ftorm ; but the befieged threw down fuch quantities of
fcalding pitch and'fulphur upon his foldiers, that they
were unable to continue the affault. He then determi¬
ned upon a blockade ; but the inhabitants were fo re-
folute, that even the old men and children were feen
combating upon the walls, while the women cut off
their hair to furnilh the’ foldiers with bow-ftrings.
Maximinus’s rage at this unexpected oppofition, was
now ungovernable : having no enemy to wreck his re-
| fentment upon, he turned it againft his own comman¬
ders. He put many of his generals to death, as if the
city had held out through their negleCt br incapacity,
while famine made great depredations upon the reft of
f his army. Nothing now appeared on either fide to
terminate the conteft, except the total deftruCtion of
either. But a mutiny in Maximinus’s own army, a
! while refcued the declining empire from deftru&ion,
and faved the lives of thoufands. The foldiers being
long harraffed by’famine and fatigue, and hearing of
revolts on every fide, refolved to terminate their cala-
J01 mitiesby the tyrant’s death. His great ftrength, and
flaffina- his being always armed, were, at firft, the principal
motives to deter any from affaffinating him ; but at
length having made his guards accomplices in their
defign, they fet upon him, while he flept at noon in
j his tent, and flew both him and his fon, whom he had
made his partner in the empire, without any oppofi-
11 [' tion, after an ufurpation of about three years, and in
u the 65th year of his age.
The tyrant being dead, and his body thrown to the
N dogs and birds of prey, Pupienus and Balbinus conti¬
nued for fome time emperors without oppofition. But
the praetorian foldiers, who had long been notorious
. for mutiny and treafon, foon refolved on further
change. Nor did the diflenfions between the new-
made emperors themfelves, a little contribute to their
downfall ; for though both were remarkable for wif-
dom and age, yet they could not reftrain the mutual
jealoufy of each other’s power. Pupienus claimed the
fuperiority from his great experience ; while Balbinus
, was equally afpiring upon account of his family and
fortune.
In this ill-judged conteft, the praetorian foldiers,
who were enemies to both, fet upon them in their pa¬
lace, at a time their guards were amufed with feeing
the Capitoline games. Pupienus perceiving their tu«
Rome, hepafledtheAlps, expecting, upon entering Italy, t
frefh his fatigued and famiffied army in that fertile
of the country. But in this he was entirely difappi
multuous approach, fent, with the utmoft fpeed, for Rome.
affiftance from his colleague; but he, out of a cul- ~ 
pable fufpicion that fomething was defigned only
againft himfelf, refufed to fend fuch of the German An^k<:.
guards as were next his perfon. Thus the feditious wife Pupie-
foldiers found an eafy accefs to both the emperorsnus fnd
apartments; and dragging them from the palace to- Ba^‘nus*
wards the camp, flew them both, leaving their dead
bodies in the ftreets, as a dreadful inftance of their fe-
dition.
In the midft of this fedition, as the mutineers were
proceeding along, they by accident met Gordian,
the grandlon of him who was flain in Africa, and de- y 4°*
dared him emperor on the fpot. The fenate and people
bad been long reduced to the neceffity of fuffering proclaimed
their emperors to be nominated by the army j fo that emperor,
all they could do in the prefent inftance was to con¬
firm their choice. This prince was but 16 years old
when he began his reign, but his virtues feemed to
compenfate for his want of experience. His principal
aims were, to unite the oppofing members of the go¬
vernment, and to reconcile the foldiers and citizens
to each other. His learning is faid to have been equal
to his virtues ; and we are affured that he had 62,00a
books in his library. His refped for Mifithaeus, his
governor and inftrudor, was fuch, that he married his-
daughter, and profited by his counfels in all the criti¬
cal circumftances of his reign. 404
The firft four years of this emperor’s reign were His fiiccefs
attended with the utmoft profperity ; but in the fifth, aSainft. the
he was alarmed with accounts from the call, that Sa-barbar,ans*
por, king of Perfia, had furioufly invaded the confines
of the Roman empire, and having taken Antioch had
pillaged Syria and all the adjacent provinces. Befides
the Perfians, the Goths alfo invaded the empire on
their fide, pouring down like an inundation from the
north, and attempting to fix their refidence in the
kingdom of Thrace. To oppofe both thefe invafions,
Gordian prepared an army; and having gained fome
victories over the Goths, whom he obliged to retire, he
turned his arms againft the Perfians, whom he defeated
upon feveral occafions, and forced to return home with,
difgrace. In gaining thefe advantages, Mifithxus,
whom he had made prtetorian praefed, had the princi¬
pal fhare ; but, he dying foon after, (as it is fuppofed
being poifoned by Philip, an Arabian, who was ap¬
pointed his fucceffor), the fortunes of Gordian feemed,
to die with him. The army began to be no longer
fupplied with provifions as ufual; murmurs were heard
to prevail, and thefe were artfully fomented by Phi¬
lip. Things thus proceeding from bad to worfe, Phi¬
lip was at firft made equal to the command of the
empire ; fhortly after, invefted with the foie power ; is niurder-
and, at length, finding himfelf capable of perpetrating ed by Phi¬
llis long meditated cruelty, Gordian was, by his order, bP> "h0
flain, in the 2 2d year of his age,,after a fuccefsful reign *ucaeds*
of near fix years.
Philip having thus murdered his benefaftor, was fo
fortunate as to be immediately acknowledged emperor
by the army. The fenate alfo, though they feemed at
firft to oppofe his yiower, confirmed his eledlion, and
gave him, as ufual, the title of Augujhts. Philip was
about 40 years old when he came to the. throne; being
the fon of an obfcure Arabian, who had been captain-
of a band of robbers. Upon bis exaltation, he .afib-
ciated
ROM f 6872 ] ROM
Rome, dated his Ton, a boy of fix years of age, as his partner
  in the empire; and, in order to fecure his power at
home, made peace with the Perfians, and marched his
army towards Rome. On his way, having conceived
a defire to vifit his native country of Arabia* he built
there a city called Philippopol'n ; and from thence re¬
turning to Rome, he was received as emperor, and
cS treated with all the marks of fubmifiion, though not
The thou- of joy. To put the people in good humour, he caufed
fandth year the fecular games to be celebrated, with a magnificence
e>f Rome. fUperior to any of his predecefibrs, it being juft 1000
years after the building of the city. Upon occafion of
thefe games, we are told, that both Philip and his fon
were converted to Chriftianity. However this be, a
murderer and an ungrateful ufurper, does no great ho¬
nour to whatever opinion he may happen to embrace.
We have little account of the latter part of his reign in
the wretched and mutilated hiftories of the times; we
only learn that the Goths having invaded the empire,
Marinus, Philip’s lieutenant, who was fent againft
them, revolted, and caufed himfelf to be declared em¬
peror. This revolt, however, was but of fhort dura¬
tion ; for the army which had raifed him, repented of
their raflinefs, depofed him with equal levity, and put
him to death. Decius was the perfon whom Philip
appointed to command in the room of the revolting
general. The chief merit of Decius with the emperor
was, that when Marinus had rebelled, he averred in
the fenate, That the traitor’s prefumption would be
very fhortly his ruin ; which, when it happened ac¬
cordingly, Philip appointed him to fucceed in the
command of the rebellious array. Decius, who was a
man of great fubtlety, being thus entrufted with fo
much power, upon arriving at the army, found that
the foldiers were refolved on invefting him with the
fupreme authority. He, therefore, feemed to fuffer
theic importunities, as if through conftraint; and, in
the mean time, fent Philip word, that he had unwil¬
lingly aflumed the title of emperor, the better to fe¬
cure it for the rightful poffdTor ; adding, that be only
looked for a convenient opportunity of giving up his
pretenfions and title together. Philip knew mankind
too well, to rely upon fuch profeflions: he therefore
got together what forces he could from the feveral
provinces, and led them forward towards the confines
of Italy. However, the army was fcarce arrived at Ve-
Pbilip rona, when it revolted in favour of Decius, and fet-
murdered, ting violently upon Philip, a centinel, with one blow,
and is fuc- cut 0ff his head, or rather cleaved it afunder, fepara-
Dedus^ t‘ng t^ie under jaw from the upper. Such was the de-
ferved death of Philip, in the 45th year of his age, af¬
ter a reign of about five years; Decius being univer-
fally acknowledged as his fucceffor, A. D. 248.
The a&ivity and wifdom of Decius in fome mea-
fure flopped the haftening decline of the Roman
empire. The fenate feemed to think fo highly of
his merits, that they voted him not inferior to Trajan;
and indeed he feemed in every inftance to confult their
dignity in particular, and the welfare of all inferior
ranks of people. He permitted them to choofe a cen-
for, as was the cuftom in the flourilhing times of Rome;
and Valerian, his general, a man of fuch ftrift morals,
that his life was faid to be a continual cenforfhip, was
chofen to that dignity.-—But no virtues could now
prevent the approaching downfall of the ftatc; the ob-
ftinate difputes between the Pagans and the Chriftians Rome,
within the empire, and the unceafing irruptions of
barbarous nations from without, enfeebled it beyond
the power of a remedy. To Hop thefe, a perfecution
of the Chriftians, who were now grown the moft nu¬
merous body of the people, was impolitically, not to
fay unjuftly, begun ; in which thoufands were put to
death, and all the arts of cruelty tried in vain to leflen
their growing number. This perfecution was fucceed-
ed by dreadful devaftations from the Goths, particu¬
larly in Thrace and Meiia, where they had been moft
fuccefsful. Thefe irruptions Decius went to oppofe in
perfon ; and coming to an engagement with them, flew
30,000 of the barbarians in one battle. However, be¬
ing rcfolved to purfue hisvi&ory, he was by thetrea- 488
chery of Gallus his own general, led into a defile,
where the king of the Goths had fecret information to killed by >
attack him. In this difadvantageous fituation, De- the Gothsj
cius firft faw his fon killed with an arrow, and foon
after his whole army put to the rout. Wherefore, re-
folving not to furvive his lofs, he put fpurs to his
horfe, and inftantly plunging into a quagmire, was
fwallowed up, and his body could never be found af¬
ter. He died in the 50th year of his age, after a
fliort reign of two years and fix months; leaving the
chara&er of an excellent prince, and one capable of
averting the deftruftion of the empire, if human
means could have effe&ed it.
Gallus, who had thus betrayed the Roman army, Suc«e<te4
bad addrefs enough to get himfelf declared emperor by by Gallu^
that part of it which furvived the defeat; he was 45
old when he began to reign, and was defeended from
an honourable family in Rome. He bought a dilho-
nourable peace from the enemies of the ftate, agreeing
to pay a confiderable annual tribute to the Goths,
whom it was his duty to reprefs. Having thus pur-
chafed a fliort remiflion from war, by the difgrace of
his country, he returned to Rome, to give a loofe to
his pleafures, regardlefs of the wretched fituation of
the empire. ,3i® -
Nothing can be more deplorable than the ftate of ' :
the Roman provinces at this time. The Goths andenipire.
other barbarous nations, not fatisfied with their late
bribes to continue in peace, broke in upon the eaftern
parts of Europe. On the other fide, the Perfians and
Scythians committed unheard of ravages in Mefopo-
tamia and Syria. The emperor, regardlefs of every
national calamity, was loft in debauch and fenfuality
at home; and the Pagans were allowed a power of
perfecuting the Chriftians through all parts of the
ftate ; thefe calamities were fucceeded by a peftilence,
that feemed to have in general fpread over every part ’
of the earth, and which continued raging for feveral
years, in an unheard of manner; and all thefe by a
civil war, which followed fhortly after, between Gal¬
lus and his general iEmilianus, who having gained a
viftory over the Goths, was proclaimad emperor by his
conquering army. Gallus hearing this, was foon rou-
fed from the intoxications of pleafure, and prepared to
oppofe his dangerous riual. Both armies met in Me-
fia, and a battle enfued, in which iEmilianus was
vnftorious, and Gallus, with his fon, were flain. His
death was merited, and his vices were fuch as to de-
ferve the deteftation of pofterity. He died in the 47th
year of his age, after an unhappy reign of two years
ROM [ 6873 ] ROM
Rome, and foui' months, in which the empire fuffered inex- by the people and foldiery, caufed himfelf to be pro- Ron-.r,
"" prefiible calamities, ^Emilianus, after his viftory over claimed emperor in Pannonia, where he was generally ' "
Gallus, expe&ed to be acknowledged emperor ; but acknowledged, as well as in Moefia. Gallienus no
he foon found himfelf miferably difappointed. The fooner heard of his revolt, than he marched from the
fenate refufed to acknowledge his claims; and an army neighbourhood of Ravenna where he then was, into II-
that was ftationed near the Alps, chofe Valerian, lyricum, engaged Ingenuus, and put him to flight,
their own commander, to fucceed to the throne. In Some authors tell us, that Ingenuus was killed after
confequence of this, iEmilianus’s foldiers began to the battle by his own foldiers; while others affirm, that
confider their general as an obltacle to the univerfal he put an end to his own life to avoid falling into the
tranquillity, and flew him in order to avoid the mif- hands of Gallienus, who ufed his vi&ory with a cruel- 49?
chiefs of a civil war. ty hardly to be parallelled. The following letter to
Valerian being thus univerfally acknowledged as Verianus Celer, one of his officers, will fliow the dif-
emperor, although arrived at the age of 70, fet about pofition of this emperor: “ I fliall not be fatisfied, emperor
reforming the ftate with a fpirit that feemed to mark .(fays he) with your putting to death only fuch as have Gallienus.
a good mind and unabated vigour. But reformation borne arms againft me, and might have fallen in the
was then grown almoft imprafticable. The difputes field : you muft in every city deftroy all the males,
between the Pagans and Chriftians divided the em- old and young ; fpare none who have wifhed ill to
pire, as before; and a dreadful perfecution of the lat- me, none who have fpoken ill of me the fon of Vale-
ter enfued. The Northern nations over-ran the Ro- rian, the father and brother of princes. Ingenuus em-
man dominions in a more formidable manner than peror ! Tear, kill, cut in pieces without mercy: you
ever; and the empire began to be ufurped by a multi- underftand me ; do then as you know I would do, who
49t tude of petty leaders, each of whom, neglecting the have written to you with my own hand.’’ In confe-
Yalerian general ftate, fet up for himfelf. To add to thefe ca- quence of thefe cruel orders, a moft dreadful havocfe
taken pri- {amities, the Perfians, under their king Sapor, inva- was made among that unhappy people ; and, in fevc-
cruell^n- Syria; and coming into Mefopotamia, took the ral cities, not one male .child was left alive. The
fulted by unfortunate Valerian prifoner, as he was making pre- troops who had formerly ferved under Ingenuus, and
•the Per- parations to oppofe them. Nothing can exceed the the inhabitants of Mcelia who had efcaped the general
Cans. indignities, as well as the cruelties, which were prac- flaughter, provoked by thefe cruelties, proclaimed
tifed upon this unhappy monarch, thus fallen into the Regillianus emperor. He was a Dacian by birth, de¬
hands of his enemies. Sapor, we are told, always ufed fcended, as was faid, from the celebrated king Deee-
him as a footftool for mounting his horfe; he added balus whom Trajan had conquered ; and had, by fe-
the bitternefs of ridicule to his infults, and ufuallyob- veral gallant aftions, gained reputation in the Roman
ferved, That an attitude like that to which Valerian armies. After he was proclaimed emperor, he gained
was reduced, was the bell ftatue that could be ere&ed great advantages over the Sarmatians; but was foo-n
in honour of his vi&ory. This horrid life of infult after murdered by his own foldiers. Thefe revolts were
and fufferance continued for feven years, and was, at quickly followed by many others. Indeedit is not fur-
length, terminated by the cruel Perfian’s commanding prifing, at a time when the reins of government were
his prifoner’s eyes to be plucked out, and afterwards held with fo loofe an hand, that a crowd of ufurpers
491 canfing him to be flead alive. fliould ftart up in every province of the empire. The
The empire q’jjg news 0f the defeat of the Roman army by the great number of ufurpers who pretended to the em-
a^fides b" Perfians> ar1^ the captivity of Valerian, no fooner pire about this time, have been diftinguiflied by the 494
the barba-^ reached the barbarous nations at war with Rome, than name of the thirty tyrants. However, there were only
■rians. they poured on all fides into the Roman territories in 19 ; viz. Cyriades, Macrianus, Balifta, Udenatus, and ‘
incredible multitudes, threatening the empire, and Zenobia in the call : in Gaul, and the weftern pro-
Rome itfelf, with utter deftrudion. The Goths and vinces, Pofthumus, Lollianus, Vidtorinus and his mo-
Scythians ravaged Pontus and Alia, committing every ther Vidtoria, Marius, andTetricus; in lilyricum, and
where dreadful devaftations; the Alemanni and Franks on the confines of the Danube, Ingenuus, Regillfa-
having over-run Rhastia, advanced as far as Ravenna ; nus, and Aureolus j in Pontus, Saturninus ; in Ifiu-
putting all to fire and fword; the Quad! and Sarma- ria, Trebellianus; in Theflaly, Pifo ; in Achaia,Va-
tians feized on great part of Dacia and Pannonia; lens; in Egypt, iEmilianus ; and in Africa, Celfus.
while other barbarous nations, invading Spain, made Several of thefe pretenders to the empire, however,
themfelves mafters of Tarraco and other important though branded with the opprobious appellation of
places in that province. In the mean time Gallienus, tyrants, were eminent examples of virtue, and almoft
the fon of Valerian, having promifed to revenge his all of them were pofltfled of a confiderable fhare of vi-
father’s captivity, and reprefs the barbarians, was gour and ability. The principal reafon affigned for
chofen emperor without any oppofition. He was at their revolt was, the infamous chara&er of Gallienusj
that time in Gaul; but haftened into Italy, from whom neither bfficers nor foldiers could bear to ferve-
whence he drove out the barbariahs, either by the ter- Many of them, however, were forced by the foldiera
ror of his approach, or by overcoming them in to aiTume the imperial dignity much againft their wilt
battle. In Dacia and Pannonia, alfo, the barbarians “ You have loft,” faid Saturninus, to his foldiers when
were driven back by Regillianus, who commanded they invefted him with the purple, “ a very ufeful
there, and who is faid to have gained feveral vi&ories commander, and have made a very wretched empe-
in one day. ror.” The apprehenfions of Saturninus were juftified
But in the mean time, one Ingennus, a man of by the event. Of the 19 ufurpers already mentioned,
great reputation in war* and univerfally beloved both not one died a natural death ; and in Italy and Rome
Vol. IX. 3 38 N Gal-
ROM [
Rome. Gallienus alone continued to be acknowledged
peror. That prince indeed honoured Odenatus prince
of Palmyra with the title of Augujius, who continued
to pofiefs an independent fovereignty in the eaft all his
lifetime, and on his death tranfmitted it to his wife
495 ^ Zenobia. See Palmyra.
quences of* confequences of thefe numerous ufurpations
thefe ufur- were the moft fatal that can be conceived. The elec¬
tions of thefe precarious emperors, their life and death,
were equally deftru&ive to their fubjefts and adhe¬
rents. The price of their elevation was inftantly paid
to the troops by an immenfe donative drawn from the
exhaufted people. However virtuous their chara&er,
and however pure their intentions might be, they found
themfelves reduced to the necefiityof fupporting their
nfurpation by frequent afts of rapine and cruelty.
pations.
6874 ] R O M
the mind, but deftroyed all monuments of tafte and
learning with the moft favage alacrity. It was upon "
one of thefe occafions, that, having heaped together a
large pile of books in order to burn them, one of the
commanders diffuaded them from the defign, alleging,
that the time which the Grecians Ihould wafte on books
would only render them more unqualified for war. But
the empire feemed to tremble, not only on that fide, ,
but almoft on every quarter. At the fame time, above
300,000 of thefe barbarians (the Heruli, the Trutan-
gi, the Virturgi, and many namelefs and uncivilized
nations)came down the river Danube, with 2000 fhips,
fraught with men and ammunition, fpreading terror
and devaftation on every fide.
In this ftate of univerfal difmay, Claudius, alone,
feemed to continue unfhaken. He marched his dif-
When they fell, they involved armies and provinces proportioned army againft the favage invaders ; and
in their fall, as appears from the letter of Gallienus al¬
ready quoted. Whilft the forces of the ftate were dif-
perfed in private quarrels, the defencelefs provinces lay
expofed to every invader. The braveft ufurpers were
compelled, by the perplexity of their fituation, to
conclude difhonourable treaties with the barbarians,
and even to fubmit to fliameful tributes, and introduce
though but ill prepared for fuch an engagement, as the
forces of the empire were then employed in different
parts of the world, he came off vidforious, and made
an incredible daughter of the enemy. The whole of
their great army was either cut to pieces or taken pri-
foners: houfes were filled with their arms; and fcarce
province of the empire, that was not furnifhed with
fuch numbers of barbarians into the Roman fervice as flaves, from thofe that furvived the defeat. Thefe fuc-
feemed fufficient at once to overthrow the empire.
But when the empire feemed thus ready to fink at
49<S
Gallienus
amd^fuc- Pnce> fuddenly revived on the death of Gallienus,
ceeded by who was murdered by Martian, one of his own gene-
Claudius. rals, while he befieged Aureolus, one of the tyrants
in Milan. His death gave general fatisfadlion to all,
except his foldiers, who hoped to reap the reward of two puiffant rivals in the empire,
their treachery by the plunder of Milan. But being as he approached near Sirmium.
ceffes were followed by many others in different parts
of the empire ; fo that the Goths, for a confiderable
time after, made but a feeble oppofition. He fome
time after marched againft the revolted Germans, and
overthrew them with confiderabie daughter. His laft
expedition was to oppofe Tetricus and Zenobia, his
~ - - ■ - • on jjjg march, Claudius
Pannonia, he wa&d'es> an(l
458
fruftrated in thefe expedations, and in fome meafure feized with a peftilential fever; of which he died in a
kept within bounds by the largeffes of Martian, Fla¬
vius Claudius was nominated to fucceed, and joyfully
accepted by all orders of the ftate, and his title con¬
firmed by the fenate and the people.
We are not fufficiently affured of this emperor’s li¬
neage and country. Some affirm that he was born in
Dalmatia, and descended from an ancient family there; the piety of Antoninus.
few days, to the great regret of his fubjedfs, and thei;jntUre
irreparable lofs of the Roman empire. His reign,
which was not quite two years continuance, was aftive
and fuccefsful; and fuch is the charadter given of him
by hiftorians, that he is faid to have united in himfelf^
the moderation of Auguftus, the valour of Trajan, and
others affert that he was a Trojan ; and others, that he
was fon to the emperor Gordian. But, whatever
might have been his defeent, his merits were by
Immediately after the death of Claudius, the army
made unanimous choice of Aureiian, who was at that
ifter of the horfe, and efteemed the moft valiant
means doubtful. He was a man of great valour and commander of his time. However, his promotion
. condudl, having performed the moft eminent fervices
againft the Goths, who had long continued to make
irruptions into the empire. He was now about
55 years old, equally remarkable for the ftrength of
not without oppofition on the part of the fenate,
as Quintillus, the brother of the deceafed emperor, put
in his claim, and was for a while acknowledged at
Rome. But his authority was of very fhort duration^
his body and the vigour of his mind; he waschafte and for finding himfelf abandoned by thofe who at firft in¬
temperate, a rewarder of the good, and a fevere pu-
niftter of fuch as tranfgreffed the laws. Thus endowed
therefore, he, in fome meafure, put a flop to the pre¬
cipitate decline of the-empire, and once more feemed
to reftore the glory of Rome.
(ligated him to declare for the throne, he chofe to pre¬
vent the feverity of his rival, by a voluntary death ^
and caufing his veina to be opened, expired, after ha¬
ving reigned but 17 days.
Aureiian being thus univerfally acknowledged by
■Whodefeats pj;s firft fuccefs, upon being made emperor, was all the dates of the empire, affumed the command,,
♦he Goths, againft, Aureolus, whom he defeated near Milan. His with a greater (hower of power than his predeceffors-
trieves*the ncxt expedition was to oppofe the Goths, againft had enjoyed for fome time before. This atftive mo-
the affairs whom he led a very numerous army. Thefe barbarians narch was born of mean and obfeure parentage in Da-
ef the
*ire.
had made their principal and moft fuccefsful irruptions
into Thrace and Macedonia, fwarmed over all Greece,
:ia, and was about 55 years old at the time of his co-
ting to the throne. He had fpent the early part of
and had pillaged the famous city of Athens,which had his life in the army, and had rifen through all the gra-
long been the fchool of all the polite arts to the Ro- dations of military duty. He was of unfhaken cou-
mans. The Goths, however, had no veneration for rage and amazing ftrength; he, in one engage-
thofe embelliihments that tend ^0 foiten and humanize went, killed 40 of the enemy with (jis own hand, and
ROM [ 6875 ] ROM
Rome, above QOO at feveral different times. In fhort, his va-
lour and expedition were fucb, that he was compared
to Julius Csefar ; and, in fadt, only wanted miidnefs
49!) and clemency to be every way his equal.
HU great The whole of this monarch’s reign was fpent in re-
fuecefs a- preffing the irruptions of the northern nations, in
barbarians every other pretender to the empire, and pu-
nifhing the monftrous irregularities of his own fubjedts.
He defeated the Marcomanni, that had invaded Italy,
in three feveral engagements, and at length totally
deflroyed their army. He was not lefs fuccefs-
ful againft Zenobia, the queen of the Eaft, a woman
of the moft heroic qualifications, who had long dif-
claimedthe Roman power, and eftablifhed an empire
of her own, as is related under the article Palmyra.
Aurelian having thus brought back peace to the
empire, endeavoured, by the rigours of juftice, to
bring back virtue alfo. He was very ftrict in punifh-
ing the crimes of the foldiery : in his orders to his
lieutenants, he infilled that the peafants fhouldnot be
plundered upon any pretences ; that not even a grape,
a grain of fait, or a drop of oil, fhould be exadfed un-
juftly. He caufed a foldier, who had committed
adultery with his hoftefsj to have his feet tied to the
tops of two trees, forcibly bent at top to meet each
other; which being let loofe, and fuddenly recoiling,
tore the criminal in two. This was a feverity that
might take the name of cruelty; but the vices of the
time, in fome meafure, required it. In thefe punilh-
ments inflifted on the guilty, the Chriftians, who had
all along been growing more numerous, were fharers.
Againft; thefe he drew up feveral letters and edifts,
which fhowed that he intended a very fevere perfecu-
tion ; but if we may believe the credulous hiftorians
of the times, he was diverted juft as he was going
to fign them, by a thunderbolt, which fell fo near
his perfon, that all the people judged him to be de-
ftroyed.
But, however Heaven might have interpofed on this
occafion, it is certain that his feverittes at laft were the
caiife of his deftruflion. Menefthus, his principal fe-
cretary, having been threatened by him for fome fault
which he had committed, began to confider how he
might prevent the meditated blow. For this purpofe,
he forged a roll of the names of feveral perfons, whom
he pretended the emperor had marked out for death,
adding his own to ftrengthen him in the confidence of
the party. The fcroll thus contrived, was fliown with
an air of the utmoft fecrecy to fome of the perfons
concerned ; and they, to procure their fafety, imme-
diatelyagreed with him to deftroy the emperor. This
Irefolution was foon put in execution ; for, as the em¬
peror palled, with a fmall guard, from Uraclea, in
J00 Thrace, towards Byzantium, the confpirators fet up-
rfcismur- on him at once, and flew him with very fmall refift-
iered. ance. He was flain in the 60th, or, as fome fay, in the
63d year of his age, after a very a&ive reign of almoft
five years.
The number of pretenders to the throne, which had
formerly infefted the empire, were, by the laft mo¬
narch’s aftivity, fo entirely removed, that there now
feemed to be none that would venture to declare him-
felf a candidate. The army referred the choice to the
fenate; and, on the other fide, the fenate declined it ;
fo that a fpace of near eight months elapfed in thefe
3
negociations. At length, however, the fenate made Rome,
choice of Tacitus, a man of great merit, and noway ^ '
ambitious of the honours that were offered him. Up-T,rS°uls
on being folicited to accept the empire, he at firft re-ch0fen em„
fufed, and retired to his country-houfe in Campania peror.
to avoid their importunities; but being at length pre¬
vailed upon, he accepted the reins of government, be¬
ing at that time 75 years old.
One of the finft ails of his government was the
punilhment of thofe who had confpired againft the late
emperor. Menefthus was impaled alive, his body be--
ing thrown to be devoured by wild beads ; his eftate
alfo was confifcated to ..the exchequer; and his ready
money, which was very confiderable, applied towards
paying the army. During this Ihort reign, the fenate
feemed to have a large (hare of authority, and the hi¬
ftorians of the times are liberal of their praifes to fuch
emperors as were thus willing to divide their power.
Upon endeavouring to obtain the confullhip for his
brother Probus, he was refufed it by the fenate; at
which he feemed no way moved, but calmly remarked
that the fenate beft knew whom to choofe. This mo¬
deration prevailed in all the reft of his condud : he was
extremely temperate; his table was plain, and furnifh-
ed with nothing expenfive ; he even prohibited his
emprefs from wearing jewels, and forbad the ufe of
gold and embroidery. He was fond of learning, and
the memory of fuch men as had deferved well of their
country. He particularly efteemed the works of
his namefake Tacitus the hiftorian; commanding
that they fhould be placed in every public library
throughout the empire, and that many copies of
them fhould be tranfcribed at the public charge. A
reign begun with fuch moderation and juftice, only
wanted continuance to have made the empire happy;
but after enjoying the empire about fix months, he
died of a fever in his march to oppofe the Perfians H'5 death,
and Scythians, who had invaded the eaftern parts of the
empire.
Upon the death of Tacitus, the army feemed di¬
vided in the choice of an emperor: one part of it chofe
Florianus, brother to the deceafed ; but the majority
were for fome time undetermined. They alleged
amongft each other, the necefiity of choofing one emi¬
nent for valour, honour, piety, clemency, and probity ;
but the laft virtue being that chiefly infilled upon,
the whole army, as if by common confent, cried out
that Probus fhould be emperor. He was accordingly
confirmed in this dignity, with the ufual folemnities :
and Fiorianus finding himfelf deferted, even by thofe
legions who had promifed to (land up in his fupport,
opened his arteries and bled himfelf to death. 503
Probtis was 44 years old when he afcended the Probus rat,
throne, being born of noble parentage at Sirmium infed t.°eth-
Pannonia, and bred up a foldier from his youth. He p'
began early to diftinguifh himfelf for his difcipline and
valour; being frequently the firft man who, in befieging
towns, fcaled the walls, or that burft into the enemy’s
camp. Nor was he lefs remarkable for Angle com¬
bats, and faving the lives of many eminent citizens.
Nor was his adivity and courage, when defied to the
empire, lefs apparent, than in his private Ration. He
firft repreffed the Germans in Gaul, of whom he flew
400,000. He then marched into Dalmatia, to op¬
pofe and fubdue the Sarmatians. From thence he led
38 N 2 his
ROM [ 6876 ] ROM
Rome, his forces into Thrace, and forced the Goths fo fue
— for peace. He, after that, turned his arras towards
504 Afia ; fubdued the province of Ifauria ; and march-
HU con- ing onward, conquered a people called the jB/ewyer /
quefts. who, leaving their native forefts of Ethiopia, had pof-
fefftd themfelves of Arabia and Judea, and had con¬
tinued in a date of rebellion fince the reign of Gal-
lienus. Narfis alfo, the king of Perfia, fubmitted at
his approach : and upon his return into Europe, he di¬
vided the depopulated parts of Thrace among its bar¬
barous invaders: a circumftance that afterwards pro¬
duced great calamities to the empire.
His diligence was not lefs confpicifous in fupprefs-
ing inteftine commotions. Saturninus, being compel¬
led by the Egyptians to declare himfelf emperor, was
defeated and flain. Proculus alfo (a perfon remark¬
able only for his great attachment to women, and
who boaded in a letter, that, having taken 100 Sar-
matian virgins prifoners, he deprived ten of that name
in one night, and all the reft within a fortnight) fet up
againft the emperor; but was compelled to fly, and at
length delivered up by the Germans. At the fame
time Conofus (who was a remarkable votary to Bac¬
chus, being able to drink as much wine as ten could
do, without being difordered) rebelled, and being
overcome hanged himfelf in defpair. Probus, when
he faw him immediately after his death, could not
avoid pointing to him, and faying, “ There hangs
not a man, but a cafk.” Still, however, notwith-
ftanding every effort to give quiet to the empire, the
barbarians who furrounded it, kept it in continual
alarms. They were frequently repulfed into their na¬
tive wilds, but they as certainly returned with frefh
rage and increafed ferocity. The Goths and Vandals
finding the emperor engaged in quelling domeftic dif-
putes, renewed their aceuftomed inroads, and once
more felt the punifhment of their prefumpt-ions. They
were conquered in feveral engagements; and Probus
returned in triumph to Rome. His a&ive temper,
however, would not fuffer him to continue at reft
while any of the enemy were left to conquer. In his
laft expedition, he led his foldiers againft the Perfians;
and going through Sirmium, the place of his nativity,
he there employed feveral thoufands of his Mdiers in
draining a fen that was incommodious to the inhabi¬
tants. The fatigues of this undertaking, and the great
reftraint that was laid upon the foldiers licentious man-
Is murder- ners> produced a confpiracy, which ended in his ruin:
et). for taking the opportunity as he was marching in¬
to Greece, they fet upon, and flew him, after he had
reigned fix years and four months with general appro-
507 bation.
Carns5Ca Carus, who was praetorian prefeft to the deceafed
rimis ’ and emPeror» was chofen by the army to fucceed him; apd
Numeria- he, to ftrengthen his authority, named his two fons
nus. Carinus a»d Numerianus with him in command ; the
former of whom was as much fullied by his vises, as
the youngeft was virtuous, modeft, and courageous.
The new emperor had fcarce time to punifh the mur¬
derers of the late monarch, when he was alarmed by
a frclh irruption of the Sarmatians; over whom he gain¬
ed a fignal vidlory. The Perfian monarch alfo made
fome attempts upon the empire ; but Cams affured his
ambaffadors, that if their mafter perfifted in his obftina-
cy, all his fields fiioulcJcfbortly be as bare as his owa
bald head, which he fliowed them. In confequence of Rome.
this threat, he marched to the very walls of Ctefiphon,  
and a dreadful battle enfuing, he once more gained a
complete vi&ory. What the refult of this fuccefs
might have been, is not known ; for he was fhortly af¬
ter ftruck dead by lightning, in his tent, with many
others that were round him. Numerianus, the young-
eft fon, who accompanied his father in this expedition,
was inconfolable for his death ; and brought fuch a
diforder upon his eyes with weeping, that he was ob¬
liged to be carried along with the army, fhut up in a
clofe litter. The peculiarity of his fituation, after
fome time, excited the ambition of Aper, his father-
in law, who fuppofed that he could now, without any
great danger, aim at the empire himfelf. He there¬
fore hired a mercenary villain to murder the emperor
in his litter; and the better to conceal the fadl, gave
out that he was ftill alive, but unable to endure the
light. In this manner was the dead body carried
about for fome days, Aper continuing to attend it
with the utmoft appeartfiicr of refped, and to take
orders as ufuah The offenfivenefs, however, of its
fmell at length difeovered the treachery, and excited
an univerfal uproar throughout the army. In the
midft of this tumult, Dioclefian, one of the mod no¬
ted commanders of his time, was chofen emperor, and
with his own hand flew Aper; having thus, as it is
faid, fulfilled a prophecy, which had faid, that Dio¬
clefian fttould be emperor after he had flain a boar ; al¬
luding to the name of his rival, which fignifies a boar.
Carinus, the remaining fon, did not long furvive his
father and brother ; for giving himfelf up to his vices,
and yet at the fame time oppofing the new-made
emperor, the competitors led their forces into Masfia ;
where Dioclefian being victorious, Carinus was flain
by a tribune of his own army, whofe wife he had for¬
merly abufed. Jo8 j
Dioclefian was a perfon of mean birth; being ac-Diocletian j
counted, according to fome, the fon of a ferivener; raifed to th?
and of a Have, according to others. He received hi3enipire"
name from Dioclea, the town in which he was born;
and was about 40 years old when he was eledted to
the empire. He pardoned all who had joined Ca¬
rinus, without injuring either their fortunes or ho¬
nours- ConfcioUs alTo that the weight of empire was
too heavy for one alone to fuftain, he took in Maxi-
mian, his general, as a partner in the fatigues of
duty, making him his equal and companion on the 500
throne- Thus mutually affifting each other, thofe Takes Mai
two continued to live in ftrifl friendlhip; and though
fomewhat differing in temper (as Maximian was rather 5
a man of vicious inclinations), yet they concurred in
promoting the general good, and humbling their ene- H
mies. And it muft be obferved, that there never was
a period, in which there were more numerous or for¬
midable enemies to oppofe. jIO H
The peafants and labourers in Gaul made a dan- Infurrec-B .
gerous infurre&ion, under the conduft of Amandus ,ions>
and Helianus/that were fubdued by Maximian. A- othfr calW
chiileus, w’hocommanded in Egypt, proclaimed him- ' ‘ II
felf emperor; and it was not without many bloody |
engagements, that hs was overcome, and condemned
by Dioclefian to be devoured by lions. In Africa, the
Roman legions, in like manner, joined with many of
the nativea; feized upon the public revenues, and plun¬
dered
ROM [ 6877 ] ROM
Rome, dered thofe who continued in their duty. Thefe were
alfo fubdued by Maximian; and> after a long dubious
war, conftrained to fue for peace. About the fame
time, a principal commander in Britain, named Ca-
raufius, proclaimed himfelf emperor, and poffeffed
himfelf of the ifland. To oppofe this general’s claims,
Maximian made choice of Conftantius Chlorus, whom
he created Caefar, and married to Theodora his daugh¬
ter-in-law. He, upon his arrival in Britain, finding
Caraufius very ftrong, and continually reinforced from
Germany, thought proper to come to an accommoda¬
tion; fo that this ufurper continued for feven years in
quiet pofTeffion of the whole ifland, till he was flainby
Aleftus, his friend and intimate. About this time
alfo, Narfes, king of Perfia, began a dangerous war
upon the empire, and invaded Mefopotamia. To flop
the progrefs the enemy upon this quarter, Dioclefian
made choice of Galerius, (furnamed Armentarius,
from the report of his being born of a cow-herd, in
Dacia ;) and he likewife was created Csefar. His fuc-
cefs alfo, though very doubtful in the beginning, was
in the end terminated according to his wifhes. The
Perfians were overcome in a decifive engagement,
their camp plundered and taken, and their king's
wives and children made prifoners of war. There only
- remained, of ail the enemies of the Roman empire,
thofe who lay to the northward unfubdued. Thefe
were utterly unconquerable, as well upon account of
their favage fiercenefs, as the inhofpitable feverity of
the climate and foil from whence they iflued. Ever at
war with the Romans, they iffued forth, when the ar¬
mies that were to reprefs their invafions were called
away ; and upon their return, they as fuddenly with¬
drew into cold, barren, and inacceffible places, which
only themfelves could endure. In this manner the
Goths, Sarmatians, Alani, Quad!, &c. poured down
in incredible numbers; while every defeat feemed but
to increafe their ttrength and perfeverance. Of thefe,
multitudes were taken prifoners, and fent to people
the more fouthern parts of the empire ;. ftill greater
numbers were dtflroyed ; and though the reft were
driven back to their native forefts, yet they continued
ever mindful of their inveterate enmity, and, like a fa¬
vage beaft, only continued inaftive, till they had licked
j,r their wounds for a new encounter.
.T1 c cliri- During this interval, as if the external miferies of
Imanf cruel-(jjg empjre were not fufficient, the tenth and lall great
^per ecu- perfefUt;on was rencwed ngainft the Chriftians.- This
is faid to have exceeded all the former in feverity: and
fuch was the zeal with which it was purfued, that,
in an ancient infeription, we are informed that they
had effaced the name and fuperfiition of the Chriftians,
and had reftored and propagated the word)ip of the
gods. Their attempts, however, were but the mali-
licious efforts of an expiring.party ; for Ghriftianity
^ fhortly after was eftablilhed by law, and triumphed
Dioclefian o^r the malice of all its enemies. In the midft of the
and Maxi- troubles railed by this perfecution, and of the contefts
mianrefign, that ftruck at the internal parts- of the ftate, Diocle¬
fian and Maximian furprifed the world by refigning
their dignities on the fame day, and both retiring in¬
to private ftations. Hiftorians are much divided con¬
cerning the motives that thus induced them to give up
thofe honours which they had purchafed with fo much
danger. Some aferibe it to the philofophical turn of
Dioclefian ; and others, to his being difgulled with Rome.
theobftinacy of his Chriftian fubjedls : but Laflantiua   
afferts, that he was compelled to it, together with his
partner, by Galerius, who coming to Nicomedia, up¬
on the emperor’s recovery from a great ficknefs, threat¬
ened him with a civil war in cafe he refufed to refign.
However, of this we are well allured, that he ftill pre-
ferved a dignity of fentiment in his retirement, that
might induce us to believe he had no other motive for
refignation. Having retired to his birth-place, he
fpent his time in cultivating his garden, alluring his
vifitors that then only he began to enjoy the world,
when he was thought by the reft of mankind to for-
fake it. When alfo fome attempted to perfuade him to
refume the empire, he replied, That if they knew his
prefent happinefs, they would rather endeavour to imi¬
tate than difturb it. In this contented manner he lived
fome time, and at laft died either by poifon or madnefsr
it is uncertain which. His reign, which continued 20
years, was a&ive and ufeful ; and his authority, tinc¬
tured with feverity, was well adapted to the depraved
ftate of morals at that time.
Maxtmian, his partner in the empire and in refig¬
nation, was by no means fo contented with his fitua-
tion. He longed once more for power, and difturb-
ed the two fucceeding reigns with various efforts to
refume it; attempting to engage Dioclefian in the
fame defign. Being obliged to leave Rome, where he
had bred great confufion, he went over into Gaul,
where he was kindly received by Conftantine, the then
acknowledged emperor of the weft. But here alfo
continuing his intrigues, and endeavouring to fhree
his own daughter and deftroy her hulband, he was
detedled, and condemned to die by whatever death he
Ihould think proper; and Ladlantius tells us that he
chofe hanging. 51 j
Upon the refignation of the two emperors, the two 9011^an'
Crefars whom they had formerly chofen were un'ver" j[)sS’-,n!}0”
fally acknowledged as their fucceffors. Conftantius oJerius,
Chlorus, who was fo called from the plainnefs of his emperors,
complexion, was virtuous, valiant, and merciful. Ga¬
lerius, on the other hand, was brave, but brutal, in¬
continent, and cruel. As there was fuch a difparity in
their tempers, .they readily agreed, upon coming into
full power, to divide the empire; Conftantius being,
appointed to govern the weftern parts ; namely, Ita¬
ly, Sicily, the greateft part of Africa, together with
Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Germany: Galerius had
the eaftern'parts allotted to his fliare ; to wit, Illyri-
cum, Pannonia, Thrace, Macedonia, all the provin-
cesmf Greece, and the leffer Alia, together with E-
gypt,. Syria, Judea, and all the countries eaftw-ard.
The greatnefs of the divifion, however, foon induced
the emperor to take it) two partners move, Severus
and Maximin, who were made Caefars, and afiifted in
the coi.dudling of affairs ; fo that the empire now was
under- the guidance of four perfonS; all invefted with
fupreme authority..
We are informed but of few particulars of tbe reign
of Conftantius, except a detail of his charafter, which
appears in every light moft amiable. He was frugal,
c-li a ft e, and temperate. His mercy and juftice were
equally confpicuous in his treatment of the Cbri-
ftians, whom he would not fuffer to be injured ; and
when at length perfuaded to difplace all the Chri-r
ftiaa
Rome.
Maxentius
ufurps the
ihrone.
US
Dreadful
death of
Galerius.
ROM [ 6S78 ] ROM
flian officers of his houfehold that would not change who had formerly been declared Csefar with Severus, Rome,
'their religion, when fome of them complied he fent and who alfo governed fome of the eallern provinces. '*
them away in difgrace ; alleging, that thofe who were For fome time all things feemed to wear a peaceful
not true to their God, would never be faithful to their appearance; till at length, either ambition, or the ty-
prince. rannical conduft of Maxentius, induced Conftantine to
In the fecond year of his reign, he went over into engage in an expedition to expel that commander from
Britain; and leaving his fon Conftantine as a kind of Rome, and to make the proper preparations for march-
hoftage in the court of his partner in the empire, took ing into Italy. It was upon thisoccafion that he form-
up his refidence at York. He there continued in the ed a refolution which produced a mighty change in
practice of his ufual virtues; till falling fick, he be- the politics as well as the morals of mankind ; and
gan to think of appointing his fon for his fucceffor. He gave a new turn to the councils of the wile, and the
accordingly fent for him with all fpeed ; but he was purfuits of ambition. One evening, as we are told by
paft recovery before bis arrival: notwithftanding, he Eufebitis, the army being upon its march towards
received him with marks of the utmoft affidtion, and Rome, Conftantine was taken up with various confide-
raifing himfelf in his bed, gave him feveral ufeful in- rations upon the fate of fublunary things, and the dan-
flrudfions, particularly" recommending the Chriftians gers of his approaching expedition: fenfible of his own
to his prote&ion. He then bequeathed the empire to incapacity to fucceed without divine affiftance, he em-
his care; and crying out, that none but the pious Con- ployed his meditations upon the opinions that then
ftantine ftiould fucceed him, he expired in his arms. were chiefly agitated among mankind, and fent up bis
In the mean time, Galerius, his partner in the em- ejaculations to Heaven to infpire him with wifdom to
pire, being informed of Conftantine’s advancement, choofe the path he ought to purfue. It was then, as the (ron,ftan.'
teftified the molt ungovernable rage, and was even fun was declining, that there fuddenly appeared a pillar ^
going to condemn the meflenger who brought him the of light in the heavens, in the fartiion of a crofs, with this fI0n tc>
account: but being diffuaded, he feemed to acquiefce infcription, tottxi nikh, “ In this overcome.^ SoCbriftia-
in what he could not prevent, and fent him the marks extraordinary an appearance did not fail to create afto-nity-
of royalty ; but at the fame time declared Severus em- nifliment both in the emperor and his whole army,
peror, in oppofition to his interefts. Juft about this who confidered it as their difpofitions led them to be-
time alfo, another pretender to the empire darted up. lieve. Thofe who were attached to paganifm, promp-
This was Maxentius, a perfon of mean extraftion; but ted by their aufpices, pronounced it a moft inaufpici-
very much favoured by the foldiers, whom he per- ous omen, portending the moft unfortunate events,
milled to pillage at difcretion. In order to oppofe But it made a different impreffion on the emperor’s
Maxentius, Severus led a numerous army towards the mind: who, as the account goes, was further encou-
gates of Rome; but his foldiers confidering againft raged by vifions the fame night. He therefore, the
whom they were to fight, immediately abandoned day following, caufed a royal ftandard to be made, like
him ; and fhortly after, he put an end to his own life, that which he had feen in the heavens ; and commanded
by opening his veins. To revenge his death, Gale- it to be carried before him in his wars, as an enfign of
rius marched into Italy, refolving to ruin the inhabi- vi&ory and celeftial prote&iori. After this, he con-
tants, and to deftroy the whole fenate. His foldiers, fulled with feveral of the principal teachers of Chri-
however, upon approaching the capital began to wa- ftianity, and made a public avowal of that facred per-
ver in their refolutions: wherefore he was obliged to fuafion.
have recourfe to intreaties, imploring them not to fconftantine having thus attached his foldiers to his
abandon him; and, retiring by the fame route by which intereft, who were moftiy of the Chriftian perfuafion,
he had advanced, made Licinius, who was originally loft no time in entering Italy with 90,000 foot and
the fon of a poor labourer in Dacia, Caefar, in the 8000 horfe ; and foon advanced to the very gates of
room of Severus who was flain. This feemed to be Rome. The unfortunate Maxentius, who had long gi-^[axent;ns
thelaft aft of his power ; for fliortly after, he was feized ven himfelf up to eafe and debauchery, now began to defeafedand
with a very extraordinary diforder in his privities, which make preparations when it was too late. He firft put killed,
baffled all the fkill of his phyficians, and carried him in praftice all the fuperftitious rites which paganifm
off, after he had languiffied in torments for near the taught to be neceffary; and then confulted the Sibylline
fpace of a year. His cruelty to the Chriftians was one books, from whence he was informed, that on that
of the many crimes alleged againft him ; and their great day the enemy of Rome ftiould perifti. This
biftorians have not failed to aggravate the circumftan- prediftion, which was equivocal, he applied to Con-
ces of his death as a judgment from Heaven for his ftantine; wherefore, leaving afl things in the heft po-
former impiety. However this be, he abated much of fture, he advanced from the city with an army of
bis feverities againft them on his deathbed; and re- 100,000 foot and 18,000 horfe. The engagement was
voked thofe edifts which he had formerly publiftied, for fome time fierce and bloody, till his cavalry be¬
tending to their perfecution, a little before his death, ing routed, viftory declared upon the fide of his op-
Conftantine being thus delivered from his greateft ponent, and he himfelf was drowned in his flight, by
opponent, might now be confidered as poffeffing more the breaking down of a bridge as he attempted to
power than any of his rivals who were yet remaining, crofs the river Tiber.
The empire was at that time divided between him and Conftantine, in confequence of this viftory, enter-
three others: Maxentius, who governed in Rome, a ing the city, difclaimed all praifes which the fenate and
perfon of a cruel difpofition, and a ftedfaft fupporter people were ready to offer ; afcribing his fuccefs to a
of paganifm; Licinius, who was adopted by Galerius, fuperior Power. He even caufed the crofs, which he
and commanded in the eaft j and likewife Maximin, was faid to have feen in the heavens, to be placed at
the
ROM [ 6S79 1 ROM
the right of all his ftatues, with this infcription: “ That
under the influence of that vidorious crofs, Conftantine
had delivered the city from the yoke of tyrannical
power, and had reftored the fcnateand people of Rome
to their ancient authority.” He afterwards ordained,
that no criminal fhould for the future fuffer death by
the crofs; which had formerly been the moft; ufual
way of punifliing flaves convkded of capital offences.
Edi<3s were foon after iffued, declaring that the Chri-
ftians fliould be eafed from all their grievances, and re¬
ceived into places of truft and authority. Thus the
new religion was feen at once to prevail over the whole
Roman empire; and as that enormous fabric had been
built and guided upon pagan principles, it loft a great
deal of its ftrength and coherence when thofe principles
were thus at once fubverted.
Things continued in this ftate for fome time, Con¬
ftantine all the while contributing what was in his
power to the intereft of religion, and the revival of
learning, which had long been upon the decline, and
was almoft wholly extinft in the empire. But in the
mid ft of thefe afiiduities, the peace of the empire was
again difturbed by the preparations of Maximin, who
governed in the eaft, and who, defirous of a full par¬
ticipation of power, marched againft Licinius with a
very numerous army. In confequence of this ftep,
after many conflids, a general engagement enfued, in
which .Maximin fuffered a total defeat; many of his
troops were cut to pieces, and thofe that furvived fub-
mitted to the conqueror. Maximin, however, having
efcaped the general carnage, once more put himfelf at
the head of another army, refolving to try the for¬
tune of the field ; but death prevented fyis defign. As
he died by a very extraordinary kind of madnefs, the
Chriftians, of whom he was the declared enemy, did
not fail to aferibe his end^o a judgment from heaven;
but this was the age in which falfe judgments and
falfe miracles made up the bulk of their uninftruftive
hiftory.
Conftantine and Licinius thus remaining undifputed
poffeflbrs and partners in the empire, all things promi-
fed a peaceable continuance of friendfliip and power.
However, it was foon found, that the fame ambition
that aimed after a part, would be content with nothing
lefs than the whole. Pagan writers aferibe the rupture
between thefe two potentates to Conftantine ; while
the Chriftians, on the other hand, impute it wholly to
Licinius. Both, perhaps, might have concurred ,• for
Licinius is conviQed of having perfecuted Chriftianity,
which was fo highly favoured by his rival ; and Con¬
ftantine is known to have been the. firft to begin the
preparations for an open rupture. Both fides exerted
all their power to make oppofition ; and at the head
of very formidable armies, came to an engagement
near Cybalis, in Pannonia. Conftantine, previous to
the battle, in the midft of his Chriftian bifhops, beg¬
ged the afliftance of Heaven ; while Licrnius, with
equal zeal, called upon the pagan priefts, to intercede
with the gods in his favour. Conftantine, after .an ob-
ftinate refiftance from the enemy, became viftorious;
took their camp; and, after fome time, compelled Li¬
cinius to fue for a truce, which was agreed upon. But
this was of no long continuance; for foon after, the war
breaking out afrefli, and the rivals coming once more
to a general engagement, it proved decifive. Lidnius
was entirely defeated, and purfued by Conftantine into Rome.
Nicomedia, where he furrendered himfelf up to the vic¬
tor ; having firft obtained an oath that his life fhould
be fpared, and that he fhould be permitted to pafs theovercome
remainder of his days in retirement. This, however, and put to
Conftantine fhortly after broke; for either fearing hisdeath.
defigns, or finding him a&ually engaged in frefh con-
fpiracies, he commanded him to be put to death, to¬
gether with Martian his general, who fome time be¬
fore had been created Crefar.
Conftantine being now foie monarch of the empire,
without a rival to divide his power, or any perfon from
whofe claims he could have the lead apprehenfions, re-
folved to eftablifh Chriftianiiy on fo fure a balls, that
iwuncw regulations fhould fhake it. He commanded
that in all the provinces of the empire the orders of the
bifhops fhould be exaftly obeyed; a privilege of which,
in fucceeding times, thefe fathers made but a very in¬
different ufe. He called alfo a general council of thefe,
in order to reprefs the herefies that had already crept
into the church, particularly that of Arius. To this
place repaired about 318 bifhops, befides a multitude
of prefbyters and deacons, together with the emperor
himfelf; who all, to about 17, concurred in condem¬
ning the tenets of Arius; who, with his affociates, was
baniftied into a remote part of the empire.
Having thus reftored univerfal tranquillity to the em¬
pire, he was not able to ward off the calamities of a 5i0
more domeftic nature. As the hittories of that period Conftantine
are entirely at variance with each other, it is not eafyP“t! his
to tell the motives which induced him to put his wife *ifjeaa"^oa
Faufta and his fon Crifpus to death. The moft plau-
fible account is this: Faufta the emprefs, who was a
woman of great beauty, but of extravagant defires, had
long, though fecretly, loved Crifpus, Conftantine’s fon
by a former wife. She had tried every art to infpire
this youth with a mutual paffion; but, finding her more
diftant efforts ineffe&ual, had even the confidence to
make him an open conftffion of her defires. This pro¬
duced an explanatoin, which was fatal to both. Crif¬
pus received her addreffes with deteftation; and fhe, to
be revenged, accufed him to the emperor. Conftantine,
fired at once with jealoufy and rage, ordered him to die
without a hearing : nor did his innocence appear till it
was too late for redrefs. The only reparation there¬
fore that remained, was the putting Faufta, the wicked
inftrument of his former cruelty, to death; which was
accordingly executed upon her, together with fome
others who had been accomplices in her falfehood and
treachery.
But the private misfortunes of a few were not to be
weighed againft evils of a more general nature, which stJ
the Roman empire fhortly after experienced. Thefe Transfers
arofe from a meafure which this emperor conceived and’thc fcat
executed, of transferring the feat of the empire from^P^ ^
Rome to Byzantium, or Conjlantmople, as it was af- nopie
tefwards called. Whatever might have been the rea-
fons which induced him to this undertaking; whether
it was becaufe he was offended at fome affronts he re¬
ceived at Rome, or that he fuppofed Conftantinople
more in the centre of the empire, or that he thought
the eaftern parts more required his prefence,. experi¬
ence has fhown that they were weak and groundlefs.
The empire had long before been in the moft declining
ftate j but this in a great raeafure gave precipitation to
ROM [ 6S8o ] ROM
Its downfall. After this it never refumed its former
fplendor, but languifhed.
His firft defign was to build a city which he might
make, the capital of the world: and for this purpofe,
he made choice of a fituation at Chalcedon in Ada Mi¬
nor; but we are told, that in laying out the ground-
plan, an eagle caught up the line and flew with it over
to Byzantium, a city which lay upon the oppofite fide
of the Bofphorus. Here, therefore, it was thought ex¬
pedient to fix the feat of the empire ; and indeed na¬
ture feems to have formed it with all the conveniencies
and all the beauties which might induce power to
make it the feat of refidence. It was fituated on a plain
that rofe gently from the water; it commanded that
ftrait which unites the Mediterranean with the Euxine
fea, and was furniflied with all the advantages which
the moft indulgent climate could beftow. This city,
therefore, he beautified with the moft magnificent edi¬
fices; he divided it into'14 regions; built a capitol,
an amphitheatre, many churches, and other public
works; and having thus rendered it equal to the mag¬
nificence of his idea, he dedicated it in a very folemn
manner to the God of martyrs; in about two years af¬
ter, repairing thither with his whole court.
This removal produced no immediate alteration in
the government of the empire ; the inhabitants of
Rome, tho’ with relu&ance, fubmitted to the change ;
nor was there ftfr two or three years any difturbance
in the ftate, until at length the Goths, finding that
the Romans had withdrawn all their garifons along the
Danube, renewed their inroads, and ravaged the coun¬
try with unheard-of cruelty. Conftanttne, however,
foon reprefied their incurfions; and fo ftraitened them,
that near 100,000 of their number perifhed by cold
and hunger. Thefe and fome other infurredlions be¬
ing happily fuppreffed, the government of the empire
was divided as follows. Conftantine, the emperor’s
eldeft fon, commanded in Gaul and theweftern provin¬
ces; Conftantius governed Africa and Illyricum; and
Conftans ruled in Italy. Dalmatius, the emperor’s bro¬
ther, was fent to defend thofe parts that bordered up¬
on the Goths; and Annibaltanus, his nephew, had the
charge of Cappadocia and Armenia Minor. This di-
vifion of the empire ftill farther contributed to its down¬
fall : for the united ftrength of the ftate .being no longer
brought to reprefs invafions, the barbarians fought
with fuperior numbers; and conquered at laft, though
often defeated. Conftantine, however, did not live to
feel thefe calamities. The latter part of his reign was
peaceful and fplendid; ambafladors from the remoteft
Indies came to acknowledge his authority ; the Per-
fians, who were ready for frelh inroads, upon finding
him prepared to oppofe, fent humbly to defire his
friendfhip and forgivenefs. He was above 60 years old,
and had reigned above 30 years, when he found his
health began to decline. To obviate the effedls of his
diforder, which was an intermitting fever, he made ufe
of the warm baths of the city ; but receiving no bene¬
fit from thence, he removed for change of air to He-
lenopolis, a city which he had built to the memory of
his mother. His diforder increafing, he changed again
to Nicomedia; where finding himfelf without hopes of
recovery, he caufed himfelf to be baptized ; and ha¬
ving foon after received the facrament, he expired, af¬
ter a memorable and aftive reign of 32 years. This
monarch’s chara£ler is reprefented to us in very diffe- Rome.
rent lights: the Chriftian writers of that time adorn-  
ing it with every drain of panegyric; the heathens, on
the contrary, loading it with all the virulence of invec¬
tive. He eftablifhed a religion that continues the blef-
fing of mankind; but puri'ued a fchemeof politics that
deftroyed the empire.
From the time of Conftantine to the divifion of the
empire between Valentinian and his brother Valens, the
hiftory of Rome is related under the article Constan¬
tinople, where alfo that of the ealtern part is carried
down to the final deftru&ion of that city by the Turks. *24^
In the beginning of the reign of Valentinian, the pro-Reign of
vince of Libya Tripolitana was grievoufly opprefledV.alen£*'
by the Afturians, and aimoft equally fo by Romanua
their governor. His conduift was fo exceedingly op-
preffive, that the inhabitants fent a deputation to Va¬
lentinian, complaining of their unhappy fituation, and
defiring redrefs. Palladius was accordingly fent to in-
quire.into the ftate of the province; but being gained
over by Romanus, he made a falfe report to the em¬
peror; and thus the unhappy province was left a prey
to the mercilefs invaders and rapacious governor. Du¬
ring the reft of this reign the barbarians continued
their inroads into the empire; and among others, we
find the Saxons now putting in for a (hare of the fpoila
of the ruined empire: however, their army was at this
time entirely cut off. At laft Valentinian himfelf took
the field againft thefe northern barbarians; and enter¬
ing the country of the Quatli, deftroyed all with fire
and fword. The barbarians on this were fain to fue
for peace in a very humble manner ; but Valentinian,
falling into a great paffion while fpeaking to them,
threatened to extirpate the whole nation at once. His
fury on this occafion produced an apoplexy, or fome
other mortal diforder; for he fuddenly fell down, and
being conveyed by his attendants into his chamber, he
was feized with violent convulfive fits and contortions
of all his limbs, in the agonies of which he expired,
in the year 375, the 55th of his age, and 12th of his
reign.
After the death of Valentinian, his fon Gratian took
upon him the imperial dignity; foon after becoming
mafter of the whole empire, by the death of Valens.
The tranfa&ions of his reign, and thofe of his partner
Theodofius, are related under the article Constanti¬
nople, n° 81—92. The death of Theodofius gave
the finifhing ftroke to the Roman affairs; his fon Ho-
norius, to whom he left the weftern empire, being pof-
feffed of no abilities whatever; and indeed feeming to
have been but very little removed from an idiot. The
barbarians appear to have been abundantly fenfible of
the advantage^ offered them by the death of Theodofius.
He expired in the month of January; and before the ^ ^
acceffion of fpring, the Goths were in arms. The bar-Invafion
barian auxiliaries alfo now declared their independency; the Gothi
and along with their countrymen, furioufly affailed theu.n’,""
declining empire. The Goths were now headed by an
experienced commander, their celebrated king Alaric;
who would have proved formidable even in better times
of the empire. He firft over-ran Greece, which he ac-
compliffted without oppofition, through the treachery
of the governor, who commanded the troops that de¬
fended the pafs at Thermopylae to retire at the ap¬
proach of the enemy. Athens, Corinth, Argos,
Sparta,
ROM
Rome. Sparta, yielded without refiflance; and the whole coun-
  try was ravaged and dettroyed by the blood-thirfly bar¬
barians. At laft, in the yearly, he was oppofed by
Stilicho, the general of Honorius, a man of great va¬
lour and experience in war. The Goths were defeated
with great lofs, and afterwards befieged in their camp;
but through miftake or negligence in the Roman com¬
mander, they were fuffered to efcape, and make them-
felves mafters of the province of Epirus. Alaric then,
having found means to conclude a treaty with the mi-
nifters of Conftantinople, Stilicho was obliged to re¬
tire.
Not long after this, Alaric invaded Italy itfelf. The
emperor, ftruck with terror, would have abandoned
the country and fled into Gaul: but this difgraceful
and pernicious meafure was oppofed by Stilicho; who
propofed to the court of Honorius, at that time at Mi¬
lan, that if they would maintain their ground during
his abfence, he would foon return with an army ca¬
pable of oppofing the barbarians. This being agreed
to, Stilicho immediately fet out for Rhsetia, where the
moft: confiderable body of the Roman forces at that
time was, and colle&ed his troops with the utmoft di¬
ligence. But in the mean time Honorius was in the
greateft danger ; having been obliged to take refuge
in the town of Afta in Piedmont. To this place the
Goths inftantly laid fiege, and a capitulation had been
propofed, when the drooping fpirits of Honorius were
at once revived by the arrival of Stilicho, whom he
Roths de- had f0 ]ong expefted. The Goths were now befieged
Pollemia *n t*ie‘r turn, anc* °bl*ged to come to a deciftve battle
at Pollentia. The engagement lafted the whole day;
but at laft the Goths were compelled to retreat. Their
camp was inftantly invefted ; their entrenchments for¬
ced with great {laughter; the wife of Alaric was taken,
with all the wealth which had been amafled in plun¬
dering Greece; while many thoufands of Roman pri-
foners were releafed from the moft deplorable flavery.
The victory, however, was not fo decifive but that A-
laric continued ftill extremely formidable; and Stilicho
chofe rather to conclude a treaty with him, and allow
him an annual penfion, than to continue the war with
vigour. Alaric, who was not very fcrupulous in his
obfervance of this treaty, in his retreat attempted to
make himfelf mafter of the city of Verona: but Stili¬
cho coming up with him near that place, gave him a
terrible defeat, in which the lofs was little lefs than it
had been at Pollentia; after which he effedled a retreat
out of Italy, but not without the greateft difficulty and
danger.
Italy being thus happily delivered, Honorius enter¬
ed Rome in triumph, having Stilicho along with him
in the triumphal chariot. On his entry into the city, he
abolifhed the {hews of gladiators; which, though for¬
bidden by Conftantine, had been tolerated by his fuc-
ceffors, and even by Thcodofius himfelf, out of com*
plaifance to the people, who were beyond meafure fond
SiS of that inhuman diverfion. However, foon after, the
wiresto emPeror wa9 obliged to leave the metropolis and retire
Uvenna. t0 Ravenna, in order to fecure bimfelf from the barba¬
rians, who now broke in upon the empire on all fides.
Such multitudes now made their appearance, that it is
not a little difficult to account for their fudden emi¬
gration. Mr Gibbon accounts for it from a fuppofed
revolution in the north-eaftern parts of China. “ The
Vol. IX, 5
R 0 M
Chinefe annals (fays he), as they have been intcrpre- Rome.
ted by the learned induftry of the prefent age, may"  
be ufefully applied to reveal the fecret and remote j*?
caufes of the fall of the Roman empire. The extenfive Mr G’-1’-
territory to the notth of the great wall, was poffefled, llon’s a<^
after the flight of the Huns, by the vidforious Sienpi} ^""revo-
who were fometimes broken into independent tribes; lutions ia
and fometimes re-united under a fupreme chief; till at China,
length ftyling themfelves Topa, or “ mafters of the
earth,” they acquired a more folid confiftence, and a
more formidable power. The Topa foon compelled
the paftoral nations of the eaftern defart to acknow¬
ledge the fuperiority of their arms; they invaded China
in a period of weaknefs and inteftine difcord; and
thefe fortunate Tartars, adopting the laws and man¬
ners of the vanquiftied people, founded an imperial dy-
nafty, which reigned near 160 years over the northern
provinces of the monarchy. Some generations before
they afcended the throne of China, one of the Topa
princes had enlifted in his cavalry a flave of the name
of Mob, renowned for his valour; but who was temp¬
ted, by the fear of punifhment, to defert his ftandard,
and to range the defart at the head of 100 followers.
This gang of robbers and outlaws fwelled into a camp,
a tribe, a numerous people, diftinguiftted by the ap¬
pellation of Geougen ; and their hereditary chieftains,
the pofterity of Moko the flave, aflumed their rank
among the Scythian moftarchs. The youth of Toulun,
the greateft of his defcendants, was exercifed by thofe
misfortunes which are the fchool of heroes. He bravely
ftruggled with adverfity, broke the imperious yoke of
the Topa, and became the legiflator of his nation, and
the conqueror of Tartary. His troops were diftributed
into regular bands of too and of 1000 men; cowards
were ftoned to death; the moft fplendid honours were
propofed as the reward of valour; and Toulun, who
had knowledge enough to defpife the learning of Chi¬
na, adopted only fuch arts and inftitutions as were fa¬
vourable to the military fpirit of his government. Hi«
tents, which he removed in the winter feafon to a more
fouthern latitude, were pitched during the fummer on
the fruitful banks of the Selinga. His conquefts
ftretched from the Corea far beyond the river Irtifti.
He vanquiftied, in the country to the north of the Caf-
pian fea, the nation of the Huns; and the new title of
Khan, or Cagan, exprefled the fame and power which
he derived from this memorable vi&ory.
The chain of events is interrupted, or rather is con¬
cealed, as it pafies from the Volga to the Viftula*
through the dark interval which feparates the extreme
limits of the Chinefe and of the Roman geography.
Yet the temper of the barbarians, and the experience
©f fucceffive emigrations, fufficiently declare, that the
Huns, who were opprefled by the arms of the Geougen,
foon withdrew from the prefence of an infulting vidor.
The countries towards the Euxine were already occu¬
pied by their kindred tribes; and their hafty flight,
which they foon converted into a bold attack, would
more naturally be direded towards the rich and level
plains through which the Viftula gently flows into the
Baltic fea. The north muft again have been alarmed
and agitated by the invafion of the Huns; and the na¬
tions who retreated before them, muft have preffed
with incumbent weight on the confines of Germany.
The inhabitants of thofe regions which the ancient*
3$ O have
t 6873 ]
ROM [ 6874 ] ROM
Rome, have afligned to the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Bur-
■" "“gundians, might embrace the refolution of abandoning
to the fugitives of Sarmatia their woods and morafles;
or at leaft of difcharging their fuperfluous numbers on
the provinces of the Roman empire. About four years
after the viftorious Toulun had aflumed the title of khan
of the Geougen, another barbarian, the haughty Rho-
dogaft, or Radagaifus, marched from the northern ex¬
tremities of Germany almoft to the gates of Rome, and
left the remains of his army to atchieve the deftru&ion
of the weft. The Vandals, the Suevi, and the Bur¬
gundians, formed the ftrength of this mighty hoft: but
the Alani, who had found an hofpitable reception in
their new feats, added their adtive cavalry to the heavy
infantry of the Germans ; and the Gothic adventu¬
rers crowded fo eagerly to the ftandard of Radagaifus,
Jig that by fome hiftorians he has been ftyled the king of the
Itsdagaifiis Goths. Twelve thoufand warriors, diftinguiftied above
invades I- the vulgar by their noble birth or their valiant deeds,
taly with a ghttered in the van; and the whole multitude, which
armyf °US was not l^an 2°0>°00 fighting men, might be in-
creafed by the acceffion of women, of children, and of
flaves, to the amount of 400,000 perfons. This formi¬
dable emigration iflued from the fame coaft of the Bal¬
tic, which had poured forth the myriads of the Cim-
bri and Teutones to affault Rome and Italy in the vi-
our the republic. After the departure of thofe bar-
arians, their native country, which was marked by
the veftiges of their greatnefs, long ramparts, and gi¬
gantic moles, remained during fome ages a vaft and
dreary folitude; till the human fpecies was renewed
by the powers of generation, and the vacancy was fill¬
ed up by the influx of new inhabitants. The nations
who now ufurp an extent of land which they are un¬
able to cultivate, would foon be affifted by the indu-
ftrious poverty of their neighbours, if the government
of Europe did not protedl the claims of dominion and
property.
“ The correfpondence of nations was in that age fo
Imperfeft and precarious, that the revolutions of the
north might efcape the knowledge of the court of Ra¬
venna ; till the dark cloud which was collected along
the coaft of the Baltic, burft in thunder upon the banks
of the Upper Danube. The emperor of the weft, if
his minifters difturbed his amufements by the news of
the impending danger, was fatisfied with being the oe-
cafion and the fpe&ator of the war. The fafety of
Rome was intrufted to the counfels and the fword of
Stilicho; but fuch was the feeble and exhaufted ftate
of the empire, that it was impoffible to reftore the for¬
tifications of the Danube, or to prevent, by a vigorous
effort, the invafion of the Germans. The hopes of the
vigilant minifter of Honorius were confined to the de¬
fence of Italy. He once more abandoned the provinces;
recalled the troops; preffed the new levies, which were
rigoroufly exaded, and pufillanimsiufly eluded; em¬
ployed the moft efficacious means to arreft, or allure,
the deferters; and offered the gift of freedom, and of
two pieces of gold, to all the flaves who would enlift.
By thefe efforts he painfully colleded from the fub-
je&s of a great empire, an army of 30,000 or 40,000
men; which, in the days of Scipio or Camillus, would
have been inftanfly fumilhed by the free citizens of
the territory of Rome. The 30 legions of Stilicho
were reinforced by % large body of barbarian auxilia¬
ries; the faithful Alani were perfonally attached to his Rome.
fervice ; and the troops of Huns and of Goths, who  
marched under the banners of their native princes
Hulden and Sarus, were animated by intereft and re-
fencment to oppofe the ambition of Radagaifus. The
king of the confederate Germans paffed, without re-
fiftance, the Alps, the Po, and the Appenine: leaving
on one hand the inacceffible palace of Honorius, fe-
curely buried among the marfties of Ravenna; and
on the other, the camp of Stilicho, who had fixed hi*
head-quarters at Ticinum, or Pavia, but who feems to
have avoided a decifive battle till he had affembled hi*
diftant forces. Many cities of Italy \vere pillaged, or
deftroyed ; and the fiege of Florence by Radagaifus,
is one of the earlieft events in the hiftory of that cele¬
brated republic, whofe firmnefs checked and delayed
the unfleilful fury of the barbarians. The fenate and
people trembled at their approach within 180 miles of
Rome; and anxioufly compared the danger which they
had cfcaped, with the new perils to which they were
expofed. Alaric was a Chriftian and a foldier, the
leader of a difeiplined army; who underftood the laws
of war, who refpedled the fanflity of treaties, and who
had familiarly converfed with the fubjeds of the em¬
pire in the fame camps and the fame churches. The
favage Radagaifus was a ftranger to the manners, the
religion, and even the language, of the civilized na¬
tions of the fouth. The fiercenefs of his temper was
exafperated by cruel fuperftition ; and it was univer-
fally believed, that he had bound himfelf by a folemn
vow, to reduce the city into a heap of ftones and alhes,
and to facrifice the moft illuftrious of the Roman fe-
nators on the altars of thofe gods who were appealed
by human blood. The public danger, which fhould
have reconciled all domeftic animofities, difplayed the
incurable madnefs of religious fadion. The oppreffed
votaries of Jupiter and Mercury refpeded, in the im¬
placable enemy of Rome, the charader of a devout
pagan ; loudly declared, that they were more appre-
henfive of the facrifices than of the arms of Radagai¬
fus ; and fecretly rejoiced in the calamities of their
country, which condemned the faith of their Chriftian
adverfaries,
“ Florence was reduced to the laft extremity; and the
faintingcourage of the ciiizenswasfupportedonly by the $1$
authority of St Ambrofe, who had communicated in aDdeated
dream the promife of a fpeedy deliverance. On a fudden ®nd d®'
they beheld from their walls the banners of Stilicho, who *
advanced with his united force to the relief of the faith¬
ful city; and who foon marked that fatal fpot for the
grave of the barbarian hoft. The apparent contradic¬
tions of thofe writers who varioufly relate the defeat
of Radagaifus, may be reconciled without offering %
much violence to their refpeftive teftimonies. Orofius
and Auguftin, who were intimately conne&ed by
friendlhip and religion, aferibe this miraculous vi&ory
to the providence of'God rather than to the valour of
man. They ftri&ly exclude every idea of chance, or
even of bloodfhed; and pofitively affirm, that the Ro¬
mans, whofe camp was the feeneof plenty and idlenefs,
enjoyed the diftrefs of the barbarians, flowly expiring
on the (harp and barren ridge of the hills of Faefulas,
which rife above the city of Florence. Their extrava¬
gant affertion, that not a fingle foldier of the Chriftfaa
army was killed, or even wounded, may be difmiffed
with
ROM
with filent contempt ; but the reft of the narrative of
^ Auguftin and Orofiua is confiftent with the ftate of the
war, and the chara&er of Stilicho. Confcious that he
commanded the laft army of the republic, his prudence
would not expofe it in the open field to the headftrong
fury of the Germans. The method of furrounding the
enemy with ftrong lines of circumvallation, which he
bad twice employed againft the Gothic king, was re¬
peated on a larger fcale, and with more confiderable
tffeft. The examples of Caefar muft have been fami¬
liar to the moft illiterate of the Roman warriors; and
the fortifications of Dyrrhachium, which connected 24
caftles by a perpetual ditch and rampart of 15 miles,
afforded the model of an intrenchment which might
confine and ftarve the moft numerous hoft of barba¬
rians. The Roman troops had lefs degenerated from
the induftry than from the valour of their anceftors ;
and if the fervile and laborious work offended the pride
of the foldiers, Tufcany could fupply many thoufand
peafants, who would labour, though perhaps they would
not fight, for the falvation of their native country. The
imprifoned multitude of horfes and men was gradually
deftroyed by famine, rather than by the fword ; but
the Romans were expofed, during the progrefs of fuch
an extenfive work, to the frequent attacks of an im¬
patient enemy. The defpair of the hungry barbarians
would precipitate them againft the fortifications of Sti¬
licho; the general might fometimes indulge the ardour
of his brave auxiliaries, who eagerly prefled to aflault
the camp of the Germans; and thefe various incidents
might produce the fharp and bloody conflids which
dignify the narrative of Zofimus, and the Chronicles
of Profper and Marcellinus. A feafonable fupply of
men and provifions had been introduced into the walls
of Florence; and the familhed hoft of Radagaifus was
in its turn befieged. The proud monarch of fo many
warlike nations, after the lofs of his braveft warriors,
was reduced to confide either in the faith of a capitu¬
lation, or in the clemency of Stilicho. But the death
of the royal captive, who was ignominioufly beheaded,
difgraced the triumph of Rome and of Chriftianity;
and the fhort delay of his execution was fufficient to
brand the conqueror with the guilt of cool and delibe¬
rate cruelty. The familhed Germans who efcaped the
fury of the auxiliaries, were fold as flaves, at the con¬
temptible price of as many Angle pieces of gold: but the
difference of food and climate fwept away great num¬
bers of tbofe unhappy ftrangers; and it was obferved,
that the inhuman purchafers, inftead of reaping the
fruit of their labour, were foon obliged to provide the
expence of their interment. Stilicho informed the em¬
peror and the fenate of his fuccefs; and deferred a fe-
cond time the glorious title ol Deliverer of Italy.
“ The fame of the vidfory, and more efpecially of
the miracle, has encouraged a vain perfuafion, that the
whole army, or rather nation, of Germans, who migra¬
ted from the fhores of the Baltic, miferably perifhed
under the walls of Florence. Such indeed was the fate
of Radagaifus himfelf, of his brave and faithful com¬
panions, and of more than one-third of the various mul¬
titude of Sueves and Vandals, of Alani and Burgundi¬
ans, who adhered to the ftandard of their general.
The union of fuch an army might excite our furprife,
but the caufes of feparation are obvious and forcible ;
the pride of birth, the infolence of valour, thejealoufy
3
[ 6875 ]
ROM
of command, the impatience of fubordination, and the Rome,
obftinate conflict of opinions, of interefts, and of paf- ’
fions, among fo many kings and warriors,, who were ^ o
untaught to yield or to obey. After the defeat of Ra- Account of
dagailus, two parts of the German hoft, which muft the remain-
have exceeded the number of 100,000 men, ftill re-4er°fthe
mained in arms between the Apennine and the Alps, °a^fus,
or between the Alps and the Danube. It is uncertain > °
whether they attempted to revenge the death of their
general: but their irregular fury was foon diverted by
the prudence and firmnefs of Stilicho, who oppofed
their march, and facilitated their retreat; who confi-
dered the fafety of Rome and Italy as the great objedl
of his care, and who facrificed with too much indiffe¬
rence, the wealth and traquillity of the diftant provinces.
The barbarians acquired, from the junftion of fome
Pannonian deferters, the knowledge of the country and
of the roads ; and the invafion of Gaul which Alaric
had defigned, was executed by the remains of the great
army of Radagaifus.
“ Yet if they expe&ed to derive any ailiftance from
the tribes of Germany who inhabited the banks of the
Rhine, their hopes were difappointed. The Alemanni
preferred a ftate of inadlive neutrality; and the Franks
diftinguiihed their zeal and courage in the defence
of the empire. In the rapid progrefs down the Rhine,
which was the firft aft of the adminiftration of Stili¬
cho, he had applied himfelf with peculiar attention to
fecure the alliance of the warlike Franks, and to re¬
move the irreconcileable enemies of peace and of the
republic. Marcomir, one of their kings, was publicly
convifted before the tribunal of the Roman magiftrate,
of violating the faith of treaties. He was fentenced to
a mild, but diftant exile, in the province of Tufcany ;
and this degradation of the regal dignity was fo far
from exciting the refentment of his fubjefts, that they
punifhed with death the turbulent Sunno, who attemp¬
ted to revenge his brother; and maintained a dutiful
allegiance to the princes who were eftabliflied on the
throne by the choice of Stilicho. When the limits °fThe Van-
Gaul and Germany were lhaken by the northern emi-dais defeat*
gration, the Franks bravely encountered the Angle ed by the
force of the Vandals; who, regardlefs of the leflbns ofFranks"
adverfity, had again feparated their troops from the
ftandard of their barbarian allies. They paid the pe¬
nalty of their raftinefs; and 20,000 Vandals, with their
king Godigifclus, were flain in the field of battle. The
whole people muft have been extirpated, if the fqua-
drons of the Alani, advancing to their relief, had not
trampled down the infantry of the Franks; who, after
an honourable refiftance, were compelled to relinquilh
the unequal conteft. The victorious confederates pur-
fued their march; and on the laft day of the year, in
a feafon when the waters of the Rhine were moft pro¬
bably frozen, they entered without oppofition the de-
fencelefs provinces of Gaul. This memorable paflage
of the Suevi, the Vandals, the Alani, and the Burgun¬
dians, who never afterwards retreated, may be confi-
dered as the fall of the Roman empire in the countries
beyond the Alps; and the barriers, which had fo long
feparated the favage and the civilized nations of the
earth, were from that fatal moment levelled with the
ground.
“ While the peace of Germany was fecured by the
attachraeiu of the.Franks, and the neutrality of the Ale-
38 O 3 m^nni;
ROM , [ 6876 ] ROM.
Rome, manni, the fubjeds of Rorrie** uncoof<iiou3 of their
' approaching calamities, enjoyed a (late of quiet and
profperity, which had feldum bleffed tlje frontiers of
Gaul. Their flocks and herds were permitted to graze
in the paflures of the barbarians; their huntfmen pe¬
netrated, without fear or danger, into the darkeft re-
cefl’es of the Hercynian wood. The banks of the
Rhine, were crowned, like thole of the Tiber, with
elegant houfes and well cultivated farms; and if a poet
descended the river, he might exprefs his doubt on
which fide was fituatcd the territory of the Romans.
Gaul rava- This fcene of peace and plenty was fuddenly changed
ged by the into a defert; and the profped of the fmoking ruins
barbarians. COuld alone diftinguilh the folitude. of nature from the
defolation of man. The flourilhing city of Mentz was
furprifed and deftroyed ; and many thoufand Chrillians
were inhumanly maffacred in the church. Worms
perilhed after a long and obfiinate fiege 5 Stralburg,
Spires, Rheims, Tournay, Aras, Amiens, experien¬
ced the cruel opprtfilon of the German yoke ; and the
confuming flames of war fpread from the banks of phe ~
Rhine over the greatelt part of the 17 province^ of
Gaul. That rich and extenfive country, as far as the
ocean, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, was delivered to
the barbarians, who drove before them in a prornif-
cuous crowd, the bifhop, the fenator, and the virgin,
533 laden with the fpoils of their houfes and altars.”
Revolt of In the midft of thefe calamities a revolt happened
tine^whom*" Britain, where one Conilantine, a common foldier,
Honorius was ra'fed to th6 imperial throne, merely for the fake
acknow- of his name. However, he feems to have been a man
ledges as of confiderable abilities, and by no means unfit for the
iiiVhYenT t0 which he was raifed. He governed
pire. £ em' Britain with great profperity; palled over into Gaul
and Spain, the inhabitants of which fubmitted without
oppofition, being glad of any protrftor whatever from
the barbarians. Honorius, incapable of defending the
empire, or reprefling the revolt, was obliged to acknow¬
ledge him for his partner in the empire. In the mean
time Alaric, with his Goths, threatenened a new inva-
fion unlefs he was paid a certain fum of money. Sti-
- licho is faid to have occafioned this demand, and to
have infilled upon fending him the money he demand-
Stilicho dlf-ed; and this was the caufe of his difgrace and death,
graced and which happened foon after, with the extirpation of his
death0 family and friends. Nay, fuch was the general hatred
ea J‘ of this unfortunate minilter, that the foldiers quartered
in the cities of Italy no fooner heard of his death, than
they murdered the wives and children of the barbarians
whom Stilicho had taken into the fervice of Honorius.
The enraged hufbands went over to Alaric, who made
a. new demand of money: which not being readily fent,
lie laid fiege to Rome, and would have taken it, had
not the emperor complied with his demand. The ran-
fom of the city was 5000 pounds of gold, 30,000 of
filver, 4000 filk garments, 3000 Ikins dyed purple, and
3000 pounds of pepper. On this occafion the heathen
temples were dripped of their remaining ornaments,
and among others of the (latue of Valour; which the
pagans did not fail to interpret as a prefage of the
fpeedy ruin of the (late.
Alaric having received this treafure, departed for a
fhort time: but foon after, he again blocked up the city
with a numerous army; and again an accommodation
with Honorjm jyw fet ea fwt. However, forfoflac rea*
fons which do not clearly appear, the treaty was broken Rome
off, Rome was a third time befieged, and at lalt taken *-—4
and plundered. Alaric, when upon the point of break* S3S
ing into the city, addreffing his foldiers, told them, Rome taken
that all the wealth in it was theirs, and therefore hean<1P,un" |
gave them full liberty to feize it: but at the fame time,
he (Iridlly enjoined them to (bed the blood of none but
fuch as they Ihould findin arms; and above all, to fpare
thofe who (houid take fandtuary in the holy places*
efpeciaily in the churches of the apoilks St Peter and
St Paul; which he named, becaufe they were moll fpa-
cious, and confequently capable of affording an afylum
to great numbers of people. Having given thefe or¬
ders, he abandoned the city to his Goths, who treated
it no better, according to St Jerom, than the Greeks
are faid to have treated ancient Troy; for after having
plundered it for the fpace of three, or, as others will
have it, of fix days, they fet fire to it in feveral places;
fo that the ftately palace of Sallult, and many other
magnificent buildings, were reduced to alhes : nay,
Procopius writes, that there was not in the whole city
one houfe left entire ; and both St Jerom and Philollor-
gius affert, that the great metropolis of the empire was
reduced to an heap of alhes and ruins. Though many
of the Goths, purfuant to the orders of their general,
refrained from (bedding the blood of fuch as made no
refillance; yet others, more cruel and blood-thirlly,maf¬
facred all they met; fo that the llreets in fome quar¬
ters of the city were feen covered with dead bodies, and
fwimming in blood. However, not the leaft injury
was offered to thofe who fled to the churches; nay, the
Gothsthemfelves conveyed thither,as toplaces of fafety,
fuch as they were defirous Ihould be fpared. Many of
the (latues of the gods that had been left entire by the
emperors, as excellent pieces of art, were on this occa¬
fion deftroyed, either by the Goths, who, though moftly
Arians, were zealous Chriftians, or by a dreadful llorm
of thunder and lightning which fell at the fame time
upon the city, as if it had been fint on purpofe to
complete with them the deftrudlion of idolatry, and
abolifli the fmall remainss of pagan fuperftition. How¬
ever, notvvithllanding thefe accounts, fome affirm that
the city fuffered very little at this lime, not fo much as
when it was taken by Charles V. ^
Alaric did not long furvive the taking of Rome, he- Death of
ing cut off by a violent fit of ficknefs in the neighbour- that con-
hood of Rhegium. After his death the affairs of Ho-<lueror•
norius feemed a little to revive by the defeat and death
of Conftantine and fome other ufurpers: but the pro¬
vinces of Gaul, Britain, and Spain, were now almolt
entirely occupied by barbarians ; in which Hate they
continued till tlie death of Honorius, which happened in ' ;
the year 423, after an unfortunate reign of 28 years.
After fome ufurpations which took place on the
death of Honorius, his nephew Valentinian III. was
declared emperor of the weft, and his mother Placidia
regent during his minority. He was fcarce feated on
the throne, when the empire was attacked by the Huns
under the celebrated Attila. The Romans, however,
wretched and degenerate as they were, had they been
unanimous, would even yet have been fuperior to their
enemies. The emprefs then had two celebrated gene¬
rals, Bonifacius and Aetius;. who by their union might
have faved the empire : but unhappily, through the
treachery of Aetius, Bonifacius was obliged to revolt;
Rome.
R S37
plundered
by Gen-
ierie.
A^d^b
Ricimer.
ROM [ 6877 ] R O M
and a cml'vvar enfued, in which he loft bis life. Aetius, whole country, which they _had^ fo often ^defended, be- Rcme.
however, notwithftanding his treachery, was pardoned, longed of right to them. As Orefles refufed to com- “ .
and put at the head of the forces of the empire. He ply with this infolent demand, they refolved to do
defended it againft Attila with great fpirit and fuccefs, themfelves juftice, as they called it; and, openly re-
notwithftanding the deplorable fituation of aftairs, till veiling, choofe one Odoacer for their leader. O-
he was murdered by Valentinian with his own hand,, doacer was, according to Ennodius, meanly born,
en a fufpicron that he afpired to the empire. But in
the mean time the provinces, except Italy itfelf, were
totally over-run by the barbarians. Genferic king of
the Vandals ravaged Africa and Sicily; the Goths,
Suevians, Burgundians, &c. had taken pofieffion of
Gaul and Spain; and the Britons were opprefled by
the Scots and PiAs, fo that they were obliged to call
in the Saxons to their affiftance, as is related under the
article England. In the year 455, Valentinian was
murdered by one Maximus, whole wife he had raviflr-
ed. Maximus immediately affumed the empire ; but
felt fuch violent anxieties, that he defigned to refign
it and fly out of Italy, in order to enjoy the quiet
of a private life. However, being diffuaded from this
by his friends, and his own wife dying foon after, he
forced the emprefs Eudoxia to marry him. Eudoxia,
who had tenderly loved Valentinian, provoked beyond
meafure at being married to his murderer, invited Gen¬
feric king of the Vandals into Italy.. This proved a
moft fatal fcheme: for Genferic immediately appeared
before Rome; a violent tumult enfued, in which Maxi¬
mus, loft his life;, and the city was taken and plundered
by Genferic, who carried, off what had been left by the
Goths. A veffe.1 was loaded with coftly ftatues; half
the covering of the capital, which was of brafs plated
over wiih gold ; facred veffels enriched wirh precious
Hones; and thofe which had been taken by Titus out
of the temple of Jerufalem: all of which were loft with
the veffel in its paffage to Africa.
Nothing could now be more deplorable than the
ftate of the Roman affairs: neverthelefs the empire
continued to exift for fome years longer; and even
feemed to revive for a little under Marjorianus, who
was declared emperor in 458. He was a man
of great courage, and poficffed of many other ex¬
cellent qualities. He defeated the Vandals, and drove
them out of Italy, With great labour he fitted out a
fleet of which the Romans had been long deftitute.
With this he defigned- to pafs over into Africa ;
but, it being furprifed: and burnt by the enemy, he
himfelf was foon after murdered by one Rtcimer a
Goth, who had long governed every thing with an.
abfolute fway. After the death of Marjorianus, one
Anthemius was raifed to the empire:.but beginning to
eounteraA Ricimer, the latter openly revolted, be-
ficged and took Rome where he committed innu¬
merable cruelties, among the reft putting to death the
unhappy emperor Anthemius, and ra'fing one Oiybius
to the empire. The t ran factions, of his reign were
very few, as he died foon after his acceffion. On his
death, one Glycerius ufurped the empire. He was de-
pofed in 474, and one Julius Nepos had the name of
tmperor. He was driven out the next year by, his ge¬
neral Oreftes, who caufed his fon Augullus or Au-
guftulus to be proclaimed emperor. But the follow¬
ing year, 476, the barbarians who ferved in the Ro¬
man armies, and were diftinguiflied with the title of
allies, demanded, as a reward for their fervtces, the
third part of the lands in Italy; pretending, that the
and only a private man in the guards of the em¬
peror Auguftulus, when the barbarians revolting,
chofe him for their leader. However, he is faid to
have been a man of uncommon parts, equally ca¬
pable of commanding an army and governing a ftate,
Having left his own country, when he was yet very
young, to ferve in Italy, as he was of a ftature re¬
markably tall, he was admitted among the emperor’s
guards, and continued in that ftation till the prefent
year; when, putting himfdfat the head of the bar¬
barians in the Roman pay, who, though of different,
nations, had, with one confent, chofen him for their
leader, he marched againft Greftes, and his fon Au-
gultulus, who ftill refufed to give them any ftiare of
the lands in Italy. Tot5!9 '
As the Roman troops were Inferior, both in num-ju°gaof
her and. valour, to the barbarians, Oreftes took refuge empire,
in Pavia, at that time one of the beft foitified cities in
Italy : but Odoacer, invefting the place without lofs of
time, took it foon after by affault, gave it up to be
plundered by the foldiers, and then fet fire to it; which
reduced molt of the houfes, and two churches, to allies.
Oreftes was taken prifoner, and brought to Odoacer,
who carried him to Placentia,, and there caufed him to
be put to death on the 28th of Auguft, the day on
which he had driven Nepos out of Ravenna, and ob¬
liged him to abandon the empire. From Placentia,-
Odoacer marched ftraight to Ravenna, where he found:
Paul, the brother of Oreftes, and the young emperor
Auguftulus. The former he immediately put to death j.
but fparing Augolhilus, in confideration of his youth,
lie dripped him of the enlignsof the imperial dignity,
and confined him to Lucullanum, a caftle in Campa¬
nia; where he was, by Odoacer’s orders, treated with
great humanity, and allowedan handfome maintenance
to fupport himfelf and his relations. Rome readily
fubmitted to the conqueror, who immediately caufed
himfelf to be proclaimtd king of Italy, but would not
affume. the purple, or any-other mark of, the imperial:
dignity. Thus failed tfie very name of an empire in-
the Weft. Britain had been long lince abandoned by
the Romans 4 Spain was held by the Goths and Sue--
vans; Africa, by the Vandals; the Burgundians,.
Goths, Franks, and Alans, had ere&ed feveral te>
trarchies in Gaul 4 at length Italy itfelf, with its proud
metropolis, which for fo many ages had given law to
the reft of the world, was enflaved by a contemptible
barbarian, whofe family, country, and nation, are not-
well known to-this.day..
From this time, Rome has cea-fed to be the capital
of an empire; the territories of the pope, to whom the
city is now fubjsA, being inconiiderable. The origin:
of the pope’s temporal power, and the revolutions of
Italy, are related under the article Italy.; and a llcetcb:
of the fpiritual ufurpations of the popes may be feefi
under the articles History* feA. ii. and Reforma,
tion;. and likewife under the various hiilorical ar¬
ticles as they occur in the courfe of this work.
It is thought that the walls of modern Rome
very
ROM
Rome, take in nearly the fame extent of ground as the an-
~ cient ; but the difference betweeen' the number of
Defcripdon buildings on this fpot is very great, one half of mo-
of modern dern Rome lying wafte, or occupied with gardens,
.'Rome, fields, meadows, and vineyards. One may walk, quite
round the city in three or four hours at moft, the cir¬
cumference being reckoned about 13 Italian miles.
With regard to the number of the inhabitants, modern
Rome is alfo greatly inferior to the ancient: for, in
1709, the whole of thefe amounted only to 138,568 ;
among which were 40 bifhops, 2686 priefts, 3559
monks, 1814 nuns, 393 courtefans, about 8000 or
9600 Jews, and 14 Moors. In 1714 the number was
increafed to 143,000. In external fplendor, and the
beauty of its temples and palaces, modern Rome is
thought by the moft judicious travellers to excel the
ancient. There was nothing in ancient Rome to be
compared with St Peter’s church in the modern. That
Rome was able to recover itfelf after fo many calami¬
ties and devaftations, will not be matter of furprife,
if we confider the prodigious Turns that it has fo long
annually drawn from all countries to the Popifh per-
fuafion. Thefe fums, though ftill confiderable, have
been continually decrcafing fince the Reformation.
The furface of the ground on which Rome was origi¬
nally founded, is furprifingly altered. At prefent it
is difficult todiftinguifh the feven hills on which it was
firft built, the low grounds being almoft filled up with
-the ruins of the ancient ftreets and houfes, and the
great quantities of earth wafhed down from the hills
by the violence of the rains. Anciently the fubuvbs
extended a vaft way on all fides, and made the city ap¬
pear almoft boundlefs ; but it is quite otherwife now,
the country about Rome being almoft a defert. To
this and other caufes it is owing, that the air is none
of the moft wbolefome, efpecially during the fummer
heats, when few go abroad in the day-time. No city
at prefent in the world, furpaftes, or indeed equals
Rome, for the multiplicity of fine fountains, noble
edifices, antiquities, curiofities, paintings, flatues,
and fculptures. The city ftands on the Tiber, 10
miles from the Tufcan Sea, 380 from Vienna, 560
from Paris, 740 from Amfterdam, 810 from London,
and 900,Trom Madrid. The Tiber is fubjeft to fre¬
quent inundations, by which it often does great da¬
mage. A fmall part of the city is feparated from the
other by the river, and is therefore called Traveftere,
. or beyond the Tiber. Beyond the Tiber, there are feve-
ral bridges over the river, a great number of towers on the
walls, and 20 gates. The remains of Rome’s ancient
grandeur confift of ftatues, coloffufes, temples, pala¬
ces, theatres, naumachias, triumphal arches, circufes,
columns, obelifks, fountains, aquedufts, maufoleums,
thermae or hot-baths, and other ftruftures. Of mo¬
dern buildings, the fplendid churches and palaces are
the moft remarkable. Mr Addifon fays, it is almoft
impoffible for a man to form in his imagination fuch
beautiful and glorious feenes as are to be met with in
feveral of the Roman churches and chapels. This gen¬
tleman tells us alfo, that no part of the antiquities of
Rome pleafed him fo much as the ancient ftatues, of
which there is ftill an incredible variety. Next to the
ftatues, he fays, there is nothing more furprifing than
the amazing variety of ancient pillars offo many kinds
, of marble. Rome is fiud to be well paved j but not
ROM
well lighted, nor kept very clean. Two thirds of the Rome,
houfes are the property of the churches, convents, and Romner-
alms houfes. Proteftants are not obliged to kneel at
the elevation of the hoft, or at meeting the eucharift
in the greets; and they may have flefh-meat always at
the inns, even during Lent. Here are many acade¬
mies for .promoting arts and'fciences, befides the uni-
verfity. The carnival here is only during the eight
days before Lent, and there are no fuch feenes of riot
as at Venice: proftitutes, however, are publicly to¬
lerated. To maintain good order, there is a body of
300 Sbirri, or Halberdeers, under their barigella, or
colonel. There is little or no trade carried on in Rome,
but a vaft deal of money is fpent by travellers and
other ftrangers. The principal modern ftrudlures are
the church of St Peter, and the other churches; the
aquedufts and fountains ; the Vatican, and the other
palaces; the Campidolio, where the Roman fenate re-
fides, &c. The principal remains of antiquity are the
pila miliaria, of fine marble ; the equeftrian brafs fta-
tue of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus; the marble monu¬
ment of the emperor Alexander Severus; marble bulls
of the emperors and their conforts ; three brick arches
of the temple of Peace, built by the emperor Vefpa-
fian ; the triumphal arch of Septimus Severus and
of Galienus; the circus of Antoninus Caracalla ;
fome parts of the cloaca-maxima; the columna Anto¬
nina, reprefenting the principal adlions of Marcus Au¬
relius ; the columna Trajani, or Trajan’s pillar ; fome
fragments of the curia or palace of Antoninus Pius,
and of Nerva’s forum ; the maufolaeum of Auguftus,
in the Strada Pontifici; the remains of the emperor
Severus’s tomb without St John’s gate; the pyramid
of Caius Ceftus near St Paul’s gate; the porphyry cof¬
fin of St Helen, and the original ftatue of Conllantine
the Great, in the church of St John of Lateran; a font
of oriental granite, in the chapel of St Giovanni in
fonte, faid to have been ere&ed by Conftantine the
Great ; an Egyptian obelifle near the church of St
Maria Maggiore ; the (lately remains of Dioclefian’s
baths; the celebrated Pantheon ; the obeliiks of Se-
foftris and Auguftus by the Clementine college ; the
church of St Paul fuori della Mura, faid to have been
built by Conftantine the Great; the Farnefe Hercu¬
les, in white marble, of a Coloffian fize and exquifite
workmanfhip, in a court of the Farnefe palace, and an
admirable group cut out of one block of marble, in
another court of the fame palace. Befides thefe there
are a great many more, which our bounds will not
allow us to take any further notice of. Here is
a great number of rich and well-regulated holpitals.
Near the church of St Sebaftiano alk Catacombe, are
the moft fpacious of the catacombs, where the Chri-
ftians, who never burned their dead, and fuch of the
Pagan Romans as could not afford the expence of
burning, were buried. Along the Via Appia, with¬
out St Sebaftian’s gate, were the tombs of the prin¬
cipal families of Rome, which at prefent are ufed for
cellers and ftore-houfes by the gardeners and vine-
dreffers.
ROMNEY, a town of Kent in England. It is one
of the cinque-port towns, and is feated on a marlh of
the fame name, famous for feeding cattle ; but the air
is very unhealthy. It was once a large and populous
place, but the retiring of the fea has reduced it
very
[ 6378 ]
R O O r 6S79 ] R O O
Rem pee very much ; however, it fends two members to par-
11 liament.
Rook* ROMPEE, or Rompu, ?n heraldry, is applied to
ordinaries that are reprefented as broken ; and to
chevrons, bends, or the like, whofe upper points are
cut off.
ROMULUS, the founder and firft king of Rome.
See Rome.
ROOD, a quantity of land equal to 40 fquare
perches, or the fourth part of an acre.
ROOF, in archite&ure, the uppermoft part of £t
1 building. See Architecture.
ROOFING, the materials of which the roof of a
houfe is compofed. In the northern parts of Europe,
and in this ifland itfelf, thefe materials were ufually
long reeds,, or fkins. The ufe of draw was introdu¬
ced by the Romans; though probably the moft refpec-
table houfes were covered with fhingles, or boards,
iwrhiiaier’s which are common in many parts of America. In
Mancbejier. former ages, the fhingles were equally common in this.
ifland. The ufe of them continued in Edinburgh be¬
yond the beginning, and in Chefhire below the middle,,
of the laft century ;.and they were generally ufed at
Rome for near five ages. Soon after, or perhaps at‘
the fame time, fome of the houfes were covered with-
tegulae, the Saxon tagles, and the Armorican teolen,
or tiles, which were firfl invented at Cyprus, and in¬
troduced into Britain by the Romans. Some of the
Roman buildings in Britain appear alfo to have been
covered with flates, which were faftened to the roofs
with long hooked nails of iron.
ROOK, in ornithology. See Corvus.
Rooks are very deftru&ive of corn, efpecialfy of
wheat. Theyfearch out the lands where it is town, and,
watching them more carefully than the owners, they
perceive when the feed firft begins to fhoot up its
blade; this is the tim&of their feeding on it. They will
not be at the pains of fe-arching for it at random in the
fown land, for that is,more trouble than fo fmall a
grain will requite them for : but as foon as thefe
blades appear, they are by them direfted, without lofs
of time or pains, to the places.where the grains lie;,
and iu three or four days time they will root up
fuch vaft quantities, that a good crop is often thus,
deftroyed in embryo. After a few days the wheat,
continuing to grow, its blades appear green above,
ground; and then the time of danger from thefe birds
is over, for then the feeds are fo far robbed of their
mealy matter, that they are of no value to that bird,
and it will no longer give itfelf the trouble to deftroy
them.
Wheat that is Town fo early as to flioot up its green
blades before the harveft is all carried in, is in no dan¬
ger from thefe birds becaufe while it is in a ftate
worth their fearching for, the fcattered corn in the
harveft fields is eafier come at, and they feed wholly on .
this, negle&ing the fown grain. But as this cannot al¬
ways be done, the farmers, to drive away thefe rave¬
nous and mifchievous birds, dig holes in the ground and,
ftick up the feathers of rooks in them, and hang up .
dead rooks on fticks in feveral parts of the fields: but
all this is of very little ufe ; for the living rooks - will
tear up the ground about the feathers, and under the
dead ones, to fteal the feeds. A much better way
than either is to tear feveral rooks to pieces, and to.
fcatter the pieces over the fields ; but this lafts but a Rooke^
little while, for the kites and other birds of prey-"
foon carry off the pieces and feed upon them. A gun
is a good remedy while the perfon who has it is pre-
fen t; but as foon as it is gone, they will return with
redoubled vigour to the field and tear up every thing,
before them.
The heft remedy the farmer has is to watch well the
time of the corn’s being in the condition in which they
feed upon it; and as this lafts only a few days, he.
fhould keep a boy in conftant pay to watch the field
from day-break till the dufk of the evening. Every
time they fettle upon the ground to fly over it, the boy
is to holloa, and throw up a dead rook into the air:
this will always make them rife ; and by degrees they
will be fo tired of this conftant difturbance, that they,
will feek out other places of preying, and will leave the
ground even before the time of the corn’s being unfit-
for them. The reafon of their rifing at the tolling up
of their dead fellow-creature is, that they are a bird
extremely apprehenfive of danger, and they are always
alarmed when one of their comrades rifes. They take-
this for the rifing of an out-hird, and all fly off ajihe
fignal..
ROOKE, (Sir George), a gallant naval comman¬
der, born of an ancient and honourable family in
Kent, in 1650. His merit raifed him by regular fteps
to be vice-admiral of the. blue: in which ftation he
ferved in the battle of La Hogue, on the 22d of May
1692 ; when it was owing to his vigorous behaviour,
that the laft ftroke was given on that important day,
which threw the French entirely into confufion. But
the^next day he obtainedftill more glory ;.for he had
orders to go into La Hogue, and burn the enemy’*
(hips as they lay. There were 13 large men of war,
which had crowded as far up as pofiible; and the tranf--
ports, tenders, and ammunition fliips, were difpofed >
in fuch. a manner that it was thought impofiible to
burn them. Befides, the French camp was in fight,
with all the French and Irifli troops that were to have
been employed in the invafion of England ; and feveral
batteries were raifed.on the coaft, well provided with
heavy artillery. The vice-admiral made the nectffary^
preparations for obeying his orders, but found it im-
polfible to carry in the ftn'ps.of his fquadron: he there¬
fore ordered his light frigates to ply in clofe to the:
ihore; and having manned out all his boats, went him- ■
felf to give direflions for the attack, burnt that very,
night fix three-deck ftn'ps, and the next day fix more,
from 76 to 60 guns, together with moft of the tranf- •
ports and ammuaition veflels ; and this under the fire
of all the batteries juft mentioned, and i'n fight of a!L
the French and Iriih troops r yet this bold adio-n coft
the lives of, no more than ten, men. . The. vice-aimi-•
ral’s behaviour on this occafion appeared- fo great to :
king William, that having no opportunity at that
time of promoting him, he fettled a penfion of t©opl. ,
per annum on him for life ; and afterwards going to
Portfmouth to view the fleet, went on board Mr:
Rooke’s (hipj dined with him,, and then conferred on
him the honour of knighthood, he having, a little
before made.him vice-admiral of the red.
In confequence. of other fervices, he was in 1694 ,.
rarfed to. the rank of-admiral of the blue : towards the
clofe.of the next yeatj he was adjniral of the white;
and.
HOP [ 688o ] R O S
Rooke and was slfo appointed admiral and commander in
H chief in the Mediterranean.
ope' During king William’s reign, Sir George was twice
ele&ed member for Portfmouth ; and upon the accef-
fion of queen Anne in 1702, he was conftituted vice-
admiral and lieutenant of the admiralty of England, as
alfo lieutenant of the fleets and feas of this kingdom.
Upon the declaration of war againft France, he was
ordered to command a fleet fent againft Cadiz, the
duke of Ormond having the command of tha land for¬
ces. On his paflage home, receiving an account that
the galleons, under the efcort of a ftrong French fqua-
dron, were got into the harbour of Vigo, he refolved
to attack them ; and on the 1 ith of Odober came be¬
fore the harbour of Rondondello, where the French
commander had negledfed nothing necefiary for put¬
ting the place into the beft pofture of defence. But
notwithftanding this, a detachment of 15 Englifli and
10 Dutch men of war of the line of battle, with all the
fire-fhips, were ordered in ; the frigates and bomb-
veflels followed ; the great fliips moved after them, and
the army landed near Rondonello. The whole fervice
was performed under Sir George’s dire&ions, with ad¬
mirable conduct and bravery : for, in fhort, all the
(hips were deftroyed or taken, prodigious damage done
to the enemy, and vaft wealth acquired by the allies.
For this aftion Sir George received the thanks of the
Houfe of Commons, a day of thankfgiving was ap¬
pointed both by the queen and the ftates-general, and
Sir George was given a feat in the privy-council j yet,
notwithftanding this, the Houfe of Lords refolved to
inquire into his conduft at Cadiz. But he fo fully
juftified himfelf, that a vote was pafled, approving his
behaviour.
In the fpring of the year 1704, Sir George com¬
manded the fhipsofwar which convoyed kingChar. Ilf.
of Spain to Lifbon. In July, he attacked Gibraltar;
when by the bravery of the Englifh feamen, the place
was taken on the 24th, though the town was ex¬
tremely ftrong, well furniflied with ammunition, and
had too guns mounted, all facing the fea and the
narrow pafles to the land: An aftion which was con¬
ceived and executed in lefs than a week; though it has
fince endured fieges of many months continuance, and
more than once baffled the united forces of France and
Spain. This brave officer being atlaft obliged, by the
prevalence of party-fpirit, to quit the fervice of his
country, retired to his feat in Kent; where he fpent
the remainder of his days as a private gentleman, and
died in 1709.
ROOM, a chamber, parlour, or other apartment
in a houfe. See Architecture.
ROOT, among botanifts, denotes that part of a
plant which imbibes the nutritious juices of the earth,
and tranfmits them to the other parts. See Plant.
Colours extratttdfrom Roots. See CoLOUR-Af#-
king, n° 39.
Root, in algebra and arithmetick, denotes any num¬
ber, which multiplied by itfelf once or oftener, produ¬
ces any other number; and is called the fquare, cube.,
liquadrate, &c. root, according to number of multi¬
plications. Thus, 2 is the fquare-root of 4; the cube-
root of 8; the biquadrate-root of 16, &c.
ROPE, hemp, hair, &c. fpun out into a thick
yarn, and then fcveral ftrings of this yarn twifted to¬
gether by means of a wheel. When made very fatal!,
it is called a cordi when very thick, a cable.
Ratt-Dancer. See Dancer.
RopE-T'arn, among failors, is the yarn of any rope
untwifted, but commonly made up of junk; its ufe is
to make finnet, matts, See.
ROSA, the rose ; a genus of the polygamia order,
belonging to the icofandria clafs of plants.
The forts of rofes are very numerous; and the bo-
tanifts find it very difficult to determine with accuracy,
Which are fpecies and which are varieties, as well as
which are varieties of the refpeftive fpecies: on this
account Linnaeus, and fome other eminent authors, are
inclined to think that there is only one real fpecies of
rofe, which is the rofa canina, or “ dog-rofe of the
hedges,” &c. and that all the other forts are acciden¬
tal varieties of it. However, according to the prefent
Linnaean arrangement, they (land divided into 14 fup-
pofed fpecies, each comprehending fome varieties, which
in fome forts are but few, others numerous.
The fuppofed fpecies and their varieties, according
to the arrangement of modern botanifts*, are as follow.
1. The canina, canine rofe, wild dog-rofe of the
hedges, or hep-tree, grows five or fix feet high, having
prickly-ftalks and branches, pinnated, five or feven-
lobed leaves, with aculeated foot-ftalks, fmooth pe-
dunculi, oval fmooth germina, and fmall Angle flowers.
There are two varieties, red-flowered and white-flow¬
ered. They grow wild in hedges abundantly all over
the kingdom ; and are fometimes admitted into gar¬
dens, a few to increafe the variety of the ftirubbery col-
le&ion.
2. The alba, or common white-rofc, grows five or
fix feet high, having a green ftem and branches, armed
with prickles, hifpid pedunculi, oval fmooth germina,
and large white flowers. The varieties are,—large
double white rofe—dwarf fingle white rofe—maidens-
bluflt white rofe, being large, produced in clutters, and
of a white and blulh-red colour.
3. The Gallica, or Gallican rofe, &c. grows from
about three or four to eight or ten feet high, in diffe¬
rent varieties; with pinnated, three, five, or feven-lobed
leaves, and large red and other coloured flowers in dif¬
ferent forts. This fpecies is very extenfive in fuppofed
varieties, bearing the above fpecific diftinftion, feveral
of which have been formerly confidered as dTftinft fpe¬
cies, but now ranged among the varieties of the Galli¬
can rofe, confiding of the following noted varieties.
Common red officinal rofe, grows ereft, about three
or four feet high, having fmall branches, with but few
prickles, and large fpreading half-double deep-red
flowers.—Rofa mundi (rofe of the world) or ftriped
red rofe, is a variety of the common red rofe, growing
but three or four feet high, having large fpreading
femi-double red flowers, beautifully ftriped with white
—and deep-red.—York and Lancafter variegated rofe,
grows five, fix, or eight feet high, or more; bearing
variegated red flowers, confiding of a mixture of red
and white; alfo frequently difpofed in elegant ftripes,
fometimes in half of the flower, and fometimes in fome
of the petals.—Monthly rofe, grows about four or five
feet high, with green very prickly ftoots; producing
middle-fized, moderately-double, delicate flowers, of
different colours in the varieties. The varies are, com¬
mon red-flowered monthly rofe—bluflt-flowered—
white-
Rope, 1
Rofa. 1
R O S r 6881 1 R o s
Rofa. white*flowered—ftriped-flowered. All of which blow
  both early and late, and often produce flowers feveral
months in the year, as May, June, and July; and fre¬
quently again in Auguft or September, and fometimes,
in fine mild feafons, continues till November or De¬
cember: hence the name monthly rofe.—Double virgin-
rofe, grows five or fix feet high, having greenifh
branches with fcarce any fpines ; and with large double
pale-red and very fragrant flowers.—Red damafk rofe,
grows eight or ten feet high, having greenifh branches,
armed with fhort acnlea; and moderately-double, fine
foft-red, very fragrant flowers.—White damalk rofe,
grows eight or ten feet high, with greenifh very
prickly branches, and whitifh-red flowers, becoming
gradually of a whiter colour.—Blufh Belgic rofe, grows
three or four feet high, or more ; having greeniflt
prickly branches, five or feven lobed leaves, and nu¬
merous, very double, blufh-red flowers, with fhort pe¬
tals, evenly arranged.—Red Belgic rofe, having green¬
ifh and red fhoots and leaves, and fine double deep red
flowers.—Velvet rofe, grows three or four feet high,
armed with but few prickles ; producing large velvet-
red flowers, comprifing femi-double, and double varie¬
ties, all very beautiful rofes.—Marbled rofe, grows four
or five feet high, having brownifh branches, with but
few prickles; and large, double, finely-marbled, red
flowers.—Red-and-yellow Auftrian rofe, grows five or
fix feet high, having flender reddifh-branches, armed
with fhort brownifh aculea; and with flowers of a red¬
difh copper colour on one fide, the other fide yellow.
This is a curious variety, and the flowers aflume a An¬
gularly agreeable appearance.—Yellow Auftrian rofe,
grows five or fix feet high, having reddifh very prickly
(hoots; and numerous bright-yellow flowers.—Double
yellow rofe, grows fix or feven feet high; with brownifh
branches, armed with numerous large and fmall yel-
lowifh prickles; and large very double yellow flowers.
—Frankfort rofe, grows eight or ten feet high, is a
vigorous (hooter, with brownifh branches, thinly armed
with ftrong prickles; and produces largifh double pur-
plifh-red flowers, that blow irregularly, and have but
little fragrance.
4. The centifolia, or hundred-leaved red rofe, &c.
grows from about three or four to fix or eight feet
high, in different forts, all of them hifpid and prickly;
pinnated three and five lobed leaves; and large very
double red flowers, having very numerous petals, and
of different (hades in the varieties. The varieties are,
—common Dutch hundred-leaved rofe, grows three or
four feet high, with ereft greenifh branches, but mo¬
derately armed with prickles; and large remarkably
double red-flowers, with fhort regularly arranged pe¬
tals.—Blufh hundred-leaved rofe, grows like the other,
with large very double pale-red flowers—Provence
rofe, grows five or fix feet, with greenifh-brown prickly
branches, and very large double globular red flowers,
with large petals folding over one another, more or lefs
in the varieties.—The varieties are, common red Pro¬
vence rofe, and pale Provence rofe; both of which ha¬
ving larger and fomewhat loofer petals than the fol¬
lowing fort.—Cabbage Provence rofe; having the pe¬
tals clofely folded over one another like cabbages-—
Dutch cabbage rofe, very large, and cabbages tolerably
-—Childing Provence rofe—Great royal rofe, grows
fix or eight feet high, producing remarkably large,
Vot, IX, g
fomewhat loofe, but very elegant flowers.—All thefe
are large double red flowers, fomewhat globular at firft.
blowing, becoming gradually a little fpreading at top,
and are all very ornamental fragrant rofes.—Mofs Pro¬
vence rofe, fuppofed a variety of the common rofe ;
grows eredtly four or five feet high, having brownifh
(talks and branches, very clofely armed with fhort
prickles, and double crimfon-red flowers; having the
calix and upper part of the peduncle furrounded with
a rough moffy-like fubftance, effecting a curious An¬
gularity. This is a fine delicate rofe, of a high fra¬
grance, which, together with its moffy calix, renders
it of great eftimation as a curiofity.
5. The cinnamomea, or cinnamon rofe, grows five or
fix feet high, or more, with purplifh branches thinly
aculeated; pinnated five or feven lobed leaves, having
almoft inermous petioles, fmooth pedunculi, and
fmooth globular germina; with fmall purplifh-red cin-
namon-feented flowers early in May. There are va¬
rieties with double flowers.
6. The Alpina, or Alpine inermous rofe, grows five
or fix feet high, having fmooth or unarmed reddifk
branches, pinnated feven-lobed fmooth leaves, fome¬
what hifpid pedunculi, oval germina, and deep-red
Angle flowers; appearing in May. This fpecies, as
being free from all kind of armature common to the
other forts of rofes, is efteemed as a Angularity ; and
from this property, is often called the virgin rofe.
7. The Carolina, or Carolina and Virginia rofe, &c.
grows fix or eight feet high, or more, having fmooth
reddifh branches, very thinly aculeated; pinnated
feven-lobed fmooth leaves, with prickly foot-ftalks;
fomewhat hifpid pedunculi, globofe hifpid germen, and
Angle red flowers in clufters, appearing moftly in Au¬
guft and September. The varieties are, dwarf Pen-
fylvanian rofe, with Angle and double red flowers—.
American pale-red rofe. This fpecies and varieties
grow naturally in different parts of North America;
they effe& a fine variety in our gardens, and are in efti¬
mation for their late-flowering property, as they often
continue in blow from Auguft until Oftober; and the
flowers are fucceeded by numerous red berry-like heps
in autumn, caufing a variety all winter.
8. The villofa, or villofe apple-bearing rofe, grows
fix or eight feet high, having ftrong eredt brownifh
fmooth branches; aculeated fparfedly pinnated feven-
lobed villofe or hairy leaves, downy underneath, with
prickly foot-ftalks, hifpid peduncles, a globular prickly
^ermen; and large fingle red flowers, fucceeded by
large round prickly heps, as big as little apples. This
fpecies merits admittance into every collection as a cu¬
riofity for the Angularity of its fruit, both for variety
and ufe; for it having a thick pulp of an agreeable
acid relifh, is often made into a tolerable good fweet-
meat.
9. The pimpinellifolia, or burnet-leaved rofe, grows
about a yard high, aculeated fparfedly; fmall neatly
pinnated feven lobed leaves, having obtufe folioles and
rough petioles, fmooth peduncules, a globular fmooth
germen, and fmall fingle flowers. There are varieties
with red flowers—and with white flowers. They grow
wild in England, &c.‘and arc cultivated in fhrubbe-
ries for variety.
10. The fpinofifiima, or moft fpinous, dwarf burnet-
leaved rofe, commonly called Scotch r<fe% grows buf
38 P twb
R O S r 6882 1 R o s
.Rofa. t vo or three feet high, very elofely armed with fpines;
fmall neatly pinnated feven lobed leaves, with prickly
foot-ftalks, prickly pedunculi, oval fmooth germen,
and numerous fmail Tingle flowers, fucceeded by round
dark-purple heps. The varieties are, common white-
flowered— red flowered — ftriped-flowered—marbled-
flowered. They grow naturally in England, Scotland,
&c. the firft variety rifes near a yard high, the others
but one or two feet, all of which are Angle-flowered;
but the flowers being numerous all over the branches,
make a pretty appearance in the collection.
1 r. The eglanteria, eglantine rofe, or fweet briar,
grows five or fix feet high, having green branches,
armed with ftrong fpines fparfediy ; pinnated feven¬
lobed odoriferous leaves, with acute folioles and rough
foot-(talks, fmooth pedunculi, globular fmooth ger-
mina, and fmall pale-red flowers. The varieties are,
common Angle-flowered femi-double flowered 
double-flowered blufh double-flowered yellow-
flowered. This fpecies grows naturally in fome parts
of England, and in Switzerland. It claims culture in
every garden for the odoriferous property of its leaves;
and fhould be planted in the borders, and other com¬
partments contiguous to walks, or near the habitation,
where the plants will impart their refrefhing fragrance
very profufely all around; and the young branches are
excellent for improving the odour of nofe-gays and
bow-pots.
12. The mofchata, or mufk-rofe, fuppofed to be a
variety only of the ever-green mufk-rofe, hath weak
fmooth green ftalks and branches, riflng by fupport
from Ax to eight or ten feet high or more, thinly armed
with ftrong fpines; pinnated feven-lobed fmooth leaves,
with prickly foot-ftalks; hifpid peduncles; oval hifpid
germen; and all the branches terminated by large um¬
bellate clufters of pure-white mulk-fcented flowers in
Auguft, &c.
13. The fempervirens, fempervirent, or ever-green
muflc rofe, hath a fomewhat trailing ftalk and branches,
riflng by fupport five or fix feet high or more, having
a fmooth bark armed with prickles; pinnated five-
lobed fmooth (Tuning evergreen leaves, with prickly
petioles, hifpid pedunculi, oval hifpid germen ; and
all the branches terminated by clufters of pure-white
flowers of a mufley fragrance; appearing the end of
July, and in Auguft. The fempervirent property of
this elegant fpecies, renders it a curiofity among the
rofy tribe; it alfo makes a fine appearance as a flower¬
ing ftmsb. There is one variety, the deciduous mufk-
rofe abovementioned. This fpecies and variety flower
in Anguft; remarkable for producing them numeroufly
in clufters, continuing in fuccefiion till Odlober or No¬
vember.
Ail the above 13 fpecies of rofa, and their refpeftive
varieties, are of the (hrub kind ; al^deciduous, except the
laft fort, and of hardy growth, fucceeding in any com¬
mon foil and fituation, and flowering annually in great
abundance from May till Oftober, in different forts;
though the general flowering feafon for the principal
part of them is June and July : but in a full colleflion
of the different fpecies, the blow is continued in con-
ftant fucceflion feveral months, even fometimes from
May till near Chriftmas; producing their flowers uni-
verfallydn the fame year's (hoots, rifing from thofe the
year before, generally on long pedunculi, each termi?
nated by one or more rofes, which in their chara£Teri Rofa
flic (late confift each of five large petals and -'Bany RopaJous.
(lamina; but in the doubles, the petals are very nume-   !
rous; and in fome forts, the flowers are fucceeded by
fruit ripening to a red-colour in autumn and winter,
from the feed of which the plants may be raifed: but
the mod certain and eligible mode of propagating moft
of the forts is by fuckers and layers ; and by which
methods they may be increaftd very expeditioufly in
great abundance.
The red and white rofes are ufed in medicine. The
former diflilled with water yields a fmal! portion of a
butyraceous oil, whofe flavour exadtiy refembles that
of the rofes themfelves. This oil and the diftilled wa¬
ter are very ufeful and agreeable cordials. Thefe rofes
alfo, befides the cordial and aromatic virtues which re-
fide in their volatile parts, have a mild purgative one,
which remains entire in the decoftion left after diftil-
lation. The red rofe, on the contrary, has an aitrin-
gent and gratefully corroborating virtue.,
ROSA (Salvator), an admirable painter, born at
Naples in 1614. He was firft inftrnfited by Francefco
Francazano, a kinfman : but the death of his father
reduced him to fell drawings (ketched upon paper for
any thing he could get; one of which happening to
fall into the hands of Lanfranc, he took him under his
protedlion, and enabled him to enter the fchool of
Spagnoletto, and to be taught moreover by Daniel
Falcone, a diftinguiftied painter of battles at Naples.
Salvator had a fertile imagination. He ftudied nature
with attention and judgment; and always reprefented
her to the greateft advantage: for every tree, rock,
cloud, or fituation, that enters into his compofition,
(hows an elevation of thought that extorts admiration.
He was equally eminent for painting battles, animals,
fea or land ftorms ; and he executed thefe different
fubjeds in fuch tafte, as renders his works readily di-
ftinguifhable from all others. His pieces are exceed¬
ingly fcarce and valuable ; one of the moft capital is
that reprefenting Saul and the witch of Endor, which
is at Verfailles. He died in 1673; and as his paint¬
ings are in few hands, he' is more generally known by
his prints; of which he etched a great number. He
painted landfcapes more than hiflory; but his prints
are chiefly hiftorical. The capital Lndfcape of this
mailer at Chifwick is a noble pi&ure. However, he is
faid to have been ignorant of the management of light,
and to have fometimes (haded faces in a difagreeabie
manner. He was a man of genius; of which he has
given frequent fpecimens in his works. A roving dif-
pofition, to which he is faid to have given full (cope,
feemS to have added a wildnefs to all his thoughts.
We are told that he fpent the early part of his life in
a troop of banditti; and that the rocky defolate fcenes
in which he was accuftomed to take refuge, furniflied
him with thofe romantic ideas in landlkip, of which he
is fo exceedingly fond; and in the defcription of which
he fo greatly excells. His robbers, as his detached fi¬
gures are commonly called, are fuppofed alfo to have
been taken from the life.
ROSACEA. See Gutta Rofacea.
ROSACEOUS, among botanifts, an appellation
given to fuch flowers as are compofed of feveral petals
or leaves difpofed in a fort of circular form, like thole,
of a rofe.
RO-
R O S [ 6883 ] R O S
■Rofary ROSARY, among the Roman catholics. See
J Chaplet.
:RmoT ROSBACH, a town of Germany, in Saxony, fa-
i mous for a viftory obtained here by the king of Prnf-
iia over the French on November 5, 175:7, in' which
10,000 of the French were killed or taken prifoners,
with.the lofs of no more than joo'Pruflians. See {Hi-
Jiory of) Prussia.
ROSCHILD, a town of Denmark, in the ifie of
Zealand, with a bifhop’s fee, and a fmall univerfity. It
is famous for a treaty concluded here in 1658; and in
the great church there are feveral tombs of the kings
of Denmark. It is feated at the bottom of a fmall bay,
in E. Long. 12. 20. N. Lat. 55. 40.
ROSCOMMON, a countyof Ireland, in the province
of Connaught, bounded on the weft by the river Sue,
on the eaft by the Shannon, on the north by the Cur¬
lew mountains, on the fouth and fouth-eaft by the
KingVcounty and part of Galloway. Its length is 35
miles, its breadth 28. The air of the county, both
on'the plains and mountains, is healthy; the foil yields
plenty of grafs with fome corn, and feeds numerous
herds of cattle. The Curlew mountains on .the north
are very high and deep ; and, till a road with great la¬
bour and difficulty was cut thro’ them, was impaftable.
Roscommon, which gives the title of earl to the
family of Dillon, and name to the county, tho’ not
large, is both a parliamentary borough and the county
town.
ROSCOMMON (Wentworth Dillon, earl of), a
celebrated poet of the 17th century, was the fon of
James Dillon, earl of Rofcommon; and was born in
Ireland, under the adminiftration of the firft earl of
Strafford, from whom he received the name of Went-
•wortb at his baptifm. He paffed his infancy in Ire¬
land ; after which the earl of Strafford fent for him into
England, and placed him at his own feat in Yorklhire,
under the tuition of Dr Hall, afterwards bifhop of Nor¬
wich, who inftru&ed him in Latin, without teaching
him the common rules of grammar, which he could
never retain in his memory, and yet he learnt to write
in that language with claffical elegance and propriety.
On the earl of Strafford’s being impeached, he went
to complete his education at Caen, in Normandy; and
after fome years travelled to Rome, where he became
acquainted with the molt valuable remains of anti¬
quity, and in particular was well (killed in medals, and
learned to fpeak Italian with fuch grace and fluency,
that he was frequently miftaken for a native. He re¬
turned to England foon after the reftoration, and was
made captain of the band of penfioners; but a difpute
with the lord privy-feal, about a part of his eftate, ob¬
liged him torefign his poft and revifit his native coun¬
try, where the duke of Ormond appointed him captain
of the guards. He was unhappily very fond of ga¬
ming; and as he was returning to his lodgings from a
gaming-table in Dublin, was attacked in the dark by
three ruffians, who were employed to affaffinate him.
The earl defended himfelf with fuch refolution, that
he had difpatched'one of the aggreffors, when a gen¬
tleman paffing that way took his part, and dlfarmed
another, on which the third fought his fafety in flight.
This generous affiftant was a difbanded officer of good
family and fair reputation, but reduced to poverty ;
and his lordfhip rewarded his bravery by refigning to
him his poft of captain of the guards. He at length
returned to London; when he was made mafter of the Rofl!n‘
horfe to the duchefs of York, and married the lady
Frances, eldeft daughter of Richard earl of Burling¬
ton, who had been the wife of coloneFCourtney. He
here diftinguifhed himfelf by his writings; and in imi¬
tation of thofe learned and polite affemblies with which
be had been acquainted abroad, began to form a fo-
ciety for refining and fixing the ftandard of the Eng-
lifh language, in which his great friend Mr Dryden
was a principal affiftant. This fcheme was entirely de¬
feated by the religious commotions which enfued on
king James’s acceffion to the throne. In 1683 he was
feized with the gout; and being too impatient of pain,
he permitted a bold French pretender to phyfic to ap¬
ply a repelling medicine, in order to give him prefent
relief; which drove the diftemper into his bowels, and
in a (hort time put a period to his life in 1684. He
was a man of an amiable difpofition, as well as a good
poet: his poems, which are not numerous, are printed
in the firft volume of the works of the minor poets.
ROSE, in botany. See Rosa.
EJfence of Roses, is the effential oil of the white
rofe drawn off in an Alembic in the ufual way, but is
afforded in very fmall quantity, and is therefore ex¬
ceedingly fcarce and dear.
Rose-noble, an ancient Englifh gold-coin, firft:
ftruck in the reign of Edward III. It was formerly
current at 6 s. 8 d. and fo called becaufe ftamped with
a rofe.
ROSLIN, or Roskelyn, a place in the county of
Mid Lothian in Scotland, remarkable for an ancient
chapel and caftle. The chapel was founded in 1446,
by St Clare, prince of Orkney, for a provoft, fix pre¬
bendaries, and two finging-boys. The outfide is or¬
namented with a multitude of pinnacles, and variety
of ludicrous fculpture. The infide is 69 feet long,
the breadth 34, fupported by two rows of cluftered
pillars, between feven and eight feet high, with an
ifle on each fide. The arches are obtufely Gothic.
Thefe arches are continued acrofs the fide-ifles, but
the centre of the church is one continued arch, ele¬
gantly divided into compartments, and finely fculp-
tured. The capitals of the pillars are enriched with
foliage, and a variety of figures ; and amidft a hea¬
venly concert, appears a cherubim blowing the ancient
Highland bagpipes. The caftle is feated on a penin-
fulated rock, in a deep glen far beneath, and accef-
fible by a bridge of great height. This had been
the feat of the great name of Sinclair. Of this houfe
was Oliver, favourite of James V. and the innocent
caufe of the lofs of the battle of Solway Mofs, by rea-
fon of the envy of the nobility on account of his be¬
ing preferred to the command.
Near this place, the Englifh received three defeats
in one d.iy under John de Segrave the Englifh regent
of Scotland in 1302. The Soots, under their gene¬
rals Cummin and Frafer, had refolved to furprile Se¬
grave ; with which view they began their march on
the night or Saturday preceding' the firft Sunday of
Lent, and reached the Englifh army by break of day.
Segrave, however, had time to have fallen back upon
tjie other divifion which lay behind him : but, either
defpifing his enemies too much, or thinking that he
would be difhonoured by a retreat, he encountered
38 P 2 the
R O S [ 6884 ] R O S
Rofl'm, the Scots; the confequence of which vras, that he
Rofmannushjmfelf was made prifoner, and all his men either kill-
“ ed or taken, except fuch as fled to the other divifion.
As in this routed divifion there had been no fewer than
300 knights, each of whom brought at leaft five horfc-
men into the field, great part of the Scots infantry
quickly furnifhed themfelves with their horfes : but,
as they were dividing the fpoils, another divifion of
the Englifli appeared, and the Scots were obliged to
fight them alfo. The Englifli, after a bloody engage¬
ment, were defeated a fecond time ; which was no
foonerdone, than the third and moft powerful divifion
made its appearance. The Scots were now quite ex-
haufted ; and, pleading the exceffive labours they had
already undergone, earndlly requefted their generals
to allow them to retreat while it was yet in their
power. Their two generals, who perhaps knew that
to be impradticable, reminded them of the caufe for
which they were fighting, the tyranny of theEnglifli,
&C. and by thefe arguments prevailed upon them to
fight a third time ; though, previous to the engage¬
ment, they were reduced to the cruel neceffity of put¬
ting all the common fofdiers whom they had made
prifoners to the fword. The viftory of the Scots at
this time was lefs complete than the other two had
been ; fince they could not prevent the retreat of the
Englifli to Edinburgh, nor Segrave from being refcued
from his captivity.
ROSMARINUS, rosemary ; a genus of the mo-
nogynia order, belonging to the diandria clafs of
plants. There are two fpecies, the anguftifolia and
iatifolia, or narrow and broad leaved rofemary; of
which the fecond has larger flowers and a ftronger
fcent than the other. There are two varieties ; one of
the firft fort with ftriped leaves, called the Jllver rofe¬
mary.; and the other with yellow, whence it is called
the gold-Jlriped rofemary. Thefe plants grow naturally
in the fouthern parts of France, Spain, and Italy ;
where, upon dry rocky foils near the fea, they thrive
prodigioufly, and perfume the air in fuch a manner as
to be fmelt at a great diftance from the land. How¬
ever, they are hardy enough to bear the cold of our
ordinary winters, provided they be planted upon a
poor, dry, gravelly foil, on which they will endure
the cold much better than in a richer ground, where,
growing more vigoroufly in fummer, they are more
apt to be injured by froft in winter ; nor will they
have fuch a ftrong aromatic fcent as thofe on a dry and
barren foil. They are to be propagated either by
flips or cuttings.
Rofemary has a fragrant fmell, and a warm pun¬
gent bitterilh tafte, approaching to thofe of lavender:
the leaves and tender tops are ftrongeft; next to
thofe, the cup of the flower; the flowers themfelves are
confiderably the weakeft, but moft pleafant. Aqueous
liquors extraft great ftiare of the virtues of rofemary
leaves by infufion, and elevate them in diftillation ;
along with the water arifes a confiderable quantity of
cflential oil, of an agreeable ftrong penetrating fmell.
Pure fpirit extradls in great perfeftion the whole aro¬
matic flavour of the rofemary, and elevates very little
ef it in diftillation ; hence the refinous mafs, left upon
extra&ing the fpirit, proves an elegant aromatic, very
rich in the peculiar qualities of the plant. The flowers
ef rofemary give over great part of their flavour in di¬
ftillation with pure fpirit: by watery liquors, their Rofetto
fragrance is much injured; by beating, deftroyed. It
ROSETTO, a town of Africa, in Egypt, feated Ro^‘
on the weftern branch of the river Nde; the Egyptians ”
call it Rafehid, and account it one of the pleafanteft
places in Egypt. It is near two miles in length, and
has not above two or three ftreets. Any one that fees
the hills about Rofetto, would judge that they were
the ancient barriers of the fea, and conclude that the
fea has not loft more ground than the fpace between
the hills and the water. They have a great manufac¬
tory of ftriped and other coarie linens: but the chief
bulinefs of the place is the carriage of goods from
hence to Cairo ; for all European merchandizes are
brought hither from Alexandria by fea, and thence
carried by boats to Cairo. The Europeans have their
viee-cenfuls and fa&ors here, who tranfaft bufinefs.
The country to the north has delightful gardens, full
of orange, lemon, and citron trees, and almoft all
forts of fruits, with a variety of groves of palm-trees ;
and when the fields are green with rice, it adds greatly
to the beauty of the country. E. Long. 41. 35. N.
Lat. 31.10.
ROSIERS-aux-Salines, a town of France, in
Lorrain, and in the bailiwick of Nancy, famous
for its falt-works. The works that king Staniflaus
made here are much admired. It is feated on the river
Muert, in E. Long. 6. 27. N. Lat. 48. 32.
ROSLEY-hill, a village in Cumberland, with a
fair on Whit-Monday, and every fortnight after till
September 29, for horfes, horned cattle, and linen
cloth.
ROSS, a town of Herefordfhire : it is commodi-
oufly feated on the river Wye ; is a handfome place,
containing about 300 houfes ; and has a good market
for corn and cattle. W. Long. 2. 35. N. Lat.51.55.
Ross, a county of Scotland, including Tayne and
Cromarty, ftretching 80 miles in length, and 78 in
breadth, is bounded on the weft by the weftern fea,
and part of the ifle of Skie; by Invernefs, on the fouth;
Strathnavern and Sutherland, on the north and north-
eaft ; and by Cromartie and Murray-Frith on the eaft.
Tayne includes the greater part of Rofs, with the ifles
of Skie, Lewis, and Harries. Cromartie lies on the
other fide of Murray-Frith, to the northward of In¬
vernefs, extending but 12 miles in length, bounded on
the fouth and eaft by part of Rofs and the Frith of
Murray, and by the Frith of Cromartie on the north.
The fhire of Rofs takes up the whole breadth of the
ifland ; and being much indented with bays and inlets
from both feas, appears of a very irregular form.
Thefe bays afford fafe harbour for (hipping, efpecially
that of Cromartie, which is capacious enough to con¬
tain all the fleets of Europe, being land-locked on
every fide, and in all refpe&s one of the bed harbours
in the known world. The Frith of Tayne, on the eaft
fide of the (hire, runs up 25 miles from the fea, as far
as the Cape Tarbat, dividing Rofs from Sutherland,
it is about feven miles broad at the mouth ; but, on
account of quick-fands, unfafe for navigation. The
country of Rofs is encumbered with huge mountains,
on which the fnow lies for the greateft part of the year;
thefe, however, yield good pafture : but on the eaftern
fide, next the German ocean, the country admits of
agriculture, and produces good crops of corn. The
valleys
Rofs
I!
Roftock.
R O S [ 688? 1 ROT
valleys are fertilized by feveral rivers, among which we
reckon the Okel, the Charron, and the Braan ; be-
fides a number of frdh-water lakes, which indeed are
found in every part of this country. The valleys, or
ftraths, are generally covered with wood; and near
Alfrag, there are forefts of fir 15 or 20 miles in
length, well flocked with deer and game of all forts.
Great numbers of black cattle, horfes, fheep, and
goats, are fed upon the mountains ; and the fea, rivers,
and lakes, teem with fifh and fowl. The lochs on the
weftern coaft abound with herrings in the feafon, par¬
ticularly Loch Eu, about nine miles long, and three
in breadth : one part of this is formed by a bay, or in¬
let of the fea; and the other i&a lake of frefh water.
The fides of it are covered with wood, where formerly
abundance of iron was fmelted. Though the middle
part of Rofs, called Ardrofs> is mountainous and
fcarce inhabited, the north-eall parts on the rivers O-
kel, Charron, and Frith of Tayne, are fruitful, and
abound with villages. Coygach and Afsgnt, two
northerly diftri&s, are bare and hilly; yet they abound
with deer and black cattle ; and we fee feveral good
houfes towards the coaft, where there are alfo promon¬
tories, and huge rocks of marble. Ardmeanach, part
of the peninfula betwixt the bays of Cromartie and
Murray, is a barony, which of old beftowed a title on
the king of Scotland’s fecond fon. The diftridl of
Glen-elchig, on the fouth-weft, was the paternal eftatfe
of the earl of Seaforth, chief of the clan Mackenzie :
but the laft earl of that name, having rifen in rebellion,
was in the year 1-719 defeated at Glenlhiel, in this
very quarter, together with a fmall body of Spaniards
by whom he had been joined. His auxiliaries were
taken^ and though he himfelf, with fome of his
Mends, efcaped to the continent, his eftate and ho¬
nours were forfeited. At the fame time, the king’s
troops, who obtained this viftory, difmantled the caftle
of Yion-donncn, fituated on an ifland in a bay that
fronts the ille of Skie :• it belonged to the crown; but
the office of hereditary governor was veiled in the earl
of Seaforth, and here he had ere&ed his magazine,
Rofs is chiefly peopled by the Mackenzies and Frafers,
two warlike clans, who fpeak Erfe, and live in the
Highland falhion. There are fifheries carried on along
the coaft ; but their chief traffick is with fheep and
black cattle. The chief towns of Rofs, are Channerie,
Hingwell, Tayne, and Fortrofe.
ROSSANO, a ftrong town of Italy, in the king¬
dom of Naples, and in the Hither Calabria, with an
archbifhop’s fee, and the title of a principality. It is
pretty large, well peopled, and feated on an eminence
furrounded with rocks. E. Long. 16. 52. N. Lat.
39- 45-
ROS-solis, Sun-dew, an agreeable fpirituous'* li¬
quor, compofcd of burnt brandy, fugar, cinnamon,
and milk-water ; andfometimes perfumed with a little
mufk. It has its name from being at firft prepared
wholly of the juice of the plant ros-folis, or drofera.
See Drosera.
ROSTOCK, a town of Germany, in the circle of
Upper Saxony, and duchy of Mecklenburg, with an
univerfity and a very good harbour. It is the beft
town in this country; and has good fortifications, with
an arfenal. The duke has a ftrong caftle, which may
be looked upon as a citadel. It is divided into three
parts, the Old, the New, and the Middle towns. It
was formerly one of the Hanfeatic towns, and is ftill
Imperial, under the proteftion of the duke of Meck¬
lenburg. It is feated on a lake where the river Varne
falls into it, and carries large boats. E. Long. 12.
55. N. Lat. 54. 8.
ROSTOFF, or Rostow, a large town of the Ruf¬
fian empire, and capital of a territory of the fame
name, with an archbilhop’s fee, feated on the lake
Coteri, in E. Long. 40. 25. N. Lat. 57. 5. The
duchy of Rolloff is bounded on the north by Jaro-
flow, on the call by Sutdal, on the fouth by the duchy
of Mofcow, and on the weft by that of Tuere.
ROSTRA, in antiquity, a part of the Roman fo¬
rum, wherein orations, pleadings, funeral harangues*.
&c. were delivered.
ROSTRUM, literally denotes the beak or bill of a
bird ; and hence it has been figuratively applied to the
beak or head of a Ihip.
ROSYCRUCIANS, Rosicrucians, or Brother*
of the Rofy Crofs, a name affumed by a fe& or cabal
of hermetical philofophers, who appeared* or at leaft
were fit ft taken notice of, in Germany, in the begin¬
ning of the 16th century. They pretended to be ma¬
tters of all fciences; and to have many important fe-
crets, particularly that of the philofopher’s done.—
Their fociety is frequently denoted by the abbrevia¬
tures F. R. C.
ROT, a very fatal difeafe incident to fheep, arifing
from wet feafons, and too moift pafture. It is very dif¬
ficult of cure, and is attended with the fingular cir-
cumftance of a kind of animals being found in the
blood-veffels. See Sheep.
ROTA, the name of an ecclefiaftical eourtrof Rome,
compofed of 12 prelates, of whom one mull be a Ger¬
man, another a Frenchman, and twoJSpaniards ; the
other eight are Italians, three of whom mull be Ro¬
mans, and the other five a Bolognefe, a Ferraran, a
Milanefe, a Venetian, and a Tufcan.—This is one of
the molt auguft tribunals in Rome, which takes cog¬
nizance of all fuits in the territory of the church, by-
appeal ; as alfo of all matters beneficiary and patri¬
monial.
ROTACEiE, (from rota, “ a wheel”), the name
of the 20th order in Linnasus’s Fragments of a Na¬
tural Method; confifting of plants with one flat, wheel-
fhaped petal, without a tube. See Botany, p. 1308.
ROTATION; in geometry, a term chiefly applied
to the circumvolution of any furface round a fixed and
immoveable line, which is called \.)\t axis of its-rota¬
tion: and .by fuch rotations it is that folids are concei¬
ved to be generated.
ROTHERAM, a town in the Weft Riding of
Ybrklhire, feated on the river Don, near which there
is a handfome Hone bridge. It is a well-built place,
and the market is large for provifions. W. Long, i-
10. N. Lat. 53. 25.
ROTHSAY, a town in the ille of Bute, of which
it is the capital. It is a well-built town of fmall
houfes, and about 200 families; and. is within thefe '
few years much improved. It has a good pier, and is
feated at the bottom of a fine bay, whofe mouth lies
exaftly oppofite to Loch Steven in Cowah Here is a
fine depth of water, a fecure retreat, and a ready na¬
vigation down the Frith for an export trade. Maga-
zines
Rolloff
II
Rothfay.
R O U [ 6886 1 R O U
iHotondo zines of goods for foreign parts might be moft advan-
It' tageoufly erefted here. The women of this town fpin
Rouane* yarn, the men fupport themfelves by fifhing. W.
Long. 5. O. N. Lat. 55. 50.
ROTONDO, or Rotundo, in archite&ure, an
appellation given to any building that is round both
within and without ; whether it be a church, a faloon,
or the like. The moft celebrated rotundo of the an¬
cients is the pantheon at Rome. See Pantheon.
ROTTENNESS. See Putrefaction.
ROTTERDAM, a city of the province of Hol¬
land, ftanding at the conflux of the Maes, or Merwe,
and the Rotter ; from the latter of which, and Dam,
its name is formed. It is 13 miles from the Hague,
28 from Amfterdam, and 15 from Leyden ; and, next
to the two laft, it is faid to be now the greateft city
in Holland. Its ftreets are fpacious, adorned with
lofty trees and noble canals; by the laft of which
fhips of the greateft burden run into the heart of the
city, and lade and unlade at the merchants doors.
The trade here is very great. Over the Maes, which
is here very broad, is a bridge, on which is placed
a brafs ftatue of Erafmus. The Haaring-Vliet,
and the Boom-quay, are very fine ftreets. The lat¬
ter lies along the Maes; and on one fide has a mag¬
nificent row of trees and houfes, or rather palaces, ex¬
tending above half a mile,; and on the other the river,
where (hips are continually failing up and down, oral
anchor. This key, being very broad and clean, ferves
inftead of a mall. The principal buildings in the town
are the exchange, the Eaft and Weft-India houfes,
the bank, the arfenal, and the great church or that of
St Laurence, near which is the little obfcure houfe in
which Erafmus is born, with his pifture, and this di-
ftich over the door :
JEdibus his ortus, mundum decoravit Erafmus,
Artibus ingenuis, religione, fide.
i. e.
“ Erafmus, who adorned the world with arts and
fciences, religion, and virtue, was born in this houfe.”
There are three high tribunals in this city: that of the
admiralty of the Maes; of the high-bailiff, or dyke-
graaf of Schieland ; and that of the judges of Schie-
land. On the eaft and weft fides of the city are docks,
where they are continually building, repairing, or
lanching veffels ; but the largeft fhips belonging to
the admiralty of Rotterdam lie at Helvoetfluys; and,
as there is not a fufficient depth of water at the month
of the Maes for fhips that draw above J5 feet, they are
obliged to come hither by the way of Helvoetfluys,
and the Haaring Vliet. The glafs-honfe here makes
abundance of glafs-toys, and enamelled bowls, which
are fent to India, and exchanged for China ware and
other oriental commodities.
ROTULA, in anatomy, the fraall bone of the knee
called alfo patella. J
ROTUNDUS, in anatomy, a name given to fe-
veral mnfcles otherwife called teres.
ROUANE, or Roane, an ancient and confider-
able town of France, in Lower Forez, with the title
of a duchy; feated on the river Loire, at the place
where it begins to be navigable for boats. E. Long,
4. 9, N. Lat. 46, 2
ROUCOU, in dyeing, the fame with Arnotto
and Bixa.
ROUEN, a city of France, and capital of Nor¬
mandy, with an archbifhop’s fee, a parliament, a
mint, a handfome college, an academy, two abbeys,
and an old caftle. It is feven miles in circumference,
and furrounded with fix fuburbs; and contains 35 pa-
riflies, and 24 convents for men and women. The
metropolitan church has a very handfome front, on
which are two lofty fteeples, whence there is a fine
view of the town and country. The great bell is 13
feet high, and 11 in diameter. The church of the Be-
ne-didline abbey is much admired by travellers. The
parliament-houfe is adorned with beautiful tapeftry
and fine pictures. There are a great number of foun¬
tains, though the houfes are ordinary ; but the walk
upon the quay is very pleafant, and there are 13 gates
from thence into the city. The number of the inha¬
bitants are.about 60,000, and they have feveral wool¬
len manufadhires. It is feated on the river Seine ; and
the tide rifes fo high, that veffels of 200 tons may
come up to the quay: but one of the greateft curiofi-
ties is the bridge of 270 paces in length, fupported by
boats, and confequently is higher or lower according
to the tide. It is paved, and there are ways for foot-
paflengers on each fide, with benches to fit upon; and
coaches may pafs over it at any hour of the day or
night. It is often called Roan by Englifti hiftoriansi
and is 50 miles fouth-weft of Amiens, and 70 north-
weft of Paris. E. Long. I. 10. N. Lat. 49. 26.
ROVERE, or Roveredo, a ftrong town of the
Tyrol, on the confines of the republic of Venice; feat¬
ed on the river Adige, at the foot of a mountain, and
on the fide of a ftream, over which there is a brige, de¬
fended by two large towers and a ftrong caftle, 10 mile*
fouth of Trent. E. Long. n. 1. N. Lat. 46. 12.
ROUERGUE, a province of France, in the go¬
vernment of Guienne; bounded .on the eaft by the Ce-
vennes and Gevaudan, on the weft by Querci, on the
north by the fame and Auvergne, and on the fouth by
Languedoc. It is 75 miles in length, and 50 in
breadth ; not very fertile, but feeds a number of
cattle, and has mines of copper, iron, alum, vitriol,
and fulphur. It is divided into a county, and the up¬
per and lower marche. Rhodez is the capital town.
ROVIGNO, a populous town of Italy, in Illria,
with two good harbours, and quarries of fine ftone.
It is feated in a territory which produces excellent
wine, in a peninfula on the weftern coaft. E. Long.
13. 53. N. Lat. 45. 14.
ROUND house, a kind of prifon for the nightly
watch in London to fecure diforderly perfons till they
can be carried before a magiftrate.
Rovuo jF/oufe, in a ihip, the uppermoft room, or
cabin on the. (tern of a ftiip where the mafter lies,
ROUNDS, in military matters, a detachment from
the main-guard, of an officer or a non-commiffiqned
officer and fix men, who go round the rampart of a
garrifon, to liften if any thing be ftirring without the
place, and to fee that the centinels be diligent upon
their duty, and all in order. In drift garrifons the
rounds go every half-hour. The centinels are to chal¬
lenge at a diftance, and to reft their arms as the round
pafles. All guards turn out, challenge, exchange the
parole, and reft their arms, &c.
Roucou
II
Rounds.
R O U [ 6887 ] R O U
Rounds are ordinary and extraordinary. The or¬
dinary rounds are three ; the town-major’s round, the
grand-round, and the vifiting round.
Manner of going the Rounds. When the town-
major goes his ro.und, he comes to the main-guard,
and demands a ferjeant and four or fix men to efcort
him to the next guard ; and when it is dark, one of
the men is to carry a light.
As foon as the fentry at the guard perceives the
round coming, he dial! give notice to the guard, that
they may be ready to turn out when ordered ; and
when the round is advanced within about 20 or 30 pa¬
ces of the guard, he is to challenge brifkly ; and when
he is anfwered by the ferjeant who attends the round,
Town-major’s round, he is to fay, Stand round! and
rell his arms? after which he is to call out imme¬
diately, Serjeant, turn out the guard, town-major’s
round. Upon the fentry calling, the ferjeant is to
turn out the guard immediately, drawing up the men
in good order with fhouldered arms, the officer placing
himfelf at the head of it, with his arms in his hand.
He then orders the ferjeant and four or fix men to ad¬
vance toward the round, and challenge: the ferjeant of
the round is to anfwer, Town-major’s round; upon
which the ferjeant of the guard replies. Advance, fer¬
jeant, with the parole! at the fame time ordering his
men to reft their arrhs. The ferjeant of the round ad¬
vances alone, and gives the ferjeant of the guard the
parole in his ear, that none elfe may hear it ; during
which period, the ferjeant of the guard holds the fpear
of his halbert at the other’s bread. The ferjeant of the
round then returns to his poft, whilft the ferjeant of
the guard leaving his men to keep the round from ad¬
vancing, gives the parole to his officer. This being
found right, the officer orders his ferjeant to return to
bis men 5 fays, Advance, town-major’s round! and or¬
ders the guard to reft their arms; upon which the fer-
jeant of the guard orders his men to wheel back from
the centre, and form a lane, through which the town-
major is to pafs (the efcort remaining where they
were), and go up to the officer and give him the parole,
laying his mouth to his ear. The officer holds the
fpear of his efponton at the town-major’s breaft while
he gives him the parole.
The defignof rounds is not only to vifit the guards,
and keep the ceminels alert; but likewife to difcover
what pafles in the outworks, and beyond them.
ROUNDELAY, a kind of ancient poem, thus
termed, according to Menage, from its form ; becaufe
it turns back again to the firft verfe, and thus goes
round f. This poem is little known among us; but is
very common among the French, who call it rondeau.
It eonfifts commonly of 13 verfes, eight whereof are
in one rhyme, and five in another. It is divided into
couplets; at the end of the fecond and third whereof,
the beginning of the roundelay is repeated, and that, if
poffible, in an equivocal orpaufing fenfe.
ROUSSILLON, a province of France, in the Py¬
renees, bounded on the eaft by the Mediterranean Sea,
on the weft by Cerdagne, on the north by Lower
Languedoc, and on the fouth by Catalonia, from
■which it is feparated by. the Pyrennees. It is a fer¬
tile country, about 50 miles in length and 25 in
breadth, and remarkable for its great number of olive-
trees. Perpignan is the capital town.
ROSSEAU (James), an eminent painter, was born
at Paris, and ftudied firft under Swanevelt, who had Rondeau,
married one of his relations; after which he improved "
himfelf by travelling into Italy, practifing folely in
perfpe£tive, architecture, and Lndfcape. On his return
home, he was employed at Marly ; but, being a Pro-
ttftant, quitted his work on the perfecution of his bre¬
thren, and retired to Swiflerland. Louvois invited
him back ; he refufed, but fent his defigns, and re¬
commended a proper perfon to execute them. After
a fiiort ftay in Swiflerland, he went to Holland;
whence he was invited over to England by Ralph duke
of Montague, to adoi*n his new houfe in Blooinfbttry,
where he painted much. Some of his pictures, both
in landfcape and architecture, are over doors at Hamp*
ton-Court ; and he etched fome ot his own defigns.
He died in Soho-fquare, about the year 1694, aged 68.
Rousseau (John Baptift); a celebrated French
poet, was born at Paris in 1669. His father, who
was a fhoemaker in good circumftanees, made him
ftudy in the belt colleges of Paris, where he diftin-
uiffied himfelf by his abilities. He at length applied
imfelf entirely to poetry, and foon made himfelf
known by feveral fliort pieces, that were filled with
lively and agreeable images, which made him fought
for by perfons of the firft rank, and men of the brighteft
genius. He was admitted in quality of e/eve, or pu¬
pil, into the academy of Infcriptions and Belles Ret¬
ires, in 1701, and almoft all the reft of his life at¬
tached himfelf to fome of the great lords. He at¬
tended marftial Tallard into England, in quality of fe-
cretary, and here contracted a friendlhip with St E-
vremond. At his return to Paris, he was admitted
into the politeft company, lived among the courtiers,
and feemed perfectly fatisfied with his fituation; when,
in 1708, he was profecuted for being the author of
fome couplets, in which the characters of feveral per¬
fons of wit and merit were blackened by the moft
atrocious calumnies- This profecution made much
noife; and Roufleau was banifhed in 1712 out of the
kingdom, to which he was never more to return, by a
decree of the parliament of Paris. However, he al¬
ways fteadily denied, and even on his death-bed, his
being the author of thefe couplets. From the. date of
this fentence he lived in foreign countries, where he
found illuftrious protedtors. The count du Luc, am-
baflador of France, in Swiflerland, took him into his
family, and ftudied to render his life agreeable. He
tookhirawith him to the treaty of Baden in 1714, where
he was one of the plenipotentiaries; and prefented hirq-
to prince Eugene, who entertaining a particular efteem
forhim, took him to Vienna, and introduced, him to
the emperor’s court. RoufTeau lived aboui three years
with prince Eugene; and then retired to Bruflels,
where he afterwards ufually refided. The duke d’A-
remberg gave him an apartment; and, in 1733, fet¬
tled upon upon him an annual penfion of 1500 livres.
Rouffeau alfo found generous proteCIors in the count
de Lannoy governor of Bruflels, and in the prince de
la Tour Tallis. He died at BrufTels in 1741. He
wrote feveral odes, fome of which are on religious
fubjeCts ; Cantatas, Epiftles in verfe, Allegories, Epi¬
grams, Mifcellaneous Poems, and four Comedies in
verfe, and two in profe, &c. The belt edition of his
works is that of Paris, in 1743, *n 3 vo^s 4t0> an^ ‘n
4 vols 12010, by M. Segoy. Rouffeau is juftly allowed
to have been one of the heft French lyric poets; and:
ROW f 68 8 B 1 R O X
Rout, to have alfo excelled in cantatas, of which he was in a
Ruwc~ manner the inventor.
ROUTJS, a public road, high-way, or courfe,
efpecially that which military forces take. This word
is alfo ufed for the defeat and flight of an army.
Rout, in law, is applied to an affembly of perfons
going forcibly to commit fome unlawful ad, whether
they execute it or not. See Riot.
ROWE (Nicholas), defcended of an ancient family
in Devonfhire, was born in 167$. He acquired a com¬
plete tafte of the claflic authors under the famous Dr
Bufby in Weftminfter fchool; but poetry was his early
and darling ftudy. His father, who was a lawyer, and
defigned him for his own profefiion, entered him a ftu-
dent in the Middle Temple. He made remarkable ad¬
vances in the ftudy of the law; but the love of the
belles lettres, and of poetry in particular, ftopt him in
his career. His firft tragedy, The Ambitious Step¬
mother, meeting with univerfal applaufe, he hid afide
all thoughts of rifing by the law. He afterward com-
pofed feveral tragedies; but that which he valued him-
felf mod upon, was his Tamerlane. He wrote but
one comedy, intitled The Biter, which had no fuccefs;
his genius not lying toward comedy. Being a great
admirer of Shakefpear, he obliged the public with a
new edition of his works. Mr Rowe’s laft, and per¬
haps his heft poem, was his tranflation of Lucan.
The love of learning and poetry did not incapacitate
him from bufmefs, and nobody applied clofer to it
when it required his attendance. The late duke of
Queenfberry, when fecretary of ftate, made him fecre-
tary for public affairs; but after the duke’s death, and
during the reft of queen Anne’s reign, he paffed his time
with the mufes. King George I. upon his accefllon
to the throne of Britain, made him poet laureat, and
one of the land furveyors of the cuftoms in the port of
London; and the lord chancellor Parker made him his
fecretary for the prefentations. He died in 1718.
Rowe (Elifabeth), an Englifh lady, eminent for her
excellent writings both in profe and verfe, born at II-
chefter in Somerfetfhire in 1647, was the daughter of
worthy parents, Mr Walter Singer and Mrs Elifabeth
Portnel. She received the firft ferious impreffions of
religion as foon as fhe was capable of it. There being
a great affinity between painting and poetry, this lady,
who had a vein for the one, naturally had a tafte for
the other. She was alfo very fond of mufic; chiefly
of the grave and folemn kind, as beft fuited to the
grandeur of her fentiments, and the fublimity of her
devotion. But poetry was her favourite employment,
her diftinguiffiing excellence. So prevalent was her
genius this way, that her profe is all poetical. In
1696, a colle&ion of her poems was publiflied at the
defire of two friends. Her paraphrafe on the xxxviiith
chapter of Job, was written at the requeft of bifhop
Ken. She had no other tutor for the French and Ita¬
lian language*, than the honourable Mr Thynne, who
willingly took the tafk upon himfelf. Her fhining me¬
rit, with the charm* of perfon and converfation, had
^procured her a great many admirers. Among others,
it is faid, the famous Mr Prior made his addreffes to
her. But Mr Thomas Rowe was to be the happy
man. This gentleman was honourably defcended; and
his fuperior genius, and infatiable thirft after know¬
ledge, were confpicuous in his earlieft years. He had
formed a defign to compile the lives of all the illuftri- Raws
ous perfons in antiquity omitted by Plutarch; which II j
indeed he partly executed. Eight lives were publiflied Roxburgh»i
fince his deceafe. They were tranflated into French
by the abbe Bellenger in 1734. He fpoke with eafe
and fluency; had a frank and benevolent temper, an in-
exhauftible fund of wit, and a communicative difpofi-
• tion. Such was the man, who, charmed with the per¬
fon, chara&er, and writings, of our authorefs, married
her in 1710; and made it his ftudy to repay the feli¬
city with which fhe crowned his life. Too intenfe aa
application to ftudy, beyond what the delicacy of his
frame would bear, broke his health, and threw him into
a confumption; which put a period to his valuable life
in 1715, when he was hut juft paft the 28th year of
his age. Mrs Rowe wrote a beautiful elegy on his
death ; and continued to the laft moments of her life
to exprefs the higheft veneration and affeftion for his
memory. As foon after his deceafe as her affairs would
permit, fhe indulged her inclination to folitude, by re¬
tiring to Frome in Somerfetfhire, in the neighbour¬
hood of which place the greateft part of her eftate lay.
In this recefs it was that fhe compofed the moft cele¬
brated of her works, Friendfhip in Death, and the
Letters Moral and Entertaining. She had been fa¬
voured with an uncommon ftrength of conftitution;
owing much, no doubt, to her exaft temperance and
calmnefs of mind, till about half a year before her de¬
ceafe, when fhe was attacked by a dangerous diftem-
per. Yet fhe got the better of it, and recovered her
uftial health for fome months; till one day fhe was feized
with an apoplexy, and expired in 1737.
ROWEL, among farriers, a kind of iffue anfwer-
ing to what in furgery is called a feton. See Farriery,
$ xxii.
ROWLEY (William), who ftands in the third clafs
of dramatic writers, lived in the reign of king Char. I.
and received his education at the univerfity of Cam¬
bridge: but whether he took any degree there, is not
evident; there being but few particulars preferred in
regard to him, more than his clofe intimacy and con¬
nexion with all the principal wits and poetical geniufe*
of that age, by whom he was well beloved, and with
fome of whom he joined in their writings.—Wood
ftyles him, “ the ornament, for wit and ingenuity, of
Pembroke-hall in Cambridge.”—In a word, he was a
very great benefador to the Englifh ftage, having, ex-
clufive of his aid lent to Middleton, Day, Heywood,
Webfter, &c. left us five plays of his own compofing,
and one in which even the immortal Shakefpeare af¬
forded him fome affiftance.
ROXBURGH-shire, or Teviotdale, a county
of Scotland, deriving its name from the town of Rox¬
burgh, which is now deflroyed, and the river Teviot,
that runs through the (hire into the Tweed, is divided
into the three diftrids of Teviotdale, Liddifdale, and
Efkdale or Eufaale, fo called from their refpedive ri¬
vers, Teviot, Liddal, and Efk. It is bounded on the
eaft and fouth-eaft by Northumberland and Cumber¬
land, on the fouth and fouth-weft by Annandale, on
the weft by Tweedale; on the north by the Merfe and
Lauderdale ; extending about 30 miles from eaft to
weft, and about 15 in breadth from the border of Eng¬
land to the blue Cairn in Lauder-mbor. The fhire ex-,
hibits a rough irregular appearance of hills, moffes.
ROY [ 6889 ] ROY
Roxburgh and mountains, interfperfed however with narrow val-
II . leys, and watered with delightful ftreams. Though the
Roya ' face of the country is bare of woods, the valleys yield
plenty of corn, and the hills abound with pafture for
fheep and black cattle. The principal mountains of
this country are known by the name of Cockratw; from
whence a range of very high hills runs weftward, di¬
viding Scotland from England. On the confines of
this fhire are the debateable lands; the property of
which was formerly difputed by the Scots and Eng-
lifh borderers, but adjudged to the Scots at the
union of the crowns. Roxburghlhire yields plenty of
lime and freeftone, which in former times was freely
ufed by the inhabitants in building caftles to defend
them from the invafions of their Englifli neighbours.
The mod diftinguifhed families in this county are the
Scots and Kers, who raifed themfelves to wealth and
honours by their bravery and fuccefs in a fort of pre¬
datory war with their enemies of South Britain. The
fhire is very populous; and the people are ftout and va¬
liant. They were formerly inured to military difcipline
and all the dangers of war, by living on dry marches con¬
tiguous to thofe of England; being fo numerous and
alert, that this, and the neighbouring (hire of Berwick,
could in 24 hours produce 10,000 men on horfeback,
well armed and accoutred. In the (hire of Roxburgh,
we dill meet with a great number of old cadles and
feats belonging to private gentlemen, whofe ancedors
fignalized themfelves in this manner; and we find the
remains of old encampments, and a Roman military
way, vulgarly called the caufeway, running from Hau-
num to the Tweed. The principal town called Rox¬
burgh, giving the title of duke to the chief of the Kers,
-was anciently a royal borough, containing divers pa-
rifhes, large and flouridling, defended by a ftrong ci¬
tadel, which was often alternately reduced by the Eng¬
lifli and Scots adventurers. It was in befieging this
c caflle that James II. of Scotland lod his life by the
burding of a cannon. In confequence of the almod
continual wars between the two nations, this fortrefs
was razed, the town ruined, and its royalty tranflated
to Jedburgh, which is now a royal borough, fituated
between the Tefy and Jed.
ROXENT-cape, or Rock of Li/bon, a mountain
and remarkable promontory in Portugal, fituaud in
the Atlantic ocean, at the north entrance of the Ta¬
gus, 22 miles north of Lifbon.
ROYAL, fomething belonging to a king: thus we
fay, royal family, royal affent, royal exchange, &c.
Royal Family. The fird and mod confiderable
branch of the king’s royal family, regarded by the laws
of England, is the queen.
1. The queen of England is either queen regent,
queen confort, or queen dowager. The queen regent,
regnant, or fovereign, is (he who holds the crown in
her own right; as the fird (arnd perhaps the fecond)
queen Mary, queen Elifabeth, and queen Anne; and
fuch a one has the fame powers, prerogatives, rights,
dignities, and duties, as if (he had been a king. This
is exprefsly declared by datute 1 Mar. I. ft. 3. c. 1.
But the queen confort is the wife of the reigning king;
and (he by virtue of her marriage is participant of di¬
vers prerogatives above other women.
And, fird, (he is a public perfon, exempt at>d difl.in£t
Vol. IX. 2
from the king ; and not, like other married women, Royah
fo clofely conne&ed as to have lod all legal or feparate  
exidence fo long as the marriage continues'. For the
queen is of ability to purchafe lands and to convey
them, to make leafes, to grant copyholds, and do other
adls of ownerlhip, without the concurrence of her lord;
which no other married woman can do: a privilege as
old as the Saxon sera. She is alfo capable of taking
a grant from the king, which no other wife is from her
hufband; and in this particular (he agrees with the Au-
gujla, or piifitna regina conjux divi irnperatoris of the
Roman laws; who, according to Judinian, was equally
capable of making a grant to, and receiving one from,
r t- , , , , r Comment.
the emperor. I he queen or England hath feparate
courts and officers diltinift from the king’s, not only
in matters of ceremony, but even of law; and her at¬
torney and folicitor general are intitled to a place
within the bar of his majedy’s courts, together with
the king’s counfel. She may hkewife fue and be died
alone, without joining her hufband. She may alfo have
a feparate property in goods as well as lands, and has
a right to difpofe of them by will. In fhort, (he is in
all legal proceedings looked upon as a feme foie, and
not as a feme covert; as a (ingle, not as a married wo¬
man. For which the reafon given by Sir Edward Coke
is this: becaufe the wifdom of the common law would
not have the king (whofe continual care and (ludy is
for the public, and circa ardua rcgni), to be troubled
and difquieted on account of his wife’s domedic af¬
fairs ; and therefore it veds in the queen a power of
tranfa&ing her own concerns, without the intervention
of the king, as if (he was an unmarried women.
The queen hath alfo many exemptions, and minute
prerogatives. For indance: (he pays no toll; nor is
(he liable to any amercement in any court. But in ge¬
neral, unlefs where the law has cxprefsly declared her
exempted, (he is upon the fame footing with other fub-
je&s; being to all intents and purpofes the king’s fub-
je&, and not his equal: in like manner as in the im¬
perial law, Augujlus legibus foluta non eft.
The queen hath alfo fome pecuniary advantages,
which form her a didindl revenue: as, in the fird place,
(he is intitled to an ancient perquifite called queen-gold,
or aurum regime; which is a royal revenue belonging
to every queen-confort during her marriage with the
king, and due from every perfon who hath made a vo¬
luntary offering or fine to the king, amounting to ten
merksor upwards, for and in confideration of any pri-
vileges, grants, licences, pardons, or other matter of
royal favour conferred upon him by the king: and it
is due in the proportion to one tenth part more, over
and above the entire offering or fine made to the king,
and becomes an a&ual debt of record to the queen’s
majedy by the mere recording of the fine. As, if too
merks of filver be given to the king for liberty to take
in mortmain, or to have a fair, market, park, chafe,
or free-warren: there the qileen is intitled to to merks
in filver, or (what was formerly an equivalent denomi¬
nation) to one merk in gold, by the name of queen-
gold, or aurum regina. But no fuch payment is due for
any aids or fubfidies granted to the king in parliament
or convocation ; or for fines impofed by courts on of¬
fenders againd their will; nor for voluntary prefects
to the king, without any confideration moving from
38 him
ROY [ 6890 ] ROY
Royal, him to the fubjeft; nor for any fale or contract where-
by the prefent revenues or poffeflions of the crown are
granted away or diminifhed.
The original revenue of our ancient queens, before
and foon after the conqueft, feems to have confided in
certain refervations or rents out of the demefne lands
of the crown, which were exprefsly appropriated to
her majefty, diftinft from the king. It is frequent in
domefday book, after fpecifying the rent due to the
crown, to add likewife the quantity of gold or other
renders referred to the queen. Thel’e were frequently
appropriated to particular purpofes; to buy wood for
her majefty’s ufe, to purchafe oil for lamps, or to fur-
nifh her attire from head to foot, which was frequently
very coftly, as one Angle robe in the fifth year of
Henry II. flood the city of London in upwards of 80
pounds: A. praftice fomewhat fimilar to that of the
eaftern countries, where whole cities and provinces were
fpecifically afiigned to purchafe particular parts of the
queen’s apparel. And for a farther addition to her
income, this duty of queen-gold is fuppofed to have
been originally granted; thofe matters of grace and
favour, out of which it arofe, being frequently obtain¬
ed from the crown by the powerful interceffion of the
queen. There are traces of its payment, though ob-
fcure ones, in the book of domefday, and in the great
pipe-roll of Henry I. In the reign of Henry II. the
manner of colle&ing it appears to have been well un-
derftood ; and it forms a diftinfl head in the ancient
dialogue of the exchequer written in the time of that
prince, and ufually attributed to Gervafe of Tilbury.
From that time downwards, it was regularly claimed
and enjoyed by all the queen-conforts of England till
the death of Henry VIII.; though after the acceflion
of the Tudor family, the collefting of it feems to have
been much negle&ed: and there being no queen confort
afterwards till the acceflion of James I. a period of near
60 years, its very nature and quantity then became a
matter of doubt; and being referred by the king to
the chief juftices and chief baron, their report of it was
fo very tinfavourable, that his confort queen Anne
(though fhe claimed it) yet never thought proper to
exaft it. In 1635, 11 Car. I. a time fertile of expe¬
dients for raifing money upon dormant precedents in
our old records (of which fhip-money was a fatal in¬
fiance), the king, at the petition of his queen Henri¬
etta Maria, iffued out his writ for levying it; but af¬
terwards purcbafed it of his confort at the price of
10,000 pounds; finding it, perhaps, too trifling and
troublefome to levy. And when afterwards, at the
reftoration, by the abolition of military tenures, and
the fines that were confequent upon them, the little
that legally remained of this revenue was reduced to
almoft nothing at all ; in vain did Mr Prynne, by a
treatife that does honour to his abilities as a painful
and judicious antiquarian, endeavour to excite queen
Catherine to revive this antiquated claim.
Another ancient perquifite belonging to the queen
confort, mentioned by all our old writers, and, there¬
fore only, worthy notice, is this: that on the taking a
whale on the coafts, which is a royal fifh, it (hall be di¬
vided between the king and queen; the head only be¬
ing the king’s property, and the tail of it the queen’s.
De Jinrgione obfervetur, quod rex illu/a-habebit integrum:
de bakna vero fufficit, ft rex hahat caput) et regina can-
dam. The reafori of this whimfical divifion, as afligned Royal.
by our ancient records, was, to furnilh the queen’s ■
wardrobe with whale-bone.
But farther: though the queen is in all refpe&s a
fubjeft, yet, in point of the fecurity of her life and
perfon, (he is put upon the fame footing with the king.
It is equally treafon (by the ftatute 25 Edward III.)
to imagine or compafsthe death of our lady the king’s
companion, as of the king himfelf; and to violate or
defile the queen confort, amounts to the fame high
crime; as well in the perfon committing the fa£I, as in
the queen herfelf if confenting. A law of Henry VIIL
made it treafon alfo for any woman who was not a vir¬
gin, to marry the king without informing him thereof:
but this law was foon after repealed; it trepaffing too
ftrongly, as well on natural juftice, as female modefty.
If however the queen be accufed of any fpecies of trea¬
fon, (he (hall (whether confort or dowager) be tried by
the peers of parliament, as queen Ann Boleyn was in
28 Hen. VIII.
The hufband of a queen regnant, as prince George
of Denmark was to queen Anne, is her fubjeft ; and
may be guilty of high treafon againft her: but, in the
inftance of conjugal fidelity, he is not fubjefted to the
fame penal reftriftions. For which the reafon feems to
be, that if a queen confort is unfaithful to the royal
bed, this may debafe or baftardize the heirs to the
crown ; but no fuch danger can be confequent on the
infidelity of the huftand to a queen regnant.
2. A queen dowager is the widow of the king, and
as fuch enjoys mofl of the privileges belonging to her
as queen confort. But it is not high treafon to con-
fpire her death, or to violate her chaftity; for the fame
reafon as was before alleged, becaufe the fucceffion to
the crown is not thereby endangered. Yet (till, pro
dignitate regali, no man can marry a queen-dowager
without fpecial licence from the king, on pain of for¬
feiting his lands and goods. This Sir Edward Coke
tells us was ena&ed in parliament in 6 Henry VI.
though the ftatute be not in print. But (he, though
an alien born, (hall (till be intitled to dower after the
king’s demife, which no other alien is. A queen dow¬
ager when married again to a fubjeS, doth not lofe
her regal dignity, as peerefles-dowager do when they
marry commoners. For Katherine, queen dowager of
Henry V. though (he married a private gentleman,
Owen ap Meredith apTheodore, commonly called Owen
Tudor; yet, by the name of Katherine queen of Eng¬
land, maintained an a&ion againft the biftiop of Car-
lifle. And fo the dowager of Navarre marrying with
Edmond, the brother of king Edward I. maintained
an a&ion of dower by the name of queen of Navarre.
3. The prince of Wales, or heir apparent to the
crown, and alfo his royal confort, and the princefs
royal, or eldeft daughter of the king, are likewife pe¬
culiarly regarded by the laws. For, by ttatute 25
Edw. III. to coropafs or confpire the death of the for¬
mer, or to violate the chaftity of either of the latter,
are as much high treafon as to confpire the death of
the king, or violate the chaftity of the queen. And
this upon the fame reafon as was before given ; be¬
caufe the prince of Wales is next in fucceflion to the
crown, and to violate his wife might taint the blood-
royal with ballardy : and the eldeft daughter of the
king is alfo alone inheritable to the crown on failure
- " -    - - -
ROY [ 6891 ] ROY
Royal of ifTue male, and therefore more refpe&ed by the laws
than any of her younger fifters; infomuch that upon
this, united with other (feodgl) principles, while our
military tenures were in force, the king might levy an
aid for marrying his cldcft daughter, and her only.
The heir apparent to the crown is ufually made prince
of Wales and ear! of Chefter, by fpeciai creation and
inveftiture; but being the king’s eldeft fon, he is by
inheritance duke of Cornwall, without any new crea¬
tion.
4. The reft of the royal family may be confidered
in two different lights, according to the different fenfes
in which the term royal family is ufed. The larger
fenfe includes all thofe, who are by any poffibiiity in¬
heritable to the crown. Such, before the revolution,
were all the dtfce'ndants of William the Conqueror;
who had branched into an amazing extent, by inter¬
marriages with the ancient nobility. Since the revo¬
lution and aft of fettlement, it means the Protetfant
iffue of the princefs Sophia; now comparatively few in
number, but which in procefs of time may poffibly be
as largely diffufed. The more confined fenfe includes
only thofe, who are in a certain degree of propinquity
to the reigning prince, and to whom therefore the law
pays an extraordinary regard and refpeft: but, after
that degree is paft, they fall into the rank of ordinary
fubjefts, and are ftldom confidered any farther, unlefs
called to the fucceffion upon failure of the nearer lines.
For though collateral confanguinity is regarded inde¬
finitely with refpeft to inheritance or fucceffion, yet it
is and can only be regarded within fome certain limits
in any other refpeft, by the natural conftitution of
things and the diftates of pofitive law.
The younger fons and daughters of the king, and
other branches of the royal family, who are not in the
immediate line of fuccefiion, were therefore little far¬
ther regarded by the ancient law, than to give them a
certain degree of precedence before all peers and pub¬
lic officers as well ecclefiaftical as temporal. This is
done by the ftatute 31 Henry VIII. c. 10. which
enafts, that no perfon except the king’s children fhall
p re fume to fix or have place-at the fide of the cloth of
eftate in the parliament chamber; and that certain
great officers therein named, ftiall have precedence
above all dukes, except only fuch as fhall happen to be
the king’s fon, brother, uncle, nephew (which Sir Ed¬
ward Coke explains to fignify grandfon or tiepos) or
brother’s or filler’s fon. But under the defcription of
the king’s children, his grandjons are held to be inclu¬
ded, without having recourle to Sir Edward Coke’s
interpretation of nephew; and therefore when his late
majefty king George II. created his grandfon Edward,
the fecond fon of Frederick prince of Wales deceafed,
duke of York, and referred it to the houie of lords to
fettle his place and precedence, they certified that he
ought to have precedence next to the late duke of Cum-
land,the then king’s youngeft fon ; and that he might
have a feat on the left hand of the doth of eftate. But
when, on the acceffion of his prefent majefty, thefe
royal perfonages ceafed to take place as the children,
and ranked only as the brother and uncle ol the king,
they alfo left their feats on the fide of the cloth of
eftate: fo that when the duke of Gloucefter, his ma-
jefty’s fecond brother, took his feat in the houfe of
peers, he was placed on the upper end cf the earls
2
bench (on which the dukes ufually fit) next to bis royal Royal
highuefs the duke of York. And in 1717, upon a li
queftion referred to all the judges by king George I. Roy< on‘
it was refolved, by the opinion of ten againft the other
two, that the education and care of all the king’s grand¬
children while minors, did belong of right to his ma¬
jefty as king of this realm, even during their father’s
life. But they all agreed, that the care and approba¬
tion of their marriages, when grown up, belonged to
the king their grandfather. And the judges have more
recently concurred in opinion, that this care and ap¬
probation extend alfo to the prefumptive heir of the
crown ; though to what other branches of the royal
family the fame did extend, they did not find precifely
determined. The moft frequent inftances of the crown’s
interpofition go no farther than nephews and nieces ;
but examples are not wanting of its reaching to more
diftant collaterals. And the ftatute 6 Henry VI. be-
forementioned, which prohibits the marriage of a queen-
dowager without the confent of the king, affigns this
reafon for it : “ becaufe the difparagement of the
queen (hall give greater comfort and example to other
ladies of eftate, who are of the blood royal, more lightly
to difparage themfelves.” Therefore by the ftatute
28 Hen. VIII. c. 18. (repealed, among other.ftatutes
of treafons, by 1 Edvv. VI. c. 12.) it was made high
treafon for any man to contraft marriage with the
king’s children or reputed children, his fifters or aunts
ex parte paterna, or the children of his brethren or fi¬
fters; being exaftly the fame degrees to which prece¬
dence is allowed by the ftatute 31 Hen. VIII. before-
mentioned. And now, by ftatute 12 Geo. III. c. 11.
no defeendant of the body of king George II. (other
than the iffue of princeffes married into foreign fami¬
lies) is capable of contrafting matrimony, without the
previous confent of the king fignified under the great
feal; and any marriage contrafted without fuch a con¬
fent is void. Provided, that fuch of the fald defeen-
dants as are not above of 25, may after a twelvemonth’s
notice given to the king’s privy council, contraft and
folemnize marriage without the confent of the crown;
unlefs both houfes of parliament (hall, before the ex¬
piration of the faid year, exprefsly declare their difap-
probation of fuch intended marriage. And all perfons
lolemnizing, affifting, or being prelent at any fuch pro¬
hibited marriage, (hall incur the penalties of the fta¬
tute of praemunire.
Royal-0^, a fair fpreading tree at Bofcobel, in
the parifti of Donnington in Stafforddiire, the boughs
whereof were once covered with ivy ; in the thick of
which king Charles II. fat in the day-time with colo¬
nel Carelefs, and in the night lodged in Bofcobel houfe:
fo that they are miftaken who fpeak of it as an old
hollow oak ; it being then a gay flouriftiing tree, fur-
rounded with many more. The poor remains thereof
are now fenced in with a handfome wall, with this in-
feription in gold letters: Felicijpmam arborem quam in
afylum potentifimi regie Caroli Ih Dens op. max. per
quern reges regnant, hie crefcere voluit, &c.
Royal-Society. See Society.
ROYALTIES, the rights of the king, otherwife
called the king’s prerogative, and the regalia. See Pre¬
rogative and Regalia.
ROYSTON, a town of Hertfordfiiire in England,
feated in E. Long. o. 1. N. Lat. 52. 3. It is a large
38 Q_2 place,
RUB [ 6892 ] RUB
Rubens, place, feated in a fertile vale full of inns, and the mar*
Rubm. jiet ;8 v£ry confijerable for corn. There was lately
difcovered, almoft under the market-place, a fubterra-
neous chapel of one Rofia, a Saxon Lady : it has fe-
veral altars and images cut out of the chalky fides, and
is in form of a fugar-loaf, having no entrance but at
the top.
RUBENS (Sir Peter Paul), a famous painter, born
at Cologne in 1577. He was the moft accomplifhed
of all the Flemifh mafters, and would have come up-
to the moft celebrated Italians, if, inftead of being
educated under Adam Van Noort and Odtavio Venius,
he had been bred in the Roman or Lombard fchools.
Not withftanding, perhaps, none of his predeceflbrs can
boaft a more beautiful colouring, a nobler invention,
or a more luxuriant fancy in their compofitions. Be-
fide his talent in painting, and his admirable Ikill in
archite&ure, he was univerfally learned, fpoke feven
languages perfedly, was well read in hiftory, and
withal fo excellent a ftatefman, that he was employed
in feveral public negociations of great importance. His
ufual abode was at Antwerp, where he built a fpacious
apartment in imitation of the Rotunda at Rome, for
a noble colleftion of piflures which he had purchaftd
in Italy ; fome of which, together with his ftatues,
medals, and other antiquities, he fold to the duke of
Buckingham for io,oool. His principal performan¬
ces in painting are in the banquetting-houfe at White¬
hall, the Efcurial in Spain, and the Luxembhrg gal¬
leries at Paris. He died in 1640, leaving vaft riches
to his children, the eldcft of whom fucceeded him in
the office of fecretary of ftate in Flanders.
RUBIA, madder ; a genus of the monogynia or¬
der, belonging to the tetrandria clafs of plants. There
are three fpecies, of which the moft remarkable is the
tindlorum, or dyer’s madder, fo much ufed by the
dyers and callico-printers, This hath a perennial
root and annual ftalk: the root is compofed of many
long, thick, fueculent fibres, almoft as large as a
man’s little finger ; thefe are joined at the top in a
head like afparagus, and run very deep into the gronnd.
From the upper part, or head of the root, come out
many fide-roots, which extend juft under the furface
of the ground to a great diftance, whereby it propa¬
gates very fail; for thefe fend up a great number of
(hoots, which, if carefully taken off in the fpringfoon
after they are above ground, become fo many plants.
Thefe roots are of a reddiffi colour, fomewhat tranfpa-
rent; and have a yellowiffi pith in the middle, which
is tough and of a bitterifh tafte. From this root arife
many large four-corned jointed ftalks, which, in good
land, will grow five or fix feet long, and, if fupport-
ed, fometimes feven or eight: they are armed with
(hort herbaceous prickles; and at each joint are placed
five or fix fpear-fhaped leaves: their upper furfacesare
fmooth : but their midrib on the under fide is armed
with rough herbaceous fpines, and the leaves.fit clofe to
the branches in whorls. From the joints of the ftalk
come out the branches, which fuftain the flowers: they
are placed by pairs oppofite ; each pair croffing the
other: thefe have a few fmall leaves toward the bot¬
tom, which are by threes, and upwards by pairs op¬
pofite: the branches are terminated by loofe branching
("pikes of yellow flowers, which are cut into four parts
refembling ftars. Thefe appear in June, and are fome¬
times fuccteded by feeds, which feldom ripen in Eng¬
land. For the manner of its cultivation and prepara- Rubininfka
tion for the ufe of dyers, fee the article Madder. 1|
Madder-root is ufed in medicine. The virtues at-
tributed to it, are thofe of a detergent and aperient;
whence it has been ufually ranked among the opening
roots, and recommended in obftruftions of thevifcera,
particularly of the kidneys, in coagulations of the
blood from falls or bruifes, in the jaundice and begin¬
ning dropfies. It is an ingredient in the icteric decoc¬
tion of the Edinburgh pharmacopeia.
It is obfervable, that this root taken internally,
tinges the urine of a deep red colour; and in the Phi-
lolophical Tranfadtions we have an account of its pro¬
ducing a like effedt upon the bones of animals who
had it mixed with their food: all the bones, parti¬
cularly the more folid ones, were faid to be changed,
both externally and internally, to a deep red; but nei¬
ther the flefhy or cartilaginous parts fuffered any alte¬
rations : fome of thefe bones macerated in water for
many weeks together, and afterwards fteeped and boil¬
ed in fpirit of wine, loft none of their colour, nor com¬
municated any tinge to the liquors. This root, there¬
fore, was concluded to be poffefled of great fubtilty of
parts, and its medical virtues hence to deferve inquiry.
The fame trials, however, made by others, have not
been found to produce the fame effe&s as thofe above-
mentioned..—Of late the root has come into great re¬
putation as an emenagogue.
RUBININSKA, one of the northern provinces of
Ruffia, bounded by the province of Dwina on the
north, by Syrianes on the eaft, by Belozera on the
fouth, and by the lake Onega on the weft.
RUBRIC, in the canon law, fignifies a title or ar¬
ticle in certain ancient law-books; thus called becaufe
written, as the titles of the chapters in our ancient
bibles are, in red letters.
RUBUS, the Bramble, ox Rafpberry bujb; a ge¬
nus of the polygynia order, belonging to the icofan-
dria clafs of plants. The principal fpecies is the com¬
mon rafberry, which, with its varieties, demands
culture in every garden for their fruit ; particu¬
larly the common red kind, white fort, and twice-
bearing rafpberry ; all of which are great bearers :
but for the general plantations, choofe principally the
common red and the white kind, as being generally
the greateft bearers of all ; planting alfo a (hare of the
twice-bearing fort, both as a curiofity, and for the
fake of its autumnal crops of fruit, which in favour¬
able feafons ripen in tolerable perfe&ion ; obferving
to allow all the forts fome open expofure in the kitchen
garden, tho’ they will profper in almoft any fituation.
The other fpecies are confidered as plants of va¬
riety, for hardy plantations in the flmtbbery. Some
of them are alfo very ornamental flowering plants;
particularly the Virginian flowering rafpberry, and the
double-bloffomed bramble, which have great merit
as furniture for ornamental compartments; and the
white-berried bramble, which is a great curiofity.
All the other fpecies and varieties ferve to diverlify
large colle&ions.
RUBY, in natural hiftory, a fpecies of gems, be¬
ing a beautiful gem of a red colour with an admixture
of purple.
This, in its moft perfeft and bed coloured ftate, is
a gem of prodigious beauty and extreme value; it is
often found perfedly pure and free from blemifhes or
foul-
R U F [ 6893 ] R U L
Ruby foulnefs, but much more frequently debafed greatly in
II its value by them, efpecially in the larger fpecimens.
u ea ' It is of very great hardnefs, equal to that of the fap-
phire, and fecond only to the diamond. It is various
in fize, but lefs fubjeft to variations in its (hape than
moft of the other gems. It is ufually found very
fmall, its moft common fize being equal to that of the
head of the largeft fort of pins ; but it is found of
four, eight, or ten carats, and fometimes, tho’ very
rarely, up to 30, 30, or 40. It is never found of an
angular or cryftailiform ftiape; but always of a pebble¬
like figure, often roundifti, fometimes oblong, and
much larger at one end than the other, and in fame
form refembling a pear, and is ufually flatted on one
fide. It commonly is naturally fo bright and pure on
the furface, as to need no polifhing ; and when its fi¬
gure will admit of being fet without cutting, it is of¬
ten worn in its rough ftate, and with no other than its
native polifh.
We have the true ruby only from the Eaft Indies ;
and the principal mines of it are in the kingdom of Pe¬
gu and the ifland of Ceylon.
RUCTATION, a ventofity arifing from indige-
ftion, and difcharging itfelf at the mouth with a very
difagreeable noife.
RUDBECK (OIaus),a learned Swedifh phyfician,
born of an ancient and noble family in 1630. He be¬
came profeflbr of medicine at Upfal, where he acquired
great applaufe by his extenfive knowledge; and died
in 1702. His-principal works are, Exercitatio an-
atomka exhibens duttus novos hepaticos aquofs, & vafa
glandularum ferofa, in 410. He there afferts his claim
to the difcovery of the lymphatic veffels, againft the
pretenfions of Thomas Bartholin. 2. Athlantica,
Jive Manheirn, vera Japheti pqfterorum fedes ac patria,
4 vols folio, is full of ftrange paradoxes fupported
with'profound learning: he there endeavours to prove,
that Sweden was the country whence all the ancient
Pagan divinities and our firft parents were derived;
and that the Germans, Englifh, French, Danes,
Greeks, and Romans, with all other nations, originally
came from thence.
RUDBECKIA, in botany, a genus of the fyn-
genefia polygamia fruftranea clafs. The receptacle
is conical and paleaceous ; the pappus has four teeth
on its edge ; and the calix confifts of a double row
of fcales. There are fix fpecies, none of them natives
of Britain.
RUDDER, in navigation, a piece of timber turn¬
ing on hinges in the ftern of the (hip, and which, op-
pofing fometimes one fide in the water and fometimes
another, turns or direfts the veffel this way or that.
See Helm.
RUDIMENTS, the firft principles or grounds of
any art or fcience, called alfo the elements thereof.
RUE, in botany. See Ruta.
RUFF, in ichthyology ; a fpecies of Perca.
Ruff, in ornithology, a fpecies of Tringa.
RUFFHEAD (Dr Owen), was the fon of his
Majefty’s baker, in Picadilly; who buying a lottery
ticket for him in his infancy, which happened to be
drawn a prize of 5001. this fum was applied to edu¬
cate him for the law. He accordingly entered in the
Middle Temple ; and feconded fo well the views of his
father, that he became a good fcholar and an acute
barrifter. While he was waiting for opportunities to
diftinguifh himfelfin his profeffion, he wrote a variety Ruffling
of pamphlets on temporary politics ; and was after- jl
wards diftinguifhed by his accurate edition of The Sta- u cs‘
tutes at large in 410. He now obtained good bufi-
nefs, though more as a chamber-counfellor in framing
bills for parliament than as a pleader ; but his clofe
application to ftudy, with the variety of works he en¬
gaged in as an author, fo impaired his conftitution,
that after the laft exertion of his abilities to defend
the conduit: of adminiftration toward Mr Wilkes, by a
pamphlet intitled, “ The Cafe of the late election for
the county of Middlefex confidered,” he was prevent¬
ed from receiving the reward of a place in the Trea-
fury, by dying in 1769, at about 46 years of age.
Some time before his death, bifhop Warburton enga¬
ged him to write his long promifed Life of Alexander
Pope; which, however, when executed, was very far
from giving general fatisfaition : the author attribu¬
ted his ill fuccefs to the deficiency of his materials ;
while the public feemed rather to be of opinion, that,
as a lawyer,he ventured beyond his proper line, when
he aflumed the talk of a critic in poetry.
RUFFLING, or Ruffing, a beat on the drum.
Lieutenant-generals have three ruffles, major-generals
two, brigadiers one, and governors one, as they pafs
by the regiment, guard, &c.
RUGEN, an illand in the Baltic Sea, on thecoaft:
of Pomerania, over againft Stralfund, about 23 miles
in length and 15 in breadth, with the title of a prin¬
cipality. It is ftrong both by art and nature, abounds
in corn and cattle, and belongs to Sweden. The chief
town is Bergen. E. Long. 14. 30. N. Lat. 54. 32.
RUINS, a term particularly ufed for magnificent
buildings fallen into decay by length of time, and
whereof there only remains a confufed heap of mate¬
rials—The moft remarkable ruins, now exifting, of
whole cities, are thofe of Palmyra and Persepolis j
of the grandeur of which, fome idea may be formed
from the views given in Plate CCLIX.—The magnifi¬
cent ruins ftill remaining in Rome, Athens, &c. of
particular edifices, as temples, palaces, amphitheatres,
aquedu&s, baths, &c. it were endlefs to enumerate,
and beyond the plan of this work to reprefent.
RULE, in matters of literature, a maxim, canon,
or precept, to be obferved in any art or fciente.
Rule, in a monaftic fenfe, a fyftem 6f laws or re¬
gulations, whereby religious houfes are governed, and
which the religious make a vow, at their entrance, to
obferve. Such are the rules of the Auguftins, Bene-
diftins, Carthufians, Francifcans, &c. See Augu¬
stins, &c.
Rules of Court, in law, are certain orders made
from time to time in the .courts of law, which attor¬
neys are bound to obferve, in order to avoid confu-
fion; and both the plaintiff and defendant are at
their peril alfo bound to pay obedience to rules made
in court relating to the caufc depending between
them.
It is to be obferved, that no court will make a rule
for any thing that may be done in the ordinary conrfe ;
and that if a rule be made, grounded upon ah affida¬
vit, the other fide may move the court againft it, in
order to vacate the fame, and thereupon fhall bring
into court a copy of the affidavit and rule. On the
breach and contempt of a r Je of court an attachment
lies; but it is not granted for difobedisnee to a rule,
whe n
RUM I 6894 ] RUM
Rule, when the party has not been perfonaliy ferved ; nor
Run1, for difobeying a rule made by a judge in his chamber,
which is not of force to ground a motion upon, unlefs
the fame be entered.
A rule of court is granted every day the courts at
Weftminfter fit, to prifoners of the KJngVbench or
Fleet prifons, to go at large about their private af¬
fairs.
Rule of Three. See Proportion.
Rule, or Ruler, an inftrument of wood or metal,
with feveral lines delineated on it ; of great ufe in
praftical menfuration. When a ruler has the lines of
chords, tangents, fines, &c. it is called a plane fcale.
RUM, a fpecies of brandy or vinous fpirits, di-
fiilled from fugar-canes.
Rum, according to Dr Shaw, differs from fimple
fugar-fpirit, in that it contains more of the natural fla¬
vour oreffential oil of the fugar-cane ; a great deal of
raw juice and parts of the cane itfelf being often fer¬
mented in the liquor or folution of which the rum is
prepared. The un&uous or oily flavour of rum is often
fuppofed to proceed from the large quantity of fat
ufcd in boiling the fugar; which fat, indeed, if coarfe,
will ufually give a fiinking flavour to the fpirit, in our
diftillations of the fugar liquor, or wafh, from our re¬
fining fugar-houfes; but this is nothing of kin to the
flavour of the rum, which is really the effedl of the
natural flavour of the cane.
The method of making rum is this: When a fuffi-
cient flock of the materials are got together, they add
water to them, and ferment them in the common me¬
thod, though the fermentation is always carried on
very flovvly at firft ; becaufe at the beginning of the
feafon for making rum in the iflands, they want yeaft,
or fome other ferment to make it work : but by de¬
grees, after this, they procure a fufficient quantity of
the ferment, which rifes up as a head to the liquor in
the operation ; and thus they are able afterwards to
ferment and make their rum with a great deal of ex¬
pedition, and in large quantities.
When the wafh is fully fermented, or to a due de¬
gree of acidity, the diflillation is carried on in the
common way, and the fpirit is made Up proof; though
fometimes it is reduced to a much greater ftrength,
nearly approaching to that of alcohol or fpirit of wine;
and it is then called double-di/UHed rum. It might
be eafy to rectify the fpirit, and bring it to much
greater purity than we ufually find it to be of: for it
brings over in the diftillation a very large quantity of
the oil ; and this is often fo difagreeable, that the rum
mu ft be fuffered to lie by a long time to mellow be¬
fore it can be ufed ; whereas, if well rectified, it would
grow mellow much fooner, and would have a much
lefs potent flavour.
The beft ftate to keep rum in, both for exportation
and other ufes, is doubtlefs that of alcohol, or re&i-
fied fpirit. In this manner it would be tranfported in
one half the bulk it ufually is, and might be letdown
to the common proof-ftrength with water when neeef-
fary : for the common ufe of making punch, it would
Jikewife ferve much better in the ftate of alcohol; as
the tafte would be cleaner, and the ttrength might al¬
ways be regulated to a much greater exa&nefs than
in the ordinary way.
The only ufe to which it would not fo well ferve
in this ftate, would be the common pra&ice of RumeU«
adulteration among our diftillers; for when they |
want to mix a large portion of cheaper fpirit with nmcK
the rum, their bufinefs is to have it of the proof-
ftrength, and as full of the flavouring oil as they can,
that it may drown the flavour of the fpirits they mix
with it, and extend its own. If the bufinefs of recti¬
fying rum Was more nicely managed, it feems a very
practicable fcheme to throw out fo much of the oil, as
to have it in the fine light ftate of a clear fpirit, but
lightly impregnated with it; in this cafe it would very
nearly refemble arac, as is proved, by the mixing a
very fmall quantity of it with a taftelefs fpirit, in
which cafe the whole bears a very near refemblance to
arac in flavour.
Rum is ufually very much adulterated in Britain ;
fome are fo bare-faced as to do it with malt-fpirit;
but when it is done with molafles fpirit, the taftes of
both are fo nearly allied, that it is not eafily difeover-
ed. The beft method of judging of it is by fetting
fire to a little of it; and, when it has burnt away ail
the inflammable part, examining the phlegm both by
the tafte and fmell.
RUMELIA, in geography, the fame with ancient
Greece; now a part of Turky in Europe.
RUMEN, the paunch, or firft ftomach of fuch ani¬
mals as chew the cud ; thence called ruminant ani¬
mals. See Comparative Anatomy, n° 90.
RUMEX, dock ; a genus of the trigynia order, be¬
longing to the hexandria clafs of plants. There are 27
fpecies, of which the moft remarkable are,
1. The patientia, ‘ commonly called patience rhu¬
barb. This was formerly much more cultivated in the
Britifh gardens than at prefent: the roots of this have
been generally ufed for the monk’s rhubarb, and has
even been thought to be the true kind ; but others
fuppofe the fecond fort fhould be ufed as fuch. The
root is large, and divides into many thick fibres; their
outer cover is brown, but they are yellow within, with
fome reddifh veins; the leaves are broad, long, and
acute-pointed ; their footftalks are of a reddifh colour;
the ftalks rife fix or feven feet high, and divide to¬
wards the top into feveral ereft branches garniftied
with a few narrow leaves terminating with loofe fpikes
of large ftaminous flowers. Thefe appear in June, and
are fucceeded by pretty large three-cornered feeds,
whofe coverings are entire, which ripen in autumn.
2. The alpinus, or monk’s rhubarb, grows natu¬
rally on the Alps, but has long been cultivated in the
gardens of this country. This hath large roots which
fpread and multiply by their offsets: they are fhorter
and thicker than the former, are of a very dark brown
on the outfide, and yellow within. The leaves are of
the round heart-ftiape, Handing upon long footftalks.
.The ftalks rife from two to three feet high ; they arc
thick, and have a few fmall roundifti leaves on the
lower part ; but the upper part is ciofely garniflied
with fpikes of white flowers (landing ereift clofe to
the ftalks. Thefe appear in the latter end of May,
and are fucceeded by large triangular feeds which ripen
in Auguft.
3. The aquaticus, or water-dock, grows naturally
in ponds, ditches, and (landing waters, in many parts
of Britain. It is fuppofed to be the herba Britannica
of the ancients. It hath large roots which ftrike deep
into
RUN [ 6895 ] R U P
Rundlet into the loofe mud, fending out leaves which are above
It two feet long. The (talks rife five or fix feet high
Rlinnct' when the plants grow in water, but in dry land fel-
dom more than three: thefe are garniftied with nar¬
row leaves among the fpikes of flowers to the top.
The flowers (land upon (lender footftalks which are re¬
flexed : they are of an herbaceous colour, appear in
June, and the feeds ripen in autumn.
4. The acutus, or (harp pointed dock, (the oxyla-
pathum of the (hops) ; but the markets are fupplied
with roots of the common docks which are indifferently
gathered by thofe who colleft them in the fields,
where the kind, commonly called butter-dock (from its
leaves being ufed to wrap up butter), is much more
common than this. The roots of this are (lender, and
run downright, fending out a few fmall fibres; the
ftalks rife about two feet high, garnilhed at bottom
with leaves four inches long, and one and an half
broad in the middle. They are rounded at their bafe,
where they are (lightly indented, but end in acute
points. From the joints of the ftalks come out alter¬
nately long footftalks, which fuftain th^" fpikes of
flowers, which grow in fmall whorls round the ftalks,
at about an inch diftant.
Thefe plants are but feldom cultivated, and fo ea-
fily multiply by their numerous feeds, that they foon
become troublefome weeds where they once get an
entrance.
RUNDLET, or Runlet, a fmall vefiel, contain¬
ing an uncertain quantity of any liquor, from 3 to 20
gallons.,
RUNGS, in a (hip, the fame with the floor or
ground timbers; being the timbers which conftitute
her floor ; and are bolted to the keel, whofe ends are
rung-heads.
Rvmg-Heads, in a (hip, are made a little bending to
diredt the fweep or mold|of the futtocks and navel-
timbers ; for here the lines begin which make the com-
pafs and bearing of the (hip.
RUNIC, a term applied to the language and let¬
ters of the ancient Goths, Danes, and other northern
nations.
RUNNER, in the fea-language, a rope belonging
to the garnet and the two bolt-tackles. It is reeved
in a (ingle block joined to the end of a pendant: it
has at one end a hook to hitch into any thing ; and,
at the other, a double block, into which is reeved the
fall of the tackle, or the garnet, by which means it
purchafes more than the tackle would without it.
RUNNING-thrush, among farriers. See Far¬
riery, $ xliv.
RUNNET, or Rennet, is the concreted milk found
in the ftomacbs of fucking quadrupeds, which as yet
have received no other nouriihment than their mother’s
milk. In ruminating animals which have feveral fto-
machs, it is generally found in the laft, though fome-
times in the next to it. If the runnet is dried in the
fun, and then kept clofe, it may be preferved in per-
fedtion for years. Not only the runnet itfelf, but alfo
1 the ftomach in which it is found, curdles milk without
any previous preparation. But the common method
is, to take the inner membrane of a calf’s ftomach, to
clean it well, to fait, and hang it up in brown paper:
when this is ufed the fait is walked off, then it is ma¬
cerated in a little water during the night, and in the Rupee,
morning the infufion is poured into the milk to curdle RuPert-
it. The medicinal qualities of runnet are its acrimony,
its refolvent power, and its ufefulnefs in furfeits from
food of difficult digeftion. See Thistle.
RUPEE, Roupia, or Roupias, names of a gold
and filver coin, current in the Eaft Indies. See Money-
Table.
RUPERT, prince palatine of the Rhine, &c. fon
of Frederic prince eledior palatine of the Rhine, and
Elifabeth daughter to king James I. of England, was
born in 1619. He gave proofs of his bravery at the
age of 13; and in 1642 came over into England, and
offered his fervice to king Charles I. his uncle, who
gave him a command in his army. At Edgehill he
charged with incredible bravery, and made a great
(laughter of the parliamentarians. In 1643 he feized
the town of Cirencefter j obliged the governor of Litch¬
field to furrender ; and having joined his brother prince
Maurice, reduced Briftol in three days, and pafled to
the relief of Newark. In 1644 he marched to relieve
York, where he gave the parliamentarians battle, and
entirely defeated their right wing; butCromwel char¬
ged the marquis of Newcaftle with fuch an irrefillible
force, that prince Rupert was entirely defeated. After
this the prince put himfelf into Brftol, which furren-
dered to Fairfax after a gallant refiftance. The king
was fo enraged at the lofs of this city, fo contrary to
his expectation, that he recalled ^11 prince Rupert’s
commilfions, and fent him a jrals'to go out of the king¬
dom. In 1648 he went for France, was highly com¬
plimented by that court, and kindly received by king
Charles II. who fojourned there for the time. After-
terward he was conftituted admiral of the king’s navy;
infefted the Dutch (hips, many of which he took; and
having engaged with de Ruyter, obliged him to fly.
He died in 1682, and was interred in king Hen. VII.’s
chapel, Weftminfter, with great magnificence. Mr
Grainger obferves, that he pofieffed in a high degree
that kind of courage which is better in an attack than
a defence; and is lefs adapted to the land-fervice than
that of the fea, where precipitate valour is in its ele¬
ment. He feldom engaged but he gained the advan¬
tage, which he generally loft by purfuing it too far.
He was better qualified to ftorm a citadel, or even to
mount a breach, than patiently to fuftain a fiege; and
would have furnifhed an excellent hand to a general of
a cooler head. This prince is celebrated for the in¬
vention of prints in mezzotinto, of which he is faid to
have taken the hint from a fuldier’s fcraping his rufty
fufil. The firft print of this kind ever publiftied was
done by his highnefs, and may be feen in the firft edi¬
tion of Evelyn’s Sculptra. The fecret is faid to have
been foon after difcovered by Sherwin an engraver,
who made ufe of a loaded file for laying the ground.
The prince, upon feeing one of his prints, fufpe&ed
that his fervant had lent him his tool, which was a
channelled roller; but upon receiving full fatisfa&ion to
the contrary, he made him a prefent of it. The roller
was afterwards laid afide ; and an inftrument with a cre-
nelled edge, fhaped like a (hoemaker’s cutting knife,
was ufed inftead of it. He alfo invented a metal called
by his name, in which guns were caft; and contrived
an excellent method of boring them, for which purpofe
R U S [ 6896 ] R U S
Rupert a water-mill was erefted at Hackney-mardi, to the
„ II , great detriment of the undertaker, as the fecret died
Ruflrwonh.^;th th£ il|uftr;ous ;nvcntor.
Rupert’s Drops, a fort of glafs-drops with long and
{lender tails, which burft to pieces on the breaking off
thofe tails in any part ; faid to have been invented by
prince Rupert, and therefore called by his name. Con¬
cerning the caufe of this furprifing phenomenon, fcarce
any thing that bears the lead appearance of probabi¬
lity has been offered. Their explofion is attended in
the dark with a flafh of light; and by being boiled in
oil, the drops are deprived of their explofive quality.
RUPIN, or Rapin, a town of Germany, in the
marquifate of Brandenburg, and capital of a duchy of
the fame name; it is divided into the Old and the New.
The Old was nothing but an ancient caflle, very well
furnifhed, the prefent king of Pruffia, before his father’s
death, refiding there. New Rupin is feated on a lake,
and become a confiderable place of trade, with a ma-
nufaftory of cloth. It is alfo noted for brewers. E.
Long- 13. 23. N. Lat. 53. o.
RUSCUS, knee-holly, or Butcher** Broom; a
genus of the fyngenefia order, belonging to the dioecia
clafs of plants. The mod remarkable fpecies is the
aculeatus, or common butcher’s broom, common in the
woods in many parts of England. It has roots com-
pofed of many thick fibres which twine about each
other; from which arife feveral diff green dalks about
three feet high, fending out from their fides feveral
(hort branches, garnifhed with diff, oval, heartfhaped
leaves, placed altenately on every part of the dalk, end¬
ing with fharp prickly points. The flowers are produ¬
ced in the middle, on the upper fide of the leaves; they
are fmall, and cut into fix parts ; of a purple colour,
fitting clofe to the midrib. They appear in June; and
the female flowers are fucceeded by berries as large as
cherries, of a fweetilh tade, which ripen in winter;
when they are of a beautiful red colour. As this plant
grows wild in mod parts of England, it is rarely ad¬
mitted into gardens; but if fome of the roots are plant¬
ed under tall trees in lajge plantations, they will fpread
into large clumps ; and as they retain their leaves in
winter, at that feafoirthey will have a goodeffeft. The
feeds of this plant generally lie a year in the ground
before they vegetate; and the plants fo raifed are long
before they*arrive to a fize big enough to make any fi¬
gure, and therefore it is much better to tranfplant the
roots.—The root of this plant is accounted aperient,
and in this intention is fometimes made an ingredient
in apozemsand dkt-drir.ks, for opening flight obdruc-
t ions of the vifeera, and promoting the fluid fecretions.
This plant is ufed by the butchers for befomsto fweep
their blocks. Huckders place the boughs round their
bacon and cheefe to defend them from the mice; for
they cannot make their way thro’ the prickly leaves.
RUSHWORTH (John), famous for his Hidorical
Collections, was defeended of a good family in North¬
umberland, and born about 1607. F°r fome time he
fludied at Oxford, and afterwards became a barrider
of Lincoln’s Inn. But his genius leading him more
to date affairs than the common law, he began early
to take down fpeeches, &c. in parliament. He per-
fonally attended at all occurrences of moment, during
the 11 years interval of parliament; he alfo went to
obferve didant tranfa&ions through the whole king¬
dom. Upon the opening of the long parliament in RuIfiaJ
1640, he was chofen affidant to Mr Henry Effyng,  1
clerk of the houfe of commons, who fent by him their
addreffes to the king when at York. In 1643 he took
the covenant, and was appointed fecretary to Sir Tho¬
mas Fairfax, general of the parliament’s forces. In
1651 he was named one of the committee to confult
about the reformation of the common law. In 1658
he was chofen a burgefs for the town of Berwick upon
Tweed; which place he reprefented in feveral parlia¬
ments afterwards, until that which met at Oxford in
1679. 1° *667 he was appointed fecretary to Sir Or¬
lando Bridgman, lord keeper of the great feal of Eng¬
land. At length he was committed prifoner for debt
to the king’s-bench in Southwark, where he fpent the
fix lad years of his life, and died in 1690. His Hi-
doricalCoJle&ions of private paffages in State, weighty
matters in Law, and remarkable proceedings in Par¬
liament, were publifhed at different times in folio; and
comprehend from the year 1618 to the year 1648.
All the feven volumes were reprinted together in 1721,
with the trial of the earl of Strafford, which makes the
whole eight volumes. This work has been highly ex¬
tolled by thofe who were averfe to the caufe of Cha. I.
and condemned as partial by all who favoured him and
his meafures: but it does not appear, nor is it pretend¬
ed, that Mr Rufliworth has mifreprefented fafts or
fpeeches.
RUSSIA, a very large and powerful kingdom of
Europe, comprehending alfo under its dominion the
northern part of Afia, quite to the eadern part where
it approaches the coad of America. On the fouth,
this immenfe track is bounded by Calmuck and Cuban
Tartary, Perfia, Georgia, the Cafpian and Euxine
feas; and on the wed, by Poland and Sweden. It is
divided into four parts; namely, Mufcovy Proper, or
Weflern Mufcovy; Eadern Mufcovy; Mufcovite Tar¬
tary; and Mufcovite Lapland. Thefe are fubdivided
into provinces, northern, eadern, and weflern; amount¬
ing to a very confiderable number, including fome
kingdoms and duchies which have been conquered and
fubdued by the czars of Ruflia. 1
In ancient times this country was inhabited by va-Original ill
rious notions; fuch as Hunns, Scythians, Sarmatians,,iat>iunts'I
Maffagetes, Sclavonians, Cimbri, &c. of whom an ac¬
count is given under the various detached articles in
this work. The origin of the Ruflians themfelves,
though not prior to the ninth century, is dill covered
with almofl impenetrable obfeurity ; partly owing to
the ignorance and barbarity of the people, and partly
to the midaken policy which yet prevails in the na¬
tion, of fuppreffing all accounts of their origin and in¬
quiries into their ancient date and fituation; of which !|
we have a remarkable indance in the fuppreffion of a
work by profeffor Muller, in titled ZL Originibus gentis
et nominis Ruffbrutn. % L
According to feveral authors of credit, the Ruffian* Origin c ti
derived their origin from the Slavi, or Slavonians, cor-theR-u^ ^
ruptly called the Sclavonians, who fettled fil'd along
the banks of the Wolga, and afterwards near the Da¬
nube, in the countries named Bulgaria and Hungary:
but being driven from thence by the Romans, (whom
the Ruflians call Wolochers, or Wolotaners), they firfl
removed to the river Borydhenes, or Dneiper, then
over-ran Poland; and, as is reported,, built the city of
Kiow.
R U S [ 6897 ] R U S
Ruffla. KIow, Afterwards they extended their colonies far-
ther north, to the rivers which run into the//«<?« lake,
and laid the foundation of the city of Novogrod. The
towns of Sroolenlk and Tfernikow appear alfo to have
been built by them, though the dates of thefe events
cannot be afcertained. The moft ancient inhabitants,
not only of Rufiia, but all over Siberia, quite to the
borders of China, are called Tfhudi: for profefibr Mul¬
ler, on inquiring in thofe parts, by whom the ancient
buildings and fepulchral monuments he faw there were
ere&ed, was every where anfwered, that they were the
works of the Tfhudi, who in ancient times had lived
in that country.
In the ninth century the Scandinavians, that is the
Danes, Norwegians, and Swedes, emigrated from the
north, and, crolling the Baltic, went to feek habitations
in Ruffia. They firft fubdued the Courlanders, Livo¬
nians, and Efthonians; and, extending their conquefts
ftill farther, they exafted tribute from the Novogrodi-
ans, fettled kings over them, and traded as far as Kiow,
and even to Greece. Thefe new invaders were called
Waregers; which, according to profeffor Muller, fig-
nifies “ fea-faring people;” or, if derived from the old
northern word it fignifies “ warlike men.” To
thefe Waregers the name of Rujfesy or Ruffians, is
thought by the moft eminent authors to owe its ori¬
gin ; but the etymology of the word itfelf is entirely
5 uncertain.
Rufiia at In the dark ages of which we are fpeaking, it is
.firfl:<livicle<1 pretty certain that Rufiia was divided among a great
berVf pe«ynum^er Petty princes, who made war upon each
liingdoms/other with the ferocity and cruelty of wild beads; fo
that the whole country was reduced to the utmoft mi-
fery; when Goftomifel, a chief of the Novogrodians,
pitying the unhappy fate of his countrymen, and fee¬
ing no other method of remedying their calamities,
advifed them to offer the government of their cduntry
to the Waregers. The propofal was readily accepted,
and three princes of great abilities and valour were fent
to govern them; namely, Ruric, Sineus, and Trunvor,
generally fuppofed to have been brothers. The firft
took up his refidence at Ladoga, in the principality
of Great Novogrod ; the fecond at Bielo Ofero, or the
White Lake; and the third kept his court at Ifborfk,
or, according to others, at a fmall town, then called
’T’wertzog, in the principality of Plefkow. The three
brothers reigned amicably, and made confiderable ad¬
ditions to their dominions; all of which at length de-
turic the v°!ved to Ruric by the death of Sineus and Truwor;
>rft fove- but what the conquefts of the two brothers were, we
jifeign. have no records to inform us of.
The Ruffian empire continued to flourilh till the end
of the reign of Wolodomir, who afeended the throne
in the year 976. Having fettled the affairs of his em¬
pire in peace, he demanded in marriage the princefs
Anne, filler to the Greek emperor Bafilius Porphyro-
s genitus. His-fuitwas granted, on condition that he
hriftianity fhould embrace Chriftianity. With this the Ruffian
Produced, monarch complied ; and that vail empire was thence¬
forward confidered as belonging to the patriarchate of
Conftantinople. Wolodomir received the name of Ba~
Jtlius the fame day on which he was baptized; and,
according to the Ruffian annals, 20,000 of his fubjedls
were baptized the fame day. Michael Syra, or Cyrus,
a Greek, fent by Photius the patriarch of Conilanti-
Vol- IX, 1
nople, was accepted as metropolitan of the whole coun- Ruflla.
try. At the fame time Wolodomir put away all his
former wives and concubines, of whom he had upwards
of 800, and by whom he had 12 fons, who were bap¬
tized on the fame day with himfelf. The idols of pa-
ganifm were now thrown down ; churches and mona-
fleries were eredled, towns built, and the art? began
to flourifii. The Sclavonian letters were now firft in¬
troduced into Ruffia: and Wolodomir fent miffionaries
to convert the Bulgarians; but only three or four of
their princes came to him and were baptized. Thefe
events happened in the year 987. 6
Wolodomir died in 1008, and, contrary to all rules ^ c;vipw;ir5
of found policy and prudence, divided his empire among
his 12 fons. The confequence was, that they fell to
making war and deftroying one another as foon as
their father was dead. Suantepolk, one of the bro¬
thers, having deftroyed and feized upon the dominions
of two others, was himfelf driven out by Jariflaus, and
obliged to fly to Boleflaus king of Poland. This
brought on a dreadful war betwixt the Poles and Ruf¬
fians; in which the former were viftorious, and the lat¬
ter loft a great part of their dominions, as has been re¬
lated under the article Poland.
Jariflaus finding himfelf unable to oppofe the king
of Poland, now turned his arms againft the reft of his
brothers, all of whom he difpoffeffed of their dominions,
and feized them for himfelf. He next attacked the Cof-
facks, over whom he gained feveral advantages. After
which he ventured once more to try his fortune with
Boleflaus : but in this fecond expedition he was at- 7
tended with worfe fuccefs than before; being now re. be-
duced to the condition of a vaffal and tributary to the
vi&orious monarch. However, in the reign of Miecz- Poland,
flaus II. the fucceffor of Boleflaus, the Ruffians again
Ihook off the yoke, and a lading peace was confirmed
by the marriage of Mieczflaus with the filler of Wo¬
lodomir.
Jariflaus now continued to enjoy the empire quietly
till his death, which happened in 1052; but fell into
the fame error which his father had committed, by di¬
viding his dominions among his five fons. This pro-'
duced a repetition of the bloody feenes which had been
afted by the fons of Wolodomir ; the Poles '»ook the
advantage of the diftra&ed ftate of affairs to make
continual inroads and invafions; and the empire conti¬
nued in the moft deplorable fituation till the year 1237, g
when it was totally fubdued by the Tartars. We areg^ug,;
not informed of any particulars of this remarkable the Tartars,
event, farther than that innumerable multitudes of thefe
barbarians, headed by their khan Batto, or Battus, af¬
ter ravaging great part of Poland and Silefia, broke
fuddenly into Ruffia, where they committed the greateft
cruelties. Moft of the Ruffian princes, among whom
was the great duke George Sevoloditz, were made pri-
foners, and racked to death ; and, in fbort, none found
mercy but fuch as acknowledged themfelves the fub-
jedls of the Tartars. The imperious conqueror impofed
upon the Ruffians every thing that is moil mortifying
in flavery; infilling that they fhould have no other
princes than fuch as he approved of; that they fhould
pay him a yearly tribute, to be brought by the fove-
reigns themfelves oh foot, who were to prefent it hum¬
bly to the Tartarian ambaffador on horfeback. They
were,alfo to proftrate themfelves before the haughty
38 R Tartar;
R U S [ 6S9S ] R U S
Rufl-a. Tartar; to offer him milk to drink; and, if any drops
of it fell down, to lick them up; a Angular mark of
9 fervility, which continued near 260 years.
tP1* eHhe George Sevoioditz, was fucceeded by his brother Mi-
internal dib c^iael Sevoloditz Zernigouflii; who oppofed the Tar-
fcnfions, tars, but was defeated by them, and loft his life. He
left three fons, Feodor, Alexander, and Andrew, whofe
wars with each other ended in the death of them all.
A fon of Alexander, and of the fame name, was then
placed on the throne by the Tartars; and ffis fon Da-
nilow, or Daniel Alexandrowitz, removed his court
from Wolodimir to Mofcow, where he firft affumed the
title of Great duke of Wolodbnir and Mofcoiu. Daniel
Alexandrowitz left two fons, Gregory and John; the
former of whom, named Kalita from a purfe he ufed
always to carry about him filled with money for the
poor, afcended the throne; but he was foon affaflina-
ted by another prince; named Demetri Michaelo'witz,
who was himfelf put to death for it by the Tartars;
and John, likewife furnamed Kalita, was then made
czar. This John left three fons, John, Simon, and An¬
drew; and the eldeft of thefe, commonly called I<wan
Iwanowitz, was made czar, with the approbation of
the Tartars, on whom he was dependant.
During thefe feveral reigns, which fill a fpace of
upwards of loo years, and which all hiftorians have
paffed over for want of records concerning them, the
An^b ntiferie3 a foreign yoke were aggravated by all the
external calamities of inteftine difcord-and war; whilft the
enemies. knights of Livonia, or brothers of the fhort-fword, as
they are fometimes called, a kind of military order of
religious, on on^ fide, and the Poles on the other,
catching at the opportunity, attacked Rufiia, and took
feveral of its towns, and even fome confiderable coun¬
tries. The Tartars and Ruffians, whofe interefts were
in this cafe the fame, often united to oppofe their com¬
mon enemies ; but were generally worfted. The Li¬
vonians took Plefkow; and the Poles made themfelves
mailers of Black Ruffia, the Ukraine, Podolia, and
the city of Kiow. Cafimir the Great, one of their
kings, carried his conquefts (till farther. He afferted
his pretenfions to a part of Ruffia, in right of his re¬
lation to Boleflaus duke of Halitz, who died without
iffue, ard forcibly poffeffed himfelf of the duchies of
Perzemyflia, Halitz, and Luckow, and of the diftrids
of Sanock, Lubackzow, and Trebowla ; all which
countries he made a province of Poland.
The newly-conquered Ruffians were ill-difpofed to
brook the government of the Poles; whofe laws and
euftoms were more contrary to their own than thofe of
the Tartars had been. They joined the latter, to rid
themfelves of the yoke; and affembled an army nume¬
rous enough to overwhelm all Poland, but deftitute of
valour and difcipline. Cafimir, undaunted by this de¬
luge of barbarians, prefented himfelf at the head of a
few troops on the borders of the Viftula, and obliged
his enemies to retire.
Demetrius Iwanowitz, fon of Iwan Iwanowitz, who
commanded in Mofcow, made frequent efforts to rid
himfelf of the galling yoke. He defeated in feveral
rI battles,Maymay khan of the Tartars; and, when con-
A gnat queror, refufed to pay them any tribute, and affumed
army cut in the title of great duke of Mufcovy. But the oppreffors
tJrel'artars l^e n01-1!' returned in greater numbers than before;
"and Demetrius, at length overpowered, after a ftruggle
of three years, perifired with his whole army, which, Ru/ITav
if we may credit hiftorians, amounted to upwards of   ■
240,00 men.
Bafilius Demetriwitz revenged his father's death.
Pie attacked his enemies, drove them out of his domi¬
nions, and conquered Bulgaria. He made an alliance
with the Poles, whom he could not fubdue; and even
ceded to them a part of his country, on condition that
they Ihould help him to defend the reft againft any
new incurfions of the-Tartars. But this treaty was a
weak barrier againft; ambition. The Ruffians found
new enemies in their allies; and the Tartars foon re¬
turned. Bafilius Demetriwitz had a fon who was called
after his name, and to whom the crown ought natu¬
rally to have defeended. But the father fufpedling his
legitimacy, left it to his own brother Gregory, a man
of a fevere and tyrannical difpofition, and therefore
hated by the people, who afferted the fon’s right, and
proclaimed him their fovereign. The Tartars took
cognizance of the difpute, and determined it in favour
of Bafilius; upon which Gregory had recourfe to arms,
drove his nephew from Mofcow to the principality of
Uglitz, and forcibly ufurped and kept poffeffion of his
throne. Upon the death Gregory, Bafilius returned
to Mofcow; but Andrew and Demetrius, fons of the
late ufurper, laid fiege to that city, and obliged him
to retire to the monaftery of Troitz, where they took
him prifoner, with his wife and fon, and put out his
eyes: hence the appellation of jemnoi, “ blind,” by
which this Bafilius is diftinguilhed. The fubjedls of
this unfortunate prince, incenfed at the cruel treatment
be had received, forced the perpetrators of it to fly to
Novogrod, and reinftated their lawful fovereign at
Mofco, where he died. «
In the midft of this general confufion, John Bafilo-jol,.n
witz I. by his invincible fpirit and refined policy, be-
came both the conqueror and deliverer of his country, affairs of
and laid the firft foundation of its future grandeur. Ruffia.
Obferving with indignation the narrow limits of his
power at his acceffion to the throne, after the death of
his father Bafilius the Blind, he began immediately to
revolve within himfelf the means of enlarging his do¬
minions. Marriage, though Jie had in reality no re¬
gard or inclination for women, feemed to him one of
the beft expedients he could begin with ; and accord¬
ingly he demanded and obtained Maria, After of Mi¬
chael duke of Twer; whom he foon after depofed, un¬
der pretence of revenging the injuries done to his fa¬
ther, and added this duchy to his own territories of
Mofcow. Maria, by whom he had a fon named John,
who died before him, did not live long; and upon her |
death he married Sophia, daughter of Thomas Paleo-Marries a1
logus, who had been driven from Conftantinople, and Greek pris
forced to take flielter at Rome, where the pope por-ce^s*
tioned this princefs, in hopes of procuring thereby
great advantage to the Romilh religion; but his expec¬
tations were fruftrated, Sophia being obliged to con¬
form to the Greek church after her arrival in Ruffia.
What could induce Bafilowitz to feek a conforfrat fuch
a diftance, is nowhere accounted for; unlefs it be, that
be hoped by this means to eftablifh a pretenfion to the
empire of the eaft, to which her father was the next
heir: but however that may be, the Ruffians certainly
owed to this alliance their deliverance from the Tartar
yoke. Shocked at the fervile homage exadted by thofe
proud
Raffia.
R U S [ 6899 ] R U S
Uuflla. proud vigors, her hufband going to meet their ambaf-
*" fadors at fome diftance from the city, and ftanding to
14 hear what they had to fay, whilft they were at dinner;
Who ex- Sophia told him, that (he was furprifed to find that fhe
t0^a^ ni:itried a fervant to the Tartars. Nettled at this
the Tartar reProac^» Bafilowitz feigned himfelf ill when the next
yoke. deputation from the Tartars arrived, and under that
pretence avoided a repetition of the ftipulated humi¬
liating ceremonial. Another circumftance equally d1f-
pleafing to this prihcefs was, that the Tartars had, by
agreement, within the walls of the palace at Mofcow,
houfes in which their minifters refided ; to Ihow their
power, and at the fame time watch the aftions of the
great duke. To get rid of thefe, a formal embaffy,
was fent to the Tartarian khan, to tell him, that So¬
phia having been favoured with a vifion from above,
ordering her to build a temple in the place where thofe
houfes Hood, her mind could not beat eafe till fhe had
fulfilled the divine command; and therefore his leave
was defired to pull them down, and give his people
others. The khan confented: the houfes within the
Kremlin were demolifhed; and no new new ones being
provided, the Tartar refidents were obliged to leave
Mofcow ; their prince not being able to revenge this
breach of promife, by reafon of a war he was then en¬
gaged in with the Poles. Bafilowitz taking advantage
of this circumftance, and having in the mean time cqn-
is fiderably increafed his forces, openly difclaimed all fub-
| ^1S fucccfs,jeftion to the Tartars, attacked their dominions, and
made himfelf mafter of Cafan, where he was folemnly
crowned with the diadem of that kingdom, which is
faid to be the fame that is now ufed for the coronation
of the Ruffian fovereigns. The province of Permia,
with great part of Lapland and Afiatic Bulgaria, foon
fubmitted to him ; and Great Novogrod, a city then
fo famous, that the Ruffians ufed to exprefs its vaft im¬
portance by the proverbial expreffion of, Who can re-
fijl God and the Great Novogrod? was reduced by his
generals after a feven years fiege, and yielded him an
immenfe treafure; no lefs, fay fome writers, than 300
cart loads of gold and filver, and other valuable effe&s.
Alexander Witold, waiwode of Lithuania, was in pof-
feffion of this rich place, from which he haft exafted
for fome years an annual tribute of 100,000 rubles, a
prodigious fum for thofe days and for that country;
when it was taken by John Bafilowitz, who, the bet¬
ter to fecure his conqueft, put it under the prote&ion
of the Poles, voluntarily rendered himfelf their tribu¬
tary for it, and accepted a governor from the hand of
their king Cafimir, a weak and indolent prince, from
whom he well knew he had nothing to fear. The No-
vogrodians continued to enjoy all their privileges till
about two years after; when John, ambitious of reign¬
ing without controul, entered the city with a numer¬
ous retinue, under pretence of keeping to the Greek
faith, who, faid he, intended to embrace the Romifti
religion ; and with the affiftance of the archbifhop
Theophilus, dripped them all of their remaining riches.
He then depofed the treacherous prelate, and eftablifh-
ed over Novogrod new magiftrates, creatures of his own;
deftroying at once, by this means, a noble city, which,
had its liberties been protedted, and its trade encoura¬
ged, might have proved to him an inexhauftible fund
of wealth. All the north beheld with terror and afto-
nifhment the rapid increafe of the vi&or’s .power: fo¬
reign nations courted his alliance; and the feveral petty
princes of Ruffia fubmitted to him without refiftance,
acknowledging themfelves his vaffals.
The Poles, however, complained loudly of his late
breach of faith in regard to Novogrod, and threatened
revenge: upon which Bafilowitz, elated with his fuc-
ceffes, with the riches he had amaffed, and with the
weak condition of moft of his neighbours, fent a body Invades Li-
of troops into Lithuania, and foon became mafter ofthuania,
feveral of its towns. Cafimir applied for affiftance t0
Matthias king cf Hungary: but was anfwered by this t0 fue°for
laft, that his own foldiers were quite undifciplined ; p€ace.
that his auxiliaries had lately mutinied for want of pay;
and that it was impoffible for him to raife a new army
out of the neighbouring countries. The Polilh mo¬
narch in this diftrefs, was obliged to purchafe of John
a ceflation of arms for two years, during which the
Mufcovite made new acceffions to his dominions.
The dukes of Servia, whofe territories were about
500 miles in extent, had long thought themfelves ill
ufed by the Lithuanians on account of their religion,
which was that of the Greek church; and wanted to
withdraw from their fubjeflion to Poland, and put
themfelves under the protection of Ruffia. The follow¬
ing accident afforded them the wiftied-for pretence.
Their envoys arriving at Wilna, defired admittance to
the king's prefence: which being refufed,one of them
endeavoured to force his way in; but the porter (hut
the door rudely againft him, and in fo doing broke one
of his fingers. The fervant was immediately put to gervia fub-
death for this offence: but the Servians, by no means mits to him.
fatisfied with that, returned home in great fury, and
prevailed upon their countrymen to fubmit themfelves
and their country to the Mufcovites. Cafimir made
feveral attempts to recall them, but to no purpofe.
Matthias king of Hungary dying about this time,
two of his fons, Uladiflaus, then king of Bohemia, ami
John Albert, contended for the vacant crown. Cafimir
wanted to give it to the latter, whom he accordingly
affifted to the utmoft of his power; and to enable him
the better fo to do, though he was in great want of
money as well as men, he purchafed a renewal of the
truce with the Ruffians, and thereby gave John Bafi¬
lowitz time to eftabliih himfelf in his new acquifitions.
Cafimir died in the year 1492, and was fucceeded
on the throne of Poland by his fon John Albert, who
totally difregarding the Ruffians, involved himfelf un-
neceffarily in a war with the brave Stephen, duke of
-Moldavia: and though he had at the fame time both
the Tartars and Turks againft him, his propenfity to
pleafure, and his lafcivious difpofition, rendered him fo
indolent, that he not only did not fo much as attempt
to moleft Bafilowitz in any of his poffeffions, but con¬
cluded a peace with him on terms very advantageous lg
to the latter; and even entered into a treaty, by which Concludes
he ftipulated not to affift the Lithuanians, though they an advanta-
had chofen his brother Alexander for their duke, 111 Sei°^St|jrgaty
cafe the Ruffians (hould attack them, as it was fuppo- poies, 6
fed they would. Alexander thinking to parry ^he in¬
conveniences of this agreement, and to guard againft;
the defigns of his enemies, demanded in marriage Ba-
filowitz’s daughter, Helena, by his fecond wife Sophia,
and obtained her. The Lithuanians then flattered
themfelves with a profpeft of tranquillity: but the am¬
bitious czar) for Bafilowitz had affirmed that title fince
38 R 2 hia
R U S [ 6900 1 R U S
Ruflii, his conquefl of Cafan, aiming only at the increafe of and infirmities had rendered the czar fo weak, that he RuflU.
* dominion,'foon found a pretence to break with his new
allies, by alleging, that Polifh Rufiia, as far as the ri¬
ver Berezina, had formerly belonged to his anceftors,
and therefore fhould be his; and that Alexander, by
his marriage-contradl, had engaged to build a Greek
church at Wilna for his Ruffian confort, which he had
not done, but on the contrary endeavoured to force
ij, the Polifh Ruffians to embrace the religion of the
His fuccefs church of Rome. In confequence of this plea, he fent
in Lithua- jnto tenritories of his fon-in-law, by different ways,
three armies, which reduced feveral places, dellroyed
the country about Smolenfko, and defeated the Lithu¬
anian field-marfhal Otlrolky, near the river Wedrafch,
where he fell unawares into an ambufh of the Ruffians.
Alexander raifed a new army of Sdefians, Bohemians,
and Moravians; but they came too late, the Ruffians
ao having retired with their plunder. Elated by their
Is defeated fuccefs againft the Lithuanians, they invaded Livonia
in Livonia, in the year 1502, with 130,000 men: but Walter Von
and obliged p]ettenberg, grand-mafter of the knights of the crofs,
te retire. w;tk on]y j2,ooo men, gave them a total overthrow;
killing 10,000 of his enemies, with fcarce any lofs on
his own fide. Bafilowitz difpirited by this defeat, and
being then engaged in a war with the Tartars, the
Poles, and the city of Plefkow, immediately difpatched
an embaffy to Plettenberg, and concluded a truce with
him for 50 years. At the fame time he begged of
that general to fend to Mofcow, that he might fee him,
one of the iron-dragoonst 1% he called them, who had
performed wonders in the late engagement. Von Plet¬
tenberg readily complied ; and the czar, (truck with
admiration, rewarded the cuiraffier’s accompliffiments
with confiderable honours and prefents.
Alexander had been ele&ed king of Poland upon
the death of his brother John Albert, which happened
in the beginning of this year: but the Poles refufed
to crown his confort Helena, becaufe (he adhered to
the Greek religion. Provoked at this affront, and pro¬
bably (till more ftimulated by ambition, Bafilowitz re»
folved again to try his fortune with them; and accord¬
ingly ordered his fon Demetrius, now the eldeft, to
march againft Smolenlko, and reduce that city. The
young prince did all that could be done : but the vi¬
gorous refiftance of the befieged, and the arrival of the
king of Poland with a numerous army, obliged the
Ruffians to raife the fiege and return home; and the
czar was glad to make a frefh truce with the Poles for
fix years, upon the eafy terms of only returning the
prifoners he had taken. Some writers fay, that flying
into a violent paffion. with his fon the moment he faw
him, and imputing the mifearriage of this expedition
to his want of courage or condudt, he gave him a blow
which laid him dead at his feet; to which is added,
that rernorfe for this rath aftion carried his father to
his grave: but this account is not confirmed by authors
whofe authority can be relied on. Certain it is, how¬
ever, that neither of them long furvived this event; and
that Demetrius died firft: for Sophia, who had gained
an abfolute afeendant over her hulhand, and wanted to
l ive the fovereignty to her own children, perfuaded
him by various artful infinuations, to fet alide and im-
prifon his grandfon Demetrius, the only child of the
late John, whom he had by his firft wife Maria, and
declare her then eldeft fon, Gabriel, his fucceflbr. Age
blindly followed the iniquitous advice; but (hortly af- “ Jj
ter, finding his end approach, he fent for young De¬
metrius, expreffed great repentance for his barbarity
towards him, and on his death-bed declared him .his
lawful fucceffor. He died in November 1505, after a Hedies and 1
reign of 55 years; leaving behind him an immenfeis fucceeded «
territory, chiefly of his own acquiring. by his fon, ®
The czar was no fooner dead, than his fon Gabriel||
Iwanowitz, at the mitigation of his mother Sophia, “ |j
put an end to the life of the young Demetrius, by
confining him in prifon, where he perifhed with hunger
and cold ; after which Gabriel was crowned by the name
of Bajilius, and took the title of czar, as well as all
the reft belonging to the fovereignty. On his acceffion
to the throne he expected that the Poles would be in
confufion about the ele&ion of a new fovereign; but his J
cxpe&ations being defeated by their unanimous elec¬
tion of Sigifmund I. a prince of a mild "and peaceable
difpoiition, he fent an army into Lithuania, and laid
fiege to Smolenflco. The place made a brave refiftance, '
till news arrived that the crown-troops of Poland werejjc t**eJ j
coming to their affiftance, with the addional aid ofpie/kow* {
80,000 Crim Tartars; on which the Ruffians returned and Smo- ’
home with the utmoft precipitation. They were, how-^nik°w* |
ever, quickly followed by the Poles, who reduced the
czar to fubmit to fuch terms as they pleafed to impofe.
Bafilius remained quiet till he thought himfelf capable
of revenging the injuries he had fuftained; after which,
pretending to fet out upon fome other expedition, he
marched with a numerous army, and encamped in the
neighbourhood of Piefkow, where the Poles, prefu-
tning on the late treaty, received him as a friend and
ally. But in the mean time the Mufcovite priefts of the
Greek church preached to their hearers concerning the
expediency of having a fovereign of their own religion ;
and brought them to fuch a height of enthufiafm, that
they murdered their magiftrates, and opened their gates
to the czar, who made them all flaves, and fent them
away to different parts, replacing them with Mufco-
vites, the better to fecure his conqueft. Soon after he
took alfo the city of Stnolenfleo; and the Swedes alarm¬
ed at his rapid progrefs, defired a prolongation of the
truce, at that time fubfifting between the two (fates,
for 60 years longer. The duchy of Lithuania was the
great objeft of the defigns of Bafilowitz ; and to ac-
complilh his defign, he ordered Iwan Czeladin, a man
of great refolution, and enterprifing even to rafhnefs, |
to march thither with 80,000 men. The army of the But is ut-
Poles, which did not exceed 35,000 men, but was com- terly defeat*
manded by a mod experienced general. The two ar-®^ ^ she
mies met on the oppofite banks of the Dneiper, nqar^oes' 1
Orfova, and the Poles paffed that river in fight of their
enemies. Czeladin’s officers advifed him to fall upon
the enemy when about half of them had croffed the ri¬
ver; but that general, too confident of fuccefs, replied,
that the other half would then run away, and he was
determined to gain a complete vidfory. The Lithua¬
nians began the attack, but were repulfed by the Ruf¬
fians; who imprudently following them, loft an advan¬
tageous fituation, and found themfelves at once expo-
fed to the full fire of the enemy’s artillery. The Poliftv
cavalry then ruflied in among them fword in hand, and
made dreadful havoc; the trembling Ruffians fcarce
even attempting to defend themfelves. Thofe who en¬
deavoured
R U S [ 6901 ] R U S
Raffia; deavotired to fly, fell into the Dneiper and were drown-
1 ed; and all the reft, including Czeladin himfclf, were
14 made flaves.
Diftrefj of Bafilius was at Smolenfleo when he received the news
U ,lius. of this dreadful defeat; on which he immediately fled
to Mofcow, where his danger increafed daily. The
Crim-Tartars ravaged his dominions, and the empe¬
ror Maximilian, with whom he had been in alliance,
deferted him ; his troops were utterly defeated in Li¬
vonia, where he was obliged to fubmit to a peace on
difhonourable terms; but what thefe terms were, hi-
ftorians do not inform us of. In the mean time, the
king of Poland ftirred up the Tartars to invade Ruflia,
while the Ruffian monarch in his turn endeavoured to
excite them to an invaflon of Poland. Thefe barba¬
rians, equally treacherous to both parties, firft inva¬
ded and ravaged Podolia, a province of Poland ; and
2j then having invaded Ruffia and defeated the armies of
Mofcow ta-the Czar in the year 1521, they poured in thither in
ken by the fuch incredible multitudes, that they quickly made
, Tartars. themfelves mafters of Mofcow. An army, which had
been fent to oppofe their progrefs, was defeated near
the river Occa ; and the Czar’s brother Andrew who
commanded it, was the very firft who fled. Bafilius
with great difficulty made his way to Novogrod ; fo
terrified, that he hid himfelf by the way under a hay¬
cock, to avoid a draggling party of the enemy. The
Tartars, however, foon obliged him to fign a writing,
by which he acknowledged himfelf their vaffal, and
promifed to pay them a tribute of fo much a head for
every one of his fubje&s. Befides this, Machmetgerei,
the commander of the Tartars, caufed his own ftatuc
to be fet up at Mofcow, as a mark of hia fovereignty;
compelled Bafilius to return to his capital, to bring
thither in perfon the firft payment of this tribute, and,
as a token of his fubmiffion, to proftr^te himfeif before
hi? ftatue. Machmetgerei then left Mofcow, and re¬
turned home with an immenfe booty, and upwards of
80,000 prifoners, who were made flaves, and fold like
cattle to the Turks and other enemies of theChriftian
name. "In his way back he attempted to take the city
of Rezan ; but was repulfed with confiderable lofs by
Iwan Kowen, who commanded in that place for the
Ruffians. Here the Tartar general narrowly efcaped
with his life, his coat being {hot thro’ with a mufket*
ball ; and the Mufcovites pulled down his ftatue, and
broke it to pieces as foon as the conquerors had left
them.
The Tartars were no fooner gone, than Bafilius be¬
gan to talk in a high ftrain of the revenge he intended
16 to take of them ; but was never able to execute his
! Bafiluisdies, threats. He died in 1533; and was fucceeded by his
ceededb'0 ^on ^wan> or J°bn Baliliowitz, an infant of five years
I his*(bn, y of age.
John Bad- During the minority of the young prince, his two
iwitzll. uncles Andrew and George endeavoured to deprive
him of the crown; but their attempts were defeated by
the care and a&ivity of his guardians; and the Poles
alfo immediately commenced hoftilities, but could
make little progrefs. The new Czar, as foon as he
entered the 19th year of his age,(bowed an inclination
for refcuing his fubje&s out of that defperate ftate of
ignorance and barbarifm in which they had been hi¬
therto immerfed. He fent a fplendid embafty to the
emperor Charles V. who was then at Auglburg, to
defire the renewal of the treaty of friendfhip which had Ruffia.
been concluded with his father Maximilian ; and of- '
fering to enter into a league with him againft the 17
Turks, as enemies to the Chriftian religion ; for his
farther information in which, particularly in regard to y ar
the do&rine and ceremonies of the Latin church, he
requeftedthat his ambaflador might be allowed to fend
from Germany to Ruffia proper priefts to inftrud! him
and his fubjefts. With thefe he likewife defired to
have fome wife and experienced ftatefmen, able to ci¬
vilize the wild people under his government ; and alfo,
the better to help to polifti them, he requefted that
he would fend mechanics andartifts of every kind; in
return for all which he offered to furnifh two tons of
gold yearly, for 20 years together, to be employed in
the war againft; the Turks. The emperor readily
agreed to the defire of the Czar ; and the Ruffian am-
baffador accordingly engaged upwards of 300 German
artifts, who were diredted to repair to Lubec, in order
to proceed from thence to Livonia. But the Lubec->j'[ie Ger.
kers, who were very powerful at that time, and aimed man artifts
at nothing lefs than the engroffing of the whole com- prevented
merce of the north, flopped them, and reprefenudj^j^®^11"
ftrongly to the emperor, in the‘name of all the mer-from going
chants in Livonia, the dangerous confequence of thus to Ruffia,
affording inftrudfions to the Ruffians, who would foon
avail themfelves of it to ruin their trade, and diftrefs
the fubjedfs of his Imperial majefty. The workmen
and othets intended for Ruffia, were eafily prevailed
upon to return to their refpedfive homes ; and the
Czar’s ambaffador was arrefted upon his arrival at Lu-
bec, and imprifoned there at the fuit of the Livonians:
however, he made his efcape (hortly after ; and the
Czar, tho’ provoked to the laft degree at the behaviour
of the Lubeckers, was obliged for fome time to fuf-
pend his refentment.
The firft enterprize of Bafilovvitz now was againft:
the Tartars of Cafan, who had hitherto been fuch for-
midable enemies. In this he was attended with great Cafan con»-
fuccefs; the whole territory was conquered in feven quereJ by
years ; but the capital, named alfo Cafan, being weUIJa^'us*
fortified and bravely defended, made fuch refiftance as
quite dilheartened the befiegers, and made them think
of abandoning their enterprize. Bafilowitz being in¬
formed of this, battened to them with a confiderable
reinforcement, endeavouring to revive their drooping
courage, and exhorting them to pu(h the fiege with
redoubled vigour. However, the greater part, deaf
to all his remonftrances, after loudly infifting upon %
peace with the Tartars, and leave to return home,
proceeded to mutiny, and fell upon their comrades who
were for continuing the war. Bafilovvitz, alarmed at
this event, rufhed in among the combatants, and with
great difficulty parted them : but neither menaces nor
intreaties, nor even a promife of giving them the
whole plunder of the city if they took it, could prevail
on them to continue the war. Their rage at hft
prompted them to threaten the life of their fovereign ;
who, to provide for his own fafety, was obliged to
make the bed of his way to Mofcow; and the muti¬
neers, no longer regarding any command, inftantly re¬
turned thither.
Bafilowitz, though juftly incehfed at this infolence, His method
took a method of punilhing it which does honour toof punifh-
his humanity. Having feleded a guard of 2000 of mgatreach-
R U S [ 6902 ] R U S
Ruffia. his beft troops, he ordered a great feaft, to which he
   invited his principal nobles and officers, to each of
whom, according to the Ruffian cuftom, he gave very
rich garments. The chief of the feditious were clo*
thed in black velvet ; and after the dinner was over,
he made a fpeech to the whole company/ fetting forth
the behaviour of his troops before Cafan, their con¬
tempt of his commands, and their confpiracy to take
away his life: to which he added, that he was doubly
forry to find the inftigators of fuch wickednefs among
thofe who were ftyled, and who ought to be, his faith¬
ful counfellors ; and that thofe who knew themfelves
to be guilty of fuch atrocious wickednefs, could not
do better than voluntarily to fubmit themfelves to his
mercy. Upon this, moil of them immediately threw
themfelves at his feet, and implored his pardon. Some
of the mod criminal were executed, but the reft were
only imprifoned.
Immediately after this puniflrment of the rebels,
Bafilowitz marched with a freftr army to re-inveft Ca¬
fan before the Tartars had time to recover themfelves.
The befieged ftill made an obftinate defence, and the
Ruffians again began to be difpirited ; upon which the
Czar ordered his pioneers to undermine the walls of
the citadel, a pradice then quite unknown to the Tar¬
tars. This work being completed, he direded his
priefts to read a folemn mafs to the whole army, at
the head of which he afterwards fpent fome time in
private prayer, and then ordered fire to be fet to the
powder, which aded fo effedually, that great part of
the foundation was immediately blown up, and the
Mufcovites rufhing into the city, flaughtered all be¬
fore them ; while the aftonifhed Tartars, crowding
out at the oppofite gate, croffed the river Cafanka, and
fled into the forefts. Among the prifoncrs taken
on this occafion were Simeon king of Cafan with his
queen ; both of whom were fent to Mofcow, where
3, they were treated with the utmoft civility and refped.
Aftracan Encouraged by this fuccefs, Bafilowitz invaded the
reduced. country of Aftracan, the capital of which he foon re¬
duced ; after which he prepared to revenge himfelf on
the Livonians for their behaviour in flopping the Ger¬
man artifts. John Bafilowitz I. had concluded a truce
with this people for 50 years ; which being now ex¬
pired, lodocus, a Reckarchbifhop of Dorpt and canon
of Munfter in Weftphalia, fenfible of the danger to
which he was expofed by the vicinity of the Ruffians,
rcquefted the Czar to give him a prolongation of the
Negociarion^ruce. Bafilowitz defired him to choofe whether he
withtheLi- would have a truce for five years longer, on condition
yoniars. tjiat a]j t}je inhabitants of his archbifhopric fhould pay
to him the annual tribute of a fifth part of a ducat for
each perfon, which the people of Dorpt had formerly
agreed to pay to the grand-dukes of Plefkow; or, for
20 years, on this farther condition that he and the Li¬
vonians fhould rebuild all the Ruffian churches which
had been demolifhed in their territories at the time of
the reformation, and allow his fubjefts the free exer-
cife of their religion. lodocus evaded an anfwer as
long as he could : but finding at laft that the affair
grew ferious, he levied a confiderable fum from his
fubjefls, and fled with it to Munfter, where he re-
flgned his prebend and" married a wife. His fucceffor,
whofe name was Herman, and the deputies from Livo¬
nia, accepted of the conditions, and fwore to obferve
them ; with this additional claufe, that the priefts of Ruflk,
the Romifh communion fhould be exempted from pay- '  
ing tribute. 33
But though the Livonians fwore to the obfervation’rlleir
of thefe terms, they were at that very time in treaty treaclier5r*
with Guftavus Vafa, king of Sweden, to join them in
attacking Ruffia. The king of Sweden very readily
complied with their defires; upon which Bafilowitz
invaded Finland. Guftavus advanced againft him with
a powerful army ; but as neither the Poles nor Livo¬
nians gave him any affiflance, he was obliged to con¬
clude a treaty with the Czar, and foon after to eva¬
cuate the country. Finland was at this time governed stat/of
by William of Furftenberg grand-mafter of the Li- Finland,
vonian knights, and the archbifhop of Riga, with fome
other prelates; between whom a quarrel happened
about this time, which foon facilitated the defigns of
Bafilowitz on the country. The archbifhop, after at¬
tempting to fet himfelf above the grand-mafter even in
civil affairs, and to perfecute thofe who adhered to
t,he confeffion of Augfburg, cbofe for his coadjutor
in the archbifhopric of Riga, Chriftopher duke of
Mecklenburg. From the abilities and haughty tem¬
per of this lord, the Livonian knights apprehended
that they had reafon to fear the fame fate which had
befallen the Teutonic order in Pruffia ; and the ftep
itfelf was, befides, unprecedented, and contrary to
the eftablifhed laws of the country. Thefe difcoptents
were heightened by letters faid to be intercepted from
the archbifhop to his brother Albert duke of Pruffia,
inviting this laft totally to fupprefs the order of Livo¬
nian knights, and to fecnlarize their poffeffions, efpe-
cially in Finland; fo that an open war broke out among
the contending parties, and the archbifhop was feized
and made prifoner. He was, however, foon releafed,
through the mediation of the emperor of Germany and
other potentates, backed by the powerful preparations
of the Pruffians to avenge his caufe; but in the mean
time, the ftrength of their country being totally ex-
haufted, the Livonians were obliged, inftead of pre¬
paring for war, to fue to the Czar for peace. Bafi-
lowitz replied, that he did not believe their intentions
to be fincere while they kept 6000 Germans in pay;
and therefore, if they meant to treat of peace,
they muft begin with difmiffing ,thefe troops. The
Livonians, having no longer any power to refift, did
as they were ordered; but it availed them nothing. In LiVOn^ara,
1558, an army of 100,000 Ruffians entered the di-vaged by
ftridt of Dorpt, and laid every thing wafte before the Ruf- |
them with the moft {hocking cruelty. After this they f14115,
entered the territories of Riga, where they behaved
with equal inhumanity; and having at laft fatiated
themfelves with blood and treafure, they retired with
an immenfe booty and a great number of prifoners.
The Livonians, now thoroughly convinced of their
own folly in expofing the-mfe^ves to the refentment of
the exafperated Ruffians, fent ambaffadors to fue for
peace in good earneft. Thefe offered the Czar a pre- The Live-
fent of 30,000 ducats, and prevailed upon him to nians fue
grant their nation a truce for four months, during ^rr F^ace»
which they returned home to get the money. But ih^^j
this interval the Livonian governor of the city of Ner- broke off.
va, out of an idle frolic, fired fome cannon againft I-
wanogorod or Ruffian Nervt, fituated on the oppdfite
fide of the river, and killed fevenrl of the Czar’s fub-
je£U
R U S [ 6903 ] R U S
Ruflia. je&s who were affembled in an open place quite un »
 armed. The Ruffians, out of regard to the truce, did
not even attempt to make reprifals; but immediately-
acquainted Bafilowitz with what had happened: which
fo incenfed the Czar, that when the Livonian ambaf-
fadors arrived he told them, he looked upon their na¬
tion to be a fet of perjured wretches, who had renoun¬
ced all honefty ; that they might go back with their
money and propofals, and let their countrymen know
i LivonVra- '^at ^'s vengeance would foon overtake them.
|| vaged a fe- The ambafladors were fcarce arrived in Livonia,
N cojid time, when an army of 300,000 Ruffians entered the dillrift
of Nerva, under the command of Peter Sifegaledrii,
who had been a famous pirate in the Euxine fea. He
took the city of Nerva in nine days, and very fpeedily
made himfelf mailer of Dorpt, where he found im-
menfe treafures. Several other garrifons, terrified by
the approach of fuch numbers, quitted their polls ; fo
that the Ruffians became mailers of a great part of
Livonia almoft without oppofition. At laft, Gothard
Kettler, grand-mafter of the knights of Livonia, in-
treated Chrillian III. king of Denmark, to take Ri¬
ga, Reval, and the countries of Garnland, Wirrland,'
and Ellhonia, under his prote&ion ; but the advanced
age of that monarch, the diltance of the places, and
the want of fufficient power to withftand fo potent an
adverfary, made him decline the offer. However, he
affifted them with fome money and powder, of which
they Hood greatly in need. Having then applied,
without fuccefs, firll to the emperor of Germany, and
then to the court of Sweden, Kettler put himfelf un¬
der the proteftion of the Poles, who had hitherto been
fuch formidable enemies to the Ruffians. In the mean
time the latter purfued their conquells ; they took the
city of Marienburg, laid walle the diflridl of Riga,
deftroyed Garnland, and penetrated to the very gates
of Reval. Felin, in which was the bell artillery of
the whole country, became theirs by the treachery of
its garrifon ; and here William of Furflenberg the old
grand-mafter was taken, and ended his days in a pri-
fon at Mofcow. The diftrafted fituation of the Livo¬
nian affairs now induced the bilhop of Oefel to fell his
bilhopric to Ferdinand king of Denmark, who ex¬
changed it with his brother Magnus for a part of
Holftein. The diftri&s of Reval and Efthonia put
; 38 themfelves under the protedlion of Sweden ; and then
;; The order the grand-mailer, finding himfelf deferted on all fides,
ff f^v(°nian fuppreffed the order of which he was the chief, and
ifuppreffed. accepted of the duchy of Courland, which he held as
a fief of the crown of Poland.
The Czar faw with pleafure the divifion of Livonia
■ between the Swedes and Poles, which, he rightly
judged, would produce quarrels between the two na¬
tions, and thus give him the fairer opportunity of fei-
zing the whole to himfelf. Accordingly, in 1564,-
the Swedes offered him their affiftance againll the
Poles; but he, judging himfelf to be fufficiently ftrong
without them, attacked the Poles with his own forces,
3p and was twice defeated, which checked his farther
i ‘ k treaty operations in Livonia. In 1569, he entered into a
■si*! fciween treaty of commerce with England, captain Richard
«.uflia and Chancellor having a fnort time before difeovered a paf-
ngan • fage t0 Archangel in Raffia through the White Sea,,
by which that empire was likely to ,be fupplied with
foreign goods, without the. affiilance either of Poland.
or Livonia. To the difeoverers of this new paffage Rtiffii.
Bafilowitz granted many exclufive privileges; and after ““
the death of queen Mary, renewed the alliance with
queen Elizabeth, and which has been continued with¬
out interruption ever fince. 40
In the mean time, however, a prodigious army ofAllarmyof
Turks and Tartars entered Mufcovy, with a defign^urks antl
to fubdue the whole country. But Zerebrinow, thejjj-11^5 CBt
Czar’s general, having attacked them in a defile, put
them to flight with confiderable (laughter. Then they
retired towards the mouth of the Wolga, where they
expelled a confiderable reinforcement ; but being
clofely purfued by the Ruffians and Tartars in alliance
with them, they were again defeated and forced to fly
towards- Afoph on the Black Sea. But when they
came there, they found the city almoft entirely ruined
by the blowing up of a powder magazine. The Ruf¬
fians then attacked their (hips there, took fome, and
funk the reft ; by which means almoft the whole army
periftied with hunger or the fword of the enemy.
From this time the empire of Ruffia became fo for¬
midable, that none of the neighbouring nations could
hope to make a total conqueft of it. The Poles and
Swedes indeed continued to be very formidable ene¬
mies ; and, by the inftigation of the former, the Crim
Tartars, in 1571, again invaded the country with an
army of 70,000 men. The Ruffians, who might have
prevented their paffing the Wolga, retired before them
till they came within 18 miles of the city of Mofcow, 4r
where theyr were totally defeated. The Czar no Mofcow ta-.
fooner heard this news than he retired with his mod ken ailcl
valuable effedls to a well-fortified cloyfter; upon which [he Tartars
the Tartars entered the city, plundered it, and fet fire
to feveral churches. A violent ftorm which happened
at the fame time, foon fpread the flames all over the
city; which was entirely reduced to afhes in fix hours,
though its circumference was upwards of 40 miles.
The fire likewife communicated itfelf to a powder ma¬
gazine at fome diifance from the city ; by which ac¬
cident upwards of 50 rods of the city wall, with all
the buildings upon it, wt-ie deftroyed ; and, according
to the bell hiftorians, upwards of no,coo citizens
were burnt or buried in the ruins, btfides women,,
children, and foreigners. The callle, however, which
was ftrongly fortified, could not be taken ; and the
Tartars hearing that a formidable army was coming
againft them under the command of Magnus duke of
Holftein, whom Bafilowitz had made king of Livonia,
thought proper to retire. The war, neverthelefs, con¬
tinued with the Poles and Swedes; and the Czar be¬
ing defeated by the latter after fome trifling fuccefs,
was reduced to the neceffity of- fuing for peace. But
the negotiations being fomehow or other broken off, ^
the war was renewed with the greateft vigour. The }Va'\vvll!l
Livonians, Poles, and Swedes, having united in tt'poland ^
league together againft the Ruffians, gained great ad¬
vantages over them ; and, in 1579, Stephen Battori,
who was then raifed to the throne of Poland, levied an
army exprefsly with a defign of invading Ruffia, and
of regaining all that Poland had formerly claimed,
which indeed was little lefs than the whole empire.
As the Poles underftood the art of war much better
than the Ruffians, Bafilowitz found his undifeiplined
multitudes unable to cope with the regular forces of
his enemiesaud their conquefts were fo rapid, that
he
R U S [ 6904 ] R U S
Ruffia. he was foon obliged to fue for peace : which, however,
“ was not granted; and it is poffible that the number of
enemies which now attacked Rufiia might have over¬
come the empire entirely, had not the allies grown
jealous of each other ; the confequence of which was,
that in 1582 a peace was concluded with the Poles,
in which the Swedes were not comprehended. How¬
ever, the Swedes finding themfelves unable to efFeft
any thing of moment after the defertion of their al-
43 lies, were fain to conclude a truce; fiiortly after which
Death of czar having been worfted in an engagement with
the lartars, died in the year 1584.
This great prince was fucceeded by his fon Theo¬
dore. Iwanowitz ; a man of fuch weak undemanding,
that he was totally unfit for government. Under him,
therefore, the Ruffian affairs fell into confufion ; and
Boris Gudenow, a nobleman whofe fifter Theodore
had married, found means to affume all the authority.
At laft, unable to bear even the name of a fuperior, he
refolved to ufurp the throne. For this purpofe he
caufed the Czar’s brother Demetrius, at that time only
nine years of age, to be affaffinated ; and afterwards,
knowing that no truft could be put in an affaffin, he
caufed him alfo to be murdered left he fhould divulge
the fecret. In 1597, the Czar himfelf was taken ill
and died, not without great fufpicion of his being poi-
foned by Gudenow; of which indeed the Czarina was
fo well convinced, that file would never afterwards
fpeak to her brother.
-ofXthe line With Theodore ended the line of Ruric, who had
of Ruric. governed the empire of Ruffia for upwards of 700
years. Boris, who in reality was poffeffed of all the
power, and would indeed have fuffered nobody elfe to
reign, artfully pretended to be unwilling to accept the
crown, till compelled to it by the intreaties of the
people ; and even then he put the acceptance of it on
the iffue of an expedition which he was about to un¬
dertake againft the Tartars. The truth of the mat¬
ter, however, was, that no Tartar army was in the
field, nor had Boris any intention of invading that
country ; but by this pretence he affembled an army
of 500,000 men, which he thought the moft effe&ual
method of fecuring himfelf in his new dignity. In
1600, he concluded a peace with the Poles, but re¬
folved to continue the war againft the Swedes; how¬
ever, being difappointed in fome of his attempts
againft that nation, he entered into an alliance with
the Swedifh monarch, and even propofed a match be-
Dreadful tween the king’s brother and his daughter. But while
famine at thefe things were in agitation, the city ofMofcowwas
Mofcow. defolated by one of the moft dreadful famines recorded
in hiftory. Thoufands of people lay dead in the
ftreets and highways, with their mouths full of hay,
flraw, or even the moft filthy things which they had
been attempting to eat. In many houfes, the fatteft
perfon was killed in order to ferve for food to the reft.
Parents were laid to have eaten their children and chil¬
dren their parents, or to have fold them to buy bread.
One author (Petrius) fays, that he himfelf faw a wo¬
man bite feveral pieces out of a child’s arm as file was
carrying it along ; and captain Margaret relates, that
four women having ordered a peafant to come to one
of their houfes, under pretence of paying him for fome
wood, killed and eat up both him and his horfe. This
dreadful calamity lafted three years, notwithftanding
all the means which Boris could ufe to alleviate it; and Rufiia,
in this time upwards of500,000 people perifiiedin the" ***
city.
In 1604 a young man appeared, who pretended to
be Demetrius, whom Boris had caufed to be murdered,
as we have already feen. Being fupported by the Poles,
he proved very troublefome to Boris all his lifetime'; and
after his death deprived Theodore Boriffowitz, the
new czar, of the empire ; after which he afcended the
throne himfelf, and married a Polifli princefs. How¬
ever, he held the empire but a ftiort time, being killed
in an infurredlion of his fubjeftsi, and the unhappy
czarina was fent prifoner to Jaroflaw.
After the death of Demetrius, Zufki, who had
confpired againft him, was chofen czar; but rebellions
continually taking place, and^the empire being perpe¬
tually haraffed by the Poles and Swedes, in 1610, 4<J ?
Zufki was depofed, and Uladifiaus fon of Sigifmund VIa<*i.flans. ;
king of Poland was defied. However, the Poles re-Poiand®0 i
prefenting to Sigifmund, that it would be more glorious fon elefted
for him to be the conqueror of Ruffia, than only theczar-
father of its fovereign, he carried on the war with fuch
fury, that the Ruffians in defpair fell upon the Poles
who refided in great numbers at Mofcow.^The Poles
being well armed and moftly foldiers, had"greatly the
advantage ; however, they were on the point of being
oppreffed by numbers, when they fell upon the molt
cruel method of enfuring their fuccefs that could be
devifed. This was by fetting fire to the city in feve- . 47
ral places; and while the diftreffed Ruffians ran toJhe1PoIes H
fave their families, the Poles fell upon them fvvord in ex'
hand. In this confufion upwards of 100,000 people ^
perifiied; but the event was, that the Poles were finally
driven out, and loft all footing in Ruffia.
The expulfion of the Poles was fucceeded by the
ele&ion of Theodorowitz Romanow, a young noble¬
man of ] 7 years of age, whofe pofterity ftill continue
to enjoy the fovereignty. He'died in 1646, and was
fucceded by his fon Alexis ; whofe reign was a conti¬
nued fcene of tumult and confufion, being haraffed on
all fides by external enemies, and having his empire
perpetually difturbed by internal commotions. In
1676 he was fucceeded by his fon Theodore Alexowitz,
who after an excellent reign, during the whole of
which he exerted himfelf to the utmoft for the good 48
of his fubje&s, died in 1682, having appointed his AccefiIon°l
brother Peter I. commonly called Peter the Great, hisPeterthe i
fucceffor. Great*
Theodore had another brother named John; but
as he was fubjeft to the falling-ficknefs, the czar had
preferred Peter, though very young, to the fucceffion.
But through the intrigues of the princefs Sophia, fifter
to Theodore, a ftrong party was formed in favour of
John ; and foon after both John and Peter were pro¬
claimed fovereigns of Ruffia under the adminiftration
of Sophia herfelf, who was declared regent. How¬
ever, this adminiftration did not continue long ; for
the princefs regent having confpired againft Peter,
and having the misfortune to be difcovered, was con¬
fined for life in a convent. From this time aifo John
continued to be only a nominal fovereign till his death,
which happened in 1696, Peter continuing to engrofa . ! !
all the power.
It is to this emperor that Ruffia is univerfally
allowed to owe the whole of her prefeat greatnefg.
The
R U S [ 6905 ]. R U S
| Raffia. The charader of Peter himfelf feems to have been but
* ~ “ very indijFerent. Though he had been married in his
Jlis charac- eighteenth year to a young and beautiful princefs, he
tsr. was not fufficiently reftrained by the folemn ties of
wedlock; and he was befides fo much addi&ed to
feafting and drunkennefs, the prevailing vice of his
country, that nobody could have imagined him capa¬
ble of effe&ing the reformation upon his fubjefts
which he a&ually accomplilhed. The princefs Sophia,
whofe intereft it was to keep him as much as poffible
in ignorance, had impeded his education. However,
in fpite ofall di[advantages, he applied himfelf to the
military art and to civil government. He had alfo a
very lingular natural defe£, which, had it not been
conquered, would have rendered him for ever incapable
of accomplilhing what he afterwards did. This was
a vehement dread of water; which is thus accounted
for. When he was about five years of age, his mo¬
ther went with him in a coach, in the fpring-feafon ;
and-palling over a dam where there was a confiderable
water-fall, whilft he lay afleep in her lap, he was for
fuddenly awaked and frightened by the rulhing of the
water, that it brought a fever upon him ; and after
his recovery, he retained fuch a dread of that clement,
that he could not bear to fee any (landing water, much
lefs to hear a running dream. This averfion, however,
' he conquered by jumping into water; and afterwards
1 5° became very fond of that element.
[the*defe£ts* ®e'nS aibamed of the ignorance in which he had
of his edu- been brought up, he learned almod of himfelf, and
iteation. without a mader, enough of the High and Low
Dutch languages to fpeak and write intelligibly in
both. He looked upon the Germans and Hollanders
as the mod civilized nations; becaufe the former had
already eredled fome of thofe arts and manufactures
in Mofcow, which he was defirous of fpreading
throughout his empire ; and the latter excelled in the
art of navigation, which he confidered as more ne-
ceflary than any other. During the adminidration of
the princefs Sophia, he had formed a defign of eda-
JPorms a de- blifhing a maritime power in Ruffia; and for this
fign of e- purpofe he took a model from an old Englilh (loop,
marine'11^ a which with much difficulty he got repaired by a
power. Dutch ffiip-builder refiding at Mofcow, which he fird
ufed as a pleafure-boat on a river, and afterwards caufed
to be removed to a large lake, on which he alfo caufed
two'frigates and three yachts to be built, which he
piloted himfelf. In 1694 he took a journey to Arch¬
angel, where he caufed the Dutchman build him afmall
veffel, in which he embarked on the White Sea; which
had never been vifited by any Ruffian fovereign be¬
fore. On this occafion he was efcorted by a Dutch
man of war, and attended by all the merchant-(hips in
the harbour of Archangel. He had already learned
the method of working a fhip ; but, notwithdanding
the eagernefs with which courtiers generally imitate
the example of their fovereigns, Peter himfelf was
the only man in the court by whom this art was un-
j4 derdood.
iHis fuecefs- Having reformed his army and introduced new
jjm expedi- difeipline among them, he led his troops againd the
IhsTTurks. Turks, from whom, in 1696, he took the fortrefs of
Afopb, and had the fatisfadtion to fee his fleet defeat
that of the enem^. On his return to Mofcow were
druck the fird medals which had ever appeared in
Vol IX. 3
Ruffia. The legend was, “ Peter the first, the an- Ruffa.
gufl emperor of Ruffia." On the reverfe was Azoph,
with thefe words ; Victorious by fire and nuater. Not¬
withdanding this fuccefs, however, Peter was very
much chagrined at having his diips all built bygend^3^ome
foreigners; having befides as great an inclination toyol,ng
have an harbour on the Baltic, as on the Euxine Sea. noblemen
Thefe confiderations determined him to fend fome ofinto foreign
the youngnobility of his empire into foreign countries,co',ntnes«
where they might improve. In 1697, he fent 60
young Ruffians into Italy ; mod of them to Venice,
and the red to Leghorn, in order to learn the method
of condru&ing their galleys. Forty more were fent
out by his dire&ion for Plolland, with an intent to
indruCl themfelves in the art of building and working
large (hips : others were appointed for Germany, to
ferve in the land-forces, and to learn the military dif-
cipline of that nation. At lad he refolved to travel
through different countries in perfon, that he might
have the opportunity of profiting by his own obfer-
vation and experience. Accordingly, in the month ofthetourof
April 1697, he fet out like a private perfon, in the Europe
retinue of three ambaffadors, by the way of Great No-h^fe'E
vogorod. From thence they proceeded through Ef-
thonia and Livonia. At Riga the czar de fired to fee
the fortifications of the citadel: but the count D’Al¬
bert, the governor of Riga, not only refufed his re-
queft, but feemed to make very light of the embaffy ;
which provoked Peter fo much, that he told him he
hoped to fee the day when he diould be able to re-
fofe the fame requeft to the king of Sweden in perfon.
From Livonia they travelled into Brandenburg Pruf-
fia; and having taken the road through Pomerania, ar¬
rived at Berlin : from whence one part took their route
by Magdeburg, and the other by Hamburg; then
they diredled their courfe towards Minden, palEd
through Weftphalia, and at laft arrived by the way of
Cleves at Amfterdam. The czar had reached this
city 15 days before his ambaffadors: he lodged at
firft in a houfe belonging to the Eaft-India Company;
but chofe afterwards a fmall apartment in the yards of
the admiralty. He difguifed hrmfelf in a Dutch
Ikipper’s habit, and went to the village of Sardam,
where many more veffels were then built than at pre-
fent. Here he admired the multitude of workmen
conftantly employed; the order and exa&nefs they
obferved in their feveral departments ; the prodigious
difpatch with which they fitted out and built (hips;
and the incredible quantity of (lores and machines, for
the greater eafe and fecurity of labour. He began
with purchafing a boat, and made a malt for it him¬
felf : by degrees he executed every part of the con-
llruftion of a (hip ; and led the fame life all the time
as the carpenters of Sardam; clad and fed exadtly like
them ; worked hard at the forges, rope-yards, and at
the feveral mills for the fawing of timber, manufa&uring ^
paper, wire-drawing, &c. He entered himfelf as a Entershinv
common carpenter, and was enrolled among their ^e*tasa
workmen by the name of Peter Mi'chae/off. They-g®^^*at
commonly called him Mafier Peter, or Peter Bas;
and though they were confounded at firft to behold a
fovereign their companion, yet they gradually ac-
cuftomed themfelves to the fight.
Befides this, Peter frequently went from Sweden to
Amfterdam, where he atended the leftures of the
38 S cele-
Ruflia,
R U S [ 6906 ] R U S
Ruflia, celebrated Ruyfch on anatomy. He alfo attended the
‘ le&ures of burgomafter Witfen on natural philolophy.
From this place he went for a few days to Utrecht,
in order to pay a vifit to king William III. of Eng¬
land; and on his return fent to Archangel a 60 gun
fhip, in the building of which he had affifted with his
own hands. In 1768 he went over to England,
$6 where he employed himfelf in the fame manner as he
b* 'a'rebel c*one ,n Holland. Here he perfected himfelf in
lion tore- t*ie art ^'P building ; and having engaged a great
turn to his number of artificers, he returned with them to Holland :
own domi- from whence he fet out for Vienna, where he paid a
mens. vjfJt to t},e emperor . anci was on the point of fetting
out for Venice to finifh his improvements, when he
was informed of a rebellion having broken out in his
dominions.—This was occafioned by the fuperftition
and obflinacy of the Ruffians, who having an almoft in¬
vincible attachment to their old ignorance and bar-
barifm, had refolved to dethrone the czar on account of
his innovations. But Peter arriving unexpectedly at
Mofcow, quickly put an end to their machinations,
and took a mod fevere revenge of thofe who had been
guilty. Having then made great reformations in
every part of his empire, in 1700 he entered into a league
with the kings of Denmark and Poland againft Charles
XII. of Sweden. The particulars of this famous war
are related under the article Sweden. Here we fhall
only obferve, that from the conclufion of this war
Sweden ceafed not only to be a formidable enemy to
Ruffia, but even lod its political confequence in a great
J7 meafure altogether.
HifVory of in 1725 this great monarch died; and was fucceed-
his time^d ^'8 w‘fe Catherine, who governed the empire
with the greateft wifdom and prudence till her death,
which happened in the year 1727. She was fuc*
ceeded by Peter II. a minor, and who died in 1730.
After his death the regular fucceffion was broken
through, and the princefs Anne Jwanouna, the fecond
daughter of John the brother of Peter the Great, was
declared emperefs. She maintained the credit of the
empire in as high a degree as any of her predeceflbrs,
fettled Auguftus III. on the throne of Poland, carried
on a fuccefsful war againft the Turks, and totally
broke the power of the Crim Tartars. The only
error in her government was her confiding almoft
wholly in ftrangers, and particularly Germans, with
■whom fhe filled her councils and armies ; which raifed
fuch a fpirit of jealoufy among the Ruffians, that in
1741 a revolution took place in favour of Elizabeth
Petrowna, the daughter of Peter the Great and the em-
prefs Catherine, who was crowned at Mofcow in 1742.
The mod remarkable tranfaftion in her reign was her
war with the king of Pruffia, of which an account has
already been given under the article Prussia. When
by her means this monarch had been reduced almoft
to the brink of deftruftion, he was fuddenly freed by
her death from fuch a formidable enemy, and in her
fucceffor Peter III found as warm a friend. This
weak prince, however, pufhing his plans of reforma¬
tion to too great a length, was depofed by his wife
Catherine II. the prefent emprefs; under whofe reign
a moft fuccefsful war has been carried on againft the
Turks, (fee Turkey;) fo that now the empire of
Ruffia may be looked upon as fuperior in power to
any in Europe, though as yet far behind with regard
to arts and civilization.
Mufcovy is in generals flat level country, except “ !
towards the north, where it is rough and mountainous. j8
Forefts abound every where throughout this empire. Defcriptionf
The plains are marfhy, or flooded with a great num-“ 1 ccoun" ;
ber of lakes, fome of which extend above 40 leagues
in length. The Ladoga and Onega, on the borders
of Finland, are the largeft in Europe. The other no¬
ted lakes are Brela-ozera, from whence a province de¬
rives its name; Iwanofero-cargapol, which lends its
name to another province; and Honent, in the neigh¬
bourhood of the Great Novogorod.
Mufcovy likewife boafts a confiderable number of
large and famous rivers. The Oby, formed by the
junftion of the Tobal and the Irtis, in the 65th de¬
gree of northern latitude, runs northward into the
Frozen Ocean, oppofite to Nova Zembla, and is the
boundary between Europe and Afia. The Dwina
takes its origin in Wologda, runs a northerly courfe,
and falls into the White Sea below Archangel. The
Wolga, or Volga, formerly known by the name of
Rha, owes its origin to the lake Uranow, near the
frontiers of Lithuania ; direds its courfe fouth-eafterly
thro* European Ruffia, receiving in its route the rivers
Mologo, Mofco, Kioma, Ocka, Samar, and above
30 more; then enters Afiatic Ruffia, and by feveral
channels difeharges itfelf into the Cafpian fea, below
Aftracan : this is the largeft and deepeft river in Ruf¬
fia. The Don, formerly called the Tanaij, takes its
rife in the middle of Ruffia, is fwelled by the Wero-
netz, runs in afouth-eaft diredion to Kamifinka; then
winding to the fouth-weft, receives the Donets, and
falls into the Palus Moeotis, or fea of Azoph. The
Nieper, formerly the Boriftbenes, rifes in the pro¬
vince of Mofcow, runs through Poland, re-enters
Mufcovy, paffes Kiof, waters the Ukrain, and, after
a foutherly courfe throtlgh Tartary, falls into the
Euxine fea at Oczakow. The Lower Dwina, rifing
alfo in the province of Mofcow, runs through Poland,
which it divides from Livonia, and difeharges itfelf
into the Baltic, below Riga. Some of thefe rivers run
a furprifing length of courfe ; that of the Wolga ex¬
ceeds 2000 miles ; it wafhes the walls of near fuurfcore
towns, and fupplies the country with prodigious quan¬
tities of fturgeon, falmon, pikes, and other fifties of ftu -
pendous fize and exquifite delicacy. Along its banks
are found troufles, and wild afparagus, of a moft de¬
licious tafte and flavour ; here likewife grow the only
oaks that are produced in Mufcovy. Tho’ the length
of the Don, or Tanais, which arifes in the province
of Rezan, does not exceed 400 miles in a dired line
from its fource to the Palus Moeotis, in which it is
loft, it will be found to run above 1000, if traced in
all its windings ; in the courfe of which it is fwelled by
many rivers, waters many cities, and forms a great
number of beautiful iflands, in one of which is fituated
Tckercafke, the metropolis of Circaffia. sp
In fuch a vaft extent of country, ftretching from the 9'imate» !
Temperate fo far into the Frigid Zone, the climate&c*
muft vary confiderably in different places. In the
fouthern parts of Mufcovy the longed day does not ex¬
ceed fifteen hours and a half; whereas in the moft
northern, the fun in fummer isfeen two months above
the horizon. The country in general, though lying
under different climates, is exceffively cold in the win¬
ter.
RulTta.
Soil and ve¬
getable pro-
dilutions,
<i
\nimals.
R U S [ 6907 ] R O S
ter. Towards the north, the country is covered near
three quarters of the year with fnow and ice ; and by
the feverity of the cold, many unfortunate perfons are
maimed, or perilh. This fort of weather commonly
fets in about the latter end of Auguft, and continues
till the month of May; in which interval the rivers are
frozen to the depth of four or five feet. Water thrown
up into the air, will fall down in icicles ; birds arc fro¬
zen in their flight, and travellers in their fledges. In
fome provinces the heats of fummer are as fcorching as
the winter colds are rigorous.
• The foil of Mufcovy varies ftill more than the cli-
' mate, according to the influence of the fun and the
fit nation of the country. The warmer provinces pro¬
duce wheat, oats, barley, peafe, and rye, together with
a variety of herbs and fruits; and the vegetation is fo
quick, that corn is commonly reaped in two months
after it begins to appear above the furface of the
ground. The natives ufe no other manure than the
fnow; which is fuppofed to enrich the ground, and to
cherifh and (belter the grain that is fown immediately
after harveft. The great variety of muftirooms pro¬
duced fpontaneoufly in Ruffia, may be confidered as a
comfortable relief to the poor, while they appear as
delicacies at the tables of the rich. Above 1000 wag¬
gon-loads of them ufed to be fold annually in Mofcow.
Perhaps it is on account of the fcarcity of provifions,
that fuch a number of fafts are initituted in the Muf-
covite religion.
Befides the abovementioned produ&ions, Mufcovy
yields rhubarb, flax, hemp, pafture for cattle, wax,
and honey. Among other vegetables, we find in Ruflia
a particular kind of rice called pfyntha, plenty of ex¬
cellent melons, and in the neighbourhood of Aftracan,
the famous zoophyton, or animal-plant, which the Muf-
covites call bonnaret, or lambkin, from its refemblance
to a lamb. [See the article Scythian Lamb.]
Agriculture in general was but little undertlood, and
lefs profecuted in this country, until it was improved
under the encouragement and influence of that great
patriot the czar Peter, who was indefatigable in exe¬
cuting his plans of reformation. The natural igno¬
rance, floth, and obftinacy of the people, together with
the tyranny of the nobles, by whom they are miferably
enflaved, were fuch obftru&ions to the improvement of
hulbandry, as nothing but his genius could have fur-
mounted. The molt confiderable articles in the (eco¬
nomy of a Ruffian farm are wax and honey, by which
the peafant is often enriched. He cuts down a great
number of trees in the foreft, and fawing the trunks
into a number of parts, bores each of thefe, and (tops
up the hollow at both ends, leaving only a little hole
for the admittance of the bees; thus the honey is fe-
cured from all the attempts of the bear, who is ex¬
tremely fond of it, and tries many different experiments
for making himfelf matter of the lufeious treafure. Of
this honey the Ruffians make a great quantity of ftrong
metheglin, for their ordinary drink. They likewife ex-
tradf from rye a fpirit, which they prefer to brandy.
Mufcovy is very rich in mines of filver, lead, and iron,
which are worked in different parts of the country, and
yield a very confiderable revenue to the fovereign.
The wild beads in the northern part of Ruffia are
the fame with thofe we have mentioned in the articles
of Norway and Lapland: fuch as rein-deer, bears,
foxes, ermins, martens, fables, hares, and fquirrels. Rulfia.
In the more fouthern provinces the Mufcovites breed "
black cattle, fmall but hardy horfes, (beep, goats, and
camels. The breed of cattle and horfes has been en¬
larged by the care and under the prote&ion of Peter.
The whole empire abounds with wild-fowl and game
of all forts, and a variety of birds of prey; befides the
different kinds of poultry, which are raifed in this as well
as in other countries. The external parts and province*
of Mufcovy are well fupplied with fea-fifh from the
Northern Ocean, the Baltic, or gulph of Finland, the
White Sea, the Black Sea, and the Cafpian: but the
whole empire is plentifully provided with frefli-water
fifh from the numerous lakes and rivers, yielding im-
menfe quantities of falmon, trout, pike, fturgeon, and
belluga; the laft being a large fifli, of whofe roe the
beft caviare is made. Innumerable infe&s, like thofe
of Lapland, are hatched by the fummer’s heat in the
fand, moraffes, and forefts, with which this empire
abounds ; and are fo troublefome, as to render great
part of the country altogether uninhabitable. 6t
This vaft empire is but thinly inhabited, in proper- Inhabitants,
tion to its extent ; great part ofit confiding of dreary
wattes of fand, defart, foreft, and morifs. Many
parts of it are poffeffed by people who are in all
refpe&s different from the native Mufcovites. The
kingdom of Siberia, including the province of Dau-
ria, was originally peopled with Tartars, who lived
in little hordes or tribes, under dittindl governments,
and (hifted their habitations occafionally: but fince
the eftabliflunent of Ruffian colonies in thefe coun¬
tries, they have learned to dwell in houfes, to till
the ground, and pay an annual tribute of furs to the
czar or emperor. There are other Tartars, however,
who ftill live in tents, leading a vagrant life, without
acknowledging the czar’s fovereignty. A large trail
of land, between Nife Novogrod and Cafon, on both
fidesof the river Volga, is occupied b*y the Zeremiffes
and Morduars, who live peaceably, employing them-
felves in agriculture, and pay taxes like the other fub-
jefts of Ruffia ; but they never furnilh recruits-for the
army. From Cafan to the frontiers of Siberia, the
country is inhabited by the Balkirs, a powerful nation,
who have fome villages, and enjoy certain privileges,
of which they are very tenacious. The reft of this
tradl, as far as Aftracan and the frontiers of the Uf-
becks, is frequented by the wandering Khalmucks,
who remove with their tents, according to the feafon,
for the convenience of fubfiftence. They receive an¬
nually from the czar prefents of cloth, money, and arms;
in return for which they are obliged to ferve in his army
without pay. This, however, is ill-faved : for they
plunder friend and foe, without diftinftion ; and are,
on the whole, barbarous, brutal, and favagcly cruel.
The Coffacks are diftinguiflied into three tribes, known
by the places where they make their firft fettlements ;
though they are all of the fame nation, fpeak the fame
language, profefs the fame religion, and live under the
fame form of government f. The Samoides andLap-f SeeCoJ
landers are deferibed in their proper places. faL,t‘
The empire of Ruffia, including all thefe different
nations, is not fuppofed to contain above feven mil- of the
lions of fouls, the bulk of which number is compofed people,
by the native Ruffians. Thefe are ftigmatized by
their neighbours as an ignorant brutal people, totally
2 38 S 2 re-
R U S [ 6908 ] R U S
Ruffia. refigned to floth, and addi&ed to drunkennefs, even
in the raoft beaftly excefa : nay, they are accufed of
being arbitrary, perfidious, inhuman, and deftitute of
every focial virtue. The feverity of the country they
inhabit, their want of letters, polity, and commer¬
cial intercourfe, joined to the defpotifm of their go¬
vernment, and the tyranny of the grandees, may
doubtlefs have an unhappy effeft on the difpofitions and
morals of the people, which, however, have been me¬
liorated and improved by the care, afiiduity, and ex¬
ample of fome of their late fovereigns. Certain it is,
the vice of drunkennefs was fo univerfally prevalent
among them, that Peter I. was obliged to reftrain it
by very fevere edi&s, which, however, have not pro¬
duced much effedt. They numbered in the city of
Mofcow no fewer than 4000 brandy-fhops, in which
the inhabitants ufed to fot away their time in drinking
flrong liquors and fmoking tobacco. This lad prac¬
tice became fo dangerous, among perfons in the mod
beadly date of intoxication, that a very fevere law was
found neceffary to prevent the pernicious confequences,
otherwife the whole city might have been confumed
by conflagrations. The nobility were heretofore very
powerful^ each commanding a great number of vaflals,
whom they ruled with the mod dtfpoticand barbarous
authority: but their pofli ffions have been gradually
circumfcribed, and their power transferred in a great
meafure to the czar, on whom they are now wholly
dependant. At prefent there is no other degree of the
nobility^ but that of the boyars: thefe are admitted
to the council, and from among them the waivodes,
governors, and other great officers, are nominated. A
Ruffian boyar is very proud of being corpulent, be¬
lieving that nothing gives fuch a dignified air as does
a broad face or portly belly. Their furnames are
no other than patronimics: for example, the fon of
Alexis calls hirpfelf Alexiowitz. They formerly wore
long beards, and long robes with drait fleeves dang¬
ling down to their ancles : their collars and fhirts were
generally wrought with filk of different colours : in
lieu of hats, they covered their heads with furred caps;
and, indead of (hoes, wore red or yellow leathern
bufkins. The drefs of the women nearly refembled
that of the other fex; with this difference, that their
garments were more loofe, their caps fantadical, and
their fhift-fleeves three or four ells in length,gathered
up in folds from the fhoulderto the fore-arm. By this
time, however, the French fafhions prevail among the
better fort throughout all Mufcovy.
Manners The common people are generally tall, healthy, and
andcuftomsrobud, patient of cold and hunger, inured to hard-
c’ fhips, and remarkably capable of bearing the mod fud-
den tranfition from the extremes of hot or cold wea¬
ther. Nothing is more cudortiary than to fee a Ruf¬
fian, who is over-heated and fweating at every pore,
drip himfelf naked, and plunge into a river; nay,when
their pores are all opened in the hot bath, to which
they have daily recourfe, they either pra&ife this im-
inerfion, or fubjedt themfelves to a difcharge of fome
pailfuls of cold water. This is the cudom of both men
and women, who enter the baths promifcuoufly, and
appear naked to each other, without fcruple or hefi-
tation.
A Ruffian will fubfid for many days upon a little
oatmeal and water, and even raw roots: an onion is
a regale ; but the food they generally ufe in their Ruflia.
journeys is a kind of rye-bread, cut into fmall fquare '
pieces, and dried again in the oven: thefe, when
they are hungry, they foak in water, and eat as a
very comfortable repad. Both fexes are remarkably
healthy and robud, and accudom themfelves to fleep
every day after dinner.
The Ruffian women are remarkably fair, comely,
ftrong, and well-fhaped, obedient to their lordly huf-
bands, and patient under difcipline : theyare even faid
to be fond of correddion, which they confider as an in¬
fallible mark of their hufband’s conjugal aflfe&ion; and
they pout and pine if it be with-held, as if they thought
themfelves treated with contempt and difregard.
Of this negleft, however, they have very little caufe
to complain; the Ruffian hufband being very well dif-
pofed, by nature and inebriation, to exert his arbi¬
trary power. Some writers obferve, that, on the wed- 6s
ding-day, the bride prefents the bridegroom with a of their
whip of her own making, in token of fubmiffion; and marriages*
this he fails not to employ as the inftrument of his au¬
thority. Very little ceremony is here ufed in match¬
making, which is the work of the parents. Perhaps
the bridegroom never fees the woman until he is joined
to her for life. The marriage being propofed and
agreed to, the lady is examined, ftark-naked, by a
certain number of her female relations; and if they
find any bodily defeft, they endeavour to cure it by
their own fkill and experience. The bride, on her
wedding-day, is crowned with a garland of worm¬
wood, implying the bitternefs that often attends the
married Hate; when the prieft has tied the nuptial
knot at the altar, his clerk or fexton throws upon her
head a handful of hops, wifhing that fhe may prove as
fruitful as the plant thus fcatfered. She is muffled up,
and led home by a certain number of old women, the
parifh-pfieft carrying the crofs before ; while one of
his fubaherns, in a rough goat-fkin, prays all the way
that fhe may bear as many children as there are hairs
on his garment. The .new-married couple, being feat-
ed at table, are prefented with bread and (alt; and a
chorus of boys and girls fing the epithalamium, which
is always grofsly obfcene. This ceremony being per¬
formed, the bride and bridegroom are conduced to
their own chamber by an old woman, who exhorts the
wife to obey her hufband, and retires. Then the
bridegroom defires the lady to pull off one of his bu¬
fkins, giving her to underhand, that in one of them
is contained a whip, and in the other a jewel or a
purfe of money. She takes her choice; and if fhe
finds the purfe, interprets it into a good omen; where¬
as fhould fhe light on the whip, fhe conftrues it into
an unhappy prefage, and inftantly receives a lafh, as a
fpecimen of what fhe has to expeft. After they have
remained two hours together, they are interrupted by
a deputation of old women, who come to fearch for
the figns of her virginity : if thefe are apparent, the
young lady ties up her hair, which before confum-
mation hung loofe over her fhoulders, and vifits her
mother, of whom fhe demands the marriage-portion.
It is generally agreed, that the Mufcovite hufbandsare
barbarous even to a proverb; they not only adminifter
frequent and fevere corre&ion to their wives, but
fometimes even torture them to death, without being
fubjedt to any punifhment for the murder.
The
Ruffia.
I 66
jLanguagef.
R U S [ 6909 ] R U S
The canon law of Mufcovy forbids the conjugal
commerce on Mondays, Wednefdays, and Fridays ;
and whoever tranfgreffes this law, mud bathe himfelf
before he enters the church-porch. He that marries
a fecond wife, the firft being alive, is not admitted
farther than the church-door; and if any man efpoufes
a third, he is excommunicated : fo that though biga¬
my is tolerated, they neverthelefs count it infamous.
If a woman is barren, the bulband generally perfuades
her to retire into a convent: if fair means will not fuc-
ceed, he is at liberty to whip her into condefcenfion.
When the czar, or emperor, has an inclination for a
wife, the mod beautiful maidens of the empire are
prefented to him for his choice.
The education of the czarowitz, or prince royal, is
intruded to the care of a few perfons, by whom he is
Hri&ly kept from the eyes of the vulgar, until he hath
attained the 15th year of his age : then he is publicly
expofed in the market-place, that the people, by view¬
ing him attentively, may remember his perfon, in or¬
der to afcertain his identity ; for they have more than
once been deceived by impodors.
Such is the flavery in which the Mufcovites of both
fexes are kept by their parents, their patrons, and the
emperor, that they are not allowed to difpute any
match that may be provided for them by thefe direc¬
tors, however difagreeable or odious it may be. Of¬
ficers of the greated rank in the army, both natives
and foreigners, have been faddled with wives by the
fovereign in this arbitrary manner. A great general
fome time ago deceafed, who was a native of Britain,
having been prefled by the late czarina to wed one of
her ladies, faved himfelf from a very difagreeable mar¬
riage, by pretending his conditution was fo unfound,
that the lady would be irreparably injured by his com¬
pliance.
The Mufcovites are fond of the bagpipe, and have
a kind of violin, with a large belly like that of a lute :
but their mufic is very barbarous and defe&ive. Ne¬
verthelefs, there are public fchools, in which the chil¬
dren are regularly taught to fing. ■ The very beggars
afk aims in a whining cadence and ridiculous fort of
recitative. A Ruflian ambaflador at the Hague, ha¬
ving been regaled with the bed concert of vocal and
fndrumental mufic that could be procured, was allied
how he liked the entertaiument; and replied, “ Per¬
fectly well: the beggars in my country fing jufl in the
fame manner.” The warlike mufic of the Ruffians
confids in kettle-drums and trumpets: they likewife
ufe hunting horns; but they are not at all expert in
the performance. The Mufcovites think it is beneath
them to dance ; but they call in their Polifh or Tarta¬
rian flaves to divert them with this exercife, in their
hours of diffipation.
The Mufcovites. fpeak a dialed of the old Sclavonic,
mixed with barbarifms from the Polifh and other lan¬
guages: but the pure Sclavonic is dill retained in their
bibles and homilies, and even fpoken by thofe who af-
fed to be thought men of letters. The Ruffians have
adopted the Greek characters, which, however, they
have corrupted and altered in the fhape, and increafed
the letters to the number of 38. The whole empire
was overwhelmed with the groffed ignorance : indeed,
human learning was in fo little requed, that the nobi¬
lity themfelves were wholly illiterate j and even the
clergy could hardly read their prayers. They had nei- Ruffi
ther univerfity nor fchool for the indruCtion of youth,
until Peter, their great reformer, in fome meafure
difpelled thofe clouds of ignorance, by inviting fo¬
reigners into his dominions, encouraging the liberal
arts and fciences, obliging his nobles to fend their fons
to more civilized conntries for their improvement, and
indituting academies and feminaries in Mofcow and
Peterfburg. Thefe deps were fo contrary to the na¬
tural difpofitfon of the Mufcovites, that no other prince
could have taken them with any profpeCt of fuccefs.
Nay, fince the death of this great man, they feem re¬
turning to their old bigotry. Foreigners are difcou-
raged at the court of Peterfburg ; a gaudy tinfel fop
is iubdituted in the room of real grandeur and magni¬
ficence ; little or no progrefs has been made in profe-
cuting the wife plans projeCled by the czar Peter; and
perhaps the whole nation would relapfe into its pri-
dine barbarity, were it not for the great commerce
with difterent nations which tiud neceffarily be car¬
ried on at Peterfburg, and other Ruffian ports in the
Baltic. ,.67
The Ruffians were converted to the Chridian reli- Rc 1S1°
gion towards the latter end of the tenth century, as
has been already related. Since that period they have
confefled the articles of the Greek church, mingled
with certain fuperditious ceremonies of their own.
They do not believe in tranfubdantiation, purgatory,
or the pope’s infallibility or fupremacy: they ufe au¬
ricular,confeffion, communicate in both kinds, adopt
the Athanafian creed, and adhere to the eflabliflied li¬
turgy of St Bafil. They worfliip the Virgin Mary,
and other faints ; and pay their adorations to crofles
and relics. They obferve four great fads in the year,
during which they neither tade fifh, flefh, nor any ani¬
mal produftion: they will not drink after a man whp
has eaten flefh, nor ufe a knife that has cut meat in
lefs than 24 hours after it has been ufed; nor will they,
even though their health is at flake, touch any thing
in which hartfhorn or any animal fubftance has been
infufed. While this kind of Lent continues, they fub-
fift upon cabbage, cucumbers, and rye-bread, drink¬
ing nothing ftronger than a fort of fmall-beer called
fuafi. They likewife fait every Wednefday and Fri¬
day. Their common penance is to abftain from every
fpecies of food and drink, but bread, fait, cucumbers,
and water. They are ordered to bend their bodies,
and continue in that painful pofture; and between
whiles to ftrike their head againd an image.
The Mufcovites at all times rejedi as impure, horfe-
flefh, elk, veal, hare, rabbit, afs’s milk, marc’s milk, and
Venice-treacle becaufe the flefh of vipers is an ingre¬
dient ; alfo every thing that contains even the frnalled
quantity of mufk, civet, and cador: yet they have no
averfion to fwine’s flefh; on the contrary, the country
produces excellent bacon. They celebrate 15 grand
fedivals ih the year. On Palm-funday there is a mag¬
nificent proceffion, at which the czar affilts in perfon
and on foot. He is apparelled in cloth of gold : his
train is borne up by the prime of the nobility, and he
is attended by his whole court. He is immediately
preceded by the officers of his boufehold, one of whom
carries his handkerchief on his arm, lying upon ano¬
ther of the riched embroidery. He halts at a fort of
platform of free-ftone, where, turning to the ead, and
bending
R U S [ 6910 ] R U S
bending his body almoft double, he pronounces a (hort
prayer: then he proceeds to the church of Jerufalem,
where he renews his devotion. This exercife being
performed, he returns to his palace, the bridle of the
patriarch’s horfe refting upon his arm. The horfe’s
head being covered with white linen, is held by fome
nobleman ; while the patriarch, fitting fidewife, and
holding a crofs in his hand, diftributes benedi&ions as
he moves along: on his head he wears a cap edged with
ermin, adorned with loops and buttons of gold and
precious Hones : before him are difplayed banners of
confecrated fluff, in a variety of colours. Above 500
priefts walk in the proceffion; thofe who are near the
patriarch bearing pi&ures of the Virgin Mary, richly
ornamented with gold, jewels, and pearls, together
with croffes, relics, and religious books, including a
copy of the Gofpels, which they reckon to. be of in-
eftitnable value. In the midft of this proceffion is
borne a triumphal arch; and on the top an apple-tree
covered with fruit, which feveral little boys inclofed
in the machine endeavour to gather. The lawyers and
laity carry branches of willow; the guards and the fpec-
tators proftrate themfelves on the ground while the
proceffion halts; and after the ceremony, the patriarch
refents a purfe of 100 rubles to the czar, who per-
aps invites him to dine at his table. During the fea-
fon of Eafter the whole empire is filled with mirth and
rejoicing: which, however, never fails to degenerate
into heat and debauchery; even the ladies may indulge
themfelves with ftrong liquors to intoxication, without
fcandal. When a lady fends to inquire concerning the
health of her guefts whom fhe entertained over-night,
the ufual reply is, “ I thank your miftrefs for her
good cheer: by my troth, I was fo merry that I don’t
remember how I got home.”
During thefe carnivals a great number of people, in
reeling home drunk, fall down and perifh among the
fnow. It is even dangerous to relieve a perfon thus
overtaken; for, fhould he die, the perfon who endea¬
voured to affift him is called before the judge, and ge¬
nerally pays dear for his charity.
The Mufcovite priefts ufe exorcifms at the admini-
ftration of baptifm. They plunge the child three times
over head and ears in water, and give it the facrament
ofthe Lord’s Supper in one fpecies, until it hath attained
the age of (even; after which the child is indulged with
it in both kinds. Theylikewife adminifter the facrament
to dying perfons, together with extreme un&ion; and
if this be negle&ed, the body is denied Chriftian bu¬
rial. Soon as the perfon expires, the body is depofi-
ted in a coffin, with a lunchion of bread, a pair of fhoes,
fome few pieces of money, and a certificate figned by
the parifh-prieft, and dire&ed to St Nicholas, who is
one of their great patrons. They likewife hold St
Andrew in great veneration, and ridiculoufly pretend
they were converted by him to Chriftianity. But next
to St Nicholas, they adore St Anthony of Padua, who
is fuppofed to have failed upon a mill-ftone through
the Mediterranean and Atlantic, and over the lakes
Ladoga and Onega, as far as Novogrod. Every houfe
is furnifhed with an image of St Nicholas, carved in the
moft rude and fantaftic manner ; and when it becomes
old and worm-eaten, the owner either throws it into
the river with a few pieces of coin, faying, “ Adieu,
brother;” or returns it to the maker, who accommo¬
dates him with a new image for a proper confideration. Rnflia.
The good women are very careful in adorning their ^
private StNicholafes with richcloaths and jewels; but
on any emergency, tbefe are refumed, and the faint
left as naked as he came from the hand of the car¬
penter.
There are monafteries in Ruffia ; but neither the
monks nor the nuns are fubjeft to fevere reftri&ions.
The friars are either horfe-jockeys, or trade in hops,
wheat, and other commodities; the filters are at liberty
to go abroad when they pleafe, and indulge themfelves
in all manner of freedoms.
Heretofore liberty of confcience was denied, and
every convicted heretic was committed to the flames;
but fince the reign of Peter, all religions and feds are
tolerated throughout the empire. Roman Catholics,
Lutherans, Calvinifts, Armenians, Jews, and Maho¬
metans, enjoy the free exercife of their refpedive forms
of worlhip: though it was not without great difficulty,
and by dint of extraordinary felicitation from different
powers, that the Romilh religion was allowed. Peter
knowing the dangerous tenets of a religion that might
fet the fpiritual power of the pope at variance with the
temporal power of the emperor, and being well ac¬
quainted with the meddling genius of its profeffors,
held out for fome time againft the interceffion of Ger¬
many, France, and Poland; and though at length he
yielded to their joint interpofition, he would by no
means fuffer any Jefuit to enter his dominions. 68
The government of Ruffia is mere defpotifm. The Govern-
whole empire is ruled by the arbitrary will and plea- mem.
fure of the fovereign, who is ftyled the czar, a title
which is probably a corruption of Caefar. Heretofore
he was ftyled grand duke of Mufcovy : but fince the
reign of Peter, he is dignified with the appellation of
emperor of Rufia. He is abfolute lord, not only of all
the eftates in the empire, but alfo of the lives of his
fubje&s : the greateft noblemen call themfelves his
Jlaves, and execute his commands with the moft impli¬
cit obedience. The common people revere him as fome-
thing fupernatural: they never mention his name, or
any thing immediately belonging to him, without marks
of the moft profound refpeft and awful veneration. A
man alking a carpenter at work upon one of the czar’s
warehoufes, what the place was intended for, anfwered,
“ None but God and the czar knows.”
The nobility of Ruffia were formerly rich and power¬
ful, and ruled defpotically over their inferiors: but
their wealth and influence are now fwallowed up by
the importance and authority of the crown, and they
are become venal dependants on the government. The
czar appoints waivodes, or governors of provinces; and
beftows all offices of confequence, whether ecclefiafti-
cal, civil, or military. In a word, he is veiled with
the whole legiflative and executive power, and all his
fubjefts are llaves exifting at his will.
The people of JRuffia are diftinguilhed into three de¬
grees; namely, the nobility, called knez, or kneas; the
gentry, known by the name of duormins} and the pea-
fants. The knez, or dukes, were anciently the pala¬
tines of Ruffia, who exercifed fupreme power, each in
his own territory, as an independent prince; but all of
them either fubmitted, or were fubdued by the princes
of Voldomir, who tranflated their refidence to Mofcow,
and affumed the title of luelski kneas, or “great dukes.”
R U S [ 6911 ] R U S
Ruffia. The defcendants of thefe noblemen ftill retain their ap-
 pellation, though many of them are reduced to the
mod abjeft poverty and contempt. In the beginning
of this century above 300 knez ferved as common
troopers in the regiment of dragoons commanded by
prince Menzikoff. The czar Peter introduced the titles
of count and prince of the empire, and inftituted an or¬
der of knighthood in honour of St Andrew, diftin-
guiflied by a blue ribbon and (tar, in imitation of the
garter. The dourmins are country gentlemen, who
generally hold their lands by knight’s fervice; and in
time of war are obliged to appear in arms on horfe-
back. Thofe are the moll happy who live at the
greateft diftance from court; becaufe they may enjoy
their eftates unknown and unmolefted. In general,
they are extremely infolent and opprefiive to the pea-
fants, and meanly fubmiffive to the nobility.
All the peafants in the empire are confidered as im¬
mediate flaves belonging to the czar, to the boyars, or
to the monafteries. The value of eftates is computed,
not by the extent or quality of the land, but from the
number of thofe peafants, who may be fold, alienated,
or given away, at the pleafure of their mafters. The
number of thefe hufbandmen, whether living in vil¬
lages or in the open country, being known, the czar,
by requiring a certain proportion of each lord or pro¬
prietor, can raife 300,000 men in lefs than 40 days.
The adminiftration is managed by a grand council,
called dummy hoyaren, or “ council of the boyars,”
who are the grandees of the empire, and a& as privy,
counfellors. To this are fubfervient fix inferior cham¬
bers and courts of judicature, provided each with a
prefident. The firft regulates every thing relating to
ambafladors and foreign negociations; the fecond takes
cognizance of military affairs; the third manages the
' public revenues of the empire; the bufinefs of the
fourth is to encourage, proteft, and improve trade and
commerce. The two laft hear and determine in all
caufes, whether civil or criminal.
Peter divided the empire into the eight governments
of Mofco, Archangel, Afoph, Cafan, Aftracan, Chioff
and the Ukraine, Siberia, Livonia, comprehending
Ingria, Plefcow, and Novogrod, Smolen/ko, and Ve-
ronitz. The governors or waivodes were veiled with
power to difpofe of all employments civil and mili¬
tary, and receive the revenues. They were diredfed to
defray all expences in their refpedlive governments,
and fend a certain yearly fum to the great treafury. In
a word, they enjoyed abfolute power in every thing
but what related to the regular troops, which, though
quartered in their jurifdidtion, were neither paid nor
diredled by them, but received their orders immedi¬
ately from the czar or his generals.
The decifion of caufes heretofore depended upon the
opinion and equity of the judge; but about the middle
of the laft century, a code of laws was compiled in one
volume, intitled, fabrona ulofeinia, fignifying univerfal
law; and according to this the fentences are now re¬
gulated.
( Btfides thefe tribunals, there is an inferior court of
judicature or procefs eftablifhed in every province,
having a prefident, chancellor, and fecretary or diack.
The law-fuits are neither tedious nor expenfive, as all
the proceedings are fummary: but the judge is very
feldora incorruptible; and unlefs he is tampered with
beforehand, the plaintiff generally obtains the fentence Ruffi*,
in his favour.
Few crimes are capital in Rufiia: murder may be
atoned by paying a fum of money; nay, the civil ma-
giftrate takes no cognizance of murder, without ha¬
ving previoufly received information at the fuitof fome
individuals.
Criminals were punifhed with torture and the mod
cruel deaths, till the reign of the illuftrious Catherine I.
when a more merciful fyftem took place, and which
the prefent emprefs has fince confirmed by law. See
the articles Catherine I. of Rujfia, and Elizabeth
Petroouna. ^
The Ruffians drive a confiderable traffic with diffe-Trade and
rent nations, both of Afia and Europe. One of thecommcrcc-
moft confiderable articles is the iron manufacture, in
its different branches of caft cannon, mortars, bombs,
anchors, and fmall arms. They have likewife at Peterf-
burg large magazines of naval ftores, leather, tallow,
and pot-afhes. The fouthern parts furnifh great quan¬
tities of caviar ; the north-eaftern provinces fupply
plenty of fpermaceti, fea-horfes teeth, ifinglafs, and
train-oil; and Ruffia produces an infinite number of
the beft furs in the world, together with abundance of
honey, caftor, rhubarb, and fome other drugs. At the
port of Peterfburg xooo fhips are loaded yearly by fo¬
reigners, with the commodities produced in the north¬
ern part of this great empire. But the Mufcovites like¬
wife carry on a confiderable commerce by land with
China and the Eaft Indies, for gold, filk, tea, and
porcelaine. The court monopolizes this trade, and im¬
ports thefe commodities by caravans of camels. With
refpeft to the revenue of Ruffia, it continually fluctu¬
ates, according to the increafe of commerce or the
pleafure of the czar, who has all the wealth of the em¬
pire at his difpofal. He monopolizes all the beft furs,
the mines, minerals, and trade by land to the Eaft; In¬
dies ; he farms out all the tobacco, wine, brandy, beer,
mead, and other liquors ; the inns, taverns, public
houfes, bath, and fweating-houfes. The cuftoms upon
merchandize, the impofts upon corn, and toll exaiSed
from cities, towns, and villages, are very confiderable..
He poflefles demefnes to a very great value ; inherits
the effeCls of all thofe that die inteftate, or under ac-
cufation of capital crimes; derives a duty from all law-
fuits; and to fum up the whole, can command the for¬
tunes of all his fubjefts. All thefe articles added to¬
gether, are faid to produce about 3,000,000 fterling :
but then the intrinfic value of money is at leaft three
times greater in Mufcovy than in Britain. The czar
Peter feized the lands of the church, and annexed
them to his own demefnes; but the greater part was
reftored iu the fequel- As for the lands belonging to
the dignity and office of patriarch, they were diftribu-
ted among the monafteries and nobility.
The Handing army of Ruffia in computed at 250,ooq Miijt’r°y
men; befides thefe, the Ruffians can affemble a body force, &c.
of 40,000 irregulars, Calmucks, Coffacks, and other
Tartars, who live under their dominion. But the num¬
ber may be doubled on any emergency. The czarina
has Kkewife a confiderable fleet in the Baltic, and a
great number of formidable galleys, frigates, fire-ffiips,
and bomb ketches.
RUST, the flower, or calx of any metal, procu¬
red by corroding and diflblving its fuperficial part*
by
1
RUT [ 69
Ruftic by fome menftrunm. Water is the great inflrument or
!| agent in producing ruft: and hence oils, and other fatty
Ruta. bodies, fecure metals from ruft; wafer being no men-
ftruum for oil, and therefore not able to make its way
through it. All metals except gold are liable to ruft;
and even this alfo if expofed to the fumes of fea-falt.
RUSTIC, in architecture, implies a manner of
building in imitation of nature, rather than according
to the rules of art. See Architecture.
Rustic Work, is where the ftones in the face, &c.
of a building, inftead of being fmooth, are hatched, or
picked with the point of a hammer.
Rustic Order, that decorated with ruftic quoins,
rhftic work, &c.
RUSTRE,in heraldry, a bearing of a diamond-lhape,
pierced through in the middle with a round hole. See
Heraldry.
RUT, in hunting, the venery or copulation of deer.
RUTA., rue ; a genus of the monogynia order,
belonging to the decandria clafs of plants. There are
feveral fpecies; of which the moft remarkable is the
hortenfis, or common broad-leaved garden rue, which
has been long cultivated for medicinal ufe. This
rifes with a fhrubby ftalk to the height of five or
fix feet, fending out branches on every fide, garnifti-
ed with decompounded leaves, whofe fmall lobes are
wedge-fhaped, of a grey colour, and have a ftrong
odour. The flowers are produced at the end of the
branches, in bunches almoft in the form of umbels ;
they are compofed of four yellow concave petals which
are cut on their edges, and eight yellow ftamina which
are longer than the petals, terminated by roundifh
fummits. The germen becomes a roundifli capfule,
with four lobes punched full of holes containing rough
black feeds.
Rue. has a ftrong ungrateful fmell, and a bitterifh
penetrating tafte; the leaves, when full of vigour, are
extremely acid, infomuch as to inflame and blifter the
fkin, if much handled. With regard to their medicinal
virtues, they are powerfully ftimulating, attenuating,
and detergent; and hence, in cold phlegmatic habits,
they quicken the circulation, diffolve tenacious juices,
open obftruftions of the excretory glands, and promote
the fluid fecretions. The writers on the materia me-
dica in general, have entertained a very high opinion
of the virtues of this plant. Boerhaave is full of its
praifes; particularly of the efiential oil, and the diftil-
led water cohobated or re-diftilled feveral times from
frefti parcels of the herb : after extravagantly com¬
mending other waters prepared in this manner, he adds,
with regard to that of rue, that the greateft commen¬
dations he can beftow upon it fall ftiort of its merit:
“ What medicine (fays he) can be more efficacious for
promoting fweat and perfpiration, for the cure of the
hyfteric paffion, and of ^epilepfies, and for expelling
poifon?” Whatever fervice rue may be of in the two
laft cafes, it undoubtedly has its ufe in the others: the
cohobated water, however, is not the moft efficacious
preparation of it. An extradl made by reftified fpirit,
contains in a fmall compafs the whole virtues of the
rue; this menftruum taking up by infufiorrall the pun¬
gency and flavour of the plant, and elevating nothing
in diftillation. With water, its peculiar flavour and
warmth arife; the bitternefs, and a confiderable lhare
uf the pungency, remaining behind.
[2 ] RYE
Book c/'RUTH, a canonical book of the Old Te- Ruth
(lament; being a kind of appendix to the book of U
Judges, and an introdu&ion to thofe of Samuel; and Rye~
having its title from the perfon whofe ftory is here prin¬
cipally related. In this ftory are obfervable the an¬
cient rights of kindred and redemption; and the man¬
ner of buying the inheritance of the deceafed, with
other particulars of great note and antiquity.
RUTLANDSHIRE, is the lead county in Eng¬
land, it being but 40 miles in circumference; in which
are 2 towns, 48 parifties, and 3263 houfes. However,
for quality it may be compared wiih any other county ;
the air being good, and the foil fertile both for tillage
and paftures; and it not only affords plenty of corn, but
feeds a great number of horned cattle and fheep. It
is well watered with brooks and rivulets, and the prin¬
cipal rivers.are the Weland and the Wafh. It is bound¬
ed on the call by Lincolnftiire; on the fouth by the
river Weland, which parts its from Northamptonfliire;
and on the weft and north by Leicefterftiire. It has
only two market-towns; namely, Okeham, where the
affixes and feffions are held, and Uppingham.
RUYSCH (Frederic), fon of Henry Ruyfch com-
mifiary of the States-general, was born in 1638, and
proved one of the greateft anatomifts that ever appear¬
ed in Holland. He ftudied at Leyden and at Frane-
ker, where he took his degree as dodor of phyfic, and
fettled at the Hague. A piece .which he publiftied in
1665, De vafis lymphaticis & lafteis, procured him
an invitation to be profeffor of anatomy at Amfterdam;
which he gladly accepted, and where he was conti¬
nually employed in diffe&ions, to examine every part
of the human body with the moft fcrupulous exadnefs.
He died in 173U after having writ feveral books, in
which he publilhed many difeoveries, yet not fo many
as he himfelf from his confined reading imagined.
RUYTER (Michael Adrian), lieutenant-admiral
of the United Provinces, was born at Flufhing in 1607,
and was the fon of a burgher of that city. Fie fre¬
quented the fea from his being 11 years of age; and
was fucceffively a failor, mate, captain of a vefitl,
commodore, rear-admiral, vice-admiral, and at length
lieutcnant-admiral-general, which is the higheft dig¬
nity to which he could be raifed, fince that of admiral
belongs only to the governor of Holland. He fuc-
coured the Portuguefe againft the Spaniards; acqui¬
red great glory before Salle; engaged feveral times
with the Englilh ; took many Turkifh veflela, with
the famous renegado Amand de Dias, whom he cau-
fed to be hanged in 1655. In 1659, he failed to the
affiftance of the king of Denmark againft the Swedes,
and gave proofs of uncommon bravery in the ifland of ,
Funen. In 1661, he humbled the Algerine corfairs;
took a great number of veffels in 1665 ; and obtained
a remarkable vi&ory over the Englifh in 1666. Thefe
brave exploits occafioned his being the fame yearcho-
fen lieutenant-admiral-general ; and he continued to
diftinguifh himfelf till the year 1676, when he was
mortally wouhded by a cannon-ball, in an engagement i
with the French, before the town of Augufta in Si¬
cily, and died of his wounds-a few days after. He
body was carried to Amfterdam, where the States
General ere&ed a magnificent monument to his me¬
mory.
RYE, in botany. See Secale.
Rye,
R Y M
Rys Hye, a town In Suflex, with two markets, on Wed-
11 _ nefdays and Saturdays, but no fair. It is one of the
Saavedra. cinqUe.p0rts • i3 a handfome well-built place, go¬
verned by a mayor and jurats; and fends two members
to parliament. It has a church built with done, and
a town-hall ; and confifts of three ftreets, paved with
ftone. One fide of the town has been walled in, and
the other is guarded by the fea. It has two gates,
and is a place of confiderable trade in the Ihipping
way. From thence large quantities of corn are ex¬
ported, and many of the inhabitants are fifhermen. It
is 34 miles fouth-eaft by fouth of Tunbridge, and 64
on the fame point from London. The mouth of the
harbour is of late choaked up with fand ; but, if well
opened, it would be a good ftation for privateers that
cruize againft the French. E. Long. o. 50. N. Lat.
51,0-
RYNCHOPS, in ornithology, a genus belonging to
the order of anferes. The bread is ftrait; and the fupe-
rior mandible much (horte'r than the inferior, which is
truncated at the point. The fpecies are two, viz. the
nigra and fulva, both natives of America.
RYMER (Thomas), Efq; was born in the north
of England, and educated at the univerfity of Cam-
R Y S
bridge. On his fettling in London, he became a RyfVick,
member of the Society of Gray’s-Inn; and, in 1692, Saavcfira'
fucceeded Mr Shadwell as hidoriographer to king
William III. He was a man of great learning, and a
lover of poetry : but, when he fets up for a critic,
feems to prove that he has very few of the requifites
for that charafter; and was indeed almod totally dif-
quatified for it, by his want of candour. The feverity
which he has exerted, in his View of the Tragedies of
the lad Age, againd the inimitable Shakefpeare, are
fcarcely to be forgiven. Mr Rymer was, however, a
very excellent antiquarian and hiftorian. Some of
his pieces relating to our conditution are extremely
good ; and his well-known, valuable, and mod ufefnl
work, intitled the Fosdera^ printed in 17 vols folio,
will dand an everlading monument of his worth, his
indefatigable affiduity, and clearnefs of judgment as
an hiftorical compiler. He died in 1713.
RYSWICK, a large village in Holland, feated be¬
tween the Hague and Delft, where the prince of O-
range has a palace; and is remarkable for a treaty
concluded here in 1697, between England, Ger¬
many, Holland, France, and Spain. E. Long. 4. 20.
N. Lat. 52. 8.
1 6913 ]
S-
C f, or s, the 18th letter and 14th confonarit of
our alphabet; the found of which is formed by
driving the breath through a narrow paffage between
the palate and the tongue elevated near it, together
with a motion of the lower jaw and teeth towards
the upper, the lips being a little way open; with fuch
a configuration of every part of the mouth and larynx,
as renders the voice fomewhat fibulous and hilling. Its
found however varies; being ftrong in fome words, as
this,' thus, Sec. and foft in words which have a final e,
as mufe, ’wife. See. It is generally doubled at the end
of words, whereby they become hard and harlh, as in
hifs, lofs, &c. In fome words it is filent, as ifle,
ijland, vifeount, &c. In writing or printing, the long
charadter f, is ufed at the beginning and middle of
words, but the Ihort s, at the end.
In abbreviations, S Hands for focietas or focius;
as, R- S. S. for regime focietatis Jhcius, i. e. fellow
of the royal fociety. In medicinal preferiptions, S. A.
fignifies fecundum artem, i. e. according to the rules
of art: And in the notes of the ancients, S Hands for
Sextus; S.P. for Spurius; S.C. for fenatus confultuvi;
S. P. Q^R. for fenatus populufque Romanus; S. S. S.
for fratum fuper fratum, i. e. one layer above another
alternately ; S. V. B. E. E. Q^_V. for f vales bene
ef, ego quoque valeo, a form ufed in Cicero’s time, in
the beginning of letters. Ufed as a numeral, S an¬
ciently denoted feven ; in the Italian mufic, S fignifics
flo: And in books of navigation, S. Hands for fouth ;
S. E. for fouth-eaH; S W. for fouth- weH ; S. S. E. for
fouth fouth-eaH; S. S. VV. for fouth fouth-weH, &c.
SAAVEDRA (Michael de Cervantes), a celebra¬
ted Spanilh writer, and the inimitable author of Don
Quixote, was born at Madrid in the year 1549. From
his infancy he was fond of books; but he applied
Vol. IX, i
himfelf wholly to books of entertainment, fuch as no¬
vels and poetry of all kinds, efpecially Spanilh and
Italian authors. From Spain he went to Italy, either
to ferve cardinal Aquaviva, to whom he was cham*
berlain at Rome ; or elfe to follow the profeffion of a
foldier, as he did fome years under the vi&orious
banners of Marco Antonio Colonna. He was prefent
at the battle of Lepanto, fought in the year 1571?
in which he either loH his left-hand by the fliot of an
harquebus, or had it fo maimed that he loH the ufe
of it. After this he was taken by the Moors, and
carried to Algiers, where he continued a captive five
years and a half. Then he returned to Spain, and
applied himfelf to the writing of comedies and trage¬
dies ; and he compofed feveral, all of which were well
received by the public, and acted with great applaufe.
In the year 1584, he publifiied his Galatea, a novel
in fix books; which he prefented to Afcanio Colonna,
a man of high rank in the church, as the firfi-fruitsof
his wit. But the work which has done him the
greateH honour, and will immortalize his name, is the
hifiory of Don Quixote ; the firH part of which was
printed at Madrid in the year 1605. This is a fatire
upon books of knight-errantry; and the principal,
if not the foie, end of it was todefiroy the reputation
of thefe books, which had fo infatuated the greater
part of mankind, efpecially thofe of the Spanifh na¬
tion. This work was univerfally read; and the moll
eminent painters, tapeflry-workers, engravers, and
fculptors, have been employed in reprefenting the
hifiory of Don Quixote. Cervantes, even in his life¬
time, obtained the glory of having his work receive a
royal approbation. As king Philip the Third was
Handing in a balcony of his palace at Madrid, and
viewing the country, he obferved a fiudent on the
38 T banks
SAB [ 6914 1 SAB
Saavedra, banks of the river Manzanares reading in a book, and do&rines of this fs& are contained, they have one
Sahaans. frorn t;me to tjme breaking off and beating his fore- which they call the look of Seth, and which they pre-'
head with extraordinary tokens of pleafure and de- tend was written by that patriarch,
light; upon which the king faid to thofe about him, SABBATH, or the day of reft, a folemn "feftival of
“ That fcholar is either mad,-or reading Don Quixotethe Jews, on the feventh day of the week, or Saturday,
the latter of which proved to be the cafe. But virtue beginning fromfun-fet on,Friday tofun-fet on Saturday,
/tfarfotar e/notwithftanding the vaft applaufe his The obfervation of the Sabbath began with the
book every-where met with, he had not intereft enough world: for God having employed fix days in its crea-
to procure a fmall penfion, but had much ado to tion, appointed the feventh as a day of reft to be ob-
keep himfelf from ftarving. In the year 1615, he ferved by man, in commemoration of that great event,
publifhed a fccond part ; to which he was partly On this day the Jews were commanded to abftain from
moved by the prefumption of fome fcribbler, who had all labour, and to give reft to their cattle. They
publifhed a continuation of this work the year before, were not allowed to go out of the city farther than
He wrote alfo feveral novels; and among the reft, two thoufand cubits, or a mile ; a cuftom which was
“ The Troubles of Perfiles and Sigifmunda.” He founded on the diftance of the ark from the tents of
had employed many years in writing this novel, and the Ifraelites, in the wildernefs, after their leaving
finifhed it but juft before his death ; for he did not Egypt; for being permitted to go, even on the Sab-
live to fee it publifhed. His ficknefs was of fuch a bath-day, to the tabernacle to pray, they from thence
nature, that he himfelf was able to be, and actually inferred, that the taking a journey of no greater
was, his own hiftorian. At the end of the preface to length, though on a different account,, could not be a
the Troubles of Perfiles and Sigtfmunda, he reprefents breach of the fabbatical reft.
himfelf on horfeback upon the road; arid a ftudent As the feventh day was a day of reft to the people,
overtaking him, entered into converfation with him: fo was the feventh year to the land : it being Unlawful
“ And happening to talk of my ilinefs, (fays he), in this year to plough or fow, and whatever the earth
the ftudent foon let me know my doom, by faying it produced belonged to the poor; this was called the
was a dropfy I had got, the third attending which, fabbatical year. The Jews, therefore, were obliged,
all the water of the ocean, though it were not fait, during the fix years, and more efpecially the laft, to
would not fuffice to quench. Therefore Senor Cer- lay up a fufficient ftore for the fabbatical year,
vantes, fays he, you muft drink nothing at all, but The modern as well as the ancient Jews are very
do not forget to eat; for this alone will recover you fuperftitious in the obfervance of the Sabbath : they
without any other phyfic. I have been told the fame carry neither arms, nor gold, nor filver, about them,
by others, anfwered I ; but I can no more forbear and are permitted neither to touch thefe, nor a candle,
tippling, than if I were born to do nothing elfe. My nor any thing belonging to the fire; on which account
life is drawing to an end ; and from the daily journal they light up lamps on Friday, which burn till the end
of my pulfe, I (hall have finfthed my courfe by next of the Sabbath.
funday at the fartheft.—But adieu, my merry friends Chriftian Sabbath. See Sunday.
all, for I am going to die; and I hope to fee you ere SABBATH-iJranb/Tgs or profanation of the Lord’s
long in the other world, as happy as heart can wifti.” day, is punilhed by the municipal laws of England.
His dropfy increafed, and at laft proved fatal to him; For, befides the notorious indecency and fcandal of
yet he continued to fay and to write bons mots. He permitting any fecular bufinefs to be publicly tranf-
received the laft facrament on the 18th of April 1616; aded on that day in a country profefiing Chriftianity,
yet the day after wrote a Dedication of the Troubles and the corruption of morals which ufually follows its
of Perfiles and Sigifmunda, to the Conde de Lemos. profanation, the keeping one day in feven holy, as a
The particular day of his death is not known. time of relaxation and refrefhment, as well as for public
SABiEANS, in church-hiftory, a fed of idolaters vvorlhip, is of admirable fervice to a (late, confidered
much more ancient than the Jewifh law. merely as a civil inftitution. It humanizes, by the
In the early ages of the world, idolatry was divided help of converfation and fociety, the manners of the
between two feds ; the worftiippers of images, called lower claffes; which would otherwife degenerate into
Sabaans or Sabians.', and the worfttippers of fire, called a fordid ferocity and lavage felfifhnefs of (pint: it en-
Magi. See Magi. ables the induftrious workman to purfue his occupa«-
The Sabseans began with worfhipping the heavenly tion in the enfuing week with health and cheerfulnefs:
bodies, which they fancied were animated by inferior it imprints on the minds of the people that fenfe of
deities. In the confecration of their images, they their duty to God, fo neceffary to make them good
ufed many incantations to draw down into them from citizens ; but which yet would be worn out and de-
the ftars thofe intelligences for whom they ereded faced by an unremitted continuance of labour, without
them,, whofe power and influence they held afterwards any ftated times of recalling them to the worfliip of
dwelt in them. This religion, it is faid, firft began their Maker. And therefore the laws of king Athel-
among the Chaldaeans, with their knowledge in aftro- flan forbad all merchandizing on the Lord’s day, un-
nomy : and from this it was that Abraham feparated der very fevere penalties. And by the ftatute 27 Hen.
himfelf, when he came out of Chaldaea. From the VI. c. 5". no fair or market (hall be held on the prin-
Ghaldseans it fpread all over the eaft; and from thence cipal feftivals, Good-friday, or any Sunday, (except the
to the Grecians, who propagated it to all the nations of four Sundays in harveft), on pain of forfeiting the
the world. The remainder of this fed ftill fubfifts in goods expofed to fale. And, fince, by the ftatute
the eaft, and pretend to derive their name from Sabius 1 Car. I. c. I. no perfons (hall affemble, out of their
a ion of Seth j and among the books in which the own pari(hes} for any fg.qrt whatfoever upon this day;
'    " ' nos:.
Sabbath.
Sable.
SAB [ 6915 ] SAB
Babelllans ror, in their parifhes, fliall ufe any bull or bear bait-
g jjj ing, interludeu-, plays, or other unlawful exercifes or
a e~ partimes ; on pain that every offender (hall pay 3 s. 4d.
to the poor. This ftatute does not prohibit, but
rather impliedly allows, any innocent recreation or
amufement, within their refpe&ive parifhes, even on
the Lord’s day, after divine fervice is over. But by
flatute 29 Car. II. c. 7. no perfon allowed to work
on the Lord’s day, or ufe any boat or barge, or ex-
jpofe any goods to faie, except meat in public houfes,
milk at certain hours, and works of neceffity or
charity, on forfeiture of 5 s. Nor fhall any drover, carrier,
or the like, travel upon that day, under pain of 2os.
SABELLIANS, a fed of Chriftians of the 3d
century, that embraced the opinions of Sabellius, a
philofopher. of Egypt, who openly taught that there
is but one perfdn in the Godhead.
The Sabeliians maintained, that the Word and the
Holy Spirit are only virtues, emanations, or fun&ions
of the Deity ; and held, that he who is in heaven is
the Father of all things, defcended into the virgin,
became a child, and was born of her as a fon ; and
that having accomplifhed the myftery of our falvation,
he diffufed himfelf on the apoftles in tongues of fire,
and was then denominated the Ifo/y Ghoft. This
they explained by refembling God to the fun, the
illuminative virtue or quality of which was the Word,
and its warming virtue the Holy Spirit. The Word,
they taught, was darted, like a divine ray, to ac-
complifh the work of redemption ; and that, being
re-afcended to heaven, the influences of the Father
were communicated after a like manner to the apoftles.
SABINA, a province of Italy, in the territories of
the church; bounded on the north by Umbria, on the
eaft by Farther Abruzzo, on the fouth by the Cam*
pagna of Rome, and on the weft by the patrimony of
St Peter. It is 22 miles in length, and almoft as much
in breadth; watered by feveral fmall rivers, and abound¬
ing in oil and wine. There is no walled town in it,
and Magliano is the principal place.
SABINUS (George), a celebrated Latin poet,
born in the elefiorate of Brandenburg in 1508. His
poem Res gefiee Cafar uni Germanerum, fpread his re¬
putation all over Germany, and procured him the pa¬
tronage of all the princes who had any regard for po¬
lite literature: he was made profeflbrof the belles let-
tres at Frankfort on the Oder, redor of the new aca¬
demy at Konigfburg, and counfellor to the eledor of
Brandenburg. He married two wives, the firft of
which was the eldeft daughter of the famous reformer
Melandhon; and died in 1560. His poems are well
known, and have been often printed.
SABLE, or Sable Animal, in zoology, a creature
of the weafel-kiild, called by authors muflela zibellina.
See Mustela.
Sable Trade, the trade carried on in the fkins or
furs of fables: of which the following commercial hi-
ftory was tranflated by Mr J. R. Fortier, from a Ruf¬
fian performance on that fubjedl by Mr Muller.
“ Salle, foble, in Ruflian; zobel in German. Their
price varies, from 11. to xol, fterling, and above : fine
and middling fable-fkins are without bellies, and the
coarfe ones are with them. Forty fleins make a colle&ion
called zinuner. The fineft fables are fold in pairs per-
fe.fi!y fimilar, and are dearer than fingle ones of the
fame goodnefs; for the Ruffians want thofe'in pairs
for facing caps, cloaks, tippets, &c. the biackdl are
reputed the beft. Sables are in feafon from November
to February; for thofe caught at any other time of
the year are fliort-haired, and then called nedofoholL
The hair of fables differs in length and quality: the
long hairs, which reach far beyond the inferior ones, are
called os; the more a firin has of fuch long hairs, the
blacker they are, and the more valuable is the fur; the
very beft have no other but thofe long and black hairs.
Motcbka is a technical term ufed in the Ruffian fur-
trade, expreffing the lower part of the long hairs; and
fometimes it comprehends likewife the lower and fhorter
hairs: the abovementioned beft fable furs are faid to
have a black motchka. Below the long hairs are, in
the greater part of the fable-furs, fome ftiorter hairs,
called i. e. under-os; the more podofie a fur
has, the lefs valuable: in the better kind of fables the
podofie has black tips, and a grey or rufty motchka.
The firft kind of motchka makes the middling kind of
fable furs; the red one the worft, efpecially if it has
but few os. Between the os and podofie is a low wooly
kind of hair, called podfada. The more podfada- a fur
has, the lefs valuable : for the long hair will, in fuch
cafe, take no other direfiion than the natural one; for
the charafiers of fable is, that notwithftanding the hair
naturally lies from the head towards the tail, yet it will
lie equally in any direfiion as you ftrike your hand
over it. The various combinations of thefe charafiers,
in regard to os, motchka, podofie, and podfada, make
many fpecial divifions in the goodnefs of furs: befides
this, the furriers attend to the fize, preferring always,
cceteris paribus, the biggeft, and thofe that have the
greateft glofs. The fize depends upon the animal being
a male or a female, the latter being always fmaller.
The glofs vanifties in old furs: the frefli ones have a
kind of bloomy appearance, as they exprefs it; the old
ones are faid to have done blooming: the dyed fables
always lofe their glofs; become lefs uniform, whether
the lower hairs have taken the dye or not; and com¬
monly the hairs are fomewhat twifted or crifped, and
not fo ftraight as in the natural ones. Some fumigate
the Ikins, to make them look blacker; but the fmell,
and the crifped condition of the long hair, betrays the
cheat; and both ways are detefied by rubbing the fur
with amoift linen-cloth, whichgrows black'in fuch cafes.
“ The Chinefe have a way of dyeing the fables, fo
that the colour not only lafts, ( which the Ruffian cheats
cannot do), but the fur keeps its glofs, and the crifped
hairs only difcover it. This is the reafon that all the
fables, which are of the beft kind, either in pairs or fe-
parate, are carried to Ruffia ; the reft go to China.
The very beft fables come from the environs of Nert-
chitflc and Yakutfl<; and in this latter diftrifi, the coun¬
try about the river Ud affords fometimes fables, o£
whom one fingle fur is often fold at the rate of 60 or
70 rubles, 121. or 141. The bejlies of fables, which
are fold in pairs, are about two fingers breadth, and
are tied-together by 40 pieces, which are fold from il.
to zl. fterling. Tails are fold by the hundred. The very
beft fable-furs mull have their tails; but ordinary fables
are often cropped, and -100 fold from 4I. to 81. fterling.
The legs or feet of fables are feldom fold feparately;
white fables are rare, and no common merchandize,
but bought ojilyas curiofities: fome are ydlowifh, and
38 T 2 are
[ ^9
SAC
Sable are bleached in the fpring on the fnow.’
II Sable, in heraldry, fignihes “ black;” and is bor-
, accu us rowe(j from French, as are moft terras *n this fcience:
in engraving it is expreffed by both horizontal and
perpendicular lines crofting each other. Sable of itfelf
fignifics conftancy, learning, and grief; and ancient
heralds will have it, that it is compounded with
Or rHonour.
Arg. « Fame.
Gul. .-n , Refped.
Azti. 5. Application.
Ver. f1 Comfort.
Pur. [Autlerity.
The pccafion that introduced this colour into heraldry
is thus related by Alexander Nifoet, p, 8. The duke
of Anjou, king of Sicily, after the lofs of that king¬
dom, appeared at a tournament in Germany all in
black, with his fliield of that UnSimz, Jeme.de lannes,
1. e. befprinkled with drops of water, to reprefent tears,
indicating by that both his grief and lofs.
SABLESTAN, or Sablustan, a province of Afia,
in Perfia, on the frontiers of Indoftan ; bounded on
the north by Khorafan; on the eaft, by the mountains
of Balk and Candahar; on the fouth, by Sageftan, or
Segeftan ; and on the weft, by Heri. It is a moun¬
tainous country, very little known to Europeans ; nor
is it certain which is the capital town.
SABRE, a kind of fword or fcimetar, with a very
broad and heavy blade, thick at the back, and a little
falcated or crooked towards the point. It is the ordi¬
nary weapon worn by the Turks, who are faid to be
very expert in the ufe of it.
SABURRA, in medicine, ufually denotes any col-
ledlion of half putrid indigefted matter in the ftomach
and inteftines, by which the operation of digeftion is
impeded.
SABURRiE, gritts, in natural hiftory; a genus
of foffils, found in minute maffes, forming together a
kind of powder, the feveral particles of which are of
no determinate (hape, nor have any tendency to the fi¬
gure of cryftal, but feem rudely broken fragments of
larger maffes; not to be diffolved or difunited by wa¬
ter, but retaining their figure in it, and not cohering
by means of it into a mafs ; confiderably opake, and
in many fpecies fermenting with acids; often fouled
with heterogene matters,;and not unfrequently taken in
the coarfer (tony and mineral or metalline particles.
Gritts are of various colours, as, I. The ftony and
fparry gritts, of a bright or greyifh white colour.
2. The red ftony gritts. 3. The green ftony gritts,
compofed of homogene fparry particles. 4.. The yel¬
low gritt, of which there is only one fpecies. 5. The
black and blackilh gritts, compofed of ftony or talky
particles.
SACCADE, in the manege, is a jerk more or lefs
violent, given by the horfeman to the horfe, in pulling
or twitching the reins of the bridle all on a fudden
and with one pull, and that when a horfe lies heavy
upon the hand, or obftinately arms himfelf.
This is a corre&ion ufed to make a horfe carry well;
but it ought to he ufed difcreetly, and but feldom.
SACERDOTAL, fomething belonging to priefts.
See Priest.
SACCULUS, in anatomy, a diminutive of faccus,
16 ] S ,A C
fignifies a little bag, ands is applied to many parts of
the body,
SACCHARUM, Sugar, or the Sugar-Cane; in.
botany, a genus of the digynia order, belonging to the
triandria clafs of plants. There is but one fpecies of
this genus, viz. the officinarum ; a genus of both the
Indies, where it grows naturally, and is cultivated for
its juice, which when boiled affords the fweet fait called
fugar. See, that article.
SACCH1 (Andrea), a celebrated painter, born at
Rome in 1594. He was the difciple of Francifco AI-
bano, whom he afterwards furpaffed in tafte and cor-
re&nefs. He diftinguifhed himfelf in a very eminent
degree by his paintings in frefco; and a ftrong emu¬
lation fubfifting between him and Pietro de Cortona,
they each arrived at a degree of perfe&ion that neither
of them might have known, without fuch a competi¬
tion. The works of Sacchi have fuch jntrinfic merit,
and are finifhed with fuch uncommon care and fltill, as
will always fecure the applaufe of the judicious, and
preferve their true value. He died in 1668.
SACHEVEREL(Dr Henry), a famous clergyman
of the Tory fadlion in the reign of queen Anne; who
diftinguifhed himfelf by indecent and fcurrilous fermons
and writings againft the diffenters and revolution princi¬
ples. He owed his confequence, however, to being in-
difcreetly profecuted by the houfe of lords, for his affize-
fermon at Derby, and his 5th of November fermon at
St Paul’s in 1709 ; in which he afferted the do.dlrine
of non refiftance to government in its utmoft extent ;
and refledled feverely on the aft of toleration. The
high and low church parties were very violent at that
time; 'and the trial of Saeheverel inflamed the high-
church party to dangerous riots and exceffes- he was,,
however, fufpended for three years, and his fermons
burned by the common hangman. The Tories being
in adminiftration when Sachevgrel’s fufpenfion expired,
he was freed with every circumftance of honour and
public rejoicing; was ordered to preach before the com¬
mons on the 29th of May, had the thanks of the houfe
for his difeourfe, and obtained the valuable reftory of
St Andrew’s, Holborn,
SACK c/" Wool, a quantity of wool containing juft;
22 ftone, and every ftone 14 pounds. In Scotland, a
fack is 24 ftone, each ftone containing 16 pounds.
Sack of Cotton Wool, a quantity from one hundred
and a half to four hundred weight.
Sacks of Earth, in fortification, are canvas bags
filled with earth. They are ufed in making retrench¬
ments in hafte, to place on parapets, or the head of the
breaches, &c. to repair them, when beaten down.
SACKBUT, a mufical inftrument of the wind kind,
being a fort of trumpet, though different from the com¬
mon trumpet both in form and fize: it is fit to play a
bafs, and is contrived to be drawn out or fhortened,
according to the tone required, whether grave or acute.
The Italians call it trombone, and the Latins tuba due-
tilis.
SACKVILLE (Charles, earl of Dorfet), a cele¬
brated wit and poet, defeended from the foregoing,.
whs born in 1637. He was, like Viliierf, Rochefter,,
Sedley, See. one of the libertines of king Charles’s
court, and fometimes indulged himfclf in inexcufable
exceffes.' He openly difcountenanced the violent mea-
fures of James II. and engaged early for the prince of
Grange, v
Saccharum
Sackville.
SAC [ 6917 ] SAC
S^ckville. Orangf, by whom he wag made lord chamberlain of
    the houfehpld, and taken into the privy-council. He
ditd in 1706, and left feveral poetical pieces, which,
though not confiderable enough to make a volume by
themfelves, may be found among the works of the mi¬
nor poets, pubhfhed in X749-
Sackville (Thomas, Lord Buckhurft, and Earl of
Dorfet), a ftaiefman and poet, the fon of Richard
Sackville, Efq; of Buckhurft, in the parifh of Wi-
thian in Suflex, was born in the year 1536. He was
fent to Hart-hall in Oxford, in the latter end of the
reign of Edward VI. whence he removed to Cambridge,
where he took a matter of arts degree, and thence to
the Inner Temple. He now applied himfelf to the
ftudy of the law, and was called to the bar. We are
told that he commenced poet whilft at the univerfities,
and that thefe his juvenile produdlions were much ad¬
mired, none of which however have been preferved. In
the fourth and fifth year of queen Mary, we find him
a member of the houfe of commons; about which time,
in 1557, he wrote a poetical piece, intitled The In-
duttion, or, The Myrror of Magijirates. This laft was
meant to comprehend all the unfortunate Great from the
beginning of our hiftory; but the defign being drop¬
ped, it was inferted in the body of the work. The
Myrror of Magiftrates is formed on a dramatic plan ;
in which the perfons is introduced fpeaking. The In-
dudiion is written much in the ftyle of Spencer, who,
with fome probability, is fuppofed to have imitated
this author.
In 1561, his tragedy of Gorboduc was adled before
queen Elifabeth by the gentlemen of the Inner Temple.
This was the firft tolerable tragedy in our language.
The Companion to the Play-houfe tells us, that the
three firft adis were written by Mr Tho. Norton. Sir
Philip Sidney, in his Apology for Poetry, fays, “ it
is full -of (lately fpeeches and well-founding phrafes,
climbing to the height of Seneca in his ftyle, &c.”
Rymer fpeaks highly in its commendation. Mr Spence,
at the inftigation of Mr Pope, republifhed it in J736,
with a pompous preface. It is faid to be our firft dra¬
matic piece written in verfe.
In the firft parliament of this reign, Mr Sackville was
member for Suflex, and for Bucks in the fecond. In
the mean time, he made the tour of Fiance and Italy,
and in 1566 was imprifoned at Rome, when he was
informed of his father’s death, by which he became
poffefted of a very confiderable fortune.
Having now obtained his liberty, he returned to
England; and being firft knighted, was created Lord
Buckhurft. In 1570 he was fent ambaffador to France..
In 1586 he was one of the commiffioners appointed to
try the unfortunate Mary queen of Scots; and was
the meffenger employed to report the confirmation of
her fentence, and to fee it executed. The year follow¬
ing he went ambaffador to the States-General, in con-
! fcquence of their complaint againft the earl of Leice-
fter; who, difliking his impartiality, prevailed on the
queen to recall him, and confine him to his houfe. In
this ftate of confinement he continued about 10 months,
when Leice.tter dying, he was reftored to favour, and
in 1580 was inflalled knight of the garter: but the
rnoft incontrovertible proof of the queen’s partiality for
lord Buckhurft appeared in the year 1591, when (he
CfluAid him to be elided chancellor in the univerfity of
Oxford, in oppqfition to her favourite Effex. In 1598, Sacrament'
on the death of the treafurer Burleigh, lord Buckhurfl ,li
fucceeded him, and by virtue of his office became in Sacrificf*'
effed prime minitter ; and when, in 1601, the earls of
Effex and Southampton were brought to trial, he fat
as lord high fteward on that awful occafion.
On the acceffion of James I. he was gracioufly re¬
ceived, had the office of lord high treafurer confirmed
to him for life, and was created earl of Dorfet. He
continued in high favour with the king til! the day of
his death; which happened foddenly, on the 19th of
April 1608, in the council-chamber at Whitehall.
He was interred with great folemnity in Weftminfter
abbey. He was a good poet, an able minifter, and an
honeft man. From him is defeended the prefent noble
family of the Dorfets. “ It were needlefs (fays Mr
Walpole) to add, that he was the patriarch of a race
of genius and wit.”
SACRAMENT, fignifies, in general, a fign of a
thing facred and holy; and is defined to be an out¬
ward and vifible fign of a fpiritual grace. Thus there-
are two objefls in a facrament; the one the objeft of
the fenfes, and the other the objedl of faith. Prote-
ftants admit only of two facraments, baptifm, and the
eucharift or Lord’s Supper; but the Roman Catholics
own feven, viz. baptifm, confirmation, the eucharift,
penance, extreme un&ion, ordination, and marriage.
The Romanifts, however, by way of eminence, call
the eucharift the holy facrament. Thus to expofe the
holy facrament, is to lay the confecrated hoft on the
altar to be adored. The proceffion of the holy facra¬
ment, is that in which this hoft is carried about the
church, or about a town.
SACRAMENTARY, an ancient Romifti church-
book, which contains all the paryers and ceremonies
praflifed at the celebration of the facraments.
It was wrote by pope Gelafius, and afterwards re-
vifed, correfled, and abridged by St Gregory.
SACRED, fomething holy, or that is folemnly of¬
fered and confecrated to God, with benedidlions, unc¬
tions, &c.
SACRIFICE, a folemn a£l of religious worftiip,,
which confided in dedicating or offering up fomething
animate or inanimate on an altar, by the hands of the
prieft, either as an expreffion of their gratitude to the
Deity for fome fignal mercy, or to acknowledge their
dependence on him, or to conciliate hi's favour. The;
origin of facrifices is by fome aferibed to the Phoeni¬
cians; but Porphyry aferibes it to the Egyptians,who •
firft offered the firft-fruits of their grounds to the gods,
burning them upon an altar of turf: thus in the mod:
ancient lacrifices there were neither living creatures,
nor any thing coftly or magnificent, and no myrrh or
frankincenfe. At length they began to burn perfumes:
and afterwards men,, leaving their ancient diet of herbs
and roots, and beginning to ufe living creatures for
food, began alfo to change their facrifices. The ferip-
tures, however, furnifti us with a different account:
for Noah, it is faid, facrificed animals at his coming
out of the ark ; and even Abel himfelf facrificed the
bed and fatted of his flock; but Grotius thinks it
more probable that he contented himfelf with making
a mere oblation of his lambs, &c. without flaying
them.
The Jews had two forts of facrifices,. taking the
ward.
SAC [69
fiacrifice. word in its largeft fignification : The firft were ofFer-
ings of tythes, firfl-fruits, cakes, wine, oil, honey, and
the like 5 and the lafV, offerings of flaught^red animals.
When an Ifraelite offered a loaf or a cake, the prieft
broke it in two parts; and fetting afide that half which
he referved for himfelf, broke the other into crumbs,
poured oil, wine, incenfe, and fait upon it, and fpread
the whole upon the fire of the altar. If thefe offerings
were accompanied with the facrifice of an animal, they
were thrown upon the vi&im to be confumed along
with it. If the offerings were of the ears of new corn,
they were parched at the fire, rubbed in the hand, and
then offered to the pried in a veffel, over which he
poured oil, incenfe, wine, and fait,, and then burnt it
upon the altar, having fird taken as much of it as of
right belonged to himfelf.
The principal facrifices among the Hebrews confid¬
ed of bullocks, (beep, and goats; but doves and turtles
were accepted from thofe who were not able to bring
the other: thefe beads were to be perfeft, and with¬
out blemifh. The rites of facrificing were various; all
of which are very minutely defcribed in the books of
Mofes.
The manner of facrificing among the Greeks and
Romans was as follows. In the choice of the vidtim,
they took care that it was'without blemifh or imper-
fedlion ; its tail was not to be too fmall at the end ;
the tongue not black, nor the ears cleft; and that the
bull was one that had never been yoked. The viftim
being pitched upon, they gilt his forehead and horns,
efpecially if a bull, heifer, or cow. The head they
alfo adorned with a garland of flowers, a woollen in-
fula or holy fillet, whence hung two rows of chaplets
with twided ribands ; and on the middle of the body
a kind of dole, pretty large, hung down on each fide;
the leffer viftims were only adorned with garlands and
bundles of flowers, together with white tufts or
wreaths.
The vidlims thus prepared were brought before the
altar; the leffer being driven to the place, and the
greater led by an halter; when, if they made any
flruggle, or refufed to go, the refiflance was taken
for an ill omen, and the facrifice frequently fet afide.
The vidlim thus brought was carefully.examined, to
fee that there was no defeft in it; then the pried, clad
in his facerdotal habit, and accompanied with the fa-
crificers and other attendants, and being wafhed and
purified according to the ceremonies prefcribed, turned
to the right-hand, and went round the altar, fprinkling
it with meal and holy-water, and alfo befprinkling
thofe who were prefent. Then the crier proclaimed
with a loud voice, Who is here? To which the people
replied, Many and good. The pried then having ex-
, horted the people to join with him by faying, Let us
pray, confeffed his own unworthinefs, acknowledging
that he had been guilty of divers fins; for which he
begged pardon of the gods, hoping that they would
be pleafed to grant his requeds, accept the oblations
offered them, and fend them all health and happinefs;
and to this general form added petitions for fuel) par-
tiedar favours as were then defired. Prayers being
ended, the pried took a cup of wine; and having ta-
fted it himfelf, caufed his affidants to do the like; and
then poured forth the remainder between the horns of
the viduni. Then the prieft or the crier, or iotpeuraes
18 ] SAC
the mod; honourable perfon in the company, killed the Sacrifice; _
bead, by knocking it down or cutting its throat. If
the facrifice was in honour of the celedial gods, the
throat was turned up towards heaven; but if they fa-
crificed to the heroes or infernal gods, the viftitn was
killed with its throat towards the ground. If by ac¬
cident the bead efcaped the droke, leaped up after it,
or expired with pain and difficulty, it was thought to
be unacceptable to the gods. The bead being killed,
the pried infpedled its entrails, and made predidfions
from them. They then poured wine, together with
frankincenfe, into the fire, to increafe the flame, and
then laid the facrifice on the altar ; which in the pri¬
mitive times was burnt whole to the gods, and thence
called an holocauji; but in after-times, only part of the
vi&im was confumed in the fire, and the remainder re¬
ferved for the facrificers; the thighs, and fometiroea
the entrails, being burnt to their honour, the company
feafled upon the red. While the pried was facrificing,
the pried, and the perfon who gave the facrifice, jointly
prayed, laying their hands upon the altar. Sometimes
they played upon mufical indruments in the time of
the facrifice, and on fome occafions they danced round
the altar, finging facred hymns in honour of the god.
Human Sacrifices. One would think it fcarce
poffible, that fo unnatural a cudom as that of hu¬
man facrifices fliould have exided in the wBrld: but
it is very certain, that it did not only exid, but almoft
univerfally prevail. The Egyptians of old brought
no vi&ims to their temples, nor fhed any blood at their I
altars: But human viftims and the blood of men ^u ft f
be here excepted ; which at one period they mod cer- rtei relating
tainly offered to their gods. The Cretans had theu -various
fame cudom ; and adhered to it a much longer time.ffr/J
The nations of Arabia did the fame. The people olc*ent t^or%
Dumah, in particular, facrificed every year a child; and
buried it underneath an altar, which they made ufe of
indead of an idol: for they did not admit of images.
The Perfians buried people alive. Amedris, the wife
of Xerxes, entombed 12 perfons quick under ground
for the good of her foul. It would be endlefs to enu¬
merate every city, or every province, where thefe dire
prafrices obtained. The Cyprians, the Rhodians, the
Phoceans, the lonians, thofe of Chios, Ldhos, Te-
nedos, all had human facrifices. The natives of the
Tauric Cherfonefus offered up to Diana every dranger
whom chance threw upon their coad. Hence arofe
that jud expodulation in Euripides, upon the incon-
fidency of the proceeding; wherein much good rea-
foning is implied. Iphigenta wonders, as the goddefs
delighted in the blood of men, that every villain and
murderer, fliould be privileged to efcape, nay, be dri¬
ven from the threlhold of the temple ; whereas, if an
honed and virtuous man chanced to dray thither, he
only was feized upon, and put to death. The Pelafgi,
in a time offcarcity, vowed the tenth of all thatflipuid J
be born to them, for a facrificey in order to procure plen¬
ty. Aridomenes the Meffenian flew 300 noble Lace¬
demonians, among whom was Theopompus the king
of Sparta, at the altar of Jupiter at Ithome. Without
doubt the Lacedemonians did not fail to make ample
returns: for they were a fevere and revengeful people,
and offered the like vi&ims to Mars. Their fedival
of the Diamadigofis is well known; when the Spartan
boy? were whipped in the fight of their parents with
fuch '' II
Sacrifice.
-
'
SAC r 68iq 1 SAC
fuch feverity before the altar of Diana Ortihia, that
they often expired under the torture. Phylarchus af¬
firms, as he is quoted by Porphyry, that of old every
Grecian (late made it a rule, before they marched to¬
wards an enemy, to folicit a bleffing on their under¬
takings by human victims.
The Romans were accuftomed to the like facrifices.
They both devoted themfelves to the infernal gods, and
contlrained others to fubmit to the fame horrid doom.
Hence we read in Titus Livius, that, in the confulate
of JEmilius Paulus and Terentius Varro, two Gauls,
a man and a woman, and two in like manner of Greece,
were buried alive at Rome in the Ox-Market; where
was a place under ground, walled round to receive
them ; which had before been made ufe of for fuch
cruel purpofes. He fays it was a facrifice not properly
Roman, that is, not originally of Roman inftitution ;
yet it was frequently pradlifed there, and that too by
public authority. Plutarch makes mention of a like
inftance a few years before, in the confullhip of Fla-
minius and Furius. There is reafon to think, that all
the principal captives who graced the triumphs of the
Romans, were at the clofe of that cruel pageantry put
to death at the altar of JupiterCapitoHnus. Caius Ma¬
rius offered up his own daughter for a vidlim to the
Dii Averrunci, to procure fuccefs in a battle againd;
the Cimbri; as we are informed by Dorotheus, quoted
by Clemens. It is likewife attefted by Plutarch, who
fays that her name was Calpurnia. Marius was a man
of a four and bloody difpofition ; and had probably
heard of fuch facrifices being offered in the enemy’s
camp, among whom they were very common : or he
might have beheld them exhibited at a diftance; and
therefore murdered what was neareft, and fhould have
been deareft, to him, to counteradf their fearful fpells,
and outdo them in their wicked machinery. Cicero ma¬
king mention of this cuftom being common in Gaul,
adds, that it prevailed among that people even at the
time he was fpeaking : from whence we may be led to
infer, that it was then difcontinued among the Ro¬
mans. And we are told by Pliny, that it had then,
and not very long, been difcouraged. For there was
a law ena&ed, when Lentulus and Craffus were con-
fuls, fo late as the 657th year of Rome, that there
fhould be no more human facrifices : for till that time
thofe horrid rites had been celebrated in broad day
without any mafic or controul; which, had we not the
heft, evidence for the faft, would appear fcarce cre¬
dible. And however they may have been difcontinued
for a time, we find that they were again renewed; tho’
they became not fo public, nor fo general. For not very
long after this,it is reported of Auguftus Csefar, when
Perufia furrendered in the time of the fecond triumvi¬
rate, that befides multitudes executed in a military
manner, he offered up, upon the Ides of March, 300
chofen perfons, both of the equeftrian and fenatorial
order, at an altar dedicated to the manes of his uncle
Julius. Even at Rome itfelf this cuftom was revived:
and Porphyry affures us, that, in his time a man was
every year facrificed at the fhrine of Jupiter Latiaris.
Heliogabahis offered the like viftims to, the Syrian
deity, which he introduced among the Romans. The
fame is faid of Aurelian.
The Gauls and the Germans were fo devoted to this
fhocking cuftom, that no bufinefs of any moment was
tranfafted among them without being prefaced with Sacrifice.
the blood of men. They were offered up to various
gods; but'particularly to Hefus, Taranis, and Thau-
tates. Thefe deities are mentioned by Lucan, where
he enumerates the various nations who followed the
fortunes of Caefar.
The altars of thefe gods were far removed from the
common refort of men; being generally fituated in
the depth of woods, that the gloom might add to the
horror of the operation, and give a reverence to the
place and proceeding. The perfons devoted were led
thither by the Druids, who prefided at the folemnityi
and performed the cruel offices of the facrifice. Ta¬
citus takes notice of the cruelty of the Hermunduri,
in a war with the Catti, wherein they had greatly the
advantage ; at the clofe of which they made one ge¬
neral facrifice of all that was taken in battle. The
poor remains of the legions under Varus fuffered in
fome degree the fame fate. There were many places
deftined for this purpofe all over Gaul and Germany ;
but efpecially in the mighty woods of Arduenna, and
the great Hercinian forell ; a wild that extended,
above 30 days journey in length. The places fet apart
for this folemnity were held in the utmoft reverence,,
and only approached at particular feafons. Lucan
mentions a grove of this fort near Maffilia, which even
the Roman foldiers were afraid to violate, tho’ com¬
manded by Crefar. It was one of thofe fet apart for
the facrifices of the country.
Claudian compliments Stilicho, that, among other
advantages accruing to the Roman armies through his
coriduft, they could now venture into the awful foreft
of Hercinia, and follow the chace in thofe fo much
dreaded woods, and otherwife make ufe of them.
Thefe pradlices prevailed among all the people of
the north, of whatever denomination. The Mafia-
getae, the Scythians, the Getes, the Sarmatians, all
the various nations upon the Baltic, particulurly the
Suevi and Scandinavians, held it as a fixed principle,
that their happinefs and fecurity could not be obtain¬
ed but at the expence of the lives of others. Their
chief gods were Thor and Woden, whom they thought
they could never fufficiemly glut with blood. They
had many very celebrated places of worfhip; efpecially
in the ifland Rugen, near the mouth.of the Oder; and ,
in Zeeland : fome, too, very famous among the Sem-
nones and Naharvalli. . But the moft reverenced of all,
and the moft frequented, was at Upfal ; where there
was every year a grand celebrity, which continued for
nine days. During this term they.facrificed animals
of all forts: but the moft acceptable vi&ims, and the
moft numerous, were men. Of thefe facrifices none
were efteemed fo aufpicious and falutary, as a facrifice -
of the prince of the country. When the lot fell for the
king to die, it was received with untverfal acclama¬
tions and every expreffion of joy; as it once happen¬
ed in the time of a famine, when they call lots, and
it fell to king Dbmalder to be the peoples vkftim ;
and he was accordingly put to death. Olaus Tretel-
ger, another prince, was burnt alive to Woden. They
did not fpare their own children. Harald the fon of
Gunild, the firft of that name, flew two of his chil¬
dren to obtain a ftorm of wind. , “ He did not let
(fays Verftegan) to facrifice two of his fons unto his
idols., to the end he might obtain , of them fuch 3
Ujppeft -
SAC [ 6920 ] SAC
-Sacrifice, tempell at fea, as fliould break and difperfe the ftiip-
ping of Harald king of Denmark.” Saxo Gramma¬
ticus mentions a like fa£L He calls the king Haquin ;
and fpeaks of the perfons put to death as two very
hopeful young princes. Another king flew nine fons,
in order to prolong his own life ; in hopes, perhaps,
that what they were abridged of would in great mea-
fure be added to himfelf. Such inftances, however,
occur not often i but the common vidtims were with¬
out end.’ Adam Bremenfis, fpeaking of the awful
grove at Upfa', where thefe horrid rites were celebra¬
ted, fays, that there was not a Angle tree but what
was reverenced, as if it were gifted with fome portion
of divinity: and all this becaufe they were Rained with
gore, and foul with human putrefaftion. The fame is
obferved by Sch'eiffer in his account of this place.
The manner in which the viftims were flaughtered,
was diverfe in different places. Some of the Gaulilh
nations chined them with a ftroke of an ax. The Cel-
tte placed the man who was to be offered for a facri-
fice upon a block, or an altar, with his bread up¬
wards, and with a fword ftruck him forcibly acrofs the
fternum ; then tumbling him to the ground, from his
agonies and convuilions, as well as from the effufion of
blood, they formed a judgment of future events. The
Cimbri ripped erpen the bowels ; and from them they
pretended to divine. In Norway they beat mens brains
out with an ox-yoke. The fame operation was per¬
formed in Iceland, by dafhing them againlt an altar
of done. In many places they transfixed them with
arrows. After they were dead they fufpended them
upon the trees, and left them to putrefy. One of the
writers above quoted, mentions that in his time 70 car-
cafes of this fort were found in a wood of the Scevi.
Dithmar of Merfburgh, an author of nearly the fame
age, fpeaks of a place called Ledur in Zeeland, where
there were every year 99 perfons facrificed to the god
Swantowite. During thefe bloody fedivals a general
joy prevailed ; and banquets were mod royally ferved.
They fed, caroufed, and gave a loofe to indulgence,
which at other times was not permitted. They ima¬
gined that there was foniething myderious in the num¬
ber nine : for which reafon thefc feads were in fome
places celebrated every ninth year, in others every
ninth month ; and continued for nine days. When all
was ended, they walhed the image of the deity in a
pool; and then difmified the affembly. Their fervants
were numerous, who attended during the term of their
feafting, and partook of the banquet. At the clofe
of all, they were fmothered in the fame pool, or other-
wife made away with. On which Tacitus remarks,
how great an awe this circumdance mud neceffa-
rily infufe into thofe who were not admitted to thefe
myderies.
Thefe accounts are handed down from a variety of
au'hors in different ages ; many of whom were natives
of the countries w'hich they defcribe, and to which they
feem drongly attached. They would not therefore
have brought fo foul an imputation on the part of the
world in favour of which they were each writing, nor
could there be that concurrence of tedimony, were not
the hidory in general true.
The like cudom prevailed to a great degree at
Mexico, and even under the mild government of the
Peruvians; and in mod parts of America. In Africa
it is dill kept up ; where, in the inland parts, they fa- Sacrifice.
crifice fome of the captives taken in war to their fe-—  
tiches, in order to fecure their favour. Snelgrave was
in the king of Dahoome’s camp, after his inroad into
the countries of Ardra and Whidaw ; and fays, that
he was a vvitnefs to the cruelty of this prince, whom
he faw facrifice multitudes to the deity of his nation.
The facrifices of which we have been treating, if
we except fome few indances, confided of perfons
doomed by the chance of war, or affigned by lot, to
be offered. But among the nations of Canaan, the
viftims were peculiarly chofen. Their own children,
and whatever was neared and deared to them, were
deemed the mod worthy offering to their god. The
Carthaginians, who were a colony from Tyre, carried
with them the religion of their mother-country, and
indituted the fame worlhip in the parts where they
fettled. It confided in the adoration of feveral dei¬
ties, but particularly of Kronus; to whom they of¬
fered human facrifices, and efpecially the blood of
children. If the parents were not at hand to make
an immediate offer, the magidrates did not fail to
make choice of what was mod fair and promifing;
that the god might not be defrauded of his dues. Up¬
on a check being received in Sicily, and fome other
alarming circumdances happening, Himilcar without
any hefuation laid hold of a boy, and offered him on
the fpot to Kronus ; and at the fame time drowned a
number of prieds, to appeafe the deity of the fea.
The Carthaginians another time, upon a great defeat
of their army by Agathocles, imputed their mifcar-
riages to the anger of this god, whofe fervices had
been neglefted. Touched with this, and feeing the
enemy at their gates, they feized at once 300 children
of the prime nobility, and offered them in public for
a facrifice. Three hundred more, being perfons who
were fomehow obnoxious, yielded themfelves volunta¬
rily, and were put to death with the others. The ne-
gleft of which they accufed themfelves, confided in
facrificing children purchafed of parents among the
poorer fort, who reared them for that purpofe; and
not felefting the mod promifing, and the mod honou¬
rable, as had been the cudom of old. In fliort, there
were particular children brought up for the altar, as
dieep are fattened for the diambles ; and they were
bought and butchered in the fame manner. But this
indifcriminate way of proceeding was thought to have
given offence. It is remarkable, that the Egyptians
looked out for the mod fpecious and handfome perfon I
to be facrificed. The Albanians pitched upon the bed j
man of the community, and made him pay for the ,j
wickednefs of the red. The Carthaginians chofe what
they thought the mod excellent, and at the fame time
the mod dear to them ; which made the lot fall heavy j
upon their children. This is taken notice of by Silius j
Italicus in his fourth book.
Kronus, to whom thefe facrifices were exhibited, |
was an oriental deity, the god of light and fire ; and J
therefore always wordlipped with fome reference to |
that element. See Phoenicia. |
The Greeks, we find, called the deity to whom ||
thefe offerings were made Agrauhs; and feigned that
die was a woman, and the daughter of Cecrops. But ffl
how came Cecrops to have any conneftion with Cy¬
prus? Agraulos is a corruption and tranfpofuion of the
ori- jH
SAC [68
Sacrifices, origiaal name, which fhould have been rendered Uk El
' Aur, or Uk El Aurus; but has, like many other o-
riental titles and names, been drangely fophifticated ;
and is here changed to Agraulos. It was in reality
the god of light, who was always worfhipped with
fire. This deity was the Moloch of the Tyrians and
Canaanites, and the Melech of the ealt; that is, the
great and principal god, tire god of light, of whom
fire was efteemed a fymbol ; and at whofe fhrine, in-
itcad of viler vi&ims, they offered the blood of men.
Such was the Kronus of the Greeks, and the Mo¬
loch of the Phoenicians: and nothing can appear
more fhocking than the facrifices of the Tyrians and
Carthaginians, which they performed to this idol. In
all emergencies of date, and times of general cala¬
mity, they devoted what was - mod neceffary and va¬
luable to them, for an offering to the gods, and parti¬
cularly to Moloch. But beiides thele undetermined
times of bloodftied, they had particular and prefcribed
feafons every year, when children were chofen out of
the moft noble and reputable families, as before men¬
tioned. If a perfon had an only child, it was the more
liable to be put to death, as being efteemed more ac¬
ceptable to the deity, and more efficacious of the ge¬
neral good. Tiiofe who were facrificed to Kronus
were thrown into the arms of a molten idol, which
flood in the midft of a large fire, and was red with
heat. The arms of it were ftretched out, with the
hands turned upwards, as it were to receive them;
yet floping downwards, fo that they dropt from thence
into a glowing furnace below. To other gods they
were otherwife fiatightered, and, as it is implied, by
the very hands of their parents. What can be more
horrid to the imagination, than to fuppofe a father
leading the deareft of all his fons to fuch an infernal
fhrine ? or a mother the moft engaging and affec¬
tionate of her daughters, juft rifing to maturity, to
be flaughtered at the altar of Afhteroth or Baal ? Ju-
•ftin defcribes this unnatural cuttom very pathetically :
Quippe homines, ut vittimas, immolabant; et impuberes
(qua atas hojliuvi mifericordiam provqcat) arts admove-
lant; pacem fanguine eorum expofcentes, pro quorum
vita Dii rogari tnaxime filent. Such was their blind
zeal, that tins was continually pradtifed; and fo much
of natural affedtion (1)11 left unextinguifhed, as to ren¬
der the f.eue ten times more fhocking from the ten-
dernefs which they feemed to exprefs. They embra¬
ced their children with great fondnefs, and encoura¬
ged them in the gentleft terms, that they might not be
appaled at the fight of the hellifh procefs ; begging of
them to fubmit with cheerfulnefs to this fearful opera¬
tion. If there was any appearance of a tear rifing, or
a cry unawares efcaping, the mother fmothered it
with her kiffes, that there might not be any (how of
backwardnefs or conftraint, but the whole be a free¬
will offering. Thefe cruel endearments over, they
{tabbed them to the heart, or otherwife opened the
flu ices of life ; and with the blood warm, as it ran,
befmeared the altar and the grim vifage of the idol.
Thefe were the cuftoms which the Ifraelites learned
of the people of Canaan, and for which they are up¬
braided by the Pfalmift : “ They did not deftroy the
nations, concerning whom the Lord commanded them;
but were mingled among the heathen, and learned
their works; yea, they facrificed their fons and their
Von. IX.
2i ] SAC
daughters unto devils, and fhed innocent blood, even Sacrifices
the blood of their fons and of their daughters, whom J
they facrificed unto the idols of Canaan ; and the land 3 ucees:‘
was polluted with blood. Thus were they defiled with
their own works, and went a-whoring with their own
inventions.”
Thefe cruel rites, pra£tifed in fo many nations, made
Plutarch debate with himfelf, “ Whether it would not
have been better for the Galatas, or for the Scythians,
to have had no tradition or conception of any fuperior
beings, than to have formed to themfelves notions of
gods who delighted in the blood of men ; of gods,
who efteemed human vidlims the moft acceptable and
perfefl facrifice ? Would it not,” fays he, “ have
been more eligible for the Carthaginians to have had
the atheift Critias, or Diagorus, their lawgiver at the
commencement of their polity, and to have been
taught, that there was neither/god nor daemon, than
to have facrificed, in the manner they were wont, to
the god which they adored ? Wherein they adled, not
as the perfon did whom Empedocles defcribes in fome
poetry, where he expofes this unnatural cuftom. The
fire there with many idle vows offers up unwittingly
his fon for a facrifice; but the youth was fo changed
in feature and figure, that his father did not know
him. Thefe people ufed, knowingly and wilfully, to
go through this bloody work, and {laughter their own
offspring. Even they who were childlefs would not
be exempted from this curfed tribute; but purchafed
children, at a price, of the poorer fort, and put them to
death with as little remorfe as one would kill a lamb
or a chicken. The mother, who facrificed her child,
flood by, without any feeming fenfe of what fhe was
lofing, and without uttering a groan. If a figh did
by chance efcape, fhe loft all the honour which fhe
propofed to herfelf in the offering ; and the child was
notwithftanding flain. All the time of this celebrity,
while the children were murdering, there was a noife
of clarions and tabors founding before the idol, that
the cries and fhrieks of the vidims might not be heard.
Tell me now,” fays Plutarch, “ if the monfters of
old, the Typhons, and the giants, were to expel the
gods, and to rule the world in their (lead ; could they
require a fervice more horrid than thefe infernal rites
and facrifices ?”
SACRILEGE, the crime of profaning facred
things, or thole devoted to the fervice of God.
SACRISTAN, a church officer, otherwife called
Sexton.
SACRISTY, in church-hiftory, an apartment in
a church where the facred utenfils were kept, being
the fame with our Vestry.
SADDLE, is a feat upon a horfe’s back, contrived
for the conveniency of the rider.
A hunting-faddle is compofed of two bows, two
bands, fore-bolfters, pannels, and faddie-ftraps ; and
the great faddle has, befides thefe parts, corks, hind-
bolfters, and a trouffequin.
The pommel is common to both.
SADDUCEES, in Jewifh antiquity, a famous fedl
among the ancient Jews, fo called from their founder
Sadoc Antigonus of Socho, prefident of the fanhe-
drim at Jerufalem, and teacher of the law in the prin¬
cipal divinity-fchool of that city. Having often, in
his lectures, afferted to his fcholars, that they ought
2 $8 U not
S A F [ 6822 ] S A F
Sadler. not to fetve God in a fervile manner, with refpedl to
U reward, hut only out of filial love and fear, two of his
k a 6 guar • fcholars. Sadocand Baithus, inferred from thence, that
there were no rewards or punifliments after this life ;
and, therefore, fcparating from the fchool of their
mailer, they taught, that there was no refurreftion nor
future (late. Many embracing this opinion, gave rife
to the fed of the Sadducees, who were a kind of epi¬
cureans; but differing from them in this, that tho’they
denied a future Hate, yet they allowed the world was
created by the power of God, and governed by his
Providence ; whereas the followers of Epicurus denied
both.
The Sadducees denied all manner of predeftination
whatever; and not only reje&ed all unwritten tradi¬
tions, but alfo all the books of the OldTeftament, ex¬
cepting the Pentateuch.
SADLER (John), was defcended from an ancient
family in Shropfhire ; born in 1615 ; and educated at
Cambridge, where he became eminent for his great
knowledge in the oriental languages. He removed to
iiincoin’s-Inn, where he made no fmall progrefsin the
ftudy of the law; and in 1644 vv,a3 admitted one of
the mailers in Chancery, as alfo one of the two mailers
of Requells. In 1649, he wa3 chofen town-clerk of
London, and the fame year publilhed his Rights of th:
Kingdom. He was greatly elleemed by Oliver Crom¬
well, by whofe fpecial warrant he was continued a
mailer in Chancery, when their number was reduced
to fix. By his interell it was that the Jews obtained
the privilege of building for themfelves a fynagogue in
London. In 1658, he was made member of parlia¬
ment for Yarmouth ; and next year was appointed firft
commifiioner under the great feal with Mr Taylor,
Mr Whitelocke, and others, for the probate of wills.
In 1660, he publilhed his Olbia. Soon after the Re¬
iteration, he loll all his employments. In the fire
of London in 1666, he was a great fufferer ; which
obliged him to retire to his feat of Warmwell in Dor-
fetlhire, where he lived in a private manner till 1674,
when he died.
SADOLET (James), a polite and learned cardi¬
nal of the Romilh church, born at Modena in 1477.
Leo. X. made him and Peter Bembus his fecretaries,
an office for which they were both well qualified; and
Sadolet was foon after made bilhop of Carpentras,
near Avignon : he was made a cardinal in 1536 by
Paul III. and employed in feveral negociations and
embalfies. He died in 1547, not without the fufpi-
cion of poifon, for correfponding too familiarly with
the Proteftants, and for tellifying too much regard
for fome of their dodlors. Plis works, which are all in
Latin, were colletled in 1607 at Mentz, in one vol.
8vo. All his cotemporaries fpoke of him in the highelt
terms.
SADOC, a famous Jewilh rabbi, and founder of
the feft of the Sadducees. He was the difciple of An-
tigonus, who taught, that virtue was to be pra&ifed
for its excellency alone, without regard to any recom-
pence whatever ; from whence Sadoc drew this erro-
. neous inference, That no. rewards were to be hoped
for, nor punilhments to be dreaded, in another life.
The fed dill fubfifts in Africa. Sadoc flouriihed about
Z.2Q B. C.
SAFE-guard, a prote&ion formerly granted to a
firanger who feared violence from fome of the king’s Safscondu#
fubjeds for feeking his right by courfe of law. SaiTVon. |
SAFE-CVWad?, is a fecurity given by a prince un¬
der the great feal, to a dranger for his fafe-coming
into and palling out of the realm ; the form whereof is
in Reg. Orig. 25. There are letters of fafe-condud:
which mud be enrolled in chancery ; and the perfons
to whom granted mud have them ready to Ihow ; and
touching which there are feveral datutes. See Pre¬
rogative.
SAFFRON, in the materia medica, is formed of
the digmata of the crocus officinalis *, dried on at See C«- I
kiln, and prefled together into cakes. Of th's there
are two kinds, the Englilh and Spaniih; of which the
latter is by far the mod edeemed. Saffron is princi¬
pally cultivated in Cambridgefhire, in a circle of about
ten miles diameter. The greated part of this trail is
an open level country, with few inclofures; and the
cudom there is, as in mod other places, to crop two
years, and let the land be fallow the third. Saffron is
generally planted upon fallow ground, and, all other
things being alike, they prefer that which has borne *
barley the year before.
The faffron ground is feldom above three acres, or
lefs than one ; and, in choofing, the principal thing
they have regard to is, that they be well expofed,
the foil not poor, nor a very diff clay, but a temperate
dry mould, fuch as commonly lies upon chalk, and is
of an hazel-colour ; though, if every thing elfe anfwers,
the colour of the mould is pretty much neglefted.
The ground being made choice of, about Lady-
day, or the beginning of April, it mud be carefully
ploughed, the furrows being drawn much clofer to¬
gether, and deeper, if the foil will allow it, than is
done for any kind of corn; and accoadingly the charge
is greater.
About five weeks after, during any time in the month
of May, they lay between 20 and 30 loads of dung
upon each acre, and having fpread it with great care,,
they plough it in as before. The (horted rotten dung
is the bed ; and the farmers, who have the convenien-
cy of making it, fpare no pains to make, it good, being
fure of a proportionable price for it. About Midfum-
mer they plough a third time, and between every 16
feet and an half they leave a broad furrow or trench,
which ferves both as a boundary to the feveral parcels,
and for throwing the weeds into at the proper feafon.
The time of planting is commonly in the month of
July. The only indrument ufed at this time is a fmall
narrow fpade, commonly called a fpit-JhovsL The
method is this : One man with his ihovel raifes about
three„or four inches of earth, and throws it before him
about fix or more inches. Two perfons, generally wo¬
men, follow with roots, which they place in the far-
thed edge of the trench made by the digger, at about
three inches from each other. As foon as the digger
has gone once the breadth of the ridgo, he begins
again at the other fide; and, digging as before, co¬
vers the roots lad fet, which makes room for another
row of roots at the fame didance from the fird that
they are from one another. The only dexterity necef-
fary in digging is, to leave fome part of the fird dra-
tum of earth' untouched, to lie under the roots ; and,
in fetting, to place the roots direflly upon their bot-j
tom. The quantity of roots planted on an acre is ge¬
nerally.
S A F r 6821 1 S A F
Safion. nerally about 16 quarters, or 128 bufhels. From the
“   time of planting till the beginning of September, or
fometimes later, there is no more labour required ; but
at that time they begin to vegetate, and are ready to
fhew themfelves above ground, which may be known
by digging up a few of the roots. The ground is then
to be pared with a fharp hoe, and the weeds raked
into the furrows, othervvife they would hinder the
growth of thefaffron. In fome time after, the flowers
appear.
They are gathered before they are full-blown, as
well as after, and the proper time for it is early in the
morning. The owners of the faffron-fields get together
a fufficient number of hands, who pull off the whole
flowers, and throw them by handfuls into a bafket,
and fo continue till about 11 o’clock. Having then
carried home the flowers, they immediately fall to
picking out the ftigmata or chives, and together with
them a pretty large proportion of the flylus itfelf, or
firing to which they are attached : the reft of the
flower they throw away as ufelefs. Next morning they
return to the field, without regarding whether the
weather be wet or dry ; and fo on daily, even on Sun*
days, till the whole crop is gathered.—The next la¬
bour is to dry the chives on the kiln. The kiln is built
upon a thick plank, that it may be moved from place
to place. It is fupported by four Ihort legs; the out-
fide confifts of eight pieces of wood of three inches
thick, in form of a quadrangular frame about twelve
inches fquare at the bottom on the infide, and 22 on
the upper part; which laft is like wife the perpendicu¬
lar height of it. On the fore-fide is left a hole of about
eight inches fquare, and four inches above the plank,
through which the fire is put in; over all the reft laths
are laid pretty thick, clofe to one another, and nailed
to the frame already mentioned. They are then plai-
ftered over on both fides, as are alfo the planks at
bottom, very thick, to ferve for an hearth. Over the
mouth is laid a hair-cloth, fixed to the edges of the
kiln, and likewife to two rollers, or moveable pieces
of wood, which are turned by wedges or fcrews, in
order to ftretch the cloth. Inftead of the hair-cloth,
fome people ufe a net-work, or iron-wire, by which
the faffron is fooner dried, and with lefs fuel; but the
difficulty of preferring it from burning makes the hair¬
cloth preferred by the beft judges. The kiln is placed
jn a light part of the houfe, and they begin with put¬
ting five or fix (beets of white paper on the hair-cloth,
and upon thefe they lay out the wet faffron two or three
inches thick. It is then covered with fome other (beets
of paper, and over thefe they lay a coarfe blanket
five or fix times doubled, or inftead of this, a canvas
pillow filled with draw; and after the fire has been
lighted for fome time, the whole is covered with a
board having a confiderable weight upon it. At firft
they apply a pretty ftrong heat, to make the chives
fweat, as they call it; and at this time a great deal of
care is neceffary to prevent burning. When it has thus
been dried about an hour, they turn the cakes of faf¬
fron upfide down, putting on the coverings and weight
as before. If no finifter accident happens during thefe
firft two hours, the danger is thought to be over; and
nothing more is requifite than to keep up a very gentle
fire for 24 hours, turning the cake every half hour.
That feuel is beft which yields the leaft fmoke ; and
for this reafon charcoal is preferable to all others.
The quantity of faffron produced at a crop is uncer¬
tain. Sometimes five or fix pounds of wet chives are
got from one rood, fometimes not above one or two ;
and fometimes not fo much as is fufficient to defray the
expence of gathering and drying. But it is always o!>-
ferved, that about five pounds of wet faffron go to
make one pound of dry for the firft: three weeks of the
crop, and fix pouhds during the laft week. When
the heads are planted very thick, two pounds of dry
faffron may, at a medium be allowed to an acre for the
firft crop, and 24 pounds for the two remaining
ones, the third being confiderably larger than the fe-
cond.
To obtain the fecond and third crops, the labour of
hoeing, gathering, picking, &c. already mentioned,
muft be repeated; and about midfummer, after the third
crop is gathered, the roots muft all be taken up and
tranfplanted. For taking up the roots, fometimes the
plough is made ufe of, and fometimes a forked hoe;
and then the ground is harrowed once or twice over.
During all the time of ploughing, harrowing, &c. ;
15 or more people will find work enough to follow
and gather the heads as they are turned up. The roots
are next to be carried to the houfe infacks, where they
are cleaned and rafed. This labour confifts in clean¬
ing the roots thoroughly from earth, decayed old pie¬
ces, involucra, or excrefcences ; after which they be¬
come fit to be planted in new ground immediately, or
they may be kept for fome time, without danger of
fpoiling. The quantity of roots taken up in proportion
to thofe planted, is uncertain ; but, at a medium, 24.
quarters of dean roots, fit to be planted, may be had
from each acre. There fometimes happens a re¬
markable change in the roots of faffron and fome other
plants. As foon as they begin to (hoot upwards, there
are commonly two or three large tap-roots fent forth
from the fide of the old one, which will run two or
three inches deep into the ground. At the place where
thefe bulbs firft come out from, the old one will be
formed fometimes, though not always, and the tap¬
root then decays. The bulb increafes in bignefs, and
at laft falls quite off; which commonly happens in A-
pril. But many times thefe tap-roots never produce
any bulbs, and remain barren forever after. All fuch
roots therefore(hould be throv;n away in the makings
new plantation. This degeneracy of the roots isadif-
eafe for which no cure is as yet known.
When faffron is offered to fale, that kind ought to
be chofen which has the broadeft blades ; this being
the mark by which Englifh faffron is diftinguiffied from
the foreign. It ought to be of an orange, or fiery-
red colour, and to yield a dark yelloW tin<fture. It
(hould be chofen freffi, not above a year old, in clofe
cakes, neither dry nor yet very itioift, tough and firm
in tearing, of the fame colour within as without, and
of a ftrong, acrid, diffufive fmelb
This drug has been reckoned a very elegant and
ufeful aromatic. Befides the virtues it has in common
wdth other fubftances of thatdafs, it has been accounted
one of the higheft cordials, and is faid to exhilarate the
fpirits to fuch a degree as, when taken in large dofes,
to ©ccafion immoderate mirth, involuntary laughter,
38 U 2 and
Saffron
Sagittaria.
SAG [ 6924 I S A I
and the ill effe&s which follow from the abufe of fpi-
rituous liquors. This medicine is particularly fervice-
able in hyfteric depreffions proceeding from a cold
caufe or obftruftion of the uterine fecretions, where
other aromatics, even thofe of the more generous kind,
have little efFc6t. Saffron imparts the whole of its vir¬
tue and colour to redtified fpirit, proof fpirtt, wine,
vinegar, and water: A tin&ure drawn with vinegar,
lofes greatly of its colour in keeping: the watery and
vinous tinftures are apt to grow four, and’then lofe
their colour alfot that made in pure fpirit keeps in
perfedHon for many years.
ifcfeWow-Saffron. See Colchicum.
SAGAPENUM, in pharmacy, &c. a gum refin,
brought to us in two forms ; the finer and purer is in
loofe granules, or fingle drops; the coarfer kind is in
roafles compofed of thefe drops of various fizes, ce¬
mented together by a matter of the fame kind. In ei¬
ther cafe, it is of a firm and compadt fubftance, confi-
derably heavy, and of a reddifh colour on the outfide,
brownifh within, and fpotted in many places with fmall
yellowifh onwhitifh fpecks. Its fmell is ftrong and
difagreeable ; its tafte acrid and unpleafant.
It is brought to us from Perfia and the Eafl-Indies.
The plant which produces it has never been defcribed;
but is fuppofed to be, as Diofcorides fays, of the fe¬
rula kind, from the feeds and fragments of the ftalks
fometiraes met with in the body of it.
Sagapenum is a very great attenuant, aperient, and
difcutient. It is good in all diforders of the bread that
owe their origin to a tough phlegm. It has alfo been
found todifcufs tumours in the nervous parts, in a re¬
markable manner; and to give relief in habitual head-
achs, where almod all things elfe have failed. Itsdofe
is from ten grains to two fcruples; but it is now feldom
given alone. It has been found, however, to do great
things in adhmas ; in obdrudtions of the vifcera, par¬
ticularly the fpleen; in nervous complaints; and even in
epilepfies. It alfo promotes the menfes, and expels the
fecundines; and is an ingredient in the theriaca, mi-
thridate, and many other of the fhop compofitions.
SAGE, in botany. See Salvia.
SAGE (Alain Rene), aningeniousFrench romance-
writer, was born at Ruys in Brittany in the year 1667.
He had a fine flow of imagination, was a complete
mader of the French and Spanifh languages, and wrote
feveral admired romances in imitation of the Spanifh
authors. Thefe were, The Bachelor of Salamanca,
2 vols 12mo ; New Adventures of Don Qm'xote, 2 vols
i2mo. The Devil on Sticks, 2 vols i2mo; and Gil
Bias, 4 vols i2mo. He produced alfo feme comedies,
and other pieces of pleafantry ; and died in 1*747, in
a little houfe near Paris, where he fupported himfelf
by writing.
S AGENE, a Ruffian long meafure, 500 of which
make a werd : the fagene is equal to feven Englifh feet.
SAGITTARIA, arrow-head ; a genus of the
polyandria order, belonging to the monoecia clafs of
plants. There are four fpecies, of which the mod re¬
markable is the fagittifolia, growing naturally in many
parts of England. The root is compofed of many
Itrong fibres, whichdrike into the mud; the footdalks
of the leaves are in length proportionable to the depth
of the water in which they grow ; fo they are fome-
times aimed a yard long: they are thick and fungous;
the leaves, which float upon the water, are fhapedlike Sagittarius
the point of an arrow, the two ears at their bafe Ij
fpreading wide afunder, and are very fbarp-pointed, Saii* _
The flowers are produced Upon long dalks which rife
above the leaves, flanding in whorls round them at the
joints. They confifl of three broad white petals, with
a clufler of flamina in the middle, which have purple
fummits. There is always a bulb at the lower part of
the root, growing in the folid earth beneath the mud.
This bulb conditutes a confiderable part of the food
of the Chinefe; and upon that account they cultivate
it. Horfes, goats, and fwine, eat it ; cows are not
fond of it.
SAGITTARIUS, in aflronomy, the name of one
of the 12 figns of the zodiac.
SAGO, a Ample brought from the Ead Indies, of
confiderable ufe in diet as a reflorative. It is produced
from a fpecies of palm-tree growing fpontaneoully in
the Ead Indies without any culture. It rifes to the
height of about 20 or 30 feet; its circumference be¬
ing fometimes from five to fix. Its ligneous bark is
about an inch in thicknefs, and covers a multitude of
long fibres; which, being interwoven one with ano¬
ther, envelope a mafs of a gummy kind of meal. As
foon as this tree is ripe, a whitidi dud, which tran-
fpires through the pores of the leaves, and adheres to
their extremities, proclaim its maturity. The Malais
then cut them down near the root, divide them into
feveral fedtions, which they fplii into quarters: they
then fcoop out the mafs of mealy fubdance, which is
enveloped by and adheres to the fibres ; they dilute it
in pure water, and then pafs it through a draining
bag of fine cloth, in order to feparate it from the fi¬
bres. When this pafle haslod part of its moidure by
evaporation, the Malais throw it into a kind of ear¬
then veflels, of diflerent fiiapes, where they allow it to
dry and harden. This pade is wholefome nourifhing
food, and preferves for many years.
SAGUM, in Roman antiquity, a military habit,
open from top to bottom, and ufually fadened on the
right fhoulder with a buckle or clafp. It was uot dif¬
ferent in Ihape from xhe chlamys oi the Greeks, and the
paludamentuvi of the generals. The only difference
between them was, that the paludamentum was made
of a richer duff, was generally of a purple-colour, and
both longer and fuller than the fagum.
SAICK, or Saique, a Turkifh veffel, very com¬
mon in the Levant for carrying merchandize.
SAIL, in navigation, an affemblage of feveral
breadths of canvas fewed together by the lids, and edged
round with cord, fadened to the yards of a (hip, to’
make it drive before the wind. See Ship.
The edges of the cloths, or pieces, of which a fail
is compofed, are generally fewed together with a double
feam: and the whole is (kirted round at the edges with
a cord, called the lolt-rope.
Although the form of fails is extremely different,
they are all neverthelefs triangular or quadrilateral fi¬
gures; or, in other words, their fuvfaces are contained
either between three or four fides.
The former of thefe are fometimes fpread by ayard^
as lateen-fails; and otherwife by a day, as day-fails ;
or by a mad, as (houlder-of-mutton fails; in all which
cafes the foremod leech or edge is attached to the faid
yard, mad, or ftay» throughout its whole length. The
latter - | -
Tlafe OCVDX.
c Ai/. 2.
Sailing
Sail
S A I [ 6925 ] S A I
Sail. latter, or thofe which are four-fided, are either extend-
" ed by yards, as the principal fails of a (hip; or by
yards and booms, as the ftudding-fails, drivers, ring¬
tails, and all thofe fails which are fet occafionally; or
by gaffs and booms, as the main-fails of floops and bri¬
gantines.
The principal fails of a (hip (Plate CCLX. fig. 2.)
are the courfes or lower fails a; the top-fails b, which
are next in order above the courfes; and the top-gal¬
lant fails c, which are expanded above the top-fails.
The courfes are the main-fail, fore-fail, and mizen,
main ftay-fail, fore-ftay fail, and mizen-ftay fail ; but
more particularly the three firfl. The main-ftay fail is
rarely ufed except in fmall veffels.
In all quadrangular fails the upper edge is called
the head; the fides or fkirts are called leeches; and the
bottom or lower edge is termed the foot. If the head
is parallel to the foot, the two lower corners are deno¬
minated clues, and the upper corners earings.
In all triangular fails, and in thofe four-fided fails
wherein the head is not parallel to the foot, the fore-
moll corner at the foot is called the tacky and the af¬
ter lower corner the clue; the foremolt perpendicular
or Hoping edge is called the fore-leech, and the hind-
moft the after leech.
The heads of all four-fided fails, and the fore-leeches
of lateen-fails, arc attached to their refpedlive yard or
gaff by a number of fmall cords called ro-bands; and
the extremities are tied to the yard arms, or to the
peek of the gaff, by earings.
The ftay-fails are extended upon Hays between the
malls, whereon they are drawn up or down occafionally,
as a curtain Hides upon its rod, and their lower parts are
ftretched out by a tack and (beet. The clues of a top-
fail are drawn out to the extremities of the lower yard,
by two large ropes called the top-fail fheets; and the
clues of the top-gallant fails are in like manner ex¬
tended upon the top-fail yard-arms, as exhibited by
fig. 2.
The ftudding-fails are fet beyond the leeches or
fleirts of the main-fail and fore-fail, or of the top-fails
or top-gallant fails of a fiiip. Their upper and lower
edges are accordingly extended by poles run out be¬
yond the extremities of the yards for this purpofe.
Thofe fails, however, are only fet in favourable winds
and moderate weather.
All fails derive their name from the mad, yard, or
ftay, upon which they are extended. Thus the princi¬
pal fail extended upon the main-mail is called the
main fail, d; the next above, which Hands upon the
main-top mall is termed the main-top fail, e; and the
higheft, which is fpread acrofs the main-top-gallant-,
mall, is named the main topgallant fail, f
In the fame manner there is the fore-fail, g; the
fore-top-fail, h; and the fore-top-gallant-fail, i; the
mizen, k; the mizen top-fail, l; and mizen top-gal-
lant-fail, m. Thus alfo there is the main-llay-fail, 0;
main-top-mall ftay-fail, ^>; and main-top-gallant ftay-
fail, q; with a middle ftay-fail which Hands between
tjie two lad.
N. B. All thefe ftay-fails are between the main and
fore mads.
The ftay-fails between the main-mad and mizen-
maft are the mizen ftay-fail, r; and the mizen top-
txtaft ftay-fail, s; and fometimes a mizen top-gallant
ftay-fail above the latter. Syit,
The ftay-fails between the fore-mad and the bow- Sailing‘
fprit are the fore ftay-fail, t; the fore top-mad ftay-
fail, u; and the jib, x. There is befides two fquare
fails extended by yards under the bowfprit, one of
which is called thefprit-fail, y; and the other the fprit-
fail top fail, z.
The ftmiding-fails being extended upon the different
yarps of the main-mad and fore-maft, are likewife na¬
med according to their ftations, the lo’wer, top-majl,
or top gallant f adding fails.
The ropes by which the lower yards of a fhip are
hoilted up to their proper height on the malls, are
called the jears. In all other fails the ropes employed
for this purpofe are called haliards.
The principal fails are then expanded by haliards,
{beets, and bowlines; except the courfes, which are al¬
ways ftretched out below by a tack and {beet. They
are drawn up together, or truffec up, by bunt-lines,
clue-lines, dd; leech-lines, ee; reef tackles,//; flab-
line, £,• and fpiling-lines. As the bunt-lines and leech¬
lines pafs on the other fide of the fail, they are cxpref-
fed by the dotted lines in the figure.
The courfes, top-fails, and top-gallant fails, are
wheeled about the mall, fo as to fuit the various direc¬
tions of the wind by braces-. The higher ftudding-
fails, and in general aH the ftay-fails, are drawn down,
fo as to be furled, or taken in, by down-hauls.
Sail is alfo a name applied to any veffel'beheld at
a diftance under fail.
To Set Sail, is to unfurl and expand the fails upon
their refpe&ive yards and ftays, in order to begin the
action of failing.
To Make Sail, is to fpread an additional quantity
of fail, fo as to increafe the (hip’s velocity.
To Shorten Sail, is to reduce or take in part of the
fails, with an intention to diminifh the ftiip’s^Svelocity.
To Strike Sail, is to lower it fuddenly. This is
particularly ufed in fainting or doing homage to a fu-
perior force, or to one whom the law of nations ac¬
knowledges as fuperior in certain regions. Thus all
foreign veffels ftrike to a Britifhman of war in the Bri-
tifti feas.
SAILING, the movement by which a veffel is
wafted along the furface of the water, by the adion
of the wind upon her fails.
When a fhip changes her (late of reft into that of
motion, as in advancing out of a harbour, or from her
ftation at anchor, (he acquires her motion very gra¬
dually, as a body which arrives not at a certain velo-
locity till after an infinite repetition of the aflion of
its weight.
The firft impreffion of the wind greatly affe&s the .
velocity, becaufe the refiftance of the water might de-
ftroy it; fince the velocity being but fmall at firft, the
refiftance of the water which depends on it will be very
feeble: but as the (hip increafes her motion, the force
of the wind on the fails will be diminiftied ; whereas,
on the contrary, the refiftance of the water on the bow
will accumulate in proportion to the velocity with
which the veffel advances. Thus the repetition of the
degrees of force, "whiclxthe aftion of the fails adds to
the motion of the (hip, is perpetually decreafing; whilft,
on the contrary, the new degrees added to the effort
of refiftance on the bow are always augmenting. The
velocity
S A I [ 6926 ] S A I
Sailing, velocity is then accelerated in proportion as the quan¬
tity added is greater than that which is fubtradted:
but when the two powers become equal; when the im-
preffion of the wind on the fails has loft fo much of its
force, as only to aft in proportion to the oppofite im-
pulfe of reliftance on the bow, the {hip will then ac¬
quire no additional velocity, but continue to fail with
a conftant uniform motion. The great weight of the
flu'p may indeed prevent her from acquiring her great*
eft velocity: but when {he has attained it, fhe will ad¬
vance by her own intrihfic. motion, without gaining
any new degree of velocity, or lefiening what {he has
acquired. She moves then by her own proper force in
vacuo, without being afterwards fubjeft either to the
effort of the wind on the fails, or to the refiftance of the
water on the bow. If at any time the impulfion of the
water on the bow fhould deftroy any part of the velo-
locity, the effort of the wind on the fails will revive it,
fo that the motion will continue the fame. It muft,
however, be obferved, that this ftate will only fubfift
when thefe two powers aft upon each other in direft
oppofition ; otherwife they will mutually deftroy one
another. The whole theory of working (hips depends
on this counter-aftion, and the perfeft equality which
Ihonld fubfift between the effort of the wind and the
impulfion of the water.
The effeft of failing is produced by a judicious ar¬
rangement of the fails to the direftion of the wind.
Accordingly the various modes of failing are derived
from the different degrees and fituations of the wind
with regard to the courfe of the veffel.
To illuftrate this obfervation by examples, the plan
of a number of {hips proceeding on various courfes are
Plate reprefented by fig. 3. which exhibits the 32 points of
CCLX. t]ie compafs, of which C is the centre ; the direftion
of the wind, which is northerly, being expreffed by the
arrow.
It has been obferved in the article Ci.o$k-Hauled,
that a {hip in that fituation will fail nearly within fix
points of the wind. Thus the Ihips B and^ are clofe-
hauled; the former being on the larboard tack, {leer¬
ing E.N. E. and the latter on the {larboard tack, fail¬
ing W. N.W. with their yards ab braced obliquely, as
fuitable to that manner of failing. The line of battle
on the larboard tack would accordingly be eXpreffed
by CB, and on the {larboard by Cy.
When a ftiip is neither clofe-hauled, nor {leering
afore the wind, {he is in general faid to be failing large.
The relation of the wind to her courfe is precifely de¬
termined by the number of points between the latter
and the courfe clofe-hauled. Thus' the fhips c and x
have the wind one point large, the former fleering
E. £ N. and the latter W. £N. The yards remain al-
xnoft in the fame pofition as in B andy; the bowlines
and fhcets of the fails being only a little flackened.
The {hips d and « have the wind two points large,
the one fleering eaft and the other weft. In this man¬
ner of failing, however, the wind is more particularly
faid to be upon the beam, as being at right angles
with the keel, and coinciding with the pofition of the
{hip’s beams. The yards are now more acrofs the {hip,
the bowlines are caft off, and the iheets more relaxed;
fo that the effort of the wind being applied nearer to
the line of the {hip’s courfe, her velocity is greatly
augmented.
In e and t the fiiips have the wind three points large, Sailing,
or one point abaft the beam, the courfe of the former^ “
being E. b S. and that of the latter W. b S. The fheets
are (till more flowing, the angle which the yards make
with the keel further diminiftied, and the courfe acce¬
lerated in proportion.
The fhips f and f, the firft of which ftrers E. S. E.
and the fecond W. S. W. have the wind four points
large, or two points abaft the beam. In g and r the
wind is five points large, or three points abaft the
beam, the former failing S. E. b E. and the latter
S,W.bW. In both them fituations the fhects are flill
farther flackened, arid the yards laid yet more athwart
the {hip’s length, in proportion as the wind approaches
the quarter.
The fhips b and q, fleering S. E. and S. W. have
the wind fix points large, or more properly on the quar¬
ter; which is confidered as the moft favourable manner
of failing, becaufe all the fails co-operate to increafe
the fhip’s velocity: whereas, when the wind is right
aft, as in the (hip m, it is evident, that the wind in its
paffage to the foremoft fails, will b« intercepted by
thofe which are father aft. When the wind is on the
quarter, the fore tack is brought to the cat-head; and
the main-tack being caft off, the weather-clue of the
main-fail is hoifted up to the yard, in order to let the
wind pafs freely to the fore-fail; and the yards are dif-
pofed fo as to make an angle of about two points, or
nearly 220, with the kefel.
The {hips i and f>, of which the former fails S.E.3S.
and the latter S. W. b S. are friid to have the wind
three points on the larboard or {larboard quarter s
and thofe expreffed by k and 0, two points; as lleering
S.S. E. and S. S.W. in both which pofitions the yards
make nearly an angle of 160, or about a point and an
half, with the {hip’s length.
When the wind is one point on the quarter, as in
the {hips / and n, whofa courfes are S.b E. and S.£W.
the fituation of the yards arid fails is very little diffe¬
rent from the laft mentioned; the angle which they
make with the keel being fomewhat lefs than a point,
and the ftay-fails being rendered of very little fervice.
The fhip tn fails right afore the wind, or with the wind
right aft. In this pofition the yards are laid at right
angles with the {hip’s length: the ftay-fails being en¬
tirely ufelefs, are hauled down; and the main-fail is
drawn up in the brails, that the fore-fail may operate;
a meafure which confiderably facilitates the fteerage,
or effort of the helm. As the wind is then intercepted
by the main-top-fail and main-top-gallant-fail, in its
paffage to the fore-top-fail and fore-top-gallant-fail,
thefe latter are by confequence entirely becalmed; and
might therefore be furled, to prevent their being fretted
by flapping againft the mall, but that their effort con¬
tributes greatly to prevent the ffiip from broaching-to,
when five deviates from her courfe to the right or left
thereof.
Thus all the different methods of failing may be di¬
vided into four, viz. clofe-hauled, large, quartering,
and afore the wind; all which relate to the direftion
of the wind with regard to the {hip’s courfe, and the
arrangement of the fails.
Sailing alfo implies a particular mode of naviga¬
tion, formed on the principles, and regulated by the
law$, of trigonometry. Hence we fay, Plain Sailing,
Mer-
i Sailor
1 , 11
Salamanca
SAL [ .6927 ] SAL
Mercator’s, Middle-latitude, Parallel, and Great-circle fcholars. W. Long. 6. to. N. Lar. 41*. o.
Sailing. See the article Navigation. SALAMANDER, in zoology. See Lacerta.
SAILOR, the fame with Mariner and Seaman. SALAMIS, an illand of the Archipelago, fituated
SAINT, in the Romifh-church, a holy perfon de- in E. Long. 34. N. Lat. 37. 32.—It was famous in
ceafed, and fince his deceafe canonized by the pope, antiquity for a battle between the Greek and Perfian
after feveral informations and ceremonies. See the ar- fleets. In the council of war held among the Perfians
tides Canonization, &c. on this occafion, all the commanders were for en-
One of the points wherein the Roman-Catholics and gaging, becaufe they knew this advice to be rnofl;
Proteflants differ is, that the former addrefs, invoke, agreeable to the king’s inclinations. Queen Artemifia
and fupplicate faints, See. to intercede for them; was the only perfon who oppofed this retolution. She
whereas the latter hold it fufficient to propofe their was queen of Halicarnaffus; and followed Xerxes in
good examples for our imitation. The number of faints, this war wdth five fhips, the beft equipped of any in
allowed as fuch in the Romifh church, is prodigious, the fleet, exceept thofe of the Sidonians. This prin-
Father Papebroche reckons 17 or 18 to have died on cefs diltinguifhed herfelf on all occafions by her
the firft of June only. Father Mabillon, in an exprefs Angular courage, and dill more by her prudence and
differtation on the worfhip of unknown faints, obferves, condudf. She reprefented, in the council of war we
that honours are given to faints who perhaps were not are fpeaking of, the dangerous confequences of en-
Chriftians, and whofe very names were never known : gag'ng a people that were far more expert in mari-
hence, being under a neceflity of giving them names, time affairs than the Perfians; alleging, that thelofs of
they are therefore called baptized faints. He adds, that a battle at fea would be attended with the ruin of their
they every day befeech faints to intercede for them army ; whereas, by fpinning out the war, and advan-
with God, whenlt is a matter of doubt whether they cing into the heart of Greece, they wmuld create jea-
themfelves be in heaven. loufies and divifions among their enemies, who would
Saint-Ewk, in botany, a fpecies of the hedyfarum. feparate from one another, in order to Cefend each of
See Hedysarum; and Agriculture, n° 136. them their own country; and that the king might,
Sa.\xt Januaritis’s Blood. See Chemistry, n° 237, almoft without ftriking a blow, make himfelf mailer
SAL. See Salt.
Sal Alejnlroth. See Chemistry, n° 337.
^>k\. Ammoniac, common. See Chemistry, n° 253.
Sal, Fixed, See Chemistry, n° 234.
Sal, Glauber’s fecret. See Chemistry, n° 125.
Sal Nitrous. See Chemistry, n° 189.
Sal Vegetable. See Chemistry, n° 276.
Sal Volatile. See Chemistry, n°33i.
Sal Digsflivus, Sylvii. See Chemistry, n° 231.
Sal Nsureticus. See Chemistry, n° 274.
Sal Microcofmicus. See Chemistry, n° 308.
Sal Prunellse. See Chemistry, n° 188.
Sal Sedativus. See Chemistry, n° 265.
Sal Volatile Oleofum. See Chemistry, n° 332.
SALADIN, famous fultan of Egypt, equally 1
of Greece. This advice, though very prudent, was not
followed, but an engagement unanimoufly refolved
upon. Xerxes, in order to encourage his men by his
prefence, caufed a throne to be erefted on the top of
an eminence, whence he might fafely behold whatever
happened; having feveral feribes about him, to write
down the names of fuch as Ihould fignalize themfelves
again(l the enemy. The approach of the Perfian fleet,
with the news that a ftrong detachment from the army
was marching againll Cleombrotus, who defended the
the illhmus, {truck fuch a terror into the Peloponne-
fians, that they could not by any intreaties be prevail¬
ed upon to flay any longer at Salamis. Being there¬
fore determined to put to fea, and fail to the ifthmus,
Themiftocles privately difpatched a trufty friend to the
nowned as a warrior and legiflator. He fupported Perfian commanders, informing them of the intended
himfelf by his valour, and the influence of his amiable flight; and exhorting them to fend part of their fleet
chara&er, againft the united efforts of the chief Chri- round the ifland, in order to prevent their efcape. The
ftian potentates of Europe, who carried on the moll fame meffenger allured Xerxes, that Themillocles, who
unjuft wars againft him, under the falfe appellation of had fent him that advice, defigned to join the Perfians,
Holy Wars. See the articles Egypt, and Croisade. as foon as the battle began, with all the Athenian Ihips.
SALAMANCA, an ancient, large, rich, and po- The king giving credit to all he faid, immediately cau-
pulous city of Spain, in the kingdom of Leon, fitu- fed a ftrong fquadron to fail round the illand in the
ated on1 the river Tormes, about 75 miles weft from night, in order to cut off the \enemy’s flight- Early
Madrid. It is faid to have been founded by Teucer next morning, as the Peloponnefians were preparing to-
the fon of Telamon, who called it Salamis or Salman- fet fai!,they found themfelves encompafled on all Tides by
tic a, in memory of the ancient Salamis.. Here is an the Perfian fleet; and were againft their will obliged to
univerfity, the greateft in Spain, and perhaps inferior remain in the ftraits of Salamis, and expofe themfelves
to none in the whole world, in refpeifl at lead to its to the fame dangers with their allies. The Grecian
revenues, buildings, number of fcholars, and mailers, fleet confifted of 380 fail, that of the Perfians of 2000.;
Here are alfo many grand and magnificent palaces, and upwards- Themiftocles avoided the engagement
fqtiares, convents, churches, colleges, chapels, and till a certain wind, which rofe regularly every day at
hofpitals. The bilhop of this country is fuffragan to the fame time, and was entirely contrary to the enemy,
the archbilhop of CompolLlla, and has a yearly re- began to blow. As foon as he found himfelf favoured
venue of rooo ducats. A Roman way leads from by this wind, he gave the fignal for battle. The Per-
hence to Merida and Seville, and there is an old Ro- fians, knowing that they fought under their king’s eye,. •
man bridge over the river. Of the colleges in the advanced with great refolution ; but the wind blowing
univerfity, four are appropriated to young men of . diredlly in their faces, and the largenefs and number of
quality j and near it is an infirmary for poor lick their Ihips embarrafling them in a place fo ftrait and.
SalamamJet'
Salamis.
SAL [ 6928 ] SAL
Salary, narrow, their courage foon abated; which the Greeks
Sale' obferving, ufed fuch efforts, that in a fhort time break¬
ing into the Perfian fleet, they entirely difordered them;
fome flying towards Phalarus, where their army lay
encamped, others faving themfelves in the harbours of
the neighbouring iflands. The Ipnians were the firft
that betook theihfelves to flight. But queen Artemifla
diftinguifhed herfelf above all the reft, her fhips being
the laft that fled : which Xerxes obferving, cried out,
that the men behaved like women, and the women with
the courage and intrepidity of men. The Athenians
were fo incenfed againft her, that they offered a reward
of 10,000 drachmas to any one that ftiould take her
alive; but ihe, in fpite of all their efforts, got clear of
the (hips that purfued her, and arrived fafe on the
coaft of Afia. In this engagement, which was one of
the moft memorable aflions we find recorded in hiftory,
the Grecians loft 40 (hips; and the Perfians 200, be-
fides a great many more that were taken, with all the
men and ammunition they carried.
SALARY, a recompence or confideration made to
a perfon for his pains and induftry in another man’s
bufinefs. The word is ufed in the ftatute 23 Ed. III.
cap. r. Sala'rium at firft fignified the rents or profits
of a fale, hall, orhoufe; (and in Gafcoigne they now
call the feats of the gentry fala’s, as we Ao halls) •, but
afterwards is was taken for any wages, ftipend, or
annual allowance.
SALE, is the exchange of a commodity for money;
barter, or permutation, is the exchange of one com¬
modity for another. When the bargain is concluded,
an obligation is contradled by the buyer to pay the
value, and by the feller to deliver the commodity at
the time and place agreed on, or immediately, if no
time be fpecified.
In this, as well as other mercantile contrafts, the
fafety of commerce requires the utmoft good faith and
veracity. Therefore, although, by the laws of England,
a fale, above the value of 10I. be not binding, unltfs
earned be paid, or the bargain confirmed by writing,
a merchant would lofe all credit who refiled from his
agreement, although thefe legal requifites were omit¬
ted. ‘
When a fpecific thing is fold, the property, even be¬
fore delivery, is in fome refpeft veiled in the buyer;
and if the thing periflies, the buyer muft bear the lofs.
For example, if a horfe dies before delivery, he muft
pay the value: but if the bargain only determines the
quantity and quality of the goods, without fpecifying
the identical articles, and the feller’s ware-houfe, with
all his goods, be burned, he is entitled to no payment.
He muft alfo bear the lofs if the thing perilh through
bis fault; or when a particular time and place of deli¬
very is agreed on, if it perifti before it be tetidered, in
terms of the bargain.
If a perfon purchafe goods at a (hop without agree-
in| for the price, he is liable for the ordinary market-
price at the time of purchafe.
. If the buyer proves infolvent before delivery, the
feller is not bound to deliver the goods without pay¬
ment or fecurity.
If the importation, or life of the commodities fold,
be prohibited by law, or if the buyer knows that they
were fmuggled, no adion lies for delivery.
The property of goods is generally prefumed, in fa¬
vour of commerce, to belong to the poffeffor, and cannot
be challenged in the hands of an onerous purchafer. But
to this there are fome exceptions. By the Scots law,
ftolen good may in all cafes be reclaimed by the pro¬
prietor, and alfo by the Englifh law, unlefs they were
bought bona fide in open market; that is, in the ac-
cuftomed public places, on dated days in the country,
or in a (hop in London; and horfes may be reclaimed,
unlefs the fale be regularly entered by the book-keeper
of the market. In all cafes, if the goods be evifted
by the lawful proprietor, the feller is liable to the pur¬
chafer for the value.
Actions for payment of (hop-accounts, as well as
other debts not conftituted by writing, are limited in
England to fix years. The teftimony of one witnefs is
admitted; and the feller’s books, although the perfon
that kept them be dead, are good evidence for one
year. In Scotland, merchants books may be proved
within three years of the date of the laft article, by
one witnefs, and the creditor’s books and oath in fnp-
plement. After three years, they can only be proved
by the oath or writ of the debtor. A merchant’s books
are, in all cafes, good evidence againft him.
SALEP, in the materia medica, the dried root of
a fpecies of orchis. See Orchis.
Several methods of preparing falep have^been pro-
pofed and praftifed. Geoffroy has delivered a very
judicious procefs for this purpofe, in the Hijleire de
l’ Academic Roy ale des Sciences, 1740; and Retmus, in
the Swedifli TranfaCtions 1764, has improved Geof-
fcoy’s method. But Mr Moult of Rochdale has lately
favoured the public with a new manner of curing the
orchis root; by which falep is prepared, at leaft
equal, if not fuperior, to any brought from the Le¬
vant. The new root is to be waflied in water; and
the fine brown (kin which covers it is to be fepara-
ted by means of a fmall brufti, or by dipping the
root in hot water, and rubbing it with a coarfe linen
cloth. When a fufBcient number of roots have been
thus cleaned, they are to be fpread on a tin plate,
and placed in an oven heated to the ufual degree,
where they are to remain fix or ten minutes, in which
time they will have loft their milky whitenefs, and
acquired a tranfparency like horn, without any di¬
minution of bulk. Being arrived at this (late, they
are to removed, in order to dry and harden in the
air, which will require feveral days to effeft ; or by
ufing a very gentle heat, they may be finifhed in a few
hours.
Salep thus prepared, may be afforded in this part
of England, where labour bears a high value, at about
eight-pence or ten-pence per pound: And it might be
fold dill cheaper, if the orchis were to be cured, with¬
out feparating from it the brown (kin which covers it ;
atroublefome part of the procefs, and which does not
contribute to render the root either more palatable or
falutary. Whereas the foreign falep is now fold at five
or fix (hillings per pound.
Salep is faid to contain the greateft quantity of ve¬
getable nouriftiment in the fmalleft bulk. Hence a
very judicious writer, to prevent the dreadful calamity
of famine at fea, has lately propofed that the powder
of it Ihould conftitute part of the provifions of every
(hip’s
SAL [ 6939 ] SAL
Salep. Hi I p’s company. This powder and portable foup, dif-
 folved in boiling water, form a rich thick jelly, ca¬
pable of fupporting life for a confiderable length of
time. An ounce of each of thefe articles, with two
quarts of boiling water, will be fufficicnt fubfiftence
for a man a-day ; and as being a mixture of animal
and vegetable food, muft prove more nourifhing than
double the quantity of rice-cake, made by boiling rice
in water: which laft, however, failors are often obliged
folely to fubfifl:_upon for feveral months; efpecially in
voyages to Guinea, when the bread and flour are ex-
haulled, and the beef and pork, having been faked
in hot countries, are become unfit for ufe.
“ But asa wholefomenourifhment,” fay» DrPercival,
il rice is much inferior to falep. I digefted feveral ali¬
mentary mixtures prepared of mutton and water, beat
up with bread, fea-bifcuit, falep, rice-flour, fago-pow-
der, potatoe, old cheefe, &c. in a heat equal to that of
the human body. In 48 hours they had all acquired
a vinous^fmeli, and were in briflc fermentation, except
the mixture with rice, which did not emit many air-
bubbles, and was but little changed. The third day
feveral of the mixtures were fweet, and continued to
ferment; others had loft their inteftine motion, and
■were four; but the one which contained the rice was
become putrid. From this experiment it appears, that
rice as an aliment, is flow of fermentation, and a very
weak corredlor of putrefaction. It is therefore an im¬
proper diet for hofpital-patients ; but more particu¬
larly for failors in long voyages ; becaufe it is inca¬
pable of preventing, and will not contribute much ta
check the progrefs of that fatal difeafe, the fea-fcurvy.
Under certain circumftances, rice feems difpofed of
itfelf, without mixture, to become putrid ; for by long
keeping it fometimes acquires an offenfive fcetor. Nor
can it be confidered as a very nutritive kind of food,
on account of its difficult folubility in the flomach.
Experience confirms the truth of this conclufion; for
it is obfcrved by the planters in the Weft-Indies, that
the negroes grow thin, and are lefs able to work,
whilft they fubfift upon rice.
“ Salep has the Angular property of concealing the
tafte of fait water; a circumftance of the higheft im¬
portance at fea, when there is a fcarcity of frefh water.
I diflblved a dram and a half of common fait in a pint
of the mucilage of falep, fo liquid as to be potable,
and the fame quantity in a pint of fpring-water. The
falep was by no means difagreeable to the tafte, but
the water was rendered extremely unpalatable.
“ This experiment fuggefted to me the trial of the
orchis root as a correftor of acidity, a property which
would render it a very ufeful diet for children. But
the folution of it, when mixed with vinegar, feemed
only to dilute like an equal proportion of water, and
not to cover its fharpnefs.
‘ “ Salep, however, appears by my experiments, to
retard the acetous fermentation of milk ; and confe-
quently would be a good lithing for milk-pottage,
efpecially in large towns, where the cattle being fed
upon four draft, muft yield acefcent milk.
“ Salep in a certain proportion, which I have not
yet been able to afcertain, would be a very ufeful and
profitable addition to bread. I diredfed one ounce of
the powder to be diflblved in a quart of water, and
the mucilage to be mixed with a fufficient quantity of
Voi.. IX, 2
flour, fait, and yeaft. The flour amounted to two Salep
pounds, the yeaft to two ounces, and the fait to 80 II,
grains. The loaf when baked was remarkably well Salic'’
fermented, and weighed three pounds two ounces.
Another loaf, made with the fame quantity of flour,
&c. weighed two pounds and twelve ounces; from
which it appears, that the falep, though nfed in fo
fmall a proportion, increafed the gravity of the loaf
fix ounces, by abforbing and retaining more water than
the flour alone was capable of. Half a pound of flour
and an ounce of falep were mixed together, and the
water added according to the ufual method of prepa¬
ring bread. The loaf when baked weighed thirteen
ounces and a half; and would probably have been hea¬
vier, if the falep had been previoufly diflblved in about
a pint of water. But it fliould be remarked, that the
quantity of flour ufed in this trial was not fufficientio
conceal the peculiar tafte of the falep.
“ The reftorative, mucilaginous, and demulcent
qualities of the orchis root, render it of confiderable
ufe in various difeafes. In the fea-fcurvy it powerfully
obtunds the acrimony of the fluids, and at the fame
time is eafily affimilated into a mild and nutritious
chyle. In diarrhoeas and the dyfentery it is highly
ferviceable, by ftieathing the internal coat of the inte-
ftines, by abating irritation, and gently correfting pu*
trefa&ion. In the fymptomatic fever, which arife§
from the abforption of pus from ulcers in the lungs,
from wounds, or from amputation, falep ufed plenti¬
fully is an admirable demulcent, and well adapted to
refift the diffolution of the crafis of the blood, which
is fo evident in thefe cafes. And by the fame muci¬
laginous quality, it is equally efficacious in the ftran-
gury and dyfury ; efpecially in the latter, when ari-
fing from a venereal caufe, becaufe the difeharge of
urine is then attended with the moft exquifite pain,
from the ulceration about the neck of the bladder
and through the courfe of the urethra. I have found
it alfo an ufeful aliment for patients who labour under
the (tone or gravel.”
SALERNO, an ancient and confiderable town of
Italy, in the kingdom of Naples, and capital of the
Hither Principato, with an archbifhop’s fee, a caftle,
harbour, and an univerfity chiefly for medicine. It
is feated at the bottom of a bay of the fame name.
E. Long. 14. 43. N. Lat. 40. 45.
SALET, in war, a light covering or armour for
the head, anciently worn by the light-horfe, only dif¬
ferent from the cafque in that it had no creft and
was little more than a bare cap.
SALIANT, in fortification, denotes proje&ing.
There are two kinds of angles, the one faliant, which
have their point outwards ; the other re-entering,
which have their points inwards.
Samant, Salirnt, or Saillant, in heraldry, is
applied to a lion, or other beaft, when is fore-legs
are raifed in a leaping pofture.
SALIC, or salique,Law, (Lex an ancient
and fundamental law of the kingdom of France, ufually
fuppofed to have been made by Pharamond, or at
leaft by Clovis; in virtue whereof males only are to
inherit.
Some, as Poftellus, would have it to have been
called Salic, q. cf. Gallic, becaufe peculiar to the
Gauls. Fer Montanus infills, it was becaufe Pha»
38 X ramond
SAL [ 6930 ] SAL
Salicortiia ramond was at firft called Salicus. Others will have
jl it to be fo named, as having been made for the
SaJifbury, janjg> Thefe were noble fiefs which their firfl:
kings ufed to beftow on the fallians, that is, the
great lords of their falle or court, without any
mher tenure than military fervice; and for this
rcafon, fuch fiefs were not to defcend to women, as
being by nature unfit for fuch a tenure. Some, again,
derive the origin of this word from the Salians, a tribe
of Franks that fettled in Gaul in the reign of Julian,
who is faid to have given them lands on condition of
their perfonal fervice in war. He even palled the
conditions into a law, which the new conquerors ac-
quiefced in, and called it falic, from the name of their
former countrymen.
SALICORNIA, jointed glass-wort, or Salt-
•Wfrt, a genus of the monogynia order, belonging to
the monandria clafs of plants. There are four fpecies,
of which the moft remarkable are, 1. The fruticofa,
with obtufe points, grows plentifully in moft of the
fait marfhes which are overflowed by the tides in
many parts of England. It is an annual plant, with
thick, fucculent, jointed ftalks, which trail upon the
ground. The flowers are produced at the ends of the
joints toward the extremity of the branches, which
are fmall, and fcarce difcernible by the naked eye.
2. The perennis, with a (hrubby branching ftalks,
grows naturally in Sheppey ifland. This hath a
fhrubby branching (talk about fix inches long ; the
points of the articulations are acute ; the ftalks branch
from the bottom, and form a kind of pyramid. They
are perennial, and produce their flowers in the fame
manner as the former.
The inhabitants near the fea-coafts where thefe
plants grow, cut them up toward the latter end of
fummer,- when they are fully grown ; and, after ha¬
ving dried them in the fun, they burn them for their
afhes, which are ufed in making of glafs and foap.
Thefe herbs are by the country people called kelp, and
promifcuoufly gathered for ufe. See the article Sal-
sola ; alfo Dyeing o/Leather, p. 4161, note A.
SALII, in Roman antiquity, priefts of Mars,
whereof there were twelve, inftituted by Numa, wear¬
ing painted, parti-coloured garments, and high bon¬
nets ; with a fteel cuiraffe on the breaft. They were
called falii, from faltare “ to dance becaufe, after
aflifting at facrifices, they went dancing about the
ftreets, with bucklers in their left-hand, and a rod in
their right, ftriking mufically with their rods on one
another’s bucklers, and finging hymns in honour of
the gods.
SALISBURY, the capital of the county of Wilt-
fhire in England, fituated in W. Long. 1. 55. N.
Lat. 51. 3. This city owed its firft rife to its cathe¬
dral, which was begun in 1219, and finiflied in 1258.
According to an eftimate delivered in to Henry III.
it coft forty thoufand merks. It is a Gothic building,
and is certainly the moft elegant and regular in the
kingdom. The doors and chapels are equal in num¬
ber to the months, the windows to the days, and the
pillars and pilafters to the hours in a year. It is
built in the form of a lantern, with a fpire in the mid¬
dle, and nothing but buttrefles and glafs windows on
the outfide. The fpire is the higheft in the kingdom,
being 410 feet, which is twice the height of the mo- Salifbury
nument in London. The pillars and pilafters in the II.
church are of fufile marble ; the art of making which s* 'x*
is now either entirely loft, or little known. The roof-" *
of the chapter-houfe, which is 50 feet in diameter and
150 in circumference, bears all upon one flender pillar,
which is fuch a curiofity as can hardly be matched in
Europe. The turning of the weftern road through
the city in the reign of Edward III. was a great ad¬
vantage to it. The chanceliorlhip of the moft noble
order of the garter, which is annexed to this fee, was
firft conferred on bilhop Richard Beauchamp. The
hofpital of St Michael’s near this city, was founded
by one of its biftiops. Dr Seth Ward, biftiop of this
fee in the reign of Charles II. contributed greatly to
the making the river Avon navigable to Chrift-church
in Hamplhire. The fame prelate, in 1683, built an
hofpital for the entertainment of the widows of poor
minifters of the gofpel. There are three other churches
befides the cathedral, which is without the liberty of
the city, and a greater number of boarding-fchools,
efpecially for young ladies, than in any other town in
England. Here is a rnanufa&ure of druggets, flan¬
nels, bonelace, and thofe cloaths called Salt/bury-
nuhitet; in confideration of which, and its fairs, markets,
afiizes, boarding-fchools, and clergy, the city may
be juftly faid to be in a flouriftiing condition. It was
incorporated by Henry III. and is governed by a
mayor, high-fteward, recorder, deputy-recorder, 24
aldermen, and 30 afliftants or common-council men.
The number of fouls is about 10,000. That quarter
called the clofe, where the canons and prebendaries live,
is like a fine city ofitfelf. Here is an aflembly for the
ladies every Tuefday, and coaches fet out from hence to
London every day. In this town are feveral charity?
fchools; the expence of one of them is entirely de¬
frayed by the bifhop. The city gives title of earl to
the noble family of Cecil.
SALIVA, is that fluid by which the mouth and
tongue are continually moiftened in their natural ftate;
and is fupplied by glands which form it, that are
called falivary glands. This humour is thin and pel¬
lucid, incapable of being concreted by the fire, almoft
without tafte and fmell. By chewing, it is exprefied
from the glands which feparate it from the blood, and
is intimately mixed with our food, the digeftion of
which it greatly promotes. In hungry perfons it is
acrid, and copioufly difeharged; and in thofe who have
fafted long it is highly acrid, penetrating, and refol-
vent. A too copious evacuation of it produces thirft,
lofs of appetite, bad digeftion, and an atrophy.
SALIVATION, in medicine, a promoting of the
flux of faliva, by means of medicines, moftly by mer¬
cury. The chief ufe of falivation is in difeafes belong¬
ing to the glands and membrana adipofa, and princi¬
pally in the cure of the venereal difeafe; though it is
fometimes alfo ufed in epidemic difeafes, cutaneous
difeafes, &c. whofe crifes tend that way.
SALIX, the willow, a genus of the diandria
order, belonging to the dicecia clafs of plants. There
are 31 fpecies; of which the moft remarkable are,
I. The caprea, or common fallow-tree, grows to
but a moderate height, having fmooth, dark-green,
brittle branches; oval, waved, rough leaves, indented
at
SAL [ 6931 ] SAL
Salic, at top, and woolly underneath. It grows abundantly
in this country, but more frequently in dry than
moift fituations: it is of a brittle nature, fo is unfit for
the bafket-makers; but will ferve for poles, flakes,
and to lop for fire-wood ; and its timber is good
for many purpofes. 2. The alba, white, or filver-leaved
willow, grows to a great height and confiderable
bulk, having fmooth pale-green (hoots; long, fpear-
fhaped, acuminated, fawed, filvery-white leaves, be¬
ing downy on both fides, with glands below the fer-
ratures. This is the common white willow, which
grows abundantly about towns and villages, and by
the fides of rivers and brooks, &c. 3. The viteilina,
yellow or golden willow, grows but to a moderate
height; having yellow, very pliant, (hoots; oval, acute,
ferrated, very fmooth leaves, with the ferratures cartila¬
ginous, and with callous pun&ures on the foot-flalks.
4. The purpurea, purple, or red willow, grows to
a large height, having long, reddifii, very pliable
fhoots, and long fpear-lhaped, ferrated, fmooth leaves,
the lower ones being oppofite. 5. The viminalis, or
ofier-willow, grows but a moderate height, having
flender rod-like branches, very long, pliant, greenilh
fhoots ; and very long, narrow, fpearr(haped, acute,
almolt entire leaves, heary, and filky (underneath.
6. The pentandria, pentandrous, broad-leaved, fweet-
fcented willow, grows to fome confiderable ftature,
having brownilh-green branches; oblong, broad, fer¬
rated, fmooth, fweet-fcented leaves, fhining above ;
and pentandrous flowers. 7. The triandria, or tri-
androus willow, grows to a large ftature, having nu¬
merous, ereft, greyi(h-green branches, and pliant fhoots;
oblong, acute-pointed, ferrated fmooth, fhining-green
leaves, eared at the bafe; and triandrous flowers.
€. The fragilis, fragile or crack-willow, rifes to a
middling ftature, with brownifh, very fragile, or
brittle branches, long, oval-lanceolate, fawed, fmooth
leaves of a fhining-green on both fides, having den-
tated-glandular foot-ftalks. This fort in particular
being exceedingly fragile, fo that it eafily cracks and
breaks, is unfit for culture in ofier-grounds. 9. The
Babylonica, Babylonian pendulous falix, commonly
called 'weeping 'willow, grows to a largifh fize, having
numerous, long, flender, pendulous branches, hanging
downjoofely all round in a curious manner, and long,
narrow, fpear-fhaped, ferrated, fmooth leaves. This
curious willow is a native of the eaft, and is retained
in our hardy plantations for ornament, and exhibits
a moft agreeable variety ; particularly when difpofed
fingly by the verges of any piece of water, or in
fpacious openings of grafs-ground.
All the fpecies of falix are of the tree kind; very
hardy, remarkably fall growers, and feveral of them
attaining a confiderable ftature when permitted to run
up to ftandards. They are moftly of the aquatic tribe,
being generally the moft abundant and of moft profpe-
rous growth in watery fituations: they however will
grow freely almoft any where, in any common foil and
expofurej; but growconfiderably the fafteft and ftrongeft
in low moift land, particularly in marfhy fituations,
by the verges of rivers, brooks, and other waters ;
likewife along the fides of watery ditches, &c. ;wbich
places often lying wafte, may be employed to good
advantage, in plantations of willows, for different
purpofes.
SALLEE, an ancient and confiderable town of Sallee
Africa in the kingdom of Fez, with a harbour andfe- H .
veral ports. The harbour of Sallee is one of the beft Sa ufttui
in the country; and yet, on account of a bar that "
lies acrofs it, (hips of the fmalleft draught are forced
to unlo-id and take out their guns before they can get
into it. There are docks to build (hips; but they are
hardly ever ufed, for want of fkill and materials. It
is a large place, divided into the Old and New Towns,
by the river Guero. It has long been famous for its
rovers or pirates, which make prizes of all Chriftian
(hips that come in their way, except there is a treaty
to the contrary. W. Long. 6. 30. N. Lat. 34. o.
SALLO (Denis de), a French writer, famous for
being the projector of literary journals, was born at
Paris in 1626. He ftudied the law, and was admitted
a counfellor in the parliament of Paris in 1652. It
was in 1664 he fchemed the plan of the Journal des
S<pavans; and the year following began to publifh it
under the name of Sieurde Heronville, which was that
of his valet de chambre. But he played the critic fo
feverely, that authors, furprifed at the novelty of fuch
attacks, retorted fo powerfully, that M. de Sallo, un¬
able to weather the ftorm, after he had publifhed his
third Journal, declined the undertaking, and turned it
over to the abbe Gallois ; who, without prefuming to
criticife, contented himfelf merely with giving titles,
and making extra&s. Such was the origin of literary
journals, which afterwards fprang up in other countries
under different titles; and the fuccefs of them, under
judicious management, is a clear proof of their utility.
M. de Sallo died in 1669.
SALLUSTIUS (Caius Crifpus), a celebrated Ro¬
man hiftorian.was born .at Amiternum, a city of Italy,
in the year of Rome 669, and before Chrift 85. Hii
education was liberal, and he made the beft ufe of it;
of which we need no other proof, than thofe valuable
hiftorical monuments of his, that are happily tranfmit-
ted to us among the few remains of antiquity. No
man has inveighed more (harply againft the vices of
his age than this hiftorian; yet no man had lefs pre-
tenfions to virtue than he. His youth was fpent in a
moft lewd and profligate manner; and his patrimony
almoft fquandered away, when he had fcarcely taken
poffeffion of it. Marcus Varro, a writer of undoubted
credit, relates, in a fragment preferved by Aulus Gel-
lius, that Sallull was adually caught in bed with Fau-
fta the daughter of Sylla, by Milo her huiband; who
fcourged him very feverely, and did not fuffer him to de¬
part till he had redeemed his liberty with a confiderable
fum. A. U.C. 694, he was made queftor, and in 702
tribune of the people ; in neither of which places is he
allowed to have acquitted himfelf at all to his honour.
By virtue of his queftorfhip, he obtained an admiflion
into the fenate ; but was expelled thence by the cen-
fors in 704, on account of his immoral and debauched
way of life. In the year 705 Caefar reftored him to
the dignity of a fenator; and to introduce him into
the houfe with a better grace, made him queftor a fe-
cond time. In the adminiftration of this oflice he be¬
haved himfelf very fcandaloufly; expofed every thing
to (ale that he could find a purchafer for; and if we
may believe the author of the invedive, thought no¬
thing wrong which he had a mind to do: Nihil non
venale babucrit, cujus aliqu'u emptor fuit, nihil non
38X2 tequum
SAL r 6932 ] SAL
Sally aqmm et vtrum duxit, quod ipft facere collibuijfet. In
!l the year 707, when the African war was at an end, he
Salm0‘ was made praetor for his fervices to Caefar, and fent to
Nutnidia. Here he afled the fame part as Verres had
done in Sicily ; outrageoufly plundered the province;
and returned with fuch immenfe riches to Rome, that
he purchafed a tnoft magnificent building upon mount
Qmrinal, with thofe gardens which to this day retain
the name of SalluJUangardens, befides his country houfe
at Tivoli. How he fpent the remaining part of his life,
we have no account from ancient writers. Eufebius tells
us, that he married Terentia, the divorced wife of Ci¬
cero; and that he died at the age of 50, in the year 710,
which was about four years before the battle of Aftium.
Of the many things which he wrote, we have no¬
thing remaining but his Hiftories of the Catilinarian
and Jugurthine wars; together with fome orations or
fpeeches, printed with his fragments.
SALLY-ports, in fortification, or Pojlern-Gates,
as they are fometimes called, are thofe under-ground
pafiages which lead from the inner works to the out¬
ward ones; fuch as from the higher flank to the lower,
or to the tenailles, or the communication from the
middle of the curtain to the ravelin. When they are
made for men to go through only, they are made with
Heps at the entrance and going out. They are about
6 feet wide, and 84- feet high. There is alfo a gutter
or fliore made under the fally-ports, which are in the
middle of the curtains, for the water which runs down
the ftreets to pafs into the ditch ; but this can only be
done when there are wet ditches. When fally-ports
ferve to carry guns through them for the out-works,
inftead of making them with Heps, they mult have a
gradual flope, and be 8 feet wide.
SALMASIUS (Claudius), a French writer of un¬
common abilities and immenfe erudition, defeended
from an ancient and noble family, and born at or near
Semur in 1596. His mother, who was a Proteftant,
infufed her notions of religion into him, and he at
length converted his father: he fettled at Leyden; and
in 1650 paid a vifit to Chriftina q»een of Sweden, who
is reported to have fliown him extraordinary marks of
regard. Upon the violent death of Charles I. of Eng¬
land, he was prevailed on by the royal family, then in
exile, to write a defence of that king; which was an-
fwered by our famous Milton in 1651, in a work in-
titled Defenfio pro Populo Anglicano contra Claudii Sal-
mafti Defenfionem Regianu This book was read over
all Europe ; and conveyed fuch a proof of the writer’s
abilities, that he was refpe&ed even by thofe who ha¬
ted his principles. Salmafius died in 1653; and fome
did not fcruple to fay, that Milton killed him by the
acutenefs of his reply. His works are numerous and of
various kinds; but the greateft monuments of his learn¬
ing are, his Notes in Hiftorice Augujles Scriptores, and
his Exercitationes Pliniana in Solinum.
SALMO, the Salmon ; a genus of the order of
abdominales. The head is fmooth, and furniftied with
teeth and a tongue; the rays of the gills are from four
to ten; the back-fin is fat behind ; and the belly-fins
have many rays. There are 29 fpecies, of which the
mod remarkable are,
1. The falar, or common falmon, is a northern filh,
being unknown in the Mediterranean fea and other
warm climates: it is found in France in fome of the
rivers that empty themfelves into the ocean, and north Sa!mo,
as far as Greenland; they are alfo very common in 
Newfoundland, and the northern parts of North Ame¬
rica. Salmons are taken in the rivers of Kamtfchatka;
but whether they are of the fame fpecies with the Eu¬
ropean kind, is not very certain. They are in feveral
countries a great article of commerce, being cured
different ways, by falling, pickling, and drying: there
are ftationary fifheries in Iceland, Norway, and the
Baltic; but we believe nowhere greater than thofe at
Colraine in Ireland; and in Great Britain, at Berwick
and in fome of the rivers of Scotland. The falmon
was known to the Romans, butnotto the Greeks. Pliny
fpeaks of it as a fifh found in the fivers of Aquitaine:
Aufonius enumerates it among thofe of the Mofel.
The falmon is a fifh that lives both in the fait and
frefh waters;' quitting the fea at certain feafons for the
fake of depofiting its fpawn in fecurity, in the gravelly
beds of rivers remote from their mouths. There are
fcarce any difficulties but what they will overcome, in
order to arrive at places fit for their purpofe: they will
afeend rivers hundreds of miles, force themfelves againft
the mod rapid ftreams, and fpring with amazing agi¬
lity over catarafts of feveral feet in height. Salmon arc
frequently taken in the Rhine as high up as Bafil;
they gain the fources of the Lapland rivers in fpite of
their torrent-like currents, and furpafs the perpendi¬
cular falls of Leixflip, Kennerth, and Pont Aberglaftyn.
It may here be proper to contradift the vulgar error
of their taking their tail in their mouth when they at¬
tempt to leap ; fuch as Mr Pennant faw, fprung up
quite ftraight, and with a ftrong tremulous motion.
The falmon is a fifh fo generally known, that a very
brief defeription will ferve. The largeft we ever heard
of weighed 74 pounds. The colour of the back and
fides are grey, fometimes fpotted with black, fome¬
times plain: the covers of the gills are fubjeft to the
fame variety; the belly filvery ; the nofe fharp-pointed;
the end of the under jaw in the males often turns up
in the form of a hook; fometimes this curvature is very
confiderable: it is faid that they lofe this hook when
they return to the fea. The teeth are lodged in the
jaws and on the tongue, and are flender, but very
(harp; the tail is a little forked.
2. The trutta, or fea-trout, migrates like the true
falmon up feveral of our rivers; fpawns, and returns to
the fea. That deferibed by Mr Pennant was taken in
the Tweed below Berwick, June 1769. The fliape
was more thick} than the common trout; the weight
three pounds two ounces. The irides filver; they
head thick, fmooth, and dufky, with a glofs of blue
and green; the back of the fame colour, which grows
fainter towards the fide-line. The back is plain, but
the fides as far as the lateral line are marked with large
diftindt irregularly-fhaped Ipots of black: the lateral
line ftraight; the fides beneath the line, and the belly,
are white. Tail broad, and even at the end. The
dorfal fin had 12 rays; the pedloral 14; the ventral 9;
the anal to. The fiefh when boiled is of a pale red,
but well-flavoured.
3, The fario, or trout; the colours of which vary
greatly in different waters, and in different feafons.
Trouts differ alfo in fize. One taken in Llynallet,
Denbighlhire, which is famous for an excellent kind,
meafured 17 inches, its depth three and three quarters,
its
SAL [ 6933 ] SAL
Salm«. its weight one pound ten ounces; the head thick ; the
nofe rather fliarp ; the upper jaw a little longer than
the lower; both jaws, as well as the head, were of
a pale brown, blotched with black; the teeth fharp
and ftrong, difpofed in the jaws, roof of the mouth,
and tongue. The back was dufky; the fides tinged
with a purplilh bloom, marked with deep purple fpots,
mixed with black above and below the fide-line which
was ftraight; the belly white. The firft dorfal fin
was fpotted; the fpurious fin brown, tipped with
red; the peftoral, ventral, and anal fins, of a pale
brown; the edges of the amal fin white ; the tail
very little forked when extended.—The ftomachs of
the common trouts are uncommonly thick and muf-
cular. They feed on the fliell-fifh of lakes and
rivers, as well as on fmall filh. They likewife take
into their ftomachs gravel or fmall ftones, to affilt
in comminuting the teftaceous parts of their food.
The trouts of certain lakes in Ireland, fuch as thofe
of the province of Galway and fome others, are re¬
markable for the great thicknefs of their ftomachs,
which, from fome flight refemblance to the organs of
digeftion in birds, have been called gizzards; the Irifti
name the fpecies that ha* them, gillaroo trouts. Thefe
ftomachs are fometimes ferved up to table under the
former appellation. Trouts are moft voracious fifh,
and afford excellent diverfion to the angler. The paflion
for the fport of angling is fo great in the neighbour¬
hood of London, that the liberty of fifbing in fome of
the dreams in the adjacent counties is purchafed at
the rate of 10I. for annum. Thefe fifh fhift their
quarters to fpawn ; and like falmon, make up towards
the heads of rivers to depofit their roes. The under
jaw of the trout is fubjeft, at certain times, to the
fame curvature as that of the falmon.
4. The fpecies, called from its colour the •white,
migrates out of the fea into the river Efk in Cumber¬
land, from July to September. When dreffed, their
fldh is red, and moft delicious eating. They have, on
their iirft appearance from the fait water, the krnxa
falmonea, or falmon loufe, adhering to them. They
have both milt and fpawn; but no fry has as yet been
obferved. This is the fifh called by the Scots pbinocs.
They never exceed a foot in length. The upper jaw
is a little longer than the lower; in the firft are two
rows of teeth, in the laft one : on the tongue are fix
teeth. The back is ftraight; the whole body of an
elegant form: the lateral line is ftraight; colour, be¬
tween that and the top of the back, dufky and filvery
intermixed; beneath the line, of an exquifrte whitenefs;
firft dorfal fin fpotted with black; tail black, and much
forked.
5. The famlet is the leaft of the trout kind ; is fre¬
quent in the Wye, in the upper part of the Severn,
and the rivers that run into it, in the north of Eng¬
land, and in Wales. It is by feverat imagined to be
the fry of the falmon; but Mr Pennant diffeuts from
that opinion. See his Brit. Zool. III. 303.
This fpecies has a general refemblance to the trout,
therefore muft be defcribed comparatively. \J1, The
head is proportionably narrower, and the mouthiefs than
that of the trout, idly, Their body is deeper, ^dly.
They feldom exceed fix or feven inches in length; at
moft, eight and a half, qthly, The peftoral fins have
generally but one large black fpot, though fometimes
a Angle fmall one attends it; whereas the pe&oral fins Salmo.
of the trout are more numeroufly marked. $thly, The
fpurious or fat fin on the back is never tipped with red;
nor is the edge of the anal fin white. 6thly, The fpots
on the body are fewer, and not fo bright: it is alfo
marked from the back to the fides with fix or feven
large bluifh ban^; but this is not a certain charafler,
as the fame is fometimes found in young trouts. ']thly.
The tail of the famlet is much more forked than that
of the trout. Thefe fifh are very frequent in the'rivers
of Scotland, where they are called pars. They are alfo
common in the Wye, wher» they are known by the
name of Jkirlings, or lafprings.
6. The alpinus, or charr, is an inhabitant of the
lakes of the north, and of thofe of the mountainous
parts of Europe. It affe&s clear and pure waters, and
is very rarely known to wander into running ftreams,
except into fuch whofe bottom is fimilar to the neigh¬
bouring lake. It is found in vaft abundance in the
cold lakes on the fummits of the Lapland Alps, and is
almoft the only fifh that is met with in any plenty in
thofe regions; where it would be wonderful how they
fubfifted, had not Providence fupplied them with in¬
numerable larvae of the gnat kind: thefe are food to the
fifh, who in their turn are a fupport to the migratory
Laplanders in their fummer-voyages to the diftant
lakes. In fuch excurfions thofe vacant people find a
luxurious and ready repaft in thefe fifh, which they
drefs and eat without the addition of fauces; for exercifc
andtemperance render ufelefsthe inventionsofepicurifm.
There are but few lakes in our ifland that produce
this fifh; and even thofe not in any abundance. It is
found in Winander Mere in Weftmoreland ; in Llyn
Quellyn, near the foot of Snowdon; and, before the
dilcovery of the copper-mines, in thofe of Llynbcrris;
but the mineral ftrea-ms have entirely deftroyed the fifh
in the laft lakes. In Scotland it is found in Loch Inch,
and other neigbouring lakes, and is faid to go into the
Spey to fpawn.
“ The largeft and moft beautiful we ever received
(fays Mr Pennant) were taken in Winender Mere,
and were communicated by the Rev. Mr Farrifh of
Carlifle, with an account of their natural hiftory.
He fent five fpecimens; two under the name of
the cafe charr, male and female; another he called
\.he gelt charr, i. e. a charr which had not fpawned the
preceding feafon, and on that account is reckoned to
be in the greateft perfe&ion. The two others were in-
feribed, the red charr, the fiver or gilt charr, the car-
pia lacus benaci, Raii Syn. pife. 66. which laft are in
Weftmoreland diftinguiflied by the epithet red, by rea-
fon of the flefh affutning a higher colour than the other
when dreffed.
“ The umbla minor, or cafe charr, fpawns about
Michaelmas, and chiefly in the river Brathy, which
uniting with another called the Rowthay, about a quar¬
ter of a mile above the lake, they both fall into it to¬
gether. The Brathy has a black, rocky bottom; the
bottom of the Rowthay is a bright fand, and into this
the charr are never obferved to enter. Some of them,
however, fpawn in the lake ; but always in fuch parts
of it which are ftony, and referable the channel of the
Brathy. They are fuppofed to be in the bigheft per-
fe&ion about May, and continue fo all the fummer ;
yet are rarely caught after April. When they are
(pawning
Salmo.
SAL [ 6934 ] SAL
fpawning in the river they will take a bait, but at no
" other time; being commonly taken, as well as the other
fpecies, in what they call breaji-nets, which are in lengh
about 24 fathoms, and about 5 where broadeft.—
The feafon which the other fpecies fpawn in is from
the beginning of January to the end of March. They
are never known to afcend the rivers, but always in
thofe parts of the lake which are fpringy, where the
bottom is fmooth and fandy, and the water warmeft.
The filhermen judge of this warmth, by obferving that
the water feldom freezes in the places where they fpawn
except in intenfe frofts, and then the ice is thinner
than in other parts of the lake. They are taken in
greateft plenty from the end of September to the end
of November; at other times they are hardly to be met
with. This fpeeies is much more efteemed for the
table than the other, and is very delicate when potted.
The length of the red charr to the dlvifion in its tail,
was 12 inches; its biggeft circumference almod 7. The
fjrft dorfal fin was five inches and three quarters from
the tip of its nofe, and confided of 12 branched rays,
the firft of which was fhort, the fifth the longed; the
.fat fin was very fmall. Each of the five fiih had double
nodrils,and fmal! teeth in the jaws, roof of the mouth,
and on the tongue.—The jaws of the cafe-charr are
perfe&ly even; on the contrary, thofe of the red-charr
were unequal, the upper jaw being the broaded, and
the teeth hung over the lower, as might be perceived
on pafiing the finger over them.—The gelt or bar¬
ren charr, was rather more flender than the others, as
being without fpawn. The back was of a glofly dulky
blue; the fides filvery, mixed with blue, fpotted with
pale red; the fidcs of the belly were of a pale red, the
bottom white. The tails of each bifurcated.”
7. The thymallus, or grayling, haunts clear and ra¬
pid dreams, and particularly thofe that flow through
mountainous countries. It is found in the rivers of
Derbylhire; in fome of thofe of the north; in the Tame
near Ludlow; in the Lug, and other dreams near Leo-
minder ; and in the river near Chridchurch, Hamp-
fhire. It is alfo very common in Lapland: the inha¬
bitants make ufe of the guts of this fifh indead of ren¬
net, to make the cheefe which they get from the milk
of the rein deer. It is a voracious filh, rifes freely to
the fly, and will very eagerly take a bait. It is a very
fwift fwimmer, and difappears like the tranfient paffage
of a (hadow, from whence we believe it derived the
name oi,umbra.
Effugienfque oculos cehri levh umbra natatu. Aus0N.
The umbra fwift efcapes the quickeft eye.
‘Thymalus znA thymus, are names bedowed on it on ac¬
count of the imaginary fcent, compared by fome to that
of thyme; but we never could perceive any particular
fmell. It is a filh of an elegant form; lefs deep than that
of a trout: the larged we ever heard of was taken near
Ludlow, which was about half a yard long, and weigh¬
ed four pounds fix ounces; but this was a very rare in-
ftance. The irides are filvery, tinged with yellow: the
teeth very minute, feated in the jaws and the roof of
the mouth, but none on the tongue: the head is dulky;
the covers of the gills of a glofly green: the back and
fides of a fine filvery grey; but when the filh is juft
taken, varied (lightly with blue and gold: the fide-line
je ftraight: the fcale? are large, and the lower edges
dufky, forming (Iraight rows from head to tail: the
tail is much forked.
8. The eperlanns, or fmelt, inhabits the feas of the
northern parts of Europe, and probably never is found
as far fouth as the Mediterranean: the Seine is one of
the French rivers which receive it; but whether it is
found fouth of that, we have not at prefent authority
to fay. If we can depend on the obfervations of na¬
vigators, who generally have too much to think of to
attend to the minutiae of natural hiftory, thefe filh are
- taken in the (traits of Magellan, and of a moft fur-
prifing fize, fome meafuring 20 inches in length, and
8 in circumference. They inhabit the feas that wafh
thefe iflands the whole year, and never go very remote
from (hore, except when they afcend the rivers. It is
remarked in certain rivers, that they appear a long
time before they fpawn, being taken in great abun¬
dance in November, December, and January, in the
Thames and Dee, but in others not till February;
and in March and April they fpawn; after which
they all return to the fait water, and are not feen in
the rivers till the next feafon. It has been obferved,
that they never come into the Merfey as long as there
is any fnow-water in the river. Thefe fi/h vary great¬
ly in fize; but the largeft we ever heard of was 13
inches long, and weighed half a pound. They have a
very particular fcent, from whence is derived one of
their Englilh names, Jmelt, i. e. fmell it. That of
fparling, which is ufed in Wales and the north of Eng¬
land, is taken from the French fperlan. There is a
wonderful difagreement in the opinion of people in
refpedt to the fcent of this filh: fome aflert it flavours
of the violet; the Germans, for a very different rea-
fon, diftinguifli it by the elegant title of JUnckfifch.
—Smelts are often fold in the ftreets of London fplit
and dried. They are called dried fparlings; and are
recommended as a reli(h to a glafs of wine in the morn¬
ing. It is a fiih of a very beautiful form and colour;
the head is tranfparent, and the (kin in general fo thin,
that with a good microfcope the blood may be jobfer-
ved to circulate. The irides are filvery; the pupil of
a full black; the under jaw is the longed: in the front
of the upper jaw are four large teeth; thofe in the
iides of both are fmall; in the roof of the mouth are
two rows of teeth; on the tongue two others of largq
teeth. The feales are fmall, and readily drop off: the
tail confifts of 19 rays, and is forked. The colour of
the back is whitifli, with a caft of green, beneath which
it is varied with blue, and then fucceeds a beautiful
glofs of a filvery hue.
9. The lavaretus, or gwiniad, is an inhabitant of
feveral of the lakes of the alpine parts of Europe.
It is found in thofe of Switzerland, Savoy, and Italy;
of Norway, Sweden, Lapland, and Scotland; in
thofe of Ireland, and of Cumberland; and in Wales,
in that of Llyntegid, near Bala, in Merionethlhire.
It is the fame with the ferra of the lake of Geneva;
the fchelly of Hulfe-water; the pollen of Lough
Neagh; and the vangis and juvengis of Loch Mahon.
The Scots have a tradition, that it was firft introduced
there by the beauteous queen, their unhappy Mary
Stuart; and as in her time the Scots court was much
Frenchified, it feems likely that the name was derived
from the French vendoife, a “ dace;” to which a
flight obferver might be tempted to compare it, from
Salmo.
SAL [ 6935 ] SAL
Salmon tbe whitcnefs of its fcales. The Britifti name gwiniad,
II. or whiting, was bellowed upon it for the fame reafon.
Sa fes’ It is a gregarious filh, and approaches the Ihores in
vaft Ihoals in fpring and in fummer; which proves in
many places a blefled relief to the poor of inland coun-
tr’es, in the fame degree as the annual return of the
herring is to thofe who inhabit the coafts. Between
7000 and 8000 have been taken at one draught. The
gwiniad is a filh of an infipid tafte, and mull be eaten
foon, for it will not keep long; thofe that choofe to
prefervc them do it with fait. They die very foon after
they are taken. Their fpawning feafon in Llyntegid
is in December. The largeft gwiniad we ever heard
of weighed between three and four pounds: the head
is final], fmooth, and of a dulky hue : the eyes very
large ; the pupil of a deep blue : the nofe blunt at the
end ; the jaws of equal length : the mouth fmall and
toothlefs: the branchioltegous rays nine : the covers of
the gills filvery, powdered with black. The back is a
little arched, and llightly carinated : the colour, as
far as the lateral line, is glolfed with deep blue and pur¬
ple; but towards the lines affumes a filvery call, tinged
with gold ; beneath which thofe colours entirely pre¬
vail. The tail is very much forked: the fcales are large,
and adhere clofe to the body.
SALMON, in ichthyology. See Salmo, n° r.
SALMON-i^er)'.. See Fishery.
SALON, or Saloon, in archite&ure, a lofty,
fpacious fort of hall, vaulted at top, and ufually com¬
prehending two ftories, with two ranges of windows.
The falon is a grand room in the middle of a build¬
ing, or at the head of a gallery, &c. Its faces, or
fides, are all to have a fymmetry with each other;
and as it ufually takes up the height of two (lories,
its ceiling, Daviler obferves, (hould be with a mo¬
derate fweep.
The falon is a (late-room much ufed in the palaces
in Italy; and from thence the mode came to us.
Ambaffadors, and other great vifitors, are ufually re¬
ceived in the falon.
It is foroetimes built fquare, fometimes round or
oval, fomelimes oflogonal, as at Marly, and fometimes
in other forms.
SALONICHI, formerly called Thejfalonica, a fea-
port town of Turkey in Europe, and capital ofMa-
cedonia, with an archbilhop’s fee. It is ancient,
large, populous, and rich, being about 10 miles in
circumference. It is a place of great trade, carried
on principally by the Greek Chriftians and Jews, the
former of which have 30 churches, and the latter as
many fynagogues; the Turks alfo have a few mofques.
It is furrounded with walls, flanked with towers, and
defended on the land-fide by a citadel, and near the
harbour with three forts. It was taken from the Ve¬
netians by the Turks in 1431. The principal mer¬
chandize is filk. It is feated at the bottom of a gulph
of the fame name, partly on the top, and partly on
the fide of a hill, near the river Vardar. E. Long.
23. 13. N. Lat. 40. 41.
SALSES, a very llrong cattle of France, in Rouf-
fillon, on the confines of Languedoc. It was taken
from the Spaniards by the French in 1642 ; and is
feated on a lake of the fame name, among mountains,
10 miles north of Perignan. E. Long. 3. o. N.
Lat. 43. 35.
SALSETTA, an ifland of Afia, in the Eaft- Salfat*ar
Indian ocean, near the peninfula on this fide the Salf°la*
Ganges, and on the coaft of the kingdom of Decan. ’
It is 25 miles in length, and 12 in breadth; and is
very fertile in rice, fruit, and fugar-canes. It belongs
to the Portuguefe, and the Jefuits poflefs the bed part
of it. It has a great many villages and churches ;
but no town, except an old one called Cora, hewn
out of the fide of a rock, which is extremely ancient.
It is near a mile in length, and has many antique
figures and columns, curioufly carved in the rock ;
at prefent it has no inhabitants but wild beads and
birds of prey. They have no trade, except in dried
fitti, becaufe it is fo near Bombay, being only fepa-
rated from it by a channel half a mile over, which is
fordable at low water. E. Long. 72. 15, N. Lat.
19. o.
SALSOLA, Glass-wort; a genus of the di-
gynia order, belonging to the pentandria clafs of
plants.
The fpeciesare, 1. The kali, which grows naturally
in the fait marfhcs in divers parts of England. It it
an annual plant, which rifes above five or fix inches
high, fending out many fide branches, which fpread
on every fide, garnifhed with (hort awl-ttiaped leaves;
which are flefhy, and terminate in acute fpines. The
flowers are produced from the fide of the branches, to
which they fit clofe, and .are encompafled by (hort
prickly leaves ; they are fmall, and of an herbaceous
colour. The feeds are wrapped up in the empalement
of the flower, and ripen in autumn ; foon after which,
the plant decays. 2. The tragus grows naturally on the
fandy (bores of the fouth of France, Spain, and Italy..
This is alfo an annual plant, which fends out many
diffufed (talks, garnifhed with linear leaves an inch
long, ending v/ith (harp fpines. The flowers come out
from the fide of the (talks in the fame manner as thofe
of the former; their empalements are blunt, and not
fo clofely encompaffed w'ith leaves as thofe of the other.
3. The foda, rifes with herbaceous ftalks near three
feet high, fpreading wide. The leaves on the princi¬
pal (talk, and thofe on the lower part of the branches,
are long, (lender, and have no fpines ; thofe on the
upper part of the (talk and branches are (lender,
(hort, and crooked. At the bafe of the leaves are pro¬
duced the flowers, which are fmall, and hardly percep¬
tible; the empalement of the flower afterwards encom-
pafies the capfule, which contains one cochleated feed.
4. The vermiculata grows naturally in Spain. Thi*
hath (hrubby perennial (talks, which rife-three or four
feet high, fending out many fide-branches, garniflied
with flefhy, oval, acute-pointed leaves, coming out in
clutters from the fide of the branches; they are hoary,,
and have ftiff prickles. The flowers are produced from
between the leaves toward the ends of the branches ; .
they are fo fmall as fcarce to be difcerned, unlefs they
are clofely viewed. The feeds are like thofe of the other
kinds. 5. The rofacea grows naturally in Tartary. This
is an annual plant, whofe (talks are herbaceous, and. .
feldom rife more than five or fix inches high. The
leaves are awl-fliaped, ending in acute points; the
empalements of the flowers fpread open; the flowers
are fmall, and of a rofe colour, but foon fade: the
feeds are like thofe of the other forts.
All the forts of glafs-wort arc fometimes promif-
cuoufly.
SAL [ 6936 ] SAL
Salt- cuoufly ufcd for making the fal alkali, but it is the
third fort which is efteemed beft for this purpofe.
The manner of making it is as follows: Having dug
a trench near the fea, they place laths acrofs it, on
which they lay the herb in heaps, and, having made
a fire below, the liquor, which runs out of the herbs,
drops to the bottom, which at length thickening be¬
comes fal alkali, which is partly of a black, and partly
of an alh-colour, very fharp and corrofive, and of a
faUilh tafte. This, when thoroughly hardened, be¬
comes like a (tone, and is then called foude ox fade.
It is tranfported from thence to different.countries for
making of glafs.
SALT, one of the great divifions of natural bodies,
but which has never yet been accurately defined.
The chara&eriftic marks of fait have ufually been
reckoned its power of affe&ing the organs of talle, and
being foluble in water. But this will not diftinguifh
fait from quicklime, which alfo affe&s the fenfe of
tafte, and diffolves in water; yet quicklime has been
univerfally reckoned an earth, and not a fait. The
only diftinguifhing property of falls, therefore, is their
cryftallization in water: however, this does not belong
to all falls; for the nitrous and marine acids, though
allowed on all hands to be falls, are yet incapable of
cryftallization, at leaft by any method hitherto known.
Several of the imperfeft neutral falts alfo, fuch as com¬
binations of the nitrous, muriatic, and vegetable acids,
with fome kinds of earths, cryftallize with very great
difficulty. However, by the addition of fpirit of
wine, or fome other fubftances which abforb part of
the water, keeping the liquor in a warm place, &c.
all of them may be reduced to cryftals of one kind or
other. Salt, therefore, may be defined a fubftance af-
fefting the organs of tafte, foluble in water, and
capable of cryftallization, either by itfelf or in con¬
junction with fome other body; and, univerfally, every
fait capable of being reduced into a folid form, is alfo
capable of cryftallization perfe. Thus the clafs of
faline bodies will be fufficiently diftinguifhed from all
others: for quicklime, though foluble in water, can¬
not be cryftallized without addition either of fixed air
or fome other acid; yet it is moft commonly found in
a folid ftate. The precious ftones, bafalts, &c. tho’
fuppofed to be formed by cryflallization, are never-
thelefs diftinguilhed from falts by their inlipidity and
infolubility in water.
The ancient chemifts afferted that fait was one of
the component principles of metals, and indeed of
every thing elfe ; a do&rine which is attempted to
be revived by Dr Price of Guildford, now famous
on account of his difeovery of the tranfmutation of
* metals *. This gentleman thinks it probable that the
Stone ^ ^a^is >mPerfe& metals is faline, becaufe Mr
Scheele has lately extra&ed a real acid from arfenic,
which, by the addition of a proper quantity of phlo-
gifton, becomes a femimetal. But here the argument
will hold only with regard to the femimetals, all of
.which are volatile in the fire, and therefore may pof-
fibly have a volatile bafis, fuch as all acids are in
fome degree: but fome of the imperfeCl metals, as
tin and copper, may be reduced to a calx equally re-
fraCtpry with quicklime itfelf; and even zinc, though
volatile in clofe veffels, is yet capably of being reduced
to an exceedingly refra&ory calx called fiowen of zinc ;
and it is to be obferved, that the regulus of arfenic, Salt,
even in its moft perfeA metalline form, cannot be cal-
cined like other metals. The common opinion that
metals have an earthy, rather than a faline bafis, feems
to be well founded.
The origin of falts is very much, or rather totally
unknown. Some eminent chemifts, particularly Stahl,
have fuppofed tha^,the number of fubftances truly and
effentially faline is very fmall ; nay, that there is but
one faline principle in nature. This principle they
fuppofe to be the vitriolic acid, as being the moft
Ample and indeftnxftible of them all. Stahl delivers
his opinion on this fubjedt in the following words:
“ That he confiders the vitriolic acid as the only fub¬
ftance effentially faline ; as the only faline principle,
which by uniting more or lefs intimately with other
fubftances that are not faline, is capable of forming an
innumerable multitude of other faline matters, which
nature and art (hew us ; and fecondly, that this faline
principle is a fecondary principle, compofed only by
the intimate union of two primary principles, water
and earth.”
In Xupport of this theory Mr Macquer argues in
the following manner: “ Every true chemift will
eafily difeover that this grand idea is capable of com¬
prehending by its generality, and of conne&ing toge¬
ther, all the phenomena exhibited by faline fubftances.
But wc rauft at the fame time acknowledge, that when
w>e examine the proofs upon which it is founded,
although it has a great appearance of truth by its
confiftency with the principles of chemiftry, and with
many phenomena, yet it is not fupported by a fuffi-
cient number of fa£ts and experiments to afeertain its
truth. We might here examine what degree of proba¬
bility ought to be granted to this theory of falls; but
this could not be properly accompliftied without en¬
tering into long details, and penetrating into the
depths of chemiftry. We are therefore obliged to
relate only what is moft effential to be known con¬
cerning this grand hypothefis. We may perceive at
once, that the former of thofe propofitions, upon
which is founded the theory which we mentioned,
cannot be demonftrated, unlefs it be previoufly pro¬
ved that every faline matter, excepting pure vitriolic
acid, is nothing but this .fame acid differently modi¬
fied, the primary properties of which are more or lefs
altered or difguifed by the union contra&ed with
other fubfiances. , But we confefs, that chemifts are
not capable of proving decifively this opinion; which,
however, will appear very probable from the following
refledtions.
“ Firft, Of all faline mattersknown, none is fo ftrong,
fo unalterable, fo eminently poffeffed of faline proper¬
ties, as vitriolic acid.
“ Secondly, Amongft the other faline fubftances
thofe which appear moft aftive and moft Ample, as
nitrous and marine acids, are at the fame time thofe
whofe properties moft refemble the properties of
vitriolic acid.
“ Thirdly, We may give to vitriolic acid many of
the charafteriftic properties of nitrous acid, by com¬
bining it in a certain manner with the inflammable
principle, as we fee in the volatile fulphureous acid ;
and even, according to an experiment of Mr Piech,
related in a memoir concerning the origin of nitre,
1 which
SAL [ 6937 ] SAL
Salt, which gained the prize of the academy of Berlin,
■—■"’—vitriolic acid, mixed with vegetable and animal mat*
ters fufceptible of fermentation, is really transformed
into a nitrous acid by the putrefa&ion of thefe mat¬
ters. [See Chemisty, n° 170.]
“ Fourthly, The marine acid, although its princi¬
ples are lefs known than thofe of the nitrous acid, may
be approximated to the charafter of vitriolic and
nitrous acids by certain methods. This acid, after it
has been treated with tin and other metallic matters,
is capable of forming either with fpirit of wine, as
vitriolic acid does, which it cannot do in its natural
ftate ; and when iron is diflblved in it, it feems to be
approximated to the nature of nitrous acid. Recipro¬
cally, the approximation of vitriolic acid to the cha-
rafter of marine acid feems not impoflible. Having
once diftilled very pure vitriolic acid upon a conGder-
able quantity of white, arfenic, I wa* ftruck with a
llrong fmdi like that of marine acid, which was not
either that of arfenic or of vitriolic acid; far this has
no fmell when it is pure.
“ Fifthly, Oily vegetable acids become fo much
ftronger, and more Gmilar to vitriolic acid, as they
are more perfectly deprived of their oily principle, by
combining them with alkalis, earths, or metals; and
afterwards by feparating them from thefe fubftances,
by diftillation, and efpecially by frequently repeating
thefe operations. They might perhaps be reduced to
a pure vitriolic acid, by continuing fufficiently this
method: and reciprocally, vitriolic and nitrous acids,
weakened by water, and treated with much oily mat¬
ters, or ftill better with fpirit of wine, acquire the
characters of vegetable acids. We may fee a remark¬
able inftance of this in Mr Pott’s diflertation De acido
nitri vinofo. [The moft remarkable experiment in
whichis related under the articleCHEMisxRY, n° 222.3
“ Sixthly, The properties of fixed alkalis feems to
be very different from thofe of acids in general, and
confequently of vitriolic acid. Yet if we confider that
a large quantity of earth enters their compofition ;
that much of it may be feparated by repeated folutions
and calcinations ; and alfo, that by depriving thefe
faline fubftances of their earthy principles, they be¬
come lefs fixed, more deliquefeent, and, in a word,
more fimilar to vitriolic acid in this refpe&; we fhall
not think it improbable, that fixed alkalis owe their
falinc properties to a faline principle, of the nature of
vitriolic acid, but much difguifed by the quantity of
earth, and probably of inflammable principle, to which
it is united in thefe combinations. The properties of
volatile alkalis, and the transformation of fixed alkali,
or of its materials, into volatile alkali in putrefa&ion
and in feveral diftillations, feem to fhow fufficiently
that they are matters eflentially faline, as fixed alkalis
are, and that their volatility which diftinguifhes them
proceeds from their containing a lefs quantity of earth,
but more attenuated, and a portion of very fubtile and
volatile oil, which enters their compofition. [For fome
other particulars relating to the tranfmutation of falls,
fee Chemistry, n° 225.]
“ Befides thefe principal fads, there arc many
others, too numerous to be even flightly mentioned
here: they may be found fcattered in the works of
chemifts, particularly of Stahl. But perfons who
would colled and compare all the experiments relating
Vol. IX. a
to this fubjed, ought to know, that many of them Salt,
are not fufficiently afeertained; and that perhaps a “
greater number of them have wbt been fufficiently
profecuted, and are, properly fpeaking, only begun.
We muft: even acknowledge, that many of thofe ex¬
periments which we have mentioned have not been
fufficiently profecuted.
“ The fecond fundamental propofition of the theory
of falls, namely, ‘ That the vitriolic acid is com¬
pounded of only the aqueous and earthy principles,*
is, like the firft, fupported by many fads which give
it a degree of probability, but which do not amount
to a complete demonftration. This propofition may
be fupported by the following confiderations.
“ Firft, Experience conftantly (hows, that the pro¬
perties of compound bodies are always the refult of
thofe of the component parts of thefe bodies, or
rather they are the properties of thefe component
bodies modified by one another.
“ Thus, if a body be compofed of two principles,
one of which is fixed and the other volatile, it will
have a lefs degree of fixity than the former, and a lefs
volatility than the latter. If it be compofed of two
principles, one of which is fpecifically heavier than the
other, its fpecific gravity will be greater than that of
one of them, and^lefs than that of the other. The
fame obfervation is applicable to all the other dfential
properties, excepting thofe which deftroy each other ;
as, for inftance, the tendency to combination, or the
difiblving power ; for thefe latter properties are weak¬
ened fo much more in the compounds, as their prin¬
ciples are more ftrongly united, and in more juft pro¬
portion,
“ We obferve neverthelefs, that the properties of
compound bodies are not always exaftly intermediate
betwixt the properties of the component podies; for,
to produce this mean, the quantities of each of the
component parts muft be equal, which is the cafe in
few or no compounds,
“ Befides, fome particular circumftances in the
manner in which the principles unite with one another,
contribute more or lefs to alter the refult of the com¬
bined properties : for inftance, experience (hows, that
when feveral bodies, particularly metals, are united
together, the fpecific gravities of which are well
known, the allay formed by fuch union has not the
precife fpecific gravity which ought to refuit from the
proportion of the allayed fubftances ; but that in fome
allays it is greater, and in others lefs, But we are
certain, on the other fide, that thefe differences are
too inconfiderable to prevent our diftinguifhing the
properties of the principles in the compounds which
they form, efpecially when they have very different
properties.
“ Thefe things being premifed, when we examine
well the properties of vitriolic acid, we lhall eafily
find that they partake of the properties of the aqueous
and of the earthy principles.
“ Firft, When this acid is as pure as we can have
it, it is like the pureft water and the pureft vitrifiable
earths, free from colour or fmell, and perfcftly tranf-
parent.
“ Secondly, Although we cannot deprive the vitri¬
olic acid of all the water fuperabundant to its faline
effence, and therefore its precife fpecific gravity ha»
38 Y not
SAL [ 6938 ] SAL
Salt* not been determined, we know that when it is well
‘concentrated, it isafinore than twice as heavy as pure
water, and much lefs heavy than any earthly fub-
ftance.
“ Thirdly, This acid is much lefs fixed than any
pure earth, fince, however well it may be concen¬
trated, it may always be entirely dillilied ; for which
purpofe, a much ftronger degree of heat is requiiite
than for the difiillation of pure water.
“ Fourthly, We do not know the degree offolidityof
vitriolic acid, or the adhcfion of aggregation which its
integrant parts have one to another, becaufe for thia>
purpofe the vitriolic acid ought to be deprived of all
fuperabnndant water: but if we judge of it by the fo¬
il’d confidence of this acid when highly concentrated,
as we fee from the vitriolic acid called glacial, the in¬
tegrant parts of this acid feem fnfceptible of a much
ftronger adhefion than thofe of pure water; but much
lefs than thbfe of earth, as wc fee from the inftance of
hard ftones.
“ Fifthly, The union which this acid contra&a with
water and with earths, (hows that thefe fubftances en¬
ter into its compofition; for we know, that in general
compounds are difpofed to unite fuperabundantly with
the principles which compofe them. All thefe proper¬
ties of vitriolic acid, which fo fenfibly partake, and
much more titan any other acid, of the properties of
earth and of water, are fufficient to induce us to be¬
lieve that it is compofed of thefe two principles; but it
has one very eminent property, which is common with
it to neither water nor pure earth, which is, its violent
and corrofive tafte. This property is fufficient to raife
doubts, if we could not explain it from principles, which
feem certain and general, relating to the combination
of bodies.
“ We obferve then concerning the property now in
in queftion, that is, of tafte in general, that it can
only be confidered as an irritation made upon the or¬
gans of tafte by fapid bodies: and if we refleft atten¬
tively upon it, we fhall be convinced, that no iubftance
that is not imprefled by fome impulfe, can irritate or
agitate our fenfible organs, but by a peculiar force of
its integrant parts, or by their tendency to combina¬
tion; that is, by their diffolving power. According
to this notion, the tafte of bodies, or the impreffion
made upon our fenfible organs by their tendency to
combination, or by their difiblving power, are the fame
property: and we fee accordingly, that every folvent
has a tafte, which is fo much more ftrong as its dif¬
folving power is greater; that thofe whofe tafte is fo
violent that it amounts to acrimony, corrofion, and
cauftkity, when applied to any other of the fenfible
parts of our body befides the organs of tafte, excite in
them itching and pain.
“ This being premifed, the queftion is, How earth,
in which we perceive no tafte nor difiblving power,
and water, which has but a very weak difiblving power,
and little or no tafte, Ihould form by their combination
a fubftance, fuch as the vitriolic acid is, powerfully cor¬
rofive and folvent?
“ To conceive this; let us confider firft, that every
.part of matter has a power by which it combines, or
tends to combine, with other parts of matter. Second¬
ly,. that this force, the effects of which are perceptible,
in chemical operations, only among the very fmall mo- Salr.
lecules, Or the integrant and conftitueflt parts of bo¬
dies, feems proportionable to the denfity or fpecific
gravity of thefe parts. Thirdly, that this fame force
is limited in every integrant moleeuleaof matter: that if
we confider this force as not fatisfied, and confequently
as a fimple tendency to combination, it is the greateffc
poffible in an integrant molecule of matter perfectly
infulated, or attached to nothing; and is the fmallefc
poffible, or none, when it is fatisfied by its intimate
combination with other pans capable of exhaufting all
its adtion; its tendency is then changed into adhefion.
“ Hence we may infer, that the integrant parts of
the earthy principle have eflentially, and like all the
other parts of matter, a force of tendency to union, or
of cohefion in union, according to their condition ;
that as this earthy principle has a much more confide-
rable denfity or fpecific gravity than all other fimple
bodies that we know, we may probably prefume that
its primary integrant molecules have a more confider-
able force of tendency to union, in the fame propor¬
tion, than the integrant parts of other principles; that
confequently when they cohere together, and form an
agg,*cgate>‘heir aggregation mull alfo be ftronger anJ
firmer than that of any other body. Accordingly we
fee, that the pureft earthy fubftances, whofe parts are
united and form reaflbs, fuch as, for inftance, the ftones
called vitrifiable, are the hardeft bodies in nature. We
are no lefs certain, that as the tendency of the parts
of matter to unite is fo much lefs evident as it is more
exhaufted and fatisfied in the aggregation, the parts
of the earthy principle being capable of exhaufting mu¬
tually all their tendency to union, we may thence in¬
fer, that every fenfible mafs of pure earthy matter mufi:
appear deprived of any diftblving power; of tafte; in
a word, of tendency to union from the firmnefs of its
a£grcgatjon* we may alfo infer, that when thefe
primary integrant parts of the earthy principle are not
united together in aggregation, then, refuming all the
aflivity and tendency to union which are eflential to
them, they muft be the ftrongeft and moft powerful of
all folvents.
“ Thefe being premifed, if we fuppofe again, with
Stahl and the belt chemifts, that, in the combination of
the faline principle or of vitriolic acid, the parts of the
earthy principle are united; not with each other, as in
the earthy aggregation, but with the primary parts of
the aqueous principle, each to each, we may then-eafily
conceive, that the primary integrant parts of the wa¬
ter, having efientially much lefs tendency,to combina¬
tion than thofe of earth, the tendency of thefe latter
to union will not be exhaufted, but fatisfied only partly,
by their combination with the former; and that con¬
fequently a compound muft refult, the integrant parts
of which will have a ftrong diffolving power, as vitri¬
olic acid is.
“ We may fee from hence how much miftaken che¬
mifts are, who, confidering earth only in its aggrega¬
tion, or rather not attending to this ftate, and not di-
ftinguilhing it from that ftate in whkh the parts of-
this fame earth are fo feparated from each other by the
interpofition of another body, that they cannot touch
or cohere together, have confidered the earthy prin¬
ciple as a fubftance, without force, or a&ion, and have
very.
SAL f 6939 ] SAL
very improperly called that a pajjiveprinciple, which of
all others is the ftrongeft, moft aftive, and moft pow¬
erful.
“ However this general theory of falls may conform
with the mod important phenomena of chemiftry, we
mull acknowledge, that it can only be propofed as a fy-
ilematical opinion, till it be evidently demonftrated by
the decifive means employed in chemical demonftra-
tions, namely, by decompofdion and recompofition :
thus, if we could reduce vitriolic acid to earth and wa¬
ter, and make that acid by combining together thefe
two principles, this theory would ceafe to be a fyftem,
and would become a demonftrated truth. But we muft
confel's, that this theory is lefs fupported by experi¬
ment than by argument, from the many difficulties
that are inevitable in fuch inquiries. For on one fide,
we. know that the Ampler bodies are, the more diffi¬
cult is their decompolition; and on the other fide, the
ftronger the aggregation is, the greater is the difficulty
of making it enter into a new combination. Thus, as
vitriolic acid is very Ample, fince it is a compound of
the firft order, it ought ftrongly to refift decompofi-
tion; and as the aggregation of pure earth is the firm-
eft that we know, it cannot eafily be made to enter as
a principle into a new combination with water to form
a faline matter. The following are the principal ex¬
periments which have been made relative to the fub-
je&.
“ Firft, We feem to be certain, from many proofs,
that all faline fubftances, comprehendingthofe that con¬
tain vitriolic acid, as variolated tartar, Glauber’s fait,
and other variolated falls which are fufficiently fixed to
fupport a perfeA drying, or rather calcination, being
alternately diflblved, dried, and calcined a number of
times, are more and more diminiihed in quantity, and
that earth and water are feparated from them each ope¬
ration. But alkaline falls appear to be ftill more fuf-
ceptible than any other faline matter of this kind of
decompofition.
“ Secondly, When nitre is burnt in clofe veflels, fo
that we may retain not only all that remains fixed after
this burning, but alfo what exhales in vapours, as in
the experiment of the clyflus of nitre, we have a proof
which feems decifive, that the mineral acid of this fait,
which is not very far from the fimplicity of vitriolic
acid, is totally dccompofed and reduced into earth and
water. For if we examine the fixed refiduum in the
retort, we find that it is only the alkali that was
contained in the nitre, charged with a fuperabundant
earth, which is feparable from it by folution and filtra¬
tion. And if the liquor in the receiver, formed by
the vapours condenfed there, be examined, which ought
to be nitrous acid, if this acid had not been deftroyed,
we find, that, fo far from being acid, it is only pure
water, fometimes even charged with a little fixed al¬
kali, which had been railed by the force of the deto¬
nation. Thus nitrous acid is made to difappear in this
experiment, and in its place we find only earth and
water.
“ Thirdly, The phenomena of limeftone, which by
calcination and extin&ion in water acquires faline pro¬
perties that it had not before, its attenuation by fire,
and its combination with water; and alfo the experi¬
ment of Beecher, who aflerts, that if a vitrifiable ftone
be alternately made red-hot, and extinguifhed in water
a number of times, it may be fo attenuated, that it
fhall be like a faline gelatinous matter; thefe, I fay,
ffiow that faline matters are a&ually formed by the in¬
timate combination of the very attenuated parts of
earth with thofe of water. We find in the writings
of Beecher and Stahl, and particularly in the Specimen
Beccherianum of the latter author, many other obfer-
vations and experiments tending to prove the fame pro-
pofition; but we muft confefs, that none of the expe¬
riments we have mentioned, excepting that of the de-
compofition of nitrous acid by burning, are abfolutely
decifive; principally becaufe they have not been fuffi¬
ciently repeated or profecuted, nor carefully enough
examined in all their circumftances.”
On this theory it is obvious to remark, that our au¬
thor has omitted to mention the moft a&ive part of
the compofition of falls, namely elementary fire. Of
this both acids and alkalis undoubtedly contain a great
quantity in a very adlive ftate, as is evident from their
performing the effedts of fire when applied to certain
fubftances; nay, from their adfually burfting into flame
when mixed with feme kinds of oils; for an explana¬
tion of thereafonof which, fee Heat, and the various
detached articles relative to that fubjedt. Whatever
doubts we may have of the power of mere water combi¬
ned with mere earth to affedt the organs of tafte, we can
have none that the element of fire is capable of fo doing;
and from the very tailing of thefe fubftances, we may
be allured, that whatever gives that peculiar fenfation to
the tongue which we call acid or alkaline, gives alfo the
other properties of the fait, whatever they may be. In
alkalis, no doubt the greateft part of the compofition
is earth; but from what has been faid on Quicklime,
it appears, that mere earth, by the artificial adtion of
fire alone, acquires all the properties of fait, that of cry-
ftallizing per fe excepted: it feems probable therefore,
that, in the more perfedl operations of nature, the fame
materials are ufed; only the proportions are fuch, that
the fubftance is more foluble, and its caufticity greater,
than even quicklime itfelf. With regard to acids, the
earthy parts feem to be fewer; and in all probability
the moft confiderable ingredient in their compofition is
water: but in what manner this element is united to
that of fire fo as to produce the peculiar phenomena of
acids, cannot be explained.
Common Salt, or Sea-Salt, the name of that fait
extradled from the waters of the ocean, which is ufed
in great quantities for preferving provifions, &c.
Of this moft ufeful commodity there are ample (lores
on land as well as in the ocean. There are few countries
which do not afford vaft quantities of rockor foffil fait.
Mines (a) of it have long been difeovered and wrought
in England, Spain, Italy, Germany, Hungary, Po¬
land, and other countries of Europe. In feveral parts
of the world, there are huge mountains which wholly
confift of foffil fait. Of this kind are two mountains
in Ruffia, nigh Aftracan ; feveral in the kingdoms of
38 Y 2 Tunis
(a) Ahnongft the fait mines of chief note are thofe of Nortwich in Chelhire, Altemonte in Calabria, Hall in Tyrol;
Cardona in Catalonia: alfo thofe ftupendous mines at Wilikza in Poland, and Soowar in Uppsr Hungary; of which
fee accounts in Phil. Tranf. No 61 and 4I3*
SAL’ [ 6940 ] SAL
Salt. Tunis and Algiers, in Africa; and feveral alfo in Afia;
■ and the whole ifland of Ormus in the Perfian gulf al-
moll entirely confifts of foffil fait. The new world alfo
is ftored with treafures of this ufeful mineral, as well
as with all other kinds of fubterranean produftions.
Moreover, the fea affords fuch vaft plenty of common
fait, that all mankind might thence be fupplied with
quantities fufficient for their occafions. There are alfo
innumerable fprings, ponds, lakes, and rivers, impreg¬
nated with common fait, from which the inhabitants
of many countries are plentifully fupplied therewith.
In fome countries which are remote from the fea, and
have little commerce, and which are not bleffed with
mines of fait or fait waters, the neceffities of the inha¬
bitants have forced them to invent a method of extrac¬
ting their common fait from the afhes of vegetables.
The muriatic fait of vegetables was defcribed by Dr
Grew under the title of lixiviated marine fait. Leew-
enhoeck obtained cubical cryftals of this fait from a
lixivium of foda or kelp, and alfo from a folution of
the lixivial fait of carduus benedi&us ; of which he
hath given figures in a letter to the royal fociety, pub-
lifhed in N® 173. of their Tranfa&ions. Dr Dagner,
in Ail. Acad. N. C. vol. v. obf. 150. takes notice of
great quantities of it which he found mixed in pot-
alhes. And the ingenious Dr Fothergill extra&ed
plenty of it from the alhes of fern : See Medical Ef-
fays, vol. v. article 13.
The muriatic fait which the excellent Mr Boyle ex-
trafted from fandiver, and fuppofed to be produced
from the materials ufed in making glafs, wasdoubtlefs
feparated from the kelp made ufe of in that procefs.
Kunkel alfo informs us, that he took an alkaline fait;
and after calcining it with a moderate fire, diffolved it
in pure water, and placing the folution in a cool cellar,
obtained from it many cryllals of a neutral fait. He
fuppofes, that the alkaline fait was by the procefs con¬
verted into this neutral fait. But it is more reafonable
to believe, that the alkaline fait which he applied was
not pure, but mixed with the muriatic fait of vege¬
tables, which by this procefs was only feparited from
It is donbtlefs chiefly this muriatic fait, which, in
fome of the inland parts of Afia, they extraft from the
afhes 'of duck-weed and of Adam’s fig-tree, and ufe for
their common fait.
That they are able in thofe countries to make com¬
mon fait to profit from vegetables, ought not to be
wondered at, fince in Dehli and Agra, capitals of In-
doftan, fait is fo fcarce as ufually to be fold for half-a-
crown a pound. We may therefore give fome credit
to Marco Polo, when he informs us, that in the inner
parts of the fame quarter of the world, in the province
of Caindu, lying weft of Tebeth, the natives ufed fait
inftead of money, it being firft made up in cakes and
fealed with the (lamp of their prince; and that they
made great profit of this money by exchanging it with
the neighbouring nations for gold and mufli. We are
alfo told by Ludolfus, in his Hijloria JEthiopica, that
in the country of the Abyffines there are mountains of
fait, the which when dug out is foft, but foon grows
hard; and that this fait ferves them inftead of money
to buy all things. The fame is confirmed by Ramufio.
Mr Boyle difcovered common fait in human blood
and urine. “ I have obferved it, (fays Mr Brownrigg) SaIr-
not only in human urine, but alfo in that of dogs,
horfes, and black cattle. It may eafily be difcovered
in thefe, and many other liquids impregnated with it,
by certain very regular and beautiful ftarry figures
which appear in their furfaces after congelation. Thefe
figures I firft obferved in the great froft in the year
1739. The dung of fuch animals as feed upon grafsor
grain, doth alfo contain plenty of common fait.”
Naturalifts, obferving the great variety of forms un¬
der which this fait appears, have thought fit to rank
the feveral kinds of it under certain general claffes; di-
ftinguifhing it, moft ufually, into rock or foflil fait,
fea-falt, and brine or fountain fait. To which clafles,
others might be added, of thofe muriatic falts which are
found in vegetable and animal fubftances. Thefe fe¬
veral kinds of common fait often differ from each other
in their outward form and appearance, or in fuch ac¬
cidental properties as they derive from the heteroge¬
neous fubftances with which they are mixed. But when
perfe&ly pure, they have all the fame qualities; fo that
chemifts, by the exafteft inquiries, have not been able
to difeover any effential difference between them; for
which reafon we fhall diftinguifh common fait after a
different manner, into the three following kinds, viz.
into rock or native fait, bay fait, and white fait.
By rock fait, or native fait, is underftood all fait
dug out of the earth, which hath not undergone any
artificial preparation. Under the title of bay fait may
be ranked all kinds of common fait extra&ed from the
water wherein* it is diffolved, by means of the fun’s
heat, and the operation of the air ; whether the water
from w'hich it is extrafted be fea-water, or natural
brine drawn from wells and fprings, or fait water ftag-
nating in ponds and lakes. Under the title of white
fait, or boiled fait, may be included all kinds of com¬
mon fait extradled by coftion from the water wherein
it is diffolved; whether this water be fea water, or the
fait water of wells, fountains, lakes, or rivers; or wa¬
ter of any fort impregnated with rock-falt, or other
kinds of common fait.
The firft of thefe kinds of fait is in feveral countries
found fo pure, that it ferves for moft domeftic ufes,
without any previous preparation, (triture excepted).
But the Englifh fofiil fait is unfit for the ufes of the
kitchen, until by folution and coition it is freed from
feveral impurities, and reduced into white fait. The
Britilh white fait alfo is not fo proper as feveral kinds
of bay fait for curing fifti and fuch flefti-meats as are
intended for fea provifions, or for exportation into hot
countries. So that for thefe purpofes we are obliged,
cither wholly or in part, to ufe bay fait, which we pur-
ehafe in France, Spain, and other foreign countries.
However it does not appear that there is any other
thing requifite in the formation of bay fait than to
evaporate the fea-water with an exceedingly gentle
heat ; and is is even very probable, that our common
fea-falt by a fecond folution and cryftallization might
attain the requifite degree of purity. Without enter¬
ing into any particular detail of the proceffes ufed for
the preparation of bay-falt in different parts of the
world, we fhall content ourfelves with giving a brief
account of the belt methods of preparing common
fait.
At
SAL [ 6941 ] SAL
j Salt. At fome convenient place near the fea-fliore is erec-
* “ ted the faltern. This is a long, low building, confift.
j, ■ ing of two parts; one of which is called \\\cfors-boufe,
f en^he’arfof3^^ the other the pan-houfe, ox lolling-houfe. Thefore-
f reparing ' houfe ferves to receive the fuel, and cover the work-
Salt, p. so. men; and in the boiling-houfe are placed the furnace,
and pan in which the fait is made. Sometimes they
have two pans, one at each end of the faltern; and the
part appropriated for the fuel and workmen is in the
middle.
The furnace opens into the fore-houfe by two mouths,
beneath each of which is a mouth to the aih-pits. To
the mouths of the furnace, doors are fitted ; and over
them a wall is carried up to the roof, which divides the
fore-houfe from the boiling-houfe, and prevents the
dud of the coal and the alhes and fmoke of the fur¬
nace from falling into the fait pan. The fore-houfe
^ communicates with the boiling-houfe by a door, pla¬
ced in the wall which divides them.
The body of the furnace confifts of two chambers,
divided from each other by a brick partition called the
mid feather; which from a broad bafe terminates in a
narrow edge nigh the top of the furnace; and by means
of fliort pillars of caft iron ere&ed upon it, fupports
the bottom of the fait pan; it alfo fills up a confider-
able part of the furnace, which otherwife would be too
large, and would confume more coals than, by the help
of this contrivance, are required. To each chamber of
the furnace is fitted a grate, through which the aflies
fall into the alh pits. The grates are made of long
bars of iron, fupported underneath by ftrong crofs bars
of the fame metal. They are not continued to the far-
theft part of the furnace, it being unneceflary to throw
in the fuel fo far: for the flame is driven from the fire
on the grate to the farthell part of the furnace ; and
from thence pafles together with the fmoke, through
two flues into the chimney ; and thus the bottom of
the fait pan is every where equally heated.
The fait pans are made of an oblong form, flat at
the bottom, with the fides eredted at right angles; the
length of fome of thefe pans is 15 feet, the breadth 12
feet, and the depth 16 inches; but at different works
s they are of different dimenfions. They are commonly
made of plates of iron, joined together with nails, and
the joints are filled with a ftrong cement. Within the
pan five or fix ftrong beams of iron are fixed to its op-
pofite fides, at equal diftances, parallel to each other
and to the bottom of the pan, from which they are di-
ftant about eight inches. From thefe beams hang down
ftrong,iron hooks, which are linked to other hooks or
clafps of iron firmly nailed to the bottom of the pan;
and thus the bottom of the pan is fupported and pre¬
vented from bending down or changing its figure. The
plates moft commonly ufed are of malleable iron, about
lour feet and a half long, a foot broad, and the third
of an inch in thicknefs. The Scots prefer fmailer
plates, 14 or 15 inches fquare. Several make the
fides of the pan, where they are not expofed to the fire,
of lead; thofe parts, when made of iron, being found
to confume faft in ruff from the fleam of the pan.
Some have ufed plates of caft iron, five or fix feet
fquare, and an inch in thicknefs ; but they are very
fubjeft to break when unequally heated, and fhaken
(as they frequently are) by the violent boiling of the
liquor. The cement moft commonly ufed to fill the
joints, is plafler made oflime. Salt.
The pan, thus formed, is placed over the furnace," 
being fupported at the four corners by brick work;
but along the middle, and at the fides and ends, by
round pillars of caft iron called taplins, which are pla¬
ced at three feet diftance from each other, being about
eight inches high, and at the top, where fmalleft, four
inches in diameter. By means of thefe pillars the heat
of the fire penetrates equally to all parts of the bottom
of the pan, its four corners only excepted. Care is alfo
taken to prevent the fmoke of the furnace from palling
into the boiling-houfe, by bricks and ftrong cement,
which are clofely applied to every fide of the fait pan.
In fome places, as at Blyth in Northumberland, be-
fides the common fait pans here deferibed, they have
a preparing pan placed between two fait pans, in the
middle part of the building, which in other works is
the fore-houfe. The fea water being received into this
preparing pan, is there heated and in part evaporated
by the flame and heat conveyed under it through flues
from the two furnaces of the fait pans. And the hot
water, as occafion requires, is conveyed through troughs
from the preparing pan into the fait pans. Various
other contrivances have been invented to leffen the ex¬
pence of fuel, and feveral patents have been obtained
for that purpofe ; but the falt-boilers have found their
old methods the moft convenient.
Between the fides of the pan and walls of the boil¬
ing-houfe, there runs a walk five or fix feet broad,
where the workmen Hand when they draw the fait, or
have any other bufinefs in the boiling-houfe. The
fame walk is continued at the end of the pan, next to
the chimney ; but the pan is placed dole to the wall
at the end adjoining to the fore-houfe.
The roof of the boiling-houfe is covered with boards
fattened on with nails of wood, iron nails quickly
mouldering into ruft. ^ In the roof are feveral open¬
ings, to convey off the watery vapours ; afld on each
fide of it, a window or two, which the workmen open
when they look into the pan whilft it is boiling.
Not far diftant from the faltern, on the fea-fliore,
between full fea and low-water marks, they alfo make
a little pond in the rocks, or with ftones on the fand,
which they call their Jump. From this pond they lay
a pipe, through which, when the tide is in, the fea-
water runs into a well adjoining to the faltern ; and
from this well they pump it into troughs, by which
it is conveyed into their fhip or cittern, where it is
ftored up until they have occafion to ufe it.
The ciftern is built clofe to the faltern, and may be
placed moft conveniently between the two boiling-
houfes, on the back fide of the fore-houfe ; it is made
either of wood, or brick and clay.; it fometimes wants
a cover, but ought to be covered with a died, that
the falt-water contained therein may not be weakened
by rains, nor mixed with foot and other impurities.
It fhould be placed fo high, that the water may con¬
veniently run out of it, through a trough, into the falt-
pans.
Befides the buildings already mentioned, fevcral
others are required ; as ftore-houfes for the fait, citterns
for the bittern, an office for his majefty’s falt-officer*,
and a dweliing-houfe for the falt-boilers.
All things being thus prepared, and the fea-water
having ftood in the cittern till the mud and fand are
fettled
SAL
fettled to the bottom, it is drawn off into the falt-pan.
And at the four corners of the falt-pan, where the
flame does not touch its bottom, are placed four fmall
lead pans called fcratch-pans, which, for a falt-pan of
the fize abovementioned, are ufually about a foot and
an half long, a foot broad, and three inches deep ;
and have a bow or circular handle of iron* by which
they may be drawn out with a hook, when the liquor
in the pan is boiling.
The falt-pan being filled with fea-water, a ftrong
fire of pit-coal is lighted in the furnace; and then,
for a pan which contains about 1400 gallons, the falt-
boiler takes the whites of three eggs, and incorporates
them well with two or three gallons of fea water,
which he pours into the falt-pan while the water con¬
tained therein is only lukewarm ; and immediately
flirs it about with a rake, that the whites of eggs may
every where be equally mixed with the falt-water.
Inftead of whites of eggs, at many falterns, as at
moft of tho-fe nigh Newcaftle, they ufe blood from the
butchers, either of fheep or black cattle, to clarify the
fea-water : And at many of the Scotch faltems they
do not give themfelves the trouble of clarifying it.
As the water grows hot, the whites of eggs fepa-
rate from it a black frothy feutn, which arifes to the
furface of the water, and covers it all over. As foon
as the pan begins to boil, this feum is all rifen, and
it is then time to fkim it off.
The moll convenient inftruments for this purpofe
are Ikimmers of thin a(h boards, fix or eight inches
broad, and fo long that they may reach above half¬
way over the fait pan. Thefe fkimmers have handles
fitted to them ; and the fait-boiler and his affiftant,
each holding one of them on the oppofite fides of the
pan, apply them fo to each other that they overlap
in the middle, and beginning at one end of the pan,
carry them gently forward together, along the furface
of the boiling liquor, to the other end ; and thus, with¬
out breaking the feum, colled it all to one end of the
pan, from whence they eafily take it out.
After the water is Ikimmed, it appears perfedly
clear and tranfparent; and they continue boiling it
brilkly, till fo much of the frefh or aqueous part is
evaporated, that what remains in the pan is a flrong
brine almoft fully faturated with fait, fo that fmall fa-
line cryllals begin to form on its furface; which ope¬
ration, in a pan filled 15 inches deep with water, is
ufually performed in five hours.
The pan is then filled up a fecond time with clear
fea-water drawn from the ciftern; and about the time
when it is half filled, the fcratch-pans are taken out,
and being emptied of the fcratch found in them, are
again placed in the corners of the falt-pan. The
fcratch taken out of thefe pans is a fine white calca-
•reobs earth found in the form of powder, which fepa-
rates from the fea-water during its co&ion, before the
fait begins to form into grains. This fubtile powder
is violently agitated by the boiling liquor, until it is
driven to the corners of the pan, where the motion of
the liquorbeing moregentle, it fubfides into the fcratch-
pans placed there to receive it, and in them it remains
undifturbed, and thus the greateft part of it is fepa-
rated from the brine.
After the pan hath again been filled up with fea-
S A L
water, three whites of eggs are mixed with the liquor, Sait.
by which it is clarified a fecond time, in the manner  
before deferibed ; and it is afterwards boiled down to
a ftrong brine as at firft ; which fecond boiling may
take up about four hours.
The pan is then filled up a third time with clear
fea-water; and after that, a fourth time; the liquor
being each time clarified and boiled down to a ftrong
brine, as before related ; and the fcratch-pans being
taken out and emptied every time that the pan is
filled up.
Then, at the fourth boiling, as foon as the cryftals
begin to form on the furface of the brine, they flacken
the fire, and only fuffer the brine to fimmer, or boil
very gently. In this heat they conftantly endeavour
to keep it all the time that the fait corns or granulates,
which may be nine or ten hours. The fait is faid to
granulate, when its minute cryftals cohere together
into little mafies or grains, which fink down in the
brine and lie at the bottom of the falt-pan.
When moft of the liquor is evaporated, and the fait
thus lies in the pan almoft dry on its furface, it is then
time to draw it out. This part of the procefs is per¬
formed by raking the fait to one fide of the pan into
a long heap, where it drains a while from the brine,
and is then filled out into barrows or other proper vef-
fels, and carried into the ftore-houfe, and delivered into
the cuftody of his majefty’s officers. And in this
manner the whole procefs is performed in 24 hours;
the fait being ufually drawn every morning.
In the ftore-houfe the fait is put hot into drabs,
which are partitions like ftalls for horfes, lined on
three fides and at the bottom with boards, and having
a fliding-board on the fore-fide to put in or draw out
as occafion requires. The bottoms are made {helving,
being higheft at the back-fide, and gradually inclin¬
ing forwards ; by which means the faline liquor, which
remains mixed with the fait, eafily drains from it; and
the fait, in three or four days, becomes fufficiemly
dry; and is then taken out of the drabs, and laid up
in large heaps, where it is ready for fale-
The faline liquor which drains from the fait is not
a pure brine of common fait, but bath a {harp and
bitter tafte, and is therefore called bittern; this liquor,
at fome works, they fave for particular ufes, at others
throw away. A confiderable quantity of this bittern
is left at the bottom of the pan, after the procefs is
finiftied ; which, as it contains much fait, they fuffec
to remain in the pan, when it is filled up with fea-
water. But at each procefs this liquor becomes more
{harp and bitter, and alfo increafes in quantity : fo
that, after the third or fourth procefs is finiftied, they
are obliged to take it out of the pan ; otherwile it
mixes in fuch quantities with the fait, as to give it a
bitter tafte, and difpofes it to grow foft and run in
the open air, and renders it unfit for domeftic ufes.
After each procefs there alfo adheres to the bottom
and fides of the pan, a white ftony cruft, of the fame
calcareous fubftance with that before colle£led from
the boiling liquor. This the operators call Jione-fcratch^
diftinguifhing the other found in the lead-pans by the
name of powder-fcratch. Once in eight or ten days
they feparate the ftone-fcratch from their pans with
iron picks, and in feveral places find it a quarter of an
inch
[ 6942 ]
SAL [ 6943 ] SAL
inch in tbicknefs. If this ftony cruft is fuffercd to Britain to the American colonies. Befides brafs and Saltfburgh
adhere to the pan much longer, it grows fo thick fled wares, and all forts of arms and artillery, there
urg‘ that the pan is burnt by the fire, and quickly wears are manufa&ures of coarfe cloth and linen here. The
away.
Duty on Salt, is a diftinct branch of his Majefty’s
extraordinary revenue, and confifts in an excife of 3 s.
4d. per bufhel impofed upon all fait, by feveral fta-
tutes of king William and other fubfequent reigns.
This is not generally called an excife, becaufe under the
management of different commiflioners : but the com-
mifitoners of the falt-duties have by ftatute 1 Ann,
c. 21. the fame powers, and muft obferve the fame re¬
gulations, as thofe of other excifes. This tax had ufually
been only temporary; but by ftatute 26 Geo. II. c. 3.
was made perpetual.
Springs. Of thefe there are great numbers in
different parts of the world, which undoubtedly have
their origin from fome of the large colleftions of fof-
file fait mentioned under the article Common Salt. See
that article, andlikewife Spring.
SALTIER, one of the honourable ordinaries de¬
fined p. 3595, and reprefented-in Plate CXLVII. This
fays G. Leigh, in his Accedence of Armp. 70. was an¬
ciently made of the height of a man, and driven full
of pins, the ufe of which was to fcall walls, &c. Up¬
ton fays it was an inftrument to catch wild beafts,
whence he derives this word from faltus, i. e. “ a fo-
reff.” The French call this ordinary fauttir, from
fcuitsr “ to leap becaufe it may have been ufed
by foldiers to leap over walls of towns, which in
former times were but low : but fome modern au¬
thors think it is borne in imitation of St Andrew’s
crofs.
SALTPETRE. See Nitre.
SALTSBURG, an archbifhopric of Germany, in
the circle of Bavaria, bounded on the eaft by Stiria
and the Upper Auftria, on the weft by the county of
Tyrol, on the north by the duchy of Bavaria, and on
the fouth by the duchy of Carinthia and the bifhop-
ric of Brixeo. It is faid to be about too miles from
eaft to weft, and upwards of 60 from north to fouth.
With refpedt to the foil, it is very mountainous; yield¬
ing, however, excellent pafturage, and, in.confequence
of that, abounding in cattle, and horfes remarkable
for their mettle and hardinefs. This country is par¬
ticularly noted for the great quantities of fait it
. produces, and its ftrong paffes and caitles. Here
are alfo confiderable mines of gold, filver, copper,
lead, iron, and lapis calaminaris, with quarries of
marble, and a natural hot-bath^ The principal rivers
are the Salza, the Inn, the Ens, and Muer; which,
as well as the lakes, and other ftreams, are well ftored
with fiih. The peafants here are all allowed the ufe
of arms, and trained to military duty. There are no
nobles in the country, and moft of the lands belong
to the clergy. The ftates confift of the prelates, the
citi.s, and towns. Notwithftanding this country is
under the power of a Popifh ecclefiaftic, and the vio¬
lent, arbitrary, and opprelBve manner in which the
Proteftants have always been treated, great numbers
of them ftill remained in it till the year 1732, when
bo lefsthan 30,000 of them withdrew from it, difper-
fing themfelves in the feveral Proteftant ftates of Eu¬
rope, and Idme of them were even feat from Great
archbifhop has many and great prerogatives: he is a
prince of the empire, and perpetual legate of the holy
fee in Germany, of which he is alfo primate. He has
the firft voice in the diet of this circle, and next to the
ele&ors in that of the empire, in the college of prin¬
ces, in which he and the archduke of Auftria prefide
by turns. No appeal lies from him, either in civil or
ecclefiaftical caufes, but to tbe pope alone ; and he is
entitled to wear the habit of a cardinal. Fie has alfo
the nomination to feveral bifhoprics ; and the canoni-
cates that fall vacant in the months^ in which the
popes, by virtue of the concordat, are allowed to no¬
minate, are all in his gift. His fuffragans are the bi-
ffiops of Freyfingen, Ratifbon, Brixen, Gurk, Chi-
emfee, Seckau, andLavant; and of thefe, the font
laft are nominated, and even confirmed by him, and
not by the pope. At the diet of the empire, his en¬
voy takes place of all the princes that are prefent, un¬
der the degree of an eledtor. His revenue is faid to*
amount to near 200,000 1. a-year, a great part of
it arifing from the fall-works. He is able to raife
25,000 men ; but keeps ine~confta*nt pay, befides his
guards, only one regiment, confiding of 1000 men.
His court is very magnificent; and he has his heredi¬
tary great officers, and high colleges. The chapter
conlifts of 24 canons, who muft be all noble, but are
obliged only to four months refidence. At his accef-
tfon to the fee, the archbifhop muft pay 100,000
crowns to Rome for the pall. There is an order of
•knighthood here, inftituted in 1711, in honour of St
Rupert, who was the firft bifhop of Saltlburg about
the beginning of the eighthcentury-
Saltsburgh, the capital of a German archbifhop¬
ric of the fame name, and which takes its own from
the river Salza, on which it (lands, and over which it
has a bridge. It is well fortified, and the refidence of
the archbifhop. The caftle here is very ftrong, and
as ftrongiy garrifoned, and well provided with provi-
.fions and warlike (fores. The archbifhop’s palace is
magnificent; and in the area before it is a fountain,
efteemed the largeft and grandeft in Germany. The
,ftables are very lofty; and the number of the horfes
ufually kept by the archbifhop, is faid to be upwards
of 200. The city, of which one part (lands on a deep
rock, is well built, but the ftreets are narrow and
badly paved. Befides the abovementioned, there are
two other (lately palaces belonging to the archbifhop,:
One of which is called the Neuebau, and the other Mi •
mbdla. The latter of thd'e has a very beautiful gar¬
den ; and the number of trees in the orangery is fo
great, that Mr Keyfler tells us, 20,0Q0 oranges have
been gathered from them in one year. The river Salza
runs clofe by the walls of this garden. There are a
great many other fine ftruefures in the city, public and
private, fuch as palaces, monafteries, hofpitals, and
churches. In the cathedral dedicated to St Rupert,
(the apoftle of Bavaiia, and a Scotfman by birth,) all
the altars are of marble of different kinds, and one of
the organs has above 3200 pipes- The winter and
fummer riding-fchools here are noble ftru&ures. The
univerftty was founded in i6zp, and committed to the
care
SAL [ 6944 ] SAL
Salvage care of the Benedi&iries. Befides it, there are two col¬
li. lee-es, in which the yount; noblemen are educated. E.
Salvia- Long. 3 o. N. Lat. 47.45*
SALVAGE money, a reward allowed by the ci¬
vil and ftatute law, for the faving of (hips or goods
from.the danger of the fea, pirates, or enemies. 
Where any {hip is in danger of being ftranded, or dri¬
ven on (bore, juftices of the peace are to command the
conftables to affemble as many perfonsas are nccefiary
to .preferve it j and, on its being preferved by their
means, the perfons afiitling therein (hall, in 30 days
after, be paid a reafonable reward for their falvage;
otherwife the (hip or goods (hall remain in the cu-
ftody of the officers of the cuftoms as a fecurity for the
fame.
SALVATOR rosa. See Rosa.
SALVIA, sage ; a genus of the monogynia or¬
der, belonging to the diandria clafs of plants. The
moll remarkable fpecies are,
]. The officinalis, or common large fage, which is
cultivated in gardens, of which there are the follow-
ing varieties: 1. The common green fage. 2. The
wormwood fage. 3. The green fage, with a variega¬
ted leaf. 4. The red fage. 5. The red fage with a
variegated leaf; thefe are accidental variations, and
therefore are not enumerated as fpecies. The com¬
mon fage grows naturally in the fouthern parts of Eu¬
rope, but is here cultivated in gardens for ufe; but that
variety with red or blackhh leaves, is the mod com¬
mon in the Britilh gardens ; and the wormwood fage
is in greater plenty here than the common green-leaved
fage, which ia but in few gardens.
2. The tomentofa, generally titled lalfamicfage by
the gardeners. The ftalks of this do not grow fo up¬
right as thofe of the common fage; they are very hairy,
and divide into feveral branches, which are garntfhed
with broad heart-fhaped woolly leaves (landing upon
long foot-ftalks; they are fawed on their edges, and
their upper furfaces are rough : the leaves, which are
upon the flower-ftalks, are oblong and oval, flanding
upon (horter foot-ftalks, and are very flightly fawed
on their edges; they grow- in whorled fpikes to¬
ward the top of the branches ; the whorls are pretty
far diftant, but few flowers in each ; they are of a
pale blue, about the fize of thofe of the common fort.
This fage is perferred to all the others for making tea.
3. The auriculata, common fage of virtue, which
is alfo well known in the gardens and markets. The
leaves of this is narrower than thofe of the common
fort ; they are hoary, and feme of them are indented
on their edges towards the bafe, which indentures have
the appearance of ears. The fpikes of flowers are
longer than thofe of the two former forts, and the
whorls are generally naked, having no leaves between
them. Tne flowers are fmaller, and of a deeper blue
than thofe of common red fage.
4. The pomifera, with fpear-ftiaped oval entire
leaves, grow naturally in Crete. This hath a flirubby
flalk, which rifes four or five feet high, dividing into
feveral branches. The flowers grow in fpikes at the
end of the branches ; they are of a pale blue colour,
and have obtufe empalements. The branches of this
fage have often pun&ures made in them by infefls, at
which places grow large proturberances as big as
apples, in the fame manner as the galls upon an oak, Salviamis
and the rough balls on the briar. ii
All the forts of fage may be propagated by feeds, Sa ut(!*
if they can be procured ; but, as fome of them do not
perfedl their feeds in this country, and moft of the
forts, but efpecially the common kinds for ufe, are
eafily propagated by flips, it is not worth while to raife
them from feeds.
SALVIANUS, an ancient father of the Chriftian
church, who flouriflied in the 5th century, and was
well fkilled in the fciences- It is faid he lived in con¬
tinence with his wife Palladia, as if (he had been his
After; and that he was fo afflicted at the wickednefs
of that age, that he was called the Jeremiah of the
<$th century. He acquired fuch reputation for his
piety and learning, that he was named the mafer of
the hifhops. He wrote a Treatife on Providence;
another on Avarice; and fome epiftles, of which
Baluze has given an excellent edition; that of Conrad
Ritterfhufius, in 2 vols oftavo, is alfo efteemed.
SALUTATION, the adt of fainting, greeting, or
paying refpedl and reverence to any one.
There is a great variety in the forms of falutation.
The Orientals falute by uncovering their feet, laying
their hands on their breads, Sec. In Britain we falute
by uncovering the head, bending the body, &c. The
pope makes no reverence to any mortal except the
emperor, to whom he (loops a very little when he per¬
mits him to kifs his lips.
SALUTE, in military matters, a difeharge of
artillery, or fmall arms, or both, in honour of fome
perfon of extraordinary quality. The co/our/ likewife
falute royal perfons, and generals commanding in
chief; which is done by lowering the point to the
ground. In the field, when a regiment is to be re¬
viewed by the king, or bis general, the drums beat a
march as he pafles along the line, and the officers fa¬
lute one after another, bowing their half-pike* or
fwords to the ground ; then recover and take of!
their hats. The enfigns falute all together, by lower¬
ing their colours.
Salute, in the navy, a teftimony of deference or I
homage rendered by the (hips of one nation to ano- I
ther, or by (hips of the fame nation to a fuperior or
This ceremony is varioufly performed, according to
the circumftances, rank, or fituation, of the parties.
It confifts in firing a certain number of cannon, or
volleys of fmall arms ; in linking the colours or top-
fails; or in one or more general fhouts of the whole
(hip’s crew, mounted on the malls or rigging for that
purpofe.
The principal regulations with regard to falutes in
in the royal navy are as follow;
“ When a flag-officer falutes the admiral and com¬
mander in chief of the fleet, he is to give him fifteen
guns; butwhen captains falutehim, they are togivehim
feventeen guns. The admiral and commander in chief
of the fleet is to return two guns lefs to flag-officers,
and four lefs to captains. Flag-officers faluting their
fupertor or fenior officer, are to give him thirteen
guns. Flag-officers are to return an equal number of
guns to flag-officers bearing their flags on the fame
mall, and two guns lefs to the reft, as alfo to captains.
“ When
Salute.
SAL [ 6945 ] SAM
When a captain falutes an admiral of the white
or blue, he is to give him fifteen guns; but to vice
and rear admirals, thirteen guns. When a flag-
officer is fainted by two or more of his majefty’s (hips,
he is not to return the falute till all have finiffied, and
then to do it with fuch a reafonable number of guns
as he (hall judge proper.
“ In cafe of the meeting of two fquadrons, the
two chiefs only are to exchange falutes. And if Angle
Ihips meet a fquadron confifting of more than one
flag, the principal flag only is to be faluted. No fa¬
lutes (hall be repeated by the fame (hips, unlefs there
has been a feparation of fix months at leaft.
“ None of his majefty’s (hips of war, commanded,
only by captains, ffiall give or receive falutes from
one another, in whatfocver part of the world they
meet.
“ A flag-officer commanding in chief ffiall be fa¬
inted, upon his firft hoifting his flag, by all the (hips
prefent, with fuch a number of guns as is allowed by
the firft, third, or fifth articles.
“ When any of his majefty’s fhips fhall meet with any
(hip or (hips belonging to any foreign prince or (late,
within his majefty’s feas (which extend to Cape Fi-
nifterre), it is expe&ed, that the faid foreign (hips do
itrike their top-fail, and take in their flag, in ac¬
knowledgement of his majefty’s fovereignty in thofe
feas: and if any (hall refufe or offer to refift, it is en¬
joined to all flag-officers and commanders to ufe their
utmoft endeavours to compel them thereto, and not
fuffer any diflionour to be done to bis majefty. and
if any of his majefty’s fubjc&s (hall fo much forget
their duty, as to omit (hiking their top-fail in paffing
by his majefty’s (hips, the name of the (hip and matter,
and from whence, and whither bound, together with
affidavits of the fa<ft, are to be fent up to the fecretary
of the admiralty, in order to their being proceeded
againft in the admiralty court. And it is to be ob-
i'erved, that in his majefty’s fcas, his majefty’s fhips are
in no ways to (trike to any 5 and that in other parts,
no (hip of his majefty’s is to (trike her flag or topfail
to any foreigner, unlefs fuch foreign (hip (hall have
firft (truck, or at the fame time (trike her flag or top-
fail to his majefty’s (hip.
“ The flag-officers and commanders of his majefty’s
(hips are to be careful to maintain his majefty’s honour
upon all occafsons, giving prote&ion to his fubjefts,
and endeavouring, what in them lies, to fecure and
encourage them in their lawful commerce; and they
are not to injure, in any manner, the fubje&s of his
inajefty’s friends and allies.
“ If a foreign admiral meets with any of his
majefty’s (hips, and falutes them, he (hall receive gun
for gun. If he be a vice-admiral, the admiral (hall
anfwer with two guns lefs. If a rear-admiral, the
admiral and vice-admiral (hall return two lefs.. But if
the (hip be commanded by a captain only, the flag-
officer (hall give two guns lefs, and captains an equal
number.
“ When any of his majefty’s (hips come to an anchor
in a foreign port or road, within cannon-(hot of its
forts, the captain may falute the place with fuch a
number of guns as have been cuftomary, upon good
affurance of having the like number returned, but not
ptherwife. But if the (hip bears a flag, the flag-
Yoij IX. 2
officer (hall firft carefully inform himfelf how flags of
like rank, belonging to otl^er crowned heads, have
given or returned falutes, and to infift upon the fame,
terms of refpeCt.
“ It is allowed to the commanders of his majefty’s
fhips in foreign parts, to falute the perfons of any
admirals commanders in chief, or captains of fhips of
war of foreign nations, and foreign noblemen or
ftrangers of quality, as alfo the factories of the king’s
fubjeCls, coming on board to vifit the (hip ; and the
number of guns is left to the commander, as (hall be
fuitable to the occafion and the quality of the perfons
vifitijig j but he is neverthelefs to remain accountable
for any exceffes in the abufe of this liberty. If the
fhip vifited be in company with other (hips of war,
the captain is not to make ufe of the civilites allowed
in the preceding articles but with leave and confent
of the commander in chief or the fenior captain.
<i Merchant-(hips, whether foreigners or belonging
to bis majefty’s fubjeCls, faluting the admiral of the
fleet, (hall be anfwered by fix guns lefs; when they
falute any other flag-(hips, they (hall be anfwered by
four guns lefs; and if they falute men of war com¬
manded by captains, they (hall be anfwered by two
guns lefs. If feveral merchant- (hips falute in company,
no return is to-be made, till all have finiffied, and then
by fuch a number of guns as (ball be thought proper;
but though the merchant-ftiips (hould anfwer, there
(hall be no fecond return.——
“ None of his majefty’s (hips of war (hall falute any
of his majefty’s forts or caftles in Great Britain or
Ireland, on any pretence whatfoever.”
SALUZZO, called by the French Salucesy a
town and caftle of Italy, in Piedmont, and capital of
a marquifate of the fame name, with a bifhop’s fee.
It is fituated on an eminence at the foot of the Alps
near the river Po, in E. Long. 18. 27.N. Lat, 44. 35.
It is fubjeCt to the king of Sardinia.
Saluzzo, the marquifate of, a province of Pied¬
mont in Italy, bounded on the north by Dauphiny
and the province of the four valleys, on the eaft by
thofe of Savigl.ano and Foffano, on the fouth by that
of Cona and the county of Nice, and on the weft by
Barcelonetta. It was ceded to the duke of Savoy
in i6or.
SAMARCAND, or Sa’rmacand, an ancient and
famous town of Afia, capital of the kingdom of the
fame name in the country of the Ufbeck Tartars, with
a caftle and a famous univerfity. The houfes are
built with (tones, and it carries on a trade in excellent
fruits. It is pleafantly feated near the river Sogde, a
branch of the Amu, E. Long. 69. o. N. Lat. 39. 50,
Thistown wasthe.capitalofthe kingdom of.Sogdia inthe
time of Alexander the Great, when it was,called Mara-
canda. It was afterwards the capita! of the empire of
Tamerlane the Great. In the time of Jenhiz Khan
it was forced to yield to the arms of that cruel con-
.queror; by whom the garrifon, amounting to 30,000
men, were butchered ; 30,000 ofthe inhabitants, with
their wives and children, were prefented to his generals;
the reft were permitted to live in the city, on paying a
tribute of 300,000 dinars or crowns of gold.
SAMARIA, (anc. geogr.) one of three larger
Cisjordan diftriAs, fituated in the middle between Ga¬
lilee to the north and Judea to the fouth, beginning
38 Z at
Salute
II
Samaria.
sam [ 6946 1 sam
Samaria at the village Ginsea, in the Campus Magnus, and
Sambucus en^ln? at toparchy called Acrobatena, (Jofephus).
 1 Its foil differing in nothing from that of Judaea ; both
equally hilly and champain, both equally fertile in corn
and fruit, (id.) Called the kingdom of Samaria and
Ephraim, (Bible); comprifing the ten tribes, and
confequently all the country to the north of Judea and
eaft and weft of Jordan.
Samaria, capital of the kingdom or eountry of
that name ; anciently called Schomron, from Semer,
the owner of the hill; the royal refidence of the kings
of Ifrael, from Omri, who built the city, down to its
ieftruftion, and the Affyrian captivity, under Hofea
the laft king, (Micah, Sulp. Severus.) It foon after
rofe from its ruins, being reftored by the Cutheans,
who thence took the name of Samaritans ; faid to be
a very ftrong city under the Maccabees, but entirely de-
ftroyed by John Hyrcanus, (Jofephus), and again re¬
ftored by Gabinius, prefeft of Syria ; till at length
it was enlarged and adorned by Herod, and called
Sebajie, that is, Augufta, in compafs twenty ftadia,
(Jofephus).
SAMARITANS, an ancient fed! among the Jews,
ftill fubfifting in fome parts of the Levant, under the
fame name.
Its origin was in the time of Rehoboam, under
whofe reign the people of Ifrael were divided into two
diftindl kingdoms, that of Judah and that of Ifrael ;
when the capital of the latter being Samaria, the
Ifraelites obtained the name of Samaritans.
They were anciently guilty of idolatry, and the
Rabbins pretend, that they worlhipped the figure of a
dove on mount Gerizim ; but the prefent Samaritans,
who are but few in number, are far from being ido¬
laters. They celebrate the paffover every year, on the
fourteenth day of the firft month, on Mount Gerizim,
and begin that feaft with the facrifice appointed for that
purpofe in Exodus : they keep the Sabbath with all
the rigour with which it is enjoined in the book of
Exodus, none of them ftirred of doors but to the
fynagogue. They facrifice nowhere but on mount
Gerizim : they obferve the feafts of expiation, taber¬
nacles, harveft, &c. and never defer circumcifion be¬
yond the eighth day: they never marry their nieces as
the Jews do ; have but one wife ; and in fine, do no¬
thing but what is commanded in the law.
SAMBUCUS, elder ; a genus of the trigynia
order, belonging to the pentandria clafs of plants. The
tnoft remarkable fpecies are, X. The nigra, or common
blackelder-tree, rifes with a tree-ftem, branching nume-
roufly into a large fpreading head, twenty or thirty feet
high; pinnated leaves, of two or three pair of oval lobes
and an odd one; and large, five-parted umbels of white
flowers towards the ends of the branches, fucceeded by
bunches of black and other different coloured berries,
in the varieties, which are—Common black-berried
elder-tree—White-berried elder—Green-berried el¬
der—Laciniated, or parfley-leaved elder, having the
the folioles much laciniated, fo as to referable parfley-
leaves—Gold-ftriped-leaved elder—Silver-ftriped elder
Silver-dufted elder. 2. The racemofa, racemofe
red-berried elder, rifes with atree-like ftem, branch¬
ing ten or twelve feet high, having reddifh-brown
branches and buds; pinnated leaves of fix or feven
oval deeply-fawed lobes ; and compound, oval, ra- Sambncus
cemous clufters of whitifh-green floors, fucceeded It.
by oval clufters of red-berries. This is a relident SalT’o:e<*a*
of the mountainous parts of the fouth of Europe,
and is retained in our gardens as a flowering fhrub,
having a peculiar Angularity in its oval cluftered flowers
and berries. 3. The Canadenfis, or Canada fhrubby
elder, rifes with a fhrubby ftem, branching eight
or ten feet high, having reddiih (hoots; fomewhat
bipinnated leaves, often ternate below, the other
compofed of five, feven, or nine oval lobes ; and to¬
wards the ends of the branches, cymofe quinquepartite
umbels of flowers, fucceeded by blackifh-red berries.
All the forts of elder are of the deciduous tride, very
hardy, and grow freely any where; are generally free
fhooters, but particularlyjthe common elder and varieties,.
which make remarkably ftrong, jointed (hoots, of fe-
veral feet in ength, in one feafon ; and they flower
moftly in fummer, except the racemofe elder, which
generally begins flowering in April; and the branches
being large, fpreading, and very abundant, are exceed¬
ingly confpicuous ; but they emit a moft difagreeable
odour. The flowers are fucceeded injthe moftofthe fort*,
by large bunches of ripe berries in autumn, which, al-
tho’ very unpalatable to cat, are in high eftimation
for making that well known cordial liquor called elder
nuins, particularly the common black-berried elder.
The merit of the elder in gardening may be both for ufe
and ornament, efpecially in large grounds.
SAMOGITIA, a province of Poland, bounded on
the north by Courland, on the eaft by Lithuania,
on the weft by the Baltic Sea, and on the fouth by
Regal Pruflia, being about 175 miles in length and
125 in kreadth. It is full of forefts and very high,
mountains, which feed a great number of cattle, and
produce a large quantity of honey. There are alfo
very aftive horfes, in high efteem. The inhabitants
are clownifh, but honeft ; and they will not allow a
young woman to go out in the night, without a
candle in her hand, and two bells at her girdle. Rof-
fenna and Wormia are the principal places.
SAMOIEDA, a country of the Ruffian empire,
between Afiatic Tartary and Archangel, lying along
the fea-coaft as far as Siberia. The inhabitants are fo
rude a people, that they can hardly pretend to hu¬
manity, except in their face and figure: they have
little underftanding; and in many things referable
brutes, for they will eat carrion of every kind. They
travel on the fnow on fledges, drawn with an animal
like a rein-deer, but with the horns of a flag. Thofe
who have feen them affirm, that no people on the
earth make fuch (hocking figures: their ftature is
fhort; their (boulders and faces arebroad, with flat broad
nofes, great blubber hanging ligs, and flaring eyes ;
their complexion is dark, their hair long and as black
as pitch, and they have very little beards; and it is
faid that all the Samoied women have black nipples.
If they have any religion at all, it is idolatry, though
there has been fome attempts of late to convert them.
Their huts are made of birch bark fewed together,
which is laid upon flakes fet in the ground, and at the
top is a hole to let out the fmoke; the fire is made
in the middle, and both men and women lie naked
round them all night. They have little regard to
SAM [ 6947 7 SAM
£amoj tfie nearncfs of kia, and take as many wives as
Samuel can ^ecP» t^eir onIy enjployment is hunting and
-fifhing.
SAMOS, (anc. geog.)i an ifland at no great diftance
from the promontory Mycale, on the continent of the
Hither Afia, and oppolite to Ephefus; the diftance
only feven ftadfa, (Strabo); a free ifland, in compafs
eighty-feven miles,(Pliny); or one hundred, (Ifidorus):
with a cognominal town, (Ptolemy, Horace) ; famous
for the worfhip and a temple of Juno, with a noted
afylum, (Virgil, Strabo, Tacitus) ; and hence their
'coin exhibited a peacock, (Athenaeus): The country
of Pythagoras, who, to avoid the oppreffion of tyrants,
retired to Italy, the land of freedom. Samos, tho* not
fo happy in producing wine, which Strabo wonders at,
all the adjoining iflands yielding a generous fort, yet
abounding in all the neceflaries of life. The Vafa
Sarnia, among earthen ware, were held in high re¬
pute. Samii, the people, (Ovid).—The ifland is now
in the hands of the Turks. It is about 32 miles in
length, and 22 in breadth, and extremely fertile.
The inhabitants live at their cafe, their taxation by
the Turks being moderate. The women are very nafty
and ugly, and they never fliift above once a-month.
They are clothed in the Turkifli manner, except a red
coif, and their hair hanging down their backs, with
plates of filver or block-tin faftened ta the ends.
They have abundance of melons, lentils, kidney-beans,
and excellent mufleadine grapes. They have white figs,
four times as big as the common fort, but not fo well
tafted. Their filk is very fine, and their honey and
wax admirable; befides which, their poultry are ex¬
cellent : they have iron mines, and moft of the foil is
of a rufty colour : they have alfo emery ftone, and all
the mountains are of white marble. The inhabitants
are about 12,000, who are almoft all Greeks; and the
monks and priefts occupy moft part of the ifland.
They have a bifhop who refides at Cora.
SAMIAN earth, in the materia medica, the
name of two fpecies of marl ufed in medicine, viz.
I. The white kind, called by the ancients collyrium
famium, being aftringent, and therefore good in diar-
rhaeas, dyfenteries, and haemorrhagies ; they alfo ufed
it externally in inflammations of all kinds. 2. The
brownifli-white kind, called after famius, by Diof-
corides ; this alfo (lands recommended as an aftrin-
gent.
SAMSON, one of the judges of Ifrael, memorable
for his fupernatural ftrength, his victories over the
Philiftines, and his tragical end, as related in the book
of Judges.
Samson’s a fort of pillar eredled in a (hip’s
hold, between the lower deck and the kelfon, under
the edge of a hatchway, and furniflied with feveral
notches that ferve as fteps to mount or deicend, as
occafion requires. This poll, being firmly driven
into its place, not only fervcs to fupport the beam
and fortify the veffel in that place, but alfo to prevent
the cargo or materials contained in the hold, from
fliifting to the oppofue fide, by the rolling of the (hip
in a turbulent and heavy fea.
Books of SAMUEL, two canonical books of the
Old Teftament, as beiog ufually afcribtd to the pro¬
phet Samuel..
The books of Samuel, and the books of Kings, are
a continued hiftory of the reigns of the kings of Ifrael
and Judah ; for which reafon the books of Samuel are
likewife ftyled the firft andfecond hooks of Kings. Since
the firft 24 chapters contain all that relates to the
Hiftovy of Samuel, and the latter part of the firft
book and all the fecond include the relation of events
that happened after the death of that prophet, it has
been fuppofed that Samuel was author only of the firft
24 chapters, and that the prophets Gad and Nathan
finifhed the work. The firft book of Samuel compre¬
hends the tranfadlions under the government of Eli and
Samuel, and under Saul the firft king ; and alfo the
a&s of David while he lived under Saul; and is fup-
ofed to contain the fpace of ioi years. The fecond
00k contains the hiftory of about 40 years, and is
v/holly fpent in relating the tranfadlions of David’s
reign.
SANCHONIATHON, a Phoenician hiftoriogra-
pher, coternporary with Gideon the Ifraelitifli judge,
who wrote nine books of the ancient theology and hi¬
ftory of Phoenicia ; we have fome fragments of it in
Porphyry de Ahftinentia, and in Eufebius. Mr Dod-
well thinks it all counterfeit.
SANCROFT (William), archbifhop of Canter¬
bury, was born at Frefingfield in Suffolk, in 1616;
and admitted into Emanuel college, Cambridge, in
1633. In 1642, he was elefted a fellow; and, for
refufing to take the covenant, was eje&ed from his
fellowlhip. In 1660, he was chofen one of the uni-
verfity preachers; and in 1663, was nominated to the
deanery of York. In 1664, lie was inftalled dean of
St Paul’s. In this ftatioii he fet himfeif with unwea¬
ried diligence to repair the cathedral, till the fire of
London in 1666 employed his thoughts on the more
noble undertaking of rebuilding it, toward which he
gave 14001. He alfo rebuilt the deanry, and improved
the revenue of it. In 1668, he was admitted arch¬
deacon of Canterbury, on the king’s prefentation. In
1677, being now prolocutor of the convocation, he
was unexpeftedly advanced to the archbifttopric of
Canterbury. In 1678, he was committed to the tower,
with fix other bifliops, for prefenting a petition to the
king againft reading the declaration of indulgence.
Upon king James II.’3 withdrawing himfeif, he con¬
curred with the lords in a declaration to the prince of
Orange for a free parliament, and due indulgence to
the proteftant diffenters- But when that prince and
his confort were declared king and queen, his grace
refufing to take the oaths to their majefties, he was
fufpended and deprived. He lived in a very private
manner, till he died in 1693. His learning, integrity,
and piety, made him an exalted ornament of the church.
He publiflied a volume in i2mo, intitled Modern Po¬
litics, taken from Macliiavel, Borgia, and other choice
authors ; Familiar Letters to Mr North, an 8vo pam¬
phlet ; and three of his fermons were printed together
after his death.
SANCTIFICATION, the aft of fanaifying, or
rendering a thing holy.. The reformed divines define
fanaification to be an aa of God’s grace, by which a
perfon’s defires and affeaions are alienated from the
world ; and by which he is made to die to fin, and to
live to righteoufnefs j or in other words, to feel an ab-
38 Z 2 horrence
Sandhorm-
tlion
II
Sanftinca-
Sanftion
n
Sand.
SAN [ 6948 ] SAN
horrence of all vice, and a love of religion and virtue.
SANCTION, the authority given to a judicial aft,
.by which it becomes legal and authentic.
SANCTORIUS, a moft ingenious and learned
phyfician, profeflbr in the univerfity of Padua, in the
beginning of the 17th century. He contrived a kind
of ftatical chair, by means of which, after eftimating
the aliments received, and the fenfible difcharges, he
was enabled to determine with great exaftnefs, the
quantity of infenfible perfpiration, as well as what
kind of viftuals and drink increafed or diminifhed it.
On thefe experiments he erefted a curious fyflem,
which he publiihed under the title of De tnedicina fla¬
tted} of which we have an Englifh tranflation by Dr
Quincy. Sanftorius publiihed feveral other treatifes,
which (hewed great abilities and learning.
SANCTUARY, among the Jews, alfo called Sanc¬
tum fanftorum, or Holy of holies, was the holieft and
moft retired part of the temple of Jerufalem, in which
the ark of the covenant was preferved, and into which
none but the high-prieft was allowed to enter, and that
only once a-year, to intercede for the people.
Some diftinguifh the fanftuary from the fanftum
fanftorum, and maintain that the whole temple was
called the fanttuary.
To try and examine any thing by the weight of the
fanftuary, is to examine it by a juft and equal fcale;
becaufe, among the Jews, it was the cuftom of the
priefts to keep ftone weights, to ferve as ftandards for
regulating all weights by, though thefe were not at
all different from the royal or profane weights.
Sanctuary, in the Romilh church, is alfo ufed for
that part of the church in which the altar is placed,
encompaffed with a rail or balluftrade.
Sanctuary, in our ancient cuftoms, the fame with
Asylum.
SAND, in natural hiftory, a genus of foflils, the
charafters of which are, that they are found in mi¬
nute concretions; forming together a kind of pow¬
der, the genuine particles of which are all of a ten¬
dency to one determinate (hape, and appear regu¬
lar though more or lefs complete concretions; not to
be diffolved or difunited by water, or formed into a
coherent mafs by means of it, but retaining their fi¬
gure in it; tranfparent, vitrifiable by extreme heat,
and not diffoluble in nor effervefeing with acids.
Sands are fubjeft to he varioufly blended, both with
homogene and heterogene fubftances, as that of talcs,
&c. and hepce, as well as from their various colours,
are fubdivided into, 1. White fands, whether pure or
mixed with other arenaceous or heterogeneous par¬
ticles ; of all which there are feveral fpecies, differing
no lefs in the finenefs of their particles, than in the
different degrees of colour, from a bright and (hining
white, to a brownifh, yellowifti, greeniih, &c. white.
2. The red and reddifh fands, both pure and impure.
3. The yellow fands, whether pure or mixed, are alfo
very numerous. 4. The brown fands, diftinguifhed
in the fame manner. 5. The black fands, whereof
there are only two fpecies, viz. a fine finning greyifh-
black fand, and another of a fine fiiining reddifti-black
colour. 6. The green kind ; of which there is only
one known fpecies, viz. a coarfe variegated dulky green
fand, common in Virginia.
Sand is of great ufe in the glafs-tnanufafture ; the
white writing fand being employed for making of the
white glafs, and a coarfe greenifh-looking fand for the
green glafs.
In agriculture, it feems to be the office of fand to
make unftuous earths fertile, and fit to fupport vege¬
tables, &c. For earth alone, we find, is liable to
coalefce, and gather into a hard coherent mafs, as ap¬
pears in clay; and being thus embodied, and as it
were glued together, is no way difpofed to nourifit
vegetables. But if fuch earth be mixed with fand, its
pores are thereby kept open, and the earth itfelf loofe,
fo as thus to give room for the juices to afeend, and
for plants to be nouriftied thereby. A vegetable
planted only in fand, or in a fat glebe, or in earth,
receives little growth or increafe ; but a mixture of
both renders the mafs fertile. In effeft, earth is in
fome meafure made organical by means of fand ; pores
and fpaces, fomething analogous to veffels, being
thereby maintained, by which the juices may be con¬
veyed, prepared, digefted, circulated, and at length
difeharged. Common fand is, therefore, a very good
addition, by way of manure, to all forts of clay-lands ;
it warms them, and makes them more open and loofe.
Sand-^^j, in the art of war, are bags filled with
earth or fand, holding each about a cubic foot; their
ufe is to raife parapets in hafte, or to repair what is
beaten down.
SAND-iie/,. in ichthyology. See Ammodytes.
Sand in ornithology. See Tringa.
SANDAL, in antiquity, a rich kind of flipper
worn on the feet by the Greek and Roman ladies,
made of gold, filk, or other precious fluff; confifting
of a foie, with an hollow at one extreme to embrace
the ancle, but leaving the upper part of the foot bare.
Sandal, is alfo ufed for a fhoe or flipper worn by
the pope and other Romifh prelates when they of¬
ficiate. It is alfo the name of a fort of flipper worn
by feveral congregations of reformed monks. This
laft confifts of no more than a mere leathern foie, faf-
tened with latches or buckles, all the reft of the foot
being left bare. The capuchins wear fandals ; the
recoliefts, clogs; the former are of leather, and the
latter of wood.
SANDARACH, in natural hiftory, a very beau¬
tiful native foffil, though too often confounded with
the common faftitions red arfenic, and with the red
matter formed by melting the common yellow orpi-
ment.
It is a pure fubftance, of a very even and regular
ftrufture, is throughout of that colour which our dyers
term an orange fcarlst, and is confiderably tranfparent
even in the thickeft pieces. But though, with refpeft
to colour, it has the advantage of cinnabar while in
the mafs, it is vaftly inferior to it when both are re¬
duced to powder. It is moderately hard, and remark¬
ably heavy ; and, when expofed to a moderate heat,
melts and flows like oil: if fet on fire, it burns very
briflely.
It is found in Saxony and Bohemia, in the copper
and filver mines ; and is fold to the painters, who find
it a very fine and valuable red : but its virtues or qua¬
lities in medicine, are no more afeertained at this time
than thofe of the yellow orpiment.
Gaw-SANDARACH, is a dry and hard refin, ufually
met with in loofe granules, of the bignefs of a pea, a
horfe-
Sand
II
Sandarach.
SAN [ 6949 ] SAN
Sanders horfe-bean, or larger ; of a pale whitifh yellow colour,
J tranfparent, and of a refmous fmell, brittle, very inflam-
an ys‘ mable, of an acrid and aromatic tafte, and diffufing a
very pleafant fmell when burning. It is produced
from a fpecies of the juniper.
It flows only from thefe trees in hot countries ; but
the natives promote its difcharge by making incifions
in the bark.
Sandarach is efteemed good in diarrhoeas, and in
baemorrhagies.
The varnifh-makers make a kind of varnifh of it, by
diflblving it in oil of turpentine or linfeed, or in fpirit
of wine.
SANDERS. See Saunders.
SANDIVER, a whitifh fait, continually call up
from the metal, as it is called, whereof glafs is made;
and, fwimming on its fnrface, is Ikimmed of.
Sandiver is alfo plentifully thrown out'- in the erup¬
tions of volcanos; fome is of a fine white, and others
tinged bluifh or yellowifh.
Sandiver is faid to be detergent, and good for foul-
nefles of the fkin. It is alfo ufed by gilders of iron.
SANDIX, a kind of minium, or red-lead, made of
cerufe, but much inferior to the true minium.
SANDWICH, a town of Kent, one of the cinque
ports, and which has the title of an earldom. It con-
fifts of about 1500 houfes, mod of them old, and
built with wood, though there are a few new ones
built with brick and flints. It has three long narrow
flreets paved, and thirty crofs-ftreet or alleys, with
about 6000 inhabitants, but no particular manufac¬
tory. The town is walled round, and alfo fortified
with ditches and ramparts ; but the walls are much
decayed, on account of the harbour being fo choaked
up with fand that a fhip of too tons burthen cannot
get in. £. Long. 1. 20. N. Lat yr. 20.
Sandwich IJland, one of thofe lately djfcovered in
the South Sea, lying near New Ireland. No parti¬
culars concerning it are known, but that it is inha¬
bited by woolly-headed negroes.
SANDYS (Sir Edwin), fecond fon of Dr Edwin
Sandys archbilhop of York, was born about 1561,
and educated at Oxford under Mr Richard Hooker,
author of the Ecclefiaftical Polity. In 1581 he was
collated to a prebend in the cathedral of York. He
travelled into foreign countries; and, upon his return,
grew famous for learning, prudence, and virtue; While
he was at Paris, he drew up a traft, publifhed under
the title of Europae Speculum. In 1602, he refigned
his prebend ; and, the year following, was knighted
by king James I. who employed him in feveral im¬
portant affairs. He was dextrous in any great em¬
ployment, and a good patriot. However, oppofing
the court with vigour in the parliament held in 1621,
he, with Mr Selden, was committed to cuftody for a
month,. He died in 1629, having bequeathed 1500 1.
to the univerfity of Oxford, for the endowment of a
metaphyfical ledture.
Sandys (George), brolher of the foregoing Sir
Edwin, and youngelt fon of archbifhop Sandys, was
born in 1577. He was a moll accompliihed gentle¬
man ; travelled over feveral parts of Europe and the
Eaft ; and publifhed a relation of his journey in folio,
in 1615. He made an elegant tranflation of Ovid’s
Metamorphofes; and compofed fome poetical pieces of
his own, that were greatly admired in the times ofSanguifica*
their being written. He alfo paraphrafed the Pfalms; ti°n
and has left behind him a Tranflation, with Notes, ofSanj1^rjm
one Sacred Drama written originally by Grotius, un-  1
der the title of Chrijhu Pattens; on which, and
Adamus Exul, and Mafenius, is founded Lauder’s
impudent charge of plagiarifm againft our immortal
Milton. Our author became one of the privy cham¬
ber to Charles I. and died in 1643.
SANGUIFICATION, in the animal ceconomy,
the converfion of the chyle into true blood. See Blood.
SANGUINARIA, blood-wort ; a genus of the
monogynia order, belonging to the polyandria clafs
of plants. There is only one fpecies, viz. the cana-
denfis, a native of the northern parts of America,
where it grows plentifully in the woods; and in the
fpring, before the leaves of the trees come out, the
furface of the ground is in many places covered with
the flowers, which have fome refemblance to our wood
anemone; but they have fhort naked pedicles, each
fupporting one flower at top. Some of thefe flowers
will have 10 or 12 petals, fo that they appear to have
a double range of leaves, which has occafioned their
being termed double flowers; but this is only acci¬
dental, the fame roots in different years producing
different flowers. The plant can bear the open air in
this country, but (hould be placed in a loofe foil and
flickered fituation, not too much expofed to the fun.
It is propagated by the roots; which maybe taken up
and parted, in September, every other year. The In¬
dians paint themfelves yellow with the juice of thefe
plants.
SANGUISORBA, greater wild burnet; a
genus of the monogynia order, belonging to the te-
trandria clafs of plants. The moft remarkable fpecies
is the officinalis, with oval fpikes. This grows na¬
turally in moilt meadows in many parts of Britain.
The (talks rife from two to three feet high, branching
towards the top; and are terminated by thick oval
fpikes of flowers of a greyifli brown colour, which are
divided into four fegments almoft to the bottom. Thefe
are fucceeded by four oblong cornered feeds. The
leaves of this fort are compofed of five or fix pair of
lobes placed along a midrib, terminated by an odd
one. Thefe are heart-fliaped, deeply fawed on their
edges, and a little downy on their under-fides. The
cultivation of this plant has been greatly recommended
as food to cattle. See Agriculture, n®47—49.
SANHEDRIM, or Sanhedrin, among the Jews,
the great council of the nation, confiding of 70 fena-
tors, taken partly from among the priefts and levites,
and partly out of the inferior judges, who formed
what was called the kjfer fanhedrim. The room they
met in was a rotunda, half of which was built with¬
out the temple, and half within. The na!i, or prefi-
dent of the fanhedrim, fat upon a throne, with his
deputy on his right-hand, his fub-deputy on his left,
and the other fenators ranged in order on each fide.
The authority of this council was very extenfive :
for they decided fuch caufes as were brought before
them by way of appeal from the inferior courts; and
the king, the high priert, and prophets, were under
the jurifdi&ion of this tribunal. They had the right
of judging in capital cafes, and fentence of death
might not be pronounced in any other place ; for
which
SAN [ 6950 ] SAN
Simciik which reafon the Jews were forced to quit this hall,
Sarnaren. w^en t^ie power of life and death was taken out of
  their hands, 40 years before the deftruftion of the
temple, and three years before the death of Chrift.
There were feveral inferior fanhedrims in Paleftine,
each of which confided of 23 perfons; all thefe de¬
pended on the great fanhedrim of Jerufalem.
SANICULA, sanicle, ox Self heal; a genus of
the digynia order, belonging to the pentandria clafs
of plants. There is but one fpecies, viz. the europaea,
found in many parts both of Scotland and England.
This plant was long celebrated for its healing virtues,
both internally and externally; but is now totally dif-
regarded.
SANIDIUM, in natural hidory, the name of a
genus of fofiils of the clafs of the felenita?, but neither
of the rhomboidal nor columnar kinds, nor any other
way diftingnifhable by its external figure ; being made
up of feveral plain flat plates.
SANIES, in medicine, a ferous putrid matter, if-
fuing from wounds. It differs from pus, which is thicker
and whiter.
SANNAZARIUS (James), in Latin Atlius Cin-
tertis Sannazarius, a celebrated Latin and Italian poet,
born at Naples in 1458. He by bis wit ingratiated
lumfelf into the favour of king Frederic; and, when
that prince was dethroned, attended him into France,
where he daid with him till his death, which hap¬
pened in 1504. Sannazarius then returned into Italy,
where he applied himfelf to polite literature, and par¬
ticularly to Latin and Italian poetry. His gay and
facetious humour made him fought for by all compa¬
nies ; but he was fo afSi&ed'at the news that Phili¬
bert prince of Orange, general of the emperor’s ar¬
my, had demolifhed his country-honfe, that it threw
him into an illnefs, of which he died in 1530. It is
faid, that being informed a few days before his death,
that the prince of Orange was killed in battle, he cried
out, “ I fliall die contented, fince Mars has punifhed
this barbarous enemy of the Mufes.” He wrote a
great number of Italian and Latin poems: among
-tbofe in Latin, his De Partu Virginis, and Ecclogues,
are chiefly edeemed ; and the mod; celebrated of his
Italian pieces is his Arcadia.
SANTA cauz, a town of Africa, on the coaft of
Barbary, and in the province of Suez and kingdom of
Morocco, with a harbour and a fort. The Moors
took it from the Portuguefe in 1536. It is feated at
the extremity of Mount Atlas, on the Cape Aguer.
W. Long. 9. 35. N. Lat. 36. 30.
Santa Cruz de la Sierra, a town of South Ame¬
rica, and capital of a province of that name in Peru,
and in the audience of Los-Charcas, with a bidiop’s
fee. It is feated at the foot of a mountain, in a coun¬
try abounding in good fruits, on the river Guapy.
W. Long. 39. 35. S. Lat. 20. 40.
Santa Fe de Bogota^ a town of South America,
and capital of New Granada, with an archbifhop’s fee,
a fupreme court of judice, and an univerfity. It is
fcated on the river Magdalena, in a plentiful country,
abounding in corn, cattle, and fruit, with mines of
filver in the mountains, 360 miles fouth of Carthagena.
W. Long. 60. 3. N. Lat. 3. 38.
SANTAREN, a handfome town of Portugal, in
Eftremsdura, feated on a mountain near the river Ta-
jo, in a country very fertile in wheat, wine, and oil.
They get in their harved here two months after they
have fown their corn. It was taken from the Moors,
in 1447. W. Long. 7. 43. N. Lat. 39. 12.
SANTEN, a town of Germany, in the circle of
Wedphalia, and in the duchy of Cleves. It has a hand¬
fome church belonging to the Roman Catholics, where¬
in is an image of the Virgin Mary, which they pretend
performs a great many miracles. Here the fine walks
begin that run as far as Wefel, from which it is five
miles didant to the north-wed. E. Long. 6. 33. N.
Lat. 31. 38.
SANTERRE, a fmall territory of France, in Pi¬
cardy ; bounded on the north by Cambrefis, on the
ead by Vermandois, on the wed by Amienois, and
on the fouth by the river Somme. It is very fertile,
and the capital town is Peronne.
SANTEUIL, or rather Santeul, (John Baptift
de), in Latin Santolius Vicierinus, an excellent Latin
poet, was born at Paris in 1630. Having finiihed his
itudies in Lewis the Great’s college, he applied him¬
felf entirely to poetry, and celebrated in his verfe the
praifes of feveral great men; by which he acquired
univerfal applaufe. He enriched Paris with a great
number of inferiptions, which are to be feen on the
public fountains, and the monuments confecrated to,
poderity. At length, fome new hymns being to be
compofed for the Breviary of Paris, Claude Santeuil
his brother, and M. Boffuet, perfuaded him to under¬
take that work; and he fucceeded in it with thegreateft
applaufe. On which the order of Clugny defiring him
to compofe foroe for their Breviary, he complied with
their reqneft; and that order, out of gratitude, granted
him letters of filiation, with an annual penfion. San¬
teuil was careffed by all the learned men of his time;
and had for his admirers the two princes of Conde,
the father and fon, from whom he frequently received
favours. Lewis XIV. alfo gave him a proof of his
efteem, by bedowing a penfion upon him. He at¬
tended the duke of Bourbon to Dijon, when that
prince went thither in order to hold the dates of Bur¬
gundy ; and died there in 1697, as he was preparing
to return to Paris. Befides his Latin hymns, he wrote
a great number of Latin poems, which have all the
fire and marks of genius difcoverable in the works of
great poets.
To Santeuil we are indebted for many fine church-
hymns, as abovementioned. Santeuil read the verfes
he made for the inhabitants of heaven with all the agi¬
tations of a demoniac. Defpreaux faid he was the
devil whom God compelled to praife faints. He wTa4
among the number of poets whofe genius was as im¬
petuous as his mufe was decent.
La Bruyere has painted the chara&er of this lingu¬
lar and truly original poet in the mod; lively colours.
“ Image a man of great facility of temper, complai-
fant and docile, in an indant violent, choleric, paffion-
ate, and capricious. A man fimple, credulous, play¬
ful, volatile, puerile; in a word, a child in grey hairs:
but let him colled himfelf, or rather call forth his in¬
terior genius, I venture to fay, without his knowledge
or privacy, what fallies! what elevation! what images!
what latinity ! Do you fpeak of one and the fame per-
fon, you will alk ? Yes, of the fame ; of Theodas, and
of him alone. He Ihrieks, he jumps, he rolls upon
Santea
II
Santtull.
SAN [ 6951 ] SAN
Santillane, the ground, he roars, he ftorms ; and in the midft of
Santolina. this tempeft, a flame iffues that ftiines, that rejoices.
' 'Without a figure, he rattles like a fool, and thinks
like a wife man. He utters truths in a ridiculous way;
and, in an idiotic manner, rational and fenfibie things.
It is aftonifhing to find good fenfe difclofe itfelf from
the bofom of buffoonery, accompanied with grimaces
and contortions. What (hall I fay more ? He does
and he fays better than he knows. Thefe are like two
fouls that are unacquainted with each other, which
have each their turn ancf feparate fun&ions. A fea¬
ture would be wanting in this extraordinary portrait,
if I omitted faying, that he has at once an infatiable
thirft for praife, ready to throw himfelf at the mercy
of the critics, and at the bottom fo docile as to profit
by their cenfure. 1 begin to perfuade myfelf, that I
have been drawing the portraits of two different per-
fons: it would not be impoflible to find a third in
Theodas; for he is a good man, a pleafant man, an
excellent man.,■,
This poet ought not to be confounded with Claude
de Santeuil, his brother, a learned ecclefiaftic, who
alfo wrote feveral hymns in the Paris Breviary nnder
the name of Santolius Maglieranus, a name given him
from his having lived a long time in the feminary of
St Magliore at Paris, in quality of fecular ecclefiaftic.
He was efteemed not only for his poetical abilities,
but alfo for his profound erudition and his exemplary
piety. He died at Paris in 1684, aged 57. He
wrote feveral other pieces of poetry, befides his hymns,
which are printed with his brother’s works.
SANTILLANE, a fea-port town of Spain, in the
province of Afturias, of which it is the capital. It is
feated on the fea-coaft, 55 miles eaft of Oviedo, and
200 north-weft of Madrid. W. Long. 4. 33. N. Lat.
43- 3°-
SANTOLINA, lavender-cotton ; a genus of
the order of polygamia aequalis, belonging to the
fyngenefia clafs of plants. The moft remarkable
fpecies are, 1. The chamaecyparifus, or common La¬
vender-cotton, which has been long known in the
Englifh gardens ; it was formerly titled abrotamim
famina, or female feathernwood, and by the corruption
of words was called Irotany by the market-people : it
grows naturally in Spain, Italy, and the warm parts
of Europe. This hath a ligneous ftalk, dividing into
many branches, garnifhed with (lender hoary leaves,
that are four ways indented, and have a rank ftrong
odour when handled. The branches are terminated
by a fmgle flower, compofed of many hermaphrodite
florets, which are fiftular, cut into five parts at the
top, of a fulphur colour, and are included in one com¬
mon fcaly empalcment, having no borders or rays.
|i Thefe are fucceeded by final], oblong, ftriated feeds,.
which are feparated by fcaly chaff, and ripen in the
empalcment; the plants love a dry foil and a (heltered
fituation. 2. The villofa, with woc'ly leaves, has a
(hrubby ftalk, which branches out like the former,
but the plants feldom grow fo tall. The branches are
| garniftied very clofely below with leaves (haped like
thofe of the other fort, but (hotter, thicker, and
whiter ; the flowers are much larger, and the brims of
the florets are more reflexed ; they are of a deeper ful¬
phur colour than the other. It grows naturally in
Spain. 3. The decumbens, with linear leaves, is of SantoITns,',
lower ftature than either of the former, feldom riling Santorim-
more than 15 or 16 inches-high. The branches fpread
horizontally near the ground, and are garniftied with
(hotter leaves than either of the former, which are
hoary and finely indented; the (talks are terminated
by fingle flowers, of a bright yellow colour, which
are larger than thofe of the firft fort. 4. The virens,
with very long linear leaves, rifes higher than either
of the former. The branches are more diffufed ; they
are (lender, fmooth, and garniftied with very narrow
long leaves, which are of a deep green colour, but
two ways indented ; the (talks are (lender, naked to¬
wards the top, and terminated by fingle flowers of a-
gold colour. 5. The rofmarinifolia, with linear entire
leaves, hath (hrubby (talks, which rife about three feet
high, fending out long (lender branches, garniftied
with fingte linear leaves of a pale-green colour. The
(talks are terminated by large, fingle, globular flowers,
of a pale fulphur colour. 6. The minor, with linear
obtufe leaves, is fomewhat like the fifth ; but the
branches are (horter, thicker, and clofer garniftied
with leaves, which come out in clufters. The flower-
(talks are fparfedly difpofed, and have leaves to their
top ; the flowers are (mall, and of a yellow colour..
7. The chamsemelifolia, with obtufe woolly leaves,
hath (hrubby (talks, which rife three feet high, gar¬
niftied with broader leaves than either of the former,
whofe indentures are loofer, but double ; they arc
hoary, and when bruifed have an odour like chamo¬
mile. The leaves are placed pretty far afunder, and
the (talks are garniftied with them to the top. The
(talks are divided likewife at the top into two or three
foot-ftalks, each fuftaining one pretty large fulphur-
coloured flower.
All thefe plants may be cultivated fo as to become
ornaments to a garden, particularly in fmall bofquets
of ever-green flirubs, where, if they are artfully inter¬
mixed with other plants of the fame growth, and
placed in the front line, they will make an agreeable
variety} efpecially if care be taken to trim them twice
in a fummer to keep them within bounds, otherwife
their branches are apt to draggle, and in wet weather
to be borne down and difplaced, which renders them
unfigbtly ; but when they are kept in order, their
hoary and different-coloured leaves will have a pretty
effedi in fuch plantations.—They may be propagated
by planting flips or cuttings during the fpring, in a
border of light frefti earth, but muft be watered and
(haded in hot dry weather until they have taken root;
after which they will require no farther care but to
keep them clean from weeds till autumn, when they
(hould be tranfplanted where they are defigned to re¬
main : but if the ground is not ready by that time to
receive them, it will be proper to let them remain in
the border until fpring; for if they are tranfplanted
late in autumn, they are liable to be deftroyed by cold
In winter.
SANTORINI, an ifland of the Archipelago, to
the north of Candia, and to the fouth-weft of Nan*
phio. It is eight miles in length, and near as much
in breadth, and almoft covered with pumice-ftone,
whence the foil in general muft be dry and barren ; it
is, however, greatly improved by the labour and in-
duftry^
SAP [ 6952 ] SAP
Sa« duftry of the inhabitants, who have turned it into a
Sanindus gar(^en' ^ affords a great deal of barley, plenty of
  1 cotton, and large quantities of wine. Fruit is fcarce,
except figs; and they have neither oil nor wood.
The inhabitants are all Greeks, and are about to,coo
in number. Pyrgos is the capital town, and there are
feveral little towns and villages. They have but one
fpring in the ifland, for which reafon they preferve
the rain-water in cifterns. Though fubjeift to the
Turks, they choofe their own magillrates. E. Long.
25. 5. N. Lat. 39. xo.
SAG, a territory, called a kingdom, of Africa, on
the gold-coaft of Guinea, hardly two miles in length
along the (hore. It produces abundance of Indian
corn, yams, potatoes, palm-wine, and oil. The in¬
habitants are very treacherous, and there is no dealing
with them without a great deal of caution. It con¬
tains feveral villages, of which Sabo is the principal }
and the Dutch have a fort here called NaJJau.
SAONE, a confiderable river of France, which has
its fource in mount Vofgue, near Darney ; runs thro’
the Tranche Comte, Burgundy, Beaujolois; and falls
into the Rhone at Lyons. It pafles by Gray, Cha¬
lons, and Mafcon.
SAP, a juice furniflied by the earth, and changed
into the fubttance of plants. See the article Plant.
Sap, in fieges, is a trench, or an approach made
under cover of 10 or 12 feet broad, when the befiegers
come near the place, and the fire from the garrifon
grows fo dangerous that they are not able to approach
uncovered.—There are feveral forts of faps; the fingle,
which has only a fingle parapet; the double, ha¬
ving one on each fide ; and the flying, made with
gabions, &c. In all faps, traverfes are left to cover
the men.
SAPPERS, are foldiers belonging to the royal ar¬
tillery, whofe bufinefs it is to work at the faps, and
for which they have an extraordinary pay. A bri¬
gade of Tappers generally confifts of eight men, di¬
vided equally into two parties 5 and whilft one of thefe
parties is advancing the fap, the other is furnifhing
the gabions, fafcines, and other neceflary implements,
who relieve each other alternately.
SAPINDUS, the soap-berry tree} a genus of
Plate the digynia order, belonging to the o&andria clafs of
CCXLVII. plants. The fpecies are, i. The faponaria with w'inged
leaves, grows naturally in the iflands of the Weft In¬
dies, where it rifes with a woody ftalk from 20 to 30
feet high, fending out many branches garniflied with
winged leaves compofed of feveral pair of fpear-fliaped
lobes. The midrib has a membranaceous or leafy
border, running on each fide from one pair of lobes
to the other, which is broadeft in the middle between
the lobes; the flowers are produced in loofe fpikes, at
the end of the branches; they are fmall and white, fo
make no great appearance. Thefe are fucceeded by
oval berries as large as middling cherries, fometimes
fingle, at others, two, three, or four are joined toge¬
ther ; thefe have a faponaceous Ikin or cover, which
inclofes a very fmooth roundifh nut of the fame form,
of a (hining black wH^n ripe. The flun or pulp which
furrounds the nuts, is' ufed in America to wafh linen ;
but it is very apt to burn and deftroy it if often ufed,
Lieing of a very acrid nature. 2. The rigidus, with
rigid acute-winged leaves, grows in India. This hath Saponam
a flrong woody ftalk, which rifes about 20 feet high, sappnire
fending out many ftrong ligneous branches, covered 
with a fmooth grey bark, and garnifhed with winged
leaves, compofed of many fpear-fliaped lobes } they
are of a pale green, and fit clofe to the midrib, which
has no border or wing like the other. The end of
the branches are divided into two or three foot-ftalks,
each fuftaining a loofe fpike of flowers like thofe of
the other fort; thefe are fucceeded by roundifh ber¬
ries like thofe of the former.
Thefe plants are propagated by feeds; they mull
be put into fmall pots, and plunged into a hot-bed of
tanner’s bark. In five or fix weeks the plants will
appear, when the glafles of the hot-bed fhould be
railed every day in warm weather, to admit frefh air
to the plants. In three weeks or a month after the
plants appear, they will be fit to tranfplant, when they
tnuft be fliaken out of the pots, and carefully parted,
fo as not to injure their roots, and each planted into
a feparate fmall pot, and plunged into the hot-bed
again, obferving to (hade them from the fun until they
have taken new root; after which time they muft
have free air admitted to them every day when the
weather is warm, and will require to be frequently
watered.
SAPONARIA, Sopewort ; a genus of the d'gy-
nia order, belonging to the decandria clafe of plants.
The moft remarkable fpecies is the officinalis, or com¬
mon fopewort, which grows naturally in many parts
of this country. It has a creeping root, fo that in a
fliort time it would fill a large fpace of gropnd. The
ftalks are about two feet high, and of a purplifh
colour. The footftalks of the flowers arjfe from the
wings of the leaves oppofite; they fuftain four, five,
or more purple flowers each; which have generally
two fmall leaves placed under them. The ftalk is alfo
terminated by a loofe bunch of flowers growing ifi
form of an umbel; they have each a large fweliing
cylindrical empalement, and five broad obtufe petals,
which fpread open, of a purple colour. Thefe are
fucceeded by oval capfules with one cell filled with
fmall feeds.—-The decotftion of this plant is ufed to
cleanfe and fcour woollen cloths: the poor people in
fome countries ufe it inftead of foap for wafhing 5 from
whence it had its name.
SAPOR, taste. See Taste; and Anatomy,
n° 403.
SAPPHIRE, a pellucid gem, which, in its fineft
(late, is extremely beautiful and valuable, and fecond
only to the diamond in luftre, hardnefs, and price.
_ Its proper colour is a pure blue ; in the fineft fpeci- I'
mens it is of the deepeft azure, and in others varies
into palenefs in (hades of all degrees between that and
a pure cryftal brightnefs and water, without the leaft
tinge of colour, but with a lufture much fupcrior to
the cryftal. They are diftinguiftied into four forts,
viz. the blutf fapphire, the white fapphire, the water
fapphire, and the milk fapphire.
The gum known to us by this name is extremely
different from the fapphire of the ancients, which was
only a femi-opake ftone, of a deep blue, veined with
white, and fpotted with fmall gold-coloured fpangles,
in the form of ftars, and was only a more beautiful
kind ; |
SAP [ 6953 ] S A R
Sappho, kind of the lapis lazuli.••■but our fapphire they have
 defcribed under the naffie of beryllus aeroides, or the
Jky-blue beryl.
The fineft fapphires in the world are brought from
the kingdom of Pegu, in the Eaft-Indies ; where fome
are found perfectly colourlefs, and others of all the
fhades of blue; thefe are all found in the pebble-
form. We have very fine fapphires alfo, partly pebble,
partly cryftal-lhaped, from Bifnagar, Conanor, Cali¬
cut, and the ifland of Ceylon : thefe alfo are of all the
fhades of blue. And in Ceylon there are fometimes
found a fort of baftard gems, of a mixed nature be¬
tween the fapphire and ruby. The occidental are
from Silefia, Bohemia, and many other parts of Eu¬
rope ; but though thefe are often very beautiful ftones,
they are greatly inferior, both in luftre and hardnefs,
to the oriental.
SAPPHO, a famous poetefs of antiquity, who for
her excellence in her art has been called the Tenth
Mufe, was born at Mitylene in the ifle of Lefbos,
about 6to years before Chrift. She was contempo¬
rary with Stefichorus and Alcaeus; which laft was her
countryman, and as fome think her fuitor. A verfe of
this poet, in which he infinuates to her his paffion, is
preferved in Ariftotle, Rhet. lib. i. cap. 9. together
with the fair damfel’s anfwer.
ALGOUS. I fain to Sappho would a with impart,
But fear locks up the fecret in my heart.
SAPPHO. Thy downcaft looks, refpeft, and timid air,
Too plain the nature of thy with declare;
If lawlefs, wild, inordinate defire.
Did not with thoughts impure thy bofom fire,
Thy tongue and eyes, by innocence made bold,
Ere now the fecret of thy foul had told,
M. la Fevre obferves, that Sappho was not in her
ufual good-humour when Ihe gave fo cold an anfwer
to a requeft, for which, at another time, perhaps file
would not have waited.—It has been thought too,
that Anacreon was one of her lovers, and his editor
Barnes has taken fome pains to prove it: but chrono¬
logy will not admit this; fince, upon inquiry, it will
be found that Sappho was probably dead before
Anacreon was born. Of the numerous poems this lady
wrote, there is nothing remaining but fome fmall
fragments, which the ancient fcholiafts have cited; a
hymn to Venus, preferved by Dionyfius of Halicar-
, gee naffus; and an ode to one of her miftreffes f; which
’oetry, laft; piece confirms a tradition delivered down from
. «3oo, antiquity, that her amorous pafiion extended even
f' *' to perfons of her own fex, and that (he was willing to
have her miftreffes as well as her gallants.
Ovid introduces her making a facrifice to Phaon one
of her male paramours: from which we learn, that
Sappho’s love for her own fex did not keep her from
loving ours. She fell defperately in love with Phaon,
and did all (he could to win him : but in vain: upon
which (lie threw herfelf headlong from a rock, and
died. It is faid, that Sappho could not forbear fol¬
lowing Phaon into Sicily, whither he retired that he
might not fee her; and that during her (lay in that
ifland, (he probably compofed the hymn to Venus,
(fill extant, in which (lie begs fo ardent.ly the afiiftance
of that goddefs. Her prayers, however, proved in-
effe&ual: Phaon was cruel to the hid degree. The
unfortunate Sappho was forced to take the dread-
Vot. IX. 2
ful leap; (he went to the promontory Leucas, and Saraband
threw herfelf into the fea. The cruelty of Phaon will U
not furprife us fo much, if we refleft, that (he was a Saragofla.
widow; (for (he had been married to a rich man in
the ifle of Andros, by whom (he had a daughter,
named Cleis); that (he had never been handfome;
that (he had obferved no meafure in her paffion to both
fexes; and that Phaon had long known all her charms.
She was, however, a very great wit, and for that alone
deferves to be remembered. The Mitylenians had her
merit in fuch high efteem, that they paid her foveregn
honours after her death, and damped their money
with her image. The Romans afterwards ere&ed a
noble ftatue of Porphyry to her ; and in (hort, ancients
as well as moderns have done honour to her memory.
Voffius fays, that none of the Greek poets excelled
Sappho for fweetnefs of verfe; and that fhe made
Archilochus the model of her ftyle, but at the fame
time took care to foften the feverity of his exprcffion.
It mud be granted, fays Rapin, from what is left us
of Sappho, that Longinus had great reafon to extol
the admirable genius of this woman: for there is in
what remains of her fomething delicate, harmonious,
and impaffioned to the laft degree.
SARABAND, a mufical compofition in the triple ’
time, the motions of which are flow and ferious.
Saraband is alfo a dance to the fame meafure,
which ufually terminates when the hand that beats
the time falls; and is otherwife much the fame as the
minuet.
The faraband is faid to be originally derived from
the Saracens, and is ufually danced to the found of the
guitar or caftanettes-
SARACENS, the inhabitants of Arabia; fo called
from the word fara, which fignifies a defart, as the
greateft: part of Arabia is : and this being the country
of Mahomet, his difciples were called Saracens.
SARAGOSSA, a city of Spain, in the kingdom
Arragon, with an archbiflrop’s fee, an univerfity, and a
court of inquifition. It is faid to have been built by the
Phenicians; and the Romans fent a colony here in the
reign of the emperor Auguftus, whence it had the
name of Ccefar Augujius, which by corruption has
been changed into Saragofla. It is a large, handfome,
and well-built town. The ftreets are long, broad, well
paved, and very clean, and the houfes from three to
fix (lories high. It is adorned with many magnificent
buildings; and they reckon 17 large churches, and 14
handfome monafteries, not to mention others lefs con-
fiderable. The river Ebro runs crofs the place, di¬
viding into two ; and on its banks is a handfome quay,
which ferves for a public walk. The Holy-ftreet is the
larged, and fo broad that it may be taken for a fquare;
and here they have their bull-fights: in this ftreet
there are feveral noblemens families, particularly that
of the viceroy. The convents are handfome and richly
adorned., as well as the churches. The cathedral
church is a fpacious building, after the Gothic tafte ;
but the fined church is that of Nuedra Signora del
Pilar, feated on the fide of the Ebro, and is a place
of the greated devotion in Spain. They tell us the
virgin appeared to St James, who was preaching the
gofpel, and left him her image, with a handfome
pillar of jafper; it is dill in this church, which they
pretend is the firft in the world built to her honour.
39 A This
S A R [ 6954 ] S A R
Sareafm This ima^e (lands on a marble pillar, with a little
l! Jefus in her arms; but the place is fo dark, that it
Sarcopha- cannot feen w^hout the afiiftance of lamps, which
—are 50 in number, and all of Giver. There are alfo
chandeliers and baluftrades of mafTy filver. The orna¬
ments of this image are the richeft that can be ima¬
gined, her crown being full of precious ftones of an
ineftimable price; in (hort, there is fcarce any thing
to be feen but gold and jewels, and a vaft number of
people come in pilgrimage hither. The town-houfe
is a fumptuous ftruSure, adorned with fine columns :
in the hall are the pi£lurcs of all the kings of Arragon;
and in a corner of it St George on horfeback, with a
dragon of white marble under him. It is feated in a
very large plain, where the Ebro receives two other
rivers ; and over it arc two bridges, one of ftone
and the other of wood, which laft has been thought
the mod beautiful in Europe. A vidlory was obtained
here over the French and Spaniards in 1710, but it
was abandoned by the allies foon after. It is 97 miles
weft by north of Tarragona, 137 weft of Barcelona,
and 150 north-eaft of Madrid. W. Long. o. 48.
N. Lat. 4t. 47.
SARCASM, in rhetoric, a keen bitter exprefiion
which has the true point of fatire, by which the ora¬
tor feoffs and infults his enemy : fuch as that of the
Jews to our Saviour; “ He faved others, himfelf he
cannot fave.”
SARCOCELE, in furgery, a fpurious rupture,
or hernia, wherein the tefticle is confiderably tumefied
or indurated, like a feirrhous, or much enlarged by a
ffefhy excrefcence, which is frequently attended with
acute pains, fo as to degenerate at laft into a cancer¬
ous difpofuion. See Surgery.
SARCOCOLLA, a concrete juice, brought from
Perfia and Arabia, in fmall whitifh-yellow grains,
with a few of a reddilh and fometimes of a deep red
colour mixed with them; the whiteft tears are pre¬
ferred, as being the frefheft : its tafte is bitter, ac¬
companied with a dull kind of fweetnefs. This drug
diffolves in watery liquors, and appears chiefly to be
of the gummy kind, with a fmall admixture of refi-
bous matter. It is principally celebrated for cogluti-
nating wounds and ulcers; (whence its name o-^xoxoXKa,
Sefli-glue), a quality which neither this nor any other
drug has any juft title to.
SARCOLOGY, is that part of anatomy which
treats of the foft parts, viz. the mufcles, inteftines, ar¬
teries, veins, nerves, and fat.
SARCOMA, in furgery, denotes any flefhy ex¬
crefcence.
SARCOPHAGUS, in antiquity, a fort of ftone
coffin or grave, wherein the ancients laid thofe they
had not a mind to burn.
The word, as derived from the Greek, literally fig-
nifies, fleflj-eater •, becaufe at firft they ufed a fort of
ftone for the making of tombs, which quickly con-
fumed the bodies. See the following article.
Sarcophagus, or Lapis Ajfius, in the natural hi-
ftory of the ancients; a ftone mu^h. ufed among the
Greeks in their fepultures, and is recorded to have
always perfe&ly confumed the flefh of human bodies,
buried in it, in forty days. This property it was
much famed for, and all the ancient naturalifts men¬
tion it. There was another very Angular quality alfo
in it, but whether in all, or^ly in fome peculiar pie- Sareophiv j
ces of it, is not known; tharns, its turning into ftone 8"s 1
any thing that was put into vcffels made of it. This „ ,'
is recorded only by Mutianus and Theophraftus, ex- ar j""sapa n
cept that Pliny had copied it from thefe authors, and   —|
fome of the later writers on thefe fubjefts from him.
The account Mutianus gives of it is, that it converted
into ftone the (hoes of perfons buried in it, as alfo the
utenfils which it was in fome places cufto,mary to
bury with the dead, particularly thofe which the per-
fon, while living, mod delighted in. The utenfils
this author mentions, are fuch as muft have been
made of very different materials; and hence it appears
that this ftone had a power of confuming only flefli,
but that its petrifying quality extended to fubftances
of very different kinds. Whether ever it really pof-
feffed this laft quality, has been much doubted; and
many, from the feeming improbability of it, have
been afraid to record it. What has much encouraged
the general diftelief of it is, Mutianus’s account of
its taking place on fubftances of very different kinds
and textures ; but this is no real objeftion, and the
whole account has probably truth in it. Petrifa&ions
in thofe early days might not be diflinguirtied from
incruftations of fparry and ftony mauter on the fur-
faces of bodies only, as we find they are not with the
generality of the world even to this day; the incrufta¬
tions of fpar on mofles and other fubftances in fome
of our fprings, being at this time called by many pe¬
trified mofs, See. and incruftations like thefe might
eafily be formed on fubftances enclofed in veffels made
of this ftone, by water paffing through its pores, dif-
lodging from the common mafs of the ftone, and car¬
rying with it particles of fuch fpar as it contained ;
and afterwards falling in repeated drops on whatever
lay in its way, it might again depofit them on fuch
fubftances in form of incruftations. By this means,
things made of ever fo different matter, which hap¬
pened to be inclofed, and in the way of the pafiage of
the water, would be equally incrufted with and in
appearance turned into ftone, without regard to. the
different configuration of their pores and parts.
The place from whence the ancients tell us they had
this ftone was Aflbs, a city in Lycia, in the neigh¬
bourhood of which it was dug; and De Boot informs
us, that in that country, and in fome parts of the Eaft,
there are alfo ftones of this kind, which, if tied to the
bodies of living perfons, would in the fame manner [
confume their flefh. HilPs Notes on Theophrajius,
p. 14.
SARCOTICS, in furgery, medicines which are
fuppofed to generate flefh in wounds.
SARDANAPALUS, the laft king of Affyria,
whofe chara&er is one of the mod infamous in hiftory. j
He is faid to have funk fo far in depravity, that, as
far as he could, he changed his very fex and nature.
He cloathed himfelf as a woman, and fpun amidft com¬
panies of his concubines. He painted his. face, and
behaved in a more lewd manner than the moft lafeivious
harlot. In fhort, he buried himfelf in the moft un¬
bounded fenfuality, quite regardlefs of fex, and the ij
diSates of nature. Having grown odious to all his
fubjefts, a rebellion was formed againft him by Arbaces
the Mede and Belefis the Babylonian. They were
attended, however, with very bad fuccefs at firft, be-
S A R r ] SAT
Ing defeated with great flaughter in' three pitched
battles. With great difficulty Belefis prevailed upon
his men to keep the field only five days longer; when
they were joined by the Baflrians, who had come to
the affiftance of Sardanapalus, but had been prevailed
upon to renounce their allegiance to him. With this
reinforcement they twice defeated the troops of Sar¬
danapalus, who (hut himfelf up in Nineveh the capital
of his empire. The city held out for three years; at
the end of which, Sardanapalus finding himfelf unable
to hold out any longer, and dreading to fall into the
bands of an enraged enemy, retired into his palace,
in a court of which he caufed a vaft pile of wood to be
raifed; and heaping upon it all his gold and filver
and royal apparel, and at the fame time inclofing his
eunuchs and concubines in an apartment within the
pile, he fet fire to it, and fo deftroyed himfelf and all
together.
SARDINIA, an ifland of the Mediterranean,
bounded by the ftreight which divides it from Corfica,
on the north; by the Tufcan fea, which flows between
this ifland and Italy, on the eaft; and by other parts
of the Mediterranean fea on the fouth and weft. It is
about 140 miles in length, and 60 in breadth. There
is a pleafing variety of hills and valleys, and the foil
is generally fruitful, and would produce corn, wine,
and oil in abundance, if it was manured ; but the in¬
habitants are a flothful generation, and cultivate but
a little part of it. On the coaft there is a fiftiery of
anchovies and coral, of which they fend large quantities
to Genoa and Leghorn. The beeves and fheep are
very common, as well as horfes. This ifland was
under the dominion of Spain till the year 1708; when
Sir John Leake, the Englifh admiral, reduced it to the
obedience of the late emperor Charles VI. It was
afterwards allotted to the duke of Savoy as an equi¬
valent for Sicily, with the title of king of Sardinia ;
under whofe dominion it ftill remains. This ifland is
divided into two parts; the one, called Capo-di Cagliari,
lies to the fouth; and the other Capo-di-Lugary, which
is feated to the north. The principal towns are
Cagliari the capital, Oriftagno, and Saflari.
SARDONIUS risus, Sardonian laughter. A
convulfive involuntary laughter; thus named from
the herba fardonia, which is a fpecies of ranun¬
culus, and is faid to produce fuch convulfive motions
in the cheeks as refemble thofe motions which are ob-
ferved in the face during a fit of laughter. This com¬
plaint is fometimes fpeedily fatal. If the ranunculus
happens to be the caufe, the cure muft be attempted
by means of a vomit, and frequent draughts of hydro-
mel with milk.
SARDIS, now called Sardo, is an ancient town of
Natolia in Alia, and is feated forty miles eaft of Smyrna.
This town was formerly the feat of king Creefus; but
is now reduced to a poor village, containing nothing
but wretched huts. However, there is a large cara-
vanfary, where travellers may commodioufly lodge.
The inhabitants are generally (hepherds, who lead
their (heep into the fine paftures of the neighbouring
plain. The Turks have a mofque here, which was a
Chriftian church, at the gate of which there are feve-
ral columns of poliflied marble. There are a few
Chriftians, who are employed in gardening. E. Long.
28. 5. N. Lat. 37. jt.
SARDONYX, in natural hiftory, a genus of femi-
pellucid gems, of the onyx ftru&ure, zoned or tabu¬
lated, and compofed of the matter of the onyx varie--
gated with that of the red or yellow Carnelian. See
Carnblian and Onyx. ■»
SARGUS, in ichthyology. See Sparus.
SARMENTOS^E, (from a long (hoot
like that of a vine); the name of the nthclafsin
Llnnasus’s Fragments of a Natural method, confifting
of plants which have climbing Hems and branches, that
like the vine, attach themfelves to the bodies in their
neighbourhood for the purpofe of fupport. See Bo¬
tany, p. 1306.
SARSAPARILLA, in botany. See Similax.
SARTORIUS, in anatomy. See there, 'Talk of
the Mufdes.
SASHES, in military drefs, are badges of diftinc-
tion worn by the officers of mod nations, either round
their waift, or over their (boulders. Thofe for the
Britifti army are made of crimfon filk; for the Impc-
real army, crimfon and gold; for the Pruffian army*
black filk and filver ; the Hanoverians, yellow filk ;
the Portuguefe, crimfon filk with blue tafl’els.
SASINE, or Seasine. See Law, N^ clxiv. 15, &c*
SASAFRAS. See Laurus.
SATELLITE, in aftronomy, the fame with a
fecondary planet or moon.
SATRAPA, or Satrapes, in Perfian antiquity,
denotes an admiral; but more commonly the governor
of a province.
SATTIN, a glofly kind of filk fluff, the warp of
which is very fine, and (lands fo as to cover the coarfesr
woof.
SATTINET, a flight thin kind of fattin, com¬
monly ftriped, and ordinarily ufed by the ladies for
fummer night-gowns.
SATURANTS, in aftronomy, the fame with
Absorbents.
SATURATION, in chemiftry, is-the impregna¬
ting an acid with an alkali, or vice verfa, till either
will receive no more, and the mixture wilt then become
neutral.
SATURDAY, the feventh and laft day of the
week, fo called from the idol Seater, worlhipped on
this day by the ancient Saxons, and thought to be
the fame as the Saturn of the Latines.
SATUREIA, favory; a genus of the gymno-
fpermia order, belonging to the didynamia clafs of
plants.
Species. 1. The hortenfis, or fummer favory, is an
annual plant, which grows naturally in the fouth of
France and Italy, but is cultivated in this country
both for the kitchen and medicinal ufe. 2. The
montana, or winter favory, is a perennial plant growing
naturally in the fouth of France and Italy, but is
cultivated in gardens both for culinary and medi¬
cinal purpofes.
Culture. Both kinds are propagated by feeds,
Thofe of the firft kind (hould be fown in the begin¬
ning of April upon a bed of light earth, either
where they are to remain, or for tranfplanting. If
the plants are to (land unremoved, they (hou)d be
fown thinly ; but if they are to be tranfplanted,
they may be fown clofer. The fecond fpecies
may be fown upon a poor dry foil, where the plants
39 A 2 will
Sardonyx
Satureia.
SAT [ ] S A V
Saturn will endure the fevereft winters, though they are often
Saturnine. by the froft when planted in good ground.
  i-The plants will continue federal years ; but when they
are old, the flioots will be fhot and not fo well «fur-
rnlhed with leaves: it will therefore be proper to raife
a fupply of young plants every year.
Ufes. Summer favory is a very warm pungent
aromatic; and affords in diftillation with water a
fubtile efiential oil, of a penetrating fmell, and very
hot acrid tafte. It yields little of its virtues by infu-
fion to aqueous liquors ; re&ified fpirit extrads the
whole of its ttafte end fmell, and elevates nothing in
diftillation.
SATURN, in aftronomy, one of the planets of our
folar fyftem revolving at the diftance of more than
900 millions of miles from the fun. See Astronomy
fafim.
Saturn, in chemifhry, an appellation given to
lead.
Saturn, in heraldry, denotes the black colour in
bazoning the arms of fovereign princes.
Saturn, one of the principal of the Pagan deities,
was the fon of Ccelus and Terra, and the father of
Jupiter. He depofed and caftrated his father ; and
obliged his brother Titan to refign his crown to him,
on condition of his bringing up none of his male iffue,
that the fucceflion might at length devolve on him.
For this purpofe he devoured all the fons he had by
his wife Rhea or Cybele: but (he bringing forth at
one time Jupiter «nd Juno, fhe prefented the latter to
her hufbahd, and fent the boy to be nurfed on mount
Ida; when Saturn being informed of her having a fon,
demanded the child; but in his ftead his wife gave him
a (tone Twaddled up like an infant, which he inftantly
fwallowed. Titan finding that Saturn had violated
the contrail he had made with him, put himfelf at the
head of his children, and made war on his brother,
and having made him and Cybele prifoners, confined
them in Tartarus: but Jupiter being in the mean time
grown up, railed an army in Crete, went to his father’s
afiiftance, defeated Titan, and reftored Saturn to the
throne. Sometime after, Saturn being told that Ju¬
piter intended to dethrone him, endeavoured to pre¬
vent it ; but the latter being informed of his intention,
depofed his father, and threw him into Tartarus. But
Saturn efcaping from thence, fled into Italy, where
he was kindly received by Janus king of the country,
who affociated him to the government: whence Italy
obtained the name of Saturnia Tellus; as alio that of
Latium, from latio, “ to lie hid.” There Saturn, by
the wifdom and mildnefs of his government, it is faid
to have produced the golden age.
SATURNALIA, in Roman antiquity, a feftival
obferved about the middle of December, in honour of
the god Saturn, whom Lucan introduces giving an
account of the ceremonies obferved on this occafion,
thus. “ During my whole reign, which lafts but for
one week, no public bufinefs is done; there is nothing
but drinking, finging, playing, creating imaginary
kings, placing fervants with their matters at table, &c.
There lhall be no difputes, reproaches, &c. but the
rich and poor, mafters and flaves, fliall be equal, &c.”
On this feftival the Romans facrificed bare-headed,
contrary to their cuftom at other facrifices.
SATURNINE, an appellation given to perfons of
a melancholy difpotion, as being fuppofed under the Satyr
influence of the planet Saturn. B
Satyr, or Satire, in matters of literature, a dif- avagg'_
courfe or poem, expofing the vices and follies of man¬
kind. See Poetry, n° 88.
The chief fatirifts among the ancients are, Horace,
Juvenal, and Perfius : thofe among the moderns, are,
Regnier and Boileau, in French ; and Dryden, Old¬
ham, Rochefter, Buckingham, Pope, Young, &c.
among the Englilh.
SATYRIASIS. See Medicine, n° 466.
SATYRS, in fabulous hiftory, a part of Bacchus’s
retinue, reprefented with difagreeable faces, their heads
armed with fhort horns, with hairy bodies, and with
the feet and legs of goats. They are reprefented by
the poets as having their ufual refidence in the woods
and forefts, and as being of a wanton and luftful dif-
pofition.
Some think the notion of thefe fatyrs might have
been derived from the monkeys known at prefent
under the fame name. See the article Simia.
SAVAGE (Richard), one of the moft remarkable
chara&ers that is to be met with perhaps in all the re¬
cords of biography, was the fon of Anne countefs of
Macclesfield, by the earl of Rivers, according to her
own confefiion; and was born in 1698. This con-
fefiion of adultery was made in order to procure a re¬
paration from her hulband the earl of Macclesfield:
yet, having obtained this defirejl end, no fooner was
her (furious offspring brought into the world, than,
without the dread of fhame or poverty to excufe her,
fhe difeovered the refolution of difowning him ; and,
as long as he lived, treated him with the moft unna¬
tural cruelty. She delivered him over to a poor
woman to educate as her own; and prevented the earl
of Rivers from leaving him a legacy of L. 6000, by
decla'ringihim dead. She endeavoured to fend him fe-
cretly to to the plantations; but this plan being either
laid afide or fruftrated, fhe placed him apprentice with
a (hoemaker. In this fituation, however, he did not
long continue: for hisi nurfe dying, he went to take
care of the effe&s of his fuppofed mother; and found
in her boxes fome letters which difeovered to young Sa¬
vage of his birth, andj^he caufe of its concealment.
From the momentW this difeovery it was natural
for him to become diffatisfied with his fituation as a
fhoemaker. He now conceived that he had a right to
(hare in the affluence of his real mother; and therefore
he direflly, and perhaps indifcreetly, applied to her,
and made ufe of every art to awaken her tendernefs and
attract her regard. But in vain did hefolicit this unna¬
tural parent; fhe avoided him with the utmoft pre¬
caution, and took meafures to prevent his ever entering
the houfe on any pretence whatever.
Savage was at this time fo touched with the dif¬
eovery of hi& birth, that he frequently made it his
pra&ice to walk before his mother’s door in hopes of
feeing her by accident; and often did he warmly fo-
licit her to admit him to fee her: but all to no purpofe;
he could neither foften her heart, nor open her hand.
Mean time, while he was affiduoufly endeavouring
to roufe the affedlions of a mother in whom all natu¬
ral affeftion was extinft, he was deftitute of the means
of fupport, and reduced to the miferies of want. We
are not told by what mea»s he got rid of his obli¬
gation ; I
Savage.
S A V [ 6957 ] SAY
gallon to the (hoemaker, or whether he ever was ao
’tually bound to him; but we now find him very dif¬
ferently employed in order to procure a fubfiftence.
In Ihort, the youth had parts, and a ftrong inclination
towards literary purfuits, efpecially poetry. He wrote
a poem ; and afterwards two plays, Woman’s a Riddle
and Love in a Veil: but the author was allowed no
part of the profits from the firft ; and from the fecond
he received no other advantage than the acquaintance
of Sir Richard Steel and Mr Wilks, by whom he was
pitied, carefied, and relieved. However,'the kindnefs
of his friends not affording him a conftant fupply, he
wrote the tragedy of Sir Thomas Overbury; which not
only procured him the efteem of many perfons of
wit, but brought him in 200/. The celebrated Aaron
Hill, Efq; was of great fervice to him in correcting
and fitting this piece for the ftage and the prefs ; and
extended his patronage ftill farther. But Savage was,
like many other wits, a bad manager, and was ever in
diftrefs. As faff as his friends raifed him out of one
difficulty, he funk into another; and, when he found
himfelf greatly involved, he would ramble about like
a vagabond, with fcarce a (hirt on his back. He was
in one of thefe fituations all the time wherein he wrote
his tragedy abovementioned; without a lodging, and
often without a dinner: fo that he ufed to fcribble on
fcraps of paper picked up by accident, or begged in
the (hops, which he occafionally Hepped into, as thoughts
occurred to him, craving the favour of pen and ink,
as it were juft to take a memorandum.
Mr Hill alfo earneftly promoted a fubfcription to a
volume of Mifcellanies, by Savage ; and likewife fur-
nifhed part of the poems of which the volume was
compofed. To this mifcellany Savage wrote a pre¬
face, in which he gives an account of his mother’s
cruelty, in a very uncommon (train of humour.
• The profits of his Tragedy and his MifcellanieSi to¬
gether, had now, for a time, fomewhat raifed poor
Savage both in circumftances and credit; fo that the
world juft began to behold him with a more favourable
eye than formerly, when both his fame and life were en¬
dangered by a moft unhappy event. A drunken frolic
in which he one night engaged, ended in a fray, and
Savage unfortunately killed a man, for which he was
condemned to be hanged; his friends earneftly folici-
ted the mercy of the crown, while his mother as
earneftly exerted herfelf to prevent his receiving it.
The countefs of Hertford at length laid his whole
cafe before queen Caroline, and Savage obtained a
pardon.
Savage had now loft that tendernefs for his mother,
which the whole feries of her cruelty had not been able
wholly to reprefs; and confidering her as an implaca¬
ble enemy, whom nothing but his blood could fatisfy,
threatened to harrafs her with lampoons, and to pub-
lilh a copious narrative of her conduft, unlefs fhe con-
fented to allow him a penfion. This expedient proved
fuccefsful; and the lord Tyrconnel, upon his promife
of laying afide his defign of expofing his mother’s
cruelty, took him into his family, treated him as an
equal, and engaged to allow him a penfion of 200/.
a-year. This was the golden part of Savage’s life.
He was courted by all who endeavoured to be thought
men of genius, and careffed by all who valued them-
felves upon a refined tafte. In this gay period of his
life he publiftred the Temple of Health and Mirth, on Savage.
the recovery of lady Tyrconnel from a languifhing 
illnefs; and The Wanderer, a moral poem, which he
dedicated to lord Tyrconnel, in (trains of the higheft
panegyric: but thefe praifes he in a (hort time found
himfelf inclined to retradt, being difcarded by the man
on whom they were beftowed. Of this quarrel lord
Tyrconnel and Mr Savage afligned very different rea-
fons. Our author’s known character pleads too ftrongly
againft him; for his condudt was ever fuch as made
all his friends, fooner or later, grow weary of him,
and even forced moft of them to become his enemies.
Being thus once more turned adrift upon the world.
Savage, whofe palfions were very ftrong, and whofe
gratitude was very fmall, became extremely diligent,
in expofing the faults of lord Tyrconnel. He, more¬
over, now thought himfelf at liberty to take revenge
upon his mother.—Accordingly he wroteTi&e Bajlard,
a poem, remarkable for the vivacity in the beginning,
(where he finely enumerates the imaginary advantages
of bafe birth), and for the pathetic conclufion, wherein
he recounts the real calamities which he fuffered by the
crime of his parents.—The reader will not be dif-
pleafed with a tranfeript of fome of the lines in the
opening of the poem, as a fpecimen of this writer’s fpi-
rit and manner of verfification.
Bled be the baftard’s birth! thro’ wond’rous ways.
He (hines excentric like a comet’s blaze.
No lickly fruit of faint compliance he;
He! (lamp’d in nature’s^nint with eeftafy !
He lives to build, not boaft a gen’rous race ;
No tenth tranfmitter of a footifli face.
He, kindling from within, requires no flame;
He glories in a ba(lard’s glowing name.
—Nature’s unbounded fon, he (lands alone,
Jlis heart unbias’d, and his mind his own.
—O mother! yet no mother!—’tis to you
My thanks for fuch diflingnifh’d claims are due.
This poem had an extraordinary fale ; and its ap¬
pearance happening at the time when his mother was
at Bath, many perfons there took frequent opportuni¬
ties of repeating paffages from the Ballard in her hear¬
ing. This was perhaps the firft time that ever (he
difeovered a fenfe of (hame, and oh this occafipn the
powerofwit was very confpicuous: the wretch who had,
without fcruple, proclaimed herfelf an adulterefs, and
who had firft endeavoured to ftarve her fon, then to
tranfport him, and afterwards to hang him, was not
able to bear the reprefentation of her own conduft ;
but fled from reproach, though fhe felt no pain from
guilt; and left Bath with the utmoft hafte, to fhelter
herfelf among the crowds of London.
Some time after this, Savage formed the refolutioti
of applying to the queen; who having once given him
life, he hoped fhe might farther extend her goodnefs
to him by enabling him to fupport it.—With this
view, he publifhed a poem on her bitth-day, which,
he entitled The Volunteer-Laureat; for which the was
pleafed to fend him 50/. with an intimation that he
might annually expedt the fame bounty. But this an¬
nual allowance was nothing to a man of his ftrange
and Angular extravagance. His ufual cuftom was, as
foon as he had received his penfion, to difappear with
it, and fecrete himfelf from his moft intimate friends,
till every {hilling of the 50 /. was fpent ; which
done, he again appeared, pennylefs as before: But
S A V [ 6958 ] S A V
Savage, he would never Inform any perfon where he had been,
 -—••nor in what manner his money had been difiipated.—
From the reports, however, of fome who found means
to penetrate his haunts, it would feem that he expend¬
ed both his time and his cafli in the mod fordid and
defpicable fenfuality ; particularly in eating and drink¬
ing, in which he would indulge in the mod unfocial
manner, fitting whole days and nights by hirofelf, in
obfcure houfes of entertainment, over his bottle and
trencher, immerfed in filth and floth, with fcarce de¬
cent apparel; generally wrapped up in a horfeman’s
great coat; and, on the whole, with his very homely
countenance, and altogether, exhibiting an objeft the
rood difgutling to the fight, if not to fome other of
the fenfes.
His wit and parts, however, dill raifed him new
friends, as fad as his mifbehaviour lod him his old
ones. Yet fuch was his condudl, that occafional
relief only furnifhed the means of occafional excefs;
and he defeated all attempts made by his friends
to fix him in a decent way. He was even redu¬
ced fo low as to be deditute of a lodging ; info-
much that he often paffed his nights in thofe mean
houfes that are fet open for cafual wanderers; fome-
times in cellars amidd the riot and filth of the mod
profligate of the rabble; and not feldom would he
walk the dreets till he was weary, and then lie down,
in fummer, on a bulk, or, in winter, with his affociates
among the afhes of a glafs-houfe.
Yet, amidd all his penury and wretchednefs, had
this man fo much pride, and fo high an opinion of his
own merit, that he ever kept up his fpirits, and was
always ready to reprefs, with fcorn and contempt, the
lead appearance of any flight or indignity towards
himfelf, in the behaviour of his acquaintance; among
whom he looked upon none as his fuperior. He would
be treated as an equal, even by perfons of the highefl
rank. We have an indance of this prepoderous and
inconfident pride, in refufing to wait upon a gentleman
who was defirous of relieving him when at the lowed
ebb of didrefs, only becaufe the meflage fignified the
gentleman’s defire to fee him at nine in the morning.
Savage could not bear that any one ftiould prefume to
preferibe the hour of his attendance, and therefore he
abfolutely reje&ed the proffered kindnefs. This life,
unhappy as it may be already imagined, was yet ren¬
dered more unhappy, by the death of the queen, in
1738 ; which droke deprived him of all hopes from
the court. His penfion was difeontinued, and the
infolent manner in which he demanded of Sir Robert
Walpole to have it redored, for ever cut off this con-
fiderable fupply ; which poffibly had been only de¬
layed, and might have been recovered by proper ap¬
plication.
His didrefs now became fo great, and fo notorious,
that a fcheme was at length concerted for procuring
him a permanent relief. It was propofed that he
fhould retire into Wales, with an allowance of 50!.
ptr annum, on which he was to live privately, in a
cheap place, for ever quitting his town-haunts, and re-
figning all farther pretenfions to fame. This offer he
feemed gladly to accept; but his intentions were only
to deceive his friends, by retiring for a while, to write
another tragedy, and then to return with it to Lon¬
don in order to bring it upon the ftage.
In 1739* he fet out for Swanfey, In the Briftol Savagei
dage-coacb, and was furniflied with 15 guineas to ——
bear the expence of his journey. But, on the 14th
day after his departure* his friends and benefactors,
the principal of whom was no other than the great
Mr Pope, who expeCted to hear of his arrival in Wales,
were furprifed with a letter from Savage, informing
them that he was yet upon the road, and could not
proceed for want of money. There was no other re¬
medy than a remittance ; which was fent him, and
by the help of which he was enabled to reach Briftol,
from whence he was to proceed to Swanfey by water.
At Briftol, however, he found an embargo laid upon
the fhipping ; fo that he could not immediately obtain
a paffage. Here, therefore, being obliged to ftay for
fome time, he, with his ufual facility, fo ingratiated
himfelf with the principal inhabitants, that he was
frequently invited to their houfes, diftinguifhed at their
public entertainments, and treated with a regard that
highly gratified his vanity, and therefore eafily en¬
gaged his affe&ions. At length, with great reluc¬
tance, he proceeded to Swanfey 5 where he lived about
a year, very much diffatisfied with the diminution of
his falary ; for he had, in his letters, treated his con¬
tributors fo infolently, that moft of them withdrew
their fubferiptions. Here he finirtied his tragedy, and
refolved to return with it to London : which was ftre-
nuoufly oppofed by his great and conftant friend Mf
Pope ; who propoftd that Savage fhould put this play
into the hands of Mr Thomfon and Mr Mallet in or¬
der that they might fit it for the ftage, that his friends
fhould receive the profits it might bring in, and that
the author fhould receive the produce by way of an¬
nuity. This kind and prudent fcheme was rejefted
by Savage, with the utmoft contempt.—He declared
he would not fubmit his works to any one’s correction;
and that he would no longer be kept in leading-firings,
Accordingly he foon returned to Briftol, in his way to
London ; but at Briftol, meeting with a repetition of
the fame kind treatment he had before found there, he
was tempted to make a fecond ftay in that opulent
city, for fome time. Here he was again not only
careffed and treated, but the fum of 30 1. was raifed
for him, with which it had been happy if he had im¬
mediately departed for London J But he never confi-
dered that a frequent repetition of fuch kindnefs was
not to be expected, and that it was pofiible to tire out
the generofity of his Briftol friends, as he had before
tired his friends every where elfe. In fhort, he re¬
mained here, till his company was no longer welcome.
His vifits in every family were too often repeated ; his
wit had loft its novelty, and his irregular behaviourgrew
troublefome. Neceffity came upon him before he was
aware; his money was fpent, his cloaths were worn
out, his appearance was fhabby, and his prefence was
difguftful at every table. He now began to find every
man from home, at whofe houfe he called; and he
found it difficult to obtain a dinner. Thus reduced,
it would have been prudent in him to have withdrawn
from the plnce; but prudence and Savage were never
acquainted. He ftaid, in the midft of poverty, hun¬
ger, and contempt, till the miftrefs of a coffee-houfe,
to whom he owed about eight pounds, arrefted him
for the debt. He remained for fome time, at a great
expense, in the houfe of the fheriff’s officer, in hopes
S A V [ 6959 ] S A V
Savage, of procuring bail; which expence he was enabled to
' '“defray, by a prefent of five guineas from Mr Nafh at
Bath. No bail, however, was to be found ; fo that
poor Savage was at laft lodged in Newgate, a prifon
fo named in Briftol.
But it was the fortune of this extraordinary mortal,
always to find more friends than he deferved. The
keeper of the prifon took compafiion on him, and
greatly foftened the rigours of his confinement, by
every kind of indulgence 5 he fupported him at his
own table, gave him a commodious room to himfelf,
allowed him to ftand at the door of the goal, and even
frequently took him into the fields for the benefit of
the air and exercife : fo that, in reality, Savage en¬
dured fewer hardihips in this place, than he had ufually
fuffered during the greateft part of his life.
While he remained in this not intolerable prifon,
his ingratitude again broke out, in a bitter fatire on
the city of Briftol; to which he certainly owed great
obligations, notwithftanding the circumftances of his
arreft j which was but the afl of an individual, and
that attended with no cireumftances of injuftice or
cruelty. This fatire he entitled London and Brijlol
Compared; and in it he abufed the inhabitants of the
latter, with fuch a fpirit of refentment, that the reader
would imagine he had never received any other than
the moft injurious treatment in that city.
When Savage had remained about fix months'in this
hofpitable prifon, he received a letter from Mr Pope,
(who ftill continued to allow him 201. a-year) con¬
taining a charge of very atrocious ingratitude. What
were the particulars of this charge, we are not in¬
formed ; but, from the notorious character of the
man, there is reafon to fear that Savage was but too
juftly aceufed. He, however, folemnly protefted his
innocence; but he was very unufually affe&ed on this
occafion. In a few days after, he was feized with a
diforder, which at firft was not fufpefted to be dan¬
gerous : but, growing daily more languid and deje&ed,
at laft a fever feized him; and he expired on the iftof
Aoguft 1743, in the 46th year of his age.
Thus lived, and thus died, Richard Savage, Efq;.
leaving behind him a cbara&er ftrangely chequered
with vices and good qualities. Of the former we have
feen a variety of inftances in this abftraft of his life ;
of the latter, his peculiar fituation in the world gave
him but few opportunities of making any confiderable
difplay. He was, however, undoubtedly a man of
excellent parts ; and,, had he received the full benefits
of a liberal education, and had his natural talents been
cultivated to the belt advantage, he might have made
a refpedable figure in life. He was happy in an
agreeable temper and a lively flow of wit, which
made his company much coveted ; nor was his judg¬
ment both of writings and of men, inferior to his wit:
but he was too much a flave to his paffions, and his
paffions were too eafily excited. He was warm in his
friendlhips, but implacable in his enmity; and his
greateft fault, which is indeed the greateft. of all
faults, was ingratitude. He feemed to think every
thing due to his merit, and that he was little obliged
to any one for thofe favours which he thought it their
duty to confer on him : it is therefore the lefs to be
wondered at, that he never rightly eftimated the kind-
nefs of his many friends and benefaftors, or preferved
a grateful and due fenfe of their generofity towards Savage
him. II
The works of this original writer, after having long ave°
lain difperfed in magazines and fugitive publications,
have been lately collefted and publiftied in an elegant
edition, in 2 vols 8vo ; to which are prefixed, the ad¬
mirable Memoirs of Savage, written by Dr Samuel
Johnfon.
Savage Ifland, one of the fmall illands in the fouth
fea, lying in S. Lat. 19. 1. W. Long. 169. 37. It
is about feven leagues in circuit, of a good height, and
has deep water clofe to its fhores. Its interior parts
are fuppofed to be barren, as there was no foil to be
feen upon the coafts; the rocks alone fupplying the
trees with humidity. The inhabitants are exceedingly
warlike and fierce, fo that captain Cook could not have
any intercourfe with them,
SAVARY (James), an eminent French writer
on the fubjedt of trade, was born at Done in Anjou,
in 1622. Being bred to merchandize, he continued
in trade until 1658; when he left off the practice,
to cultivate the theory. He had married in 1650;
and in 1660, when the king declared a purpofe of
afiigning privileges and perfons to fuch of his fubjefts
as had twelve children alive, Mr Savary was not too
rich to put in his claim to the royal bounty. He
was afterwards admitted of the council for the re¬
formation of commerce; and the orders which pafled '
in 1670 were drawn up by his inftru&ions and advice.
He wrote Le Par fait Negotiant, 410; and, Avis et
Courfeilsfur les plus importantes matieres du Commercey in
410. He died in 1690; and out of 17 children whom
he had by one wife, left ir. Two of his fons, James
and Philemon Lewis, laboured jointly on a great work,
Dittionnaire Univerfelle du Cofnmerce, 2 vols folio: this
work was begun by James, who was infpe&or-general
of the manufa&ures at the cuftom-houfe, Paris; who
called in the afliftance of his brother Philemon Lewis,
although a canon of the royal church of St Maur; and
by his death left him to finilh it. This work appeared
in 1723, and Philemon afterwards added a third lup-
plemental volume to the former. Poftlethwayte’s Eng-
lifti Di&ionary of Trade and Commerce is a tranfla-
tion, with confiderable improvements, from Savary.
SAUCISSE, or Saucisson, in mining, is a long
pipe or bag made of cloth well pitched, or fometimes
of leather, of about an inch and an half diameter, fil¬
led with powder, going from the chamber of the mine
to the entrance of the gallery. It is generally placed-
in a wooden pipe called an auget, to prevent its grow¬
ing damp. It ferves to give fire to mines, cafiions,
bomb-chefts, &c.
Saucisson, is fikewife a kind of fafeine, longer
than the common ones; they ferve to raife bacteries and
to repair breaches. They are alfo ufed in making e-
paulraents, in ftojiiping paffages, and in making traver-
fes over a wet ditch, &c.
SAVANNAH, the capital of the country of Geor¬
gia in North America, fituated in W. Long. 101. 20*
N. Lat. 32. o.
SAVE, a river of Germany, which has its fource
in Upper Carniola, on the frontiers of Carinthia. It
runs through Carniola from weft to eaft, afterwards
feparates Sclavonia from Croatia, Bofnia, and part of
Scrvia, and then falls into the Danube at Belgrade.
SAVILE:
S A U 1 6960 ] S A V
Savile SAVILE (Sir George), afterwards marquisof Hali-
H. fax, and one of the greateft ftatefmen of his time, was
savumr. hnrn about tlieyeai. i630. and fome time after his re¬
turn from his travels, was created a peer, in confidera-
tion of his own and his father’s merits. He was a ftre-
nuous oppofer of the bill of exclufion; but propofed
fuch limitations of the duke of York’s authority, as
fhould difable him from doing any harm either in
church or (late, as the taking out of his hands all pow¬
er in ecclefiaftical matters, the difpofal of the public
money, and the power of making peace and war ; and
lodging thefe in the two houfes of parliament. After
that bill was rejeaefted in the houfe of lords, he pref-
fed them, though without fuccefs, to proceed to the li¬
mitation of the duke’s power ; and began with moving,
that during the king’s life he might be obliged to live
five hundred miles out of England. In Auguft 1682, he
was created a marquis, and foon after made privy-feal.
Upon king James’s acceffion, he was made prefident of
the council; but on his refufal to confent to the repeal of
the teft,he was difmiffed from all public employments. In
that affembly of the lords which met after king James’s
withdrawing himfelf the firft time from Whitehall, the
marquis waschofen their prefident; and upon the king’s
return from Feverlham, he was fent, together with the
earl of Shrewfbury and lord Delamere, from the prince
of Orange, to order his majefty to quit the palace at
Whitehall. In the convention of parliament he was
chofen fpeaker of the houfe of lords, and ftrenuoufly
fupported the motion for the vacancy of the throne,
and the conjunflive fovereignty of the prince and prin-
cefs; upon whofe accefiion he was again made privy-
feal. Yet, in 1683, he quitted the court; and became
a zealous oppofer of the meafures of government till his
death, which happened in April 1695. The rev. Mr
Grainger obferves, that “ he was a perfon of unfettled
principles, and of a lively imagination, which fome-
times got the better of his judgment. He would
never lofe his jeft, though it fpoiled his argument, or
brought his fincerity or even his religion in queftion.
He was defervedly celebrated for his parliamentary ta¬
lents; and in the famous conteft relating to the bill of
.exclufion, was thought to be a match for his uncle
Shaftsbury. The pieces he has left us (how him to
have been an ingenious, if not a m.afterly writer; and
his Advice to a Daughter, contains more good fenfe in
fewer words, than is, perhaps, to be found in any 0f
bis contemporary authors.” His lordlhip alfo wrote,
The Anatomy of an Equivalent; a Letter to a Diffen-
ter; a Rough Draught of a New Model at Sea ; and
Maxims of State ; all which were printed together in0ne
volume oftavo. Since thefe, were alfo publilhed under
his name the Charafter of king Charles II. odavo;
the Chara&erof Bilhop Burnet; and Hiftorical Obfer-
vations upon the reigns of Edward I. II. III. and Ri¬
chard II. with Remarks upon their faithful Counfellors
and falfe Favourites.
SAVIN, in botany. See Junperus.
SAVIOUR, an appellation peculiarly given to Je-
fus Chrift, as being the Meffiah and Saviour of the
world. See Jesus.
Order of St Saviour, a religious order of the
Romiih Church, founded by St Bridget, about the
year 1345, and fo called from its being pretended
that our Saviour himfelf declared its conftitutiou and
rules to the foundrefs.—-According to the conftitutions, Saumur
this is principally founded for religious women gaunJierfon
pay a particular honour to the holy virgin ; but there .
are fome monks of the order, to adminifter the facra-
ment and fpiritual afiiftance to the nuns.
SAUMUR, a confiderable towij of France, in
Anjou, and capital of the Saumarois, with an ancient
caftle. Here is an important pafiage over the Loire,
upon which there is a famous bridge. -E. Long. o. 2.
N. Lat, 47. 15.
SAUNDERS, a kind of wood brought from the
Eaft Indies. There are three kinds of it; white, yel¬
low, and red.—The white comes in billets about the
thicknefsof a man’s leg, of a pale whitilh colour. It
has been recommended for its medical virtues; but from
its total want of fmellor tafte, nothing in this way
can be expe&ed.—The yellow kind has a pleafant
fmell, and a bitterilh aromatic tafte accompanied with
an agreeable pungency. This wood, according to Dr
Lewis, though unnoticed in the p re fent pra&ice,
might undoubtedly be applied to many valuable medi¬
cal purpofes. Diftilled with water, it yields a fragrant
effential oil, which thickens in the cold into the con-
fiftence of a balfam. Digefted in pure fpirit, it imparts
a rich yellow tinfture; which being committed to
diftillation, the fpirit arifes without bringing over any
thing confiderable of the flavour of the faunders. The
refiduum contains the virtues of fix times its weight of
the wood. Hoffman looks upon the extraft as a me¬
dicine of fimilar virtues to ambergreafe, and recom¬
mends it as an excellent reftorative in great debilities.—
The red kind is brought from the Eaft Indies in large
billets, of a compact texture, a dull red, almoft
blackifh colour on the outfide, and a deep bright red
within. This wood has no manifeft fmell, and little
or no tafte : neverthelefs it has been recommended as a
mild aftringent, and corroborant of the nervous fyftem;
qualities which belong only to the yellow fort. It is
principally employed as a colouring drug; and com¬
municates a deep red to reflified fpirit, but fcarce
to any oil excepting that of lavender.—It is eafily
diftinguiflied from Brazil-wood, becaufe the latter
readily communicates its colour to water, which
faunders will not.
SAUDERSON (Dr Nicholas), an illuftrious pro-
feflbr of mathematics in the univerfity of Cambridge,
and a fellow of the royal fociety, was born at Thurle-
fton in Yorkihire in 1682. When he was twelve
months old, he loft not only bjs eye-fight, but his very
eye-balls, by the fmall-pox; fo that he could retain no
more ideas of vifion than if he had been born blind.
His father, who was in the excife, inftrufted him in
numbers; for which he difeoyered fo uncommon a ca¬
pacity, that with no more learning than he gained at
a private academy, and his own induftry, affifted by a
mere reader, it was refolved to fend him to Cambridge
not as a fcholar but as a mafter. He accordingly
went thither in 1707, and his fame in a fhort time
filled the univerfity. The Pnncipia Mathematica,
Optics, and Arithmetica Univerjalis, of Sir Ifaac
Newton, were the foundations of his leftures, and af¬
forded him a noble field for the difplay of his genius;
and great numbers came to hear a blind man give
leisures on optics, difeourfe on the nature of light and
colours, explain the theory of vifion, the effetft of
glafles
S A V [ 6961 ] S A V
Saunderfon, glafleg, the phenomenon of the rainbow, and other handfome churches and well-built ftruSure*. It was
Savona’ objefts of fight. See the article Bund, n® 12. 37. taken by the king of Sardnia in 1746, at which time
~ As he inftru&ed youth in the principles of the it had a capacious harbour; but the people of Genoa,_
•Newtonian philofophy, he foon became acquainted -being afraid that it would hurt their own trade, choaked
with its incomparable author, who had feveral years it up. It is feated on the Mediterranean fea, in a
before left the unirerfity ; and frequently converfed well-cultivated country, abounding in filk and all
with him on the moft difficult parts of his works: he kinds of good fruit. E. Long. 8. 14. N. Lat 44. zr.
alfo lived in friendffiip with the other eminent mathc- SAURIN (James), a celebrated proteftant mini-
maticians of the age, Hally, Cotes, Dc Moivre, &c. fter, was born at Nifmes in 1677. His father, who
Upon Mr Wbifton’s removal from the profeflbrffiip, was a lawyer, retired after the repeal of the ediA of
Mr Saunderfon’s merit was thought fo much fuperior Nantz to Geneva, at which place h? died ; and Sau-
to that of any other competitor, that an extraordinary rin quitting his ftudies, in 1694 made a campaign
flep was taken to qualify him with a degree; and he under lord Galloway, and procured a pair of colours,
was accordingly chofen Mr Whifton’s fucceflbr in 1711. But when the Duke of Savoy concluded a peace with
In 1723, he married the daughter of a clergyman, by France, he quitted a profeffion for which lie was not
whom he had a fon and a daughter; and died in 1738. calculated, and refumed his ftudies at Geneva. In
There was fcarcely any part of the mathematics on 1700, he vifited Holland and England; in which latter
which he had not compofed fomething for the ufe of country he ftaid long enough to marry a wife in 1703,
his pupils; but he difeovered no intention of publilh- and returned to the Hague in 1705. Here he preached
ipg any thing until by the perfuafion of his friends he with extraordinary applaufe, and died in 1730. There
prepared his Elements of Algebra for the prefs, which are to vols of his fermons, befides other works, all
were publilhed by fubfeription in 2 vols qto, 1740. greatly efteemed.
Mr Saunderfon had much wit and vivacity in conver- SAVORY, in botany. See Satureia.
fation, and was an excellent companion. He had a SAVOUR. See Taste.
great regard to truth ; and was fuch an enemy to dif- SAVOY, a duchy lying between France and Italy,
guife, that he thought it his duty to fpeak his thoughts and which takes its name from the Latin Sabaadia,
at all times with unreftrained freedom. Hence his altered afterwards to Saboia, and Sobojia.
fentiments on men and opinions, his friendfhip or dif- This country was anciently inhabited by the Celtes,
regard, were exprefled without referve ; but his fin- whofe defeendants therein were fubdivided into the
cerity raifed him many enemies. He at firft acquired Allobroges, Nantuates, Veragri, Seduni, Salaffi, Cen-
moft of hisJdeas by the fenfe of feeling ; and this, as is trones, Garocelli, and fome others of inferior note,
commonly the cafe with the blind, he enjoyed in great Of all thefe the Allobroges were the moft confiderable.
perfe&ion. Yet he could not, as fome are faid to have The redu&ion of thefe tribes, in which Julius Ctefar
done, diftinguifh colours by th?t fenfe ; for, after hav- had made a great progrefs, was completed under
ing made repeated trials, he ufed to fay, it was pre- Auguftus. Afterwards this country (hared the fate of
tending to impoffibilities. But he could with great the reft of the weftern empire, and was over-run by
nicety and exaAncfs obferve the lead degree of rough- the northern Barbarians. The Burgundians held it a
nefs or defeft of polifti in a furface. Thus in a fet of confiderable time ; but when or how it firft became a
Roman medals, he diftinguifhed the genuine from the diftinA earldom under the prefent family, is what
falfe, though they had been counterfeited with fuch hiftorians are not agreed about; thus much, however,
exaftnefs as to deceive a connoiffeur who had judged is certain, that Amadseus I. who lived in the twelfth
by the eye. By the fenfe of feeling alfo, he diftin- century, was count of it. In 1416, Amadseus VIII.
guifhed the leaft variation in the atmofphere ; and the was created by the emperor Sigifmund, duke of
author of his life fays, that he has been feen in a
garden, when obfervations have been making on the fun,
to take notice of every cloud that interrupted the ob-
fervation almoft as juftly as they who could fee it. He
could alfo tell when any thing was held near his face,
or when he paffed by a tree at no great diftance,
merely by the different impulfe of the air on his face.
His ear was alfo equally exa&. He could readily di¬
ftinguifh the fifth part of a note. By the quicknefs
of this fenfe he could judge of the fize of a room, and of
his diftance from the wall; and if ever he walked over
a pavement, in courts or piazzas which refleAed a found,
and was afterwards conduAed thither again, he could
Saurin
II
Savoy.
Savoy ; and ViAor Amadseus firft took the title
of king of Sicily, and afterwards of Sardinia. Savoy
is bounded to the fouth by France and Piedmont; to
the north, by the lake of Geneva, which feparates it
from Switzerland; to the weft, by France; and to the
eaft, by Piedmont, the Milanefe, and Switzerland:
its greateft length being about eighty-eight miles,
and breadth about feventy-fix.
As it lies among the Alps, it is full of lofty moun¬
tains, which in general are very barren : many of the
higheft of them are perpetually covered with ice and
fnow. The fummit of thofe called Montagues Mau-
dites, “ the curfed mountains,” are faid to be more than
tell in what part of the walk he flood, merely by the two Englifh miles in perpendicular height above the
note it founded. He had naturally a ftrong healthy level of the lake of Geneva, and the level itfelf is much
conftitution ; but too fedentary a life brought on a higher than the Mediterranean. In fome few of the
numbnefs of his limbs, which at laft ended in the valleys there is corn-land and pafture, and a good breed
mortification of one of his feet, of which he died in of cattle and mules; and along the lake of Geneva,
the 57th year of his age. and in two or three other places, a tolerable wine is
SAVONA, a large, handfome, populous, and produced. Mount Senis or Cenis, between Savoy and
ftrong town of Italy, in the territory of Genoa, with Piedmont, over which the high-way from Geneva to
two caftles, and a bilhop’s fee. It contains feveral Turin lies, is as high, if not higher, than the
Vol. IX. 2 39 E Mauditct 5
S A U . [ 6962 ] S A U
Savoy. Maud ties ; but of all the mountains of the Alps,, the
higheft is mount Rochemdon, in Piedmont, between
Fertiere and Novalcfe. The roads over thcfe moun¬
tains are very tedious, difagreeable, and dangerous,
efpecially as huge mafles of fnow, called by the Italians
avalanches, and fragments of rocks, frequently roll
down into them from the impending precipices. The
way of travelling is either in fledges, chairs, or bn the
backs of mules: in fotne places the path on the brink
of the precipices is fo narrow, that there is but ju£t
room for a Angle perfon to pafs. It begins to fnow
on thefe mountains commonly about the beginning of
O&ober. In fummer, in the months of July, Auguft,
and September, many of them yield very fine grafs,
with a great variety of flowers and herbs; and others
box-wood, walnuts, chefnots, and pines. The height
and different combinations of thefe mountains,, their
towering fummits rifing above one another, and co¬
vered with fnow, the many catara&s or falls of water,
the noife and rapidity of the river Arc, the froth and
green tinfture of its water, the echoes of its numerous
flreams tumbling from cliff to cliff, form altogether a
very romantic fcene. Thefe mountainous traits, not-
with(landing their height, are not altogether free from
thunder in fummer, and are alfo much expbfed to thick
clouds, which fometimes fettle unexpeitedly on them,
and continue feveral days. There are fome wolves
among the thickets ; and they abound with hares,
rupicapras or chamois, and marraottes. In the lower
parts of Savoy, there are alfo bears, wild boars, deer,
and rabbits; and among the defolate mountains are
found great quantities of rock cryftal. In the glacieres
or ice-valleys, between the high mountains, the air is
extremely cold, even in the months of July and Auguft.
The furface of thefe ice-valleys looks like a feaor lake,
which, after being agitated by fierce and contrary winds,
has been frozen all at once, interfperfed with hideous
cracks and chafms. The noife of thefe cracks, when
firft made by the heat of the noon-day fun, and re¬
verberated by the furrounding rocks and mountains, is
aftonifhing. The height of the impending mountains
is fuch, that the fun’s rays feldom reach the ice-valleys,
except a few hours in the middle of fummer. The
avalanches or fnow balls, which the leaft concuffion
of the air will occafion, tumble down the mountains
with amazing rapidity^ continually increafing, and
carrying all before them. People have been taken
out alive, after being buried feveral days under them.
The chief rivers are the Rhone, which, on the fide
of Geneva, feparates Savoy from France; the Arve,
which has fome particles of gold in its fands; the
Ifere, the Seran, the Siers, and the Arc. There are
alfo a great many lakes in this country, which yield
plenty of fifh, but none of them are very large, to¬
gether with medicinal and riciprocrating fprings and
hot baths.
The language of the common people is a corrupt
French; but the better fort, and thofe that live in
the great cities, fpeak as good French as they do in
Paris itfelf. 1
In their temper, however, and difpofition, the Sa¬
voyards refemble the Germans more than the French,
retaining ftill much of the old German honefty and
fimplicity of manners, which no doubt is partly owing
to the poverty aud barrennefs of the country. To this
alfo, joined to their longevity and the fruitfulnefs of Savoy,'
their women, which are the tffe&s of their cheerful SanveuE*
difpofition, healthy air, aftivity, temperance, and fo- ’ '
brietyj it is owing that great numbers of them are ob¬
liged to go abroad in queft of a livelihood, which they
earn, thofe at leaft who have no trades, by (bowing
marmottes, cleaning (hoes, fweeping chimneys, and
the lik?. It is faid, that there are generally about
18,000, of them, young and old, about Paris. In
fummer they lie in the ftreets, and in winter, forty,
fifty, or fixty of them lodge together in a room : they
are fo honeff that they may be trufted to any amount.
The children are often carried abroad in bafkets, be¬
fore they are able to walk. In many villages of Sa¬
voy there is hardly a man to be feen throughout the
year, excepting a month or two. Thofe that have
families generally fet out and return about the fame
feafon, when their wives commonly lie-in, and they4*
never fail to bring homo fome part of their fmall earn¬
ings. Some of them are fuch confummate mafters of
ceconomy, that they fet up (hops and make fortunes,
and others return home with a competency for the reft
of their days. An old man is often difpatcbed with
letters, little prefents, and fome money, from the
younger fort, to their parents-and relations, and brings
back with him freflv colonies, letters, meffages, and
news. The cultivation of their grounds, and the reap¬
ing and gathering in of the harveft and vintage, are
generally left to the women and children : but all this
is to be underflood of the mountainous parts of Savoy.
Great numbers of the mountaineers of both fexes are
faid to be lame and deformed ; and they are much fub-
je<ft to a kind of wens, which grow about their throats,
and very much disfigure them, efpecially the women ;
but that is the only inconvenience they feel from them.
The nobility of Savoy, and the other dominions of
the king of Sardinia, labour under great harclffiips and
reftridtions, unheardof in other countries, which we have
not room here to particularize. A minute account of
them will be found in Mr Keyfler’s Travels. In fhort,
the king has left neither liberty, power,, nor much
property, to any but himfelf and the clergy, whofe
overgrown wealth he has alfo greatly curtailed.
No other religion is profeffed or tolerated-in Savoy
but that of the church of Rome. The decrees, how¬
ever, of the council of Trent are not admitted; nor are
the churches afylums for malefadtors.
This duchy is divided into thofe of Chablais, Gene-
vois, and Savoy Proper,, the counties of Tarantaife and"
Maurienne, and the barony of Faucigny.
SAUVEUR (Jofeph), an eminent French mathe¬
matician, born at La Fleche in 1653. He was abfo-
lutely dumb until he was feven years of age; and even
then his organs of fpeech did not difeagage themfelvea
fo freely, but that he was ever after obliged to fpeak
with great deliberation. Mathematics were the only
ftudies he had any relifh for, and thefe he cultivated
with extraordinary fuccefs; fo that he commenced
teacher at 20 years of age, and was fo foon in vogue,
that he had prince Eugene for his fcholar. He. was
made mathematical profeffor in the royal college in
1686 ; and ten years after was admitted a membtr of
the Academy of Sciences. He died in 1716; and his
writings, which confift rather of detached papers than
pf ponueckd treatifes* are all ioferted ia the Memoirs
SAX [ 6963 ] SAX
of the Academy of Sciences. He was twice married;
and by the laft wife had a fon, who, like himfelf, was
dumb for the firft fcven years of his life.
SAW, an inftrument which ferves to cut into pieces
feveral folid matters 5 as wood, ftone, ivory, &c.
The belt faws are of tempered fteel ground bright
and fmooth : thofie of iron are only hammer-hardened:
hence the firft, befides their being ftiffer, are likewife
found fmoother than the laft. They are known to be
well hammered by the ftiff bending of the blade ; and
to be well and evenly ground, by their bending equally
in a bow.
Skw-0}. See Sqttalus.
SAXE (Maurice coiit de), natural Son of Frederic
Auguftus II. king of Poland, by Aurora countefs of
Konigfmare, was born at Drefdea in 1696. He dif-
covered an early genius for warlike exercifes, neglec¬
ting every ftudy but that of war. He cultivated no
foreign language but French, as if he had forefeen
that France would one day become his country, in
which he would rife to the higheft military honours.
He accompanied the king his father in all his Polilh
campaigns, and began to ferve in the allied army in
the Netherlands in 1708, when he was no more than
twelve years old, and gave pregnant proofs of an enter-
prifing genius. He afterwards ferved in the war a-
gainft the Swedes in Pomerania, and was made colonel
of a regiment of horfe. He entered into the imperial
fervice in 1717, and made feveral campaigns in Hun¬
gary againft the Turks; in which he behaved with the
greateft bravery, and thereby attra&ed the regard of
prince Eugene of Savoy, the mod illuftrious captain of
Eis time. In 1720, he vifited the court of France,
where he obtained a brevet of camp marflral from the
duke of Orleans, then regent of that kingdom. Two
years after, he purchafed the colonelcy of the regiment
of Spar; and gradually rofe in military honours, from
the rank of colonel to that of marfhal-general.
While the count wasrefiding in France, the ftates of
Courland, forefeeing that their duchy would one day
be without a head, duke Ferdinand, the laft male of
the family of Ketler, being valetudinary, and likely to
die without iflue, were prevailed on, by foreign influ¬
ence, to choofe the count to be their fovereign. The
minute of elefiion was figned by the ftates of Mittaw,
the capital of Courland, on the 5th of July 1726. But
this eleftion having been vigoroufly oppofed by the
court of Ruffia, and alfo by the republic of Poland,
upon both of which the duchy was dependent, he
could never make good his pretenfions; fo that, upon
the death of duke Ferdinand in 1736, count Biron, a
gentleman of Danifli extradfion, in the fervice of Ruf¬
fia, was preferred before him. When a war broke out
in Germany, upon the death of the late king of Po¬
land, our count’s father, he attended the duke of Ber¬
wick commander in chief of the French army fent into
that country, and behaved with unparallelled bravery.
When troubles broke out in the fame quarter upon the
death of the late emperor Charles VI. he was employed
in the French army fent into the empire to fupport
-the pretenfions of the ele&or of Bavaria; and had no
inconfklerable hand in ftorming Prague: by means of
which be acquired the confidence and efteem of that
unfortunate prince. When an invafion of Great Bri¬
tain was preyedted by the-sou-rt of France in the be¬
ginning of 1744, in favour of Charles-Edward the
pretender’s tldeft fon, he was appointed to command ‘
the French troops to be employed on that occafion.
Both the young pretender and the count had come to
Dunkirk in order to proceed upon the intended ex¬
pedition ; but the defign was fruftrated by a furious
ftorm and the vigilance of the Britilh fleet. France
having, foon after that event, declared war againft
Great Britain, he was appointed commander in chief
of the French army in the Netherlands, and promoted
to the rank of a marflial of France. In this high fta-
tion he had full room to difplay his great abilities.
Succefs crowned all his enterprifes; and every town he
invefted was obliged to fubmit to his vi&orious arms.
During the courfe of the war, he beat the allies in fe¬
veral battles, and made himfelf matter of the whole Au-
flrian Netherlands, with a good part of Dutch Bra¬
bant. Such eminent fervices procured him an a£l of
naturalization by the king of France, in April 17.J.6;
in January following, he was railed to the ra&.k of
marfhal-general, an office which had been vacant for
many years; and in January 1748, he was conftituted
governor-general of the Netherlands, with a large re¬
venue annexed.
Aft er the treaty of peace at Afx-la-Chapelle in 1748,
marfhal Saxe, covered wiib glory and loaded with the
king’s bounties, retired to Chambord in France, where
he {pent his time in various employments and amufe-
ments. But being feized with a fever on the 2lft of
November 1750, he died on the 30th of that month.
His corpfe was interred on the -8th of February fol¬
lowing, with great funeral pomp, in the church of St
Thomas’s at Strafburg. All France lamented his
death. The king was at the charge of his funeral, and
expreffed the greateft concern for the lofs of a man
u’ho had raifed the glory of his arms to the higheft
pitch. By his will, which is dated at Paris, March 1,
1748, he diredled that “ his body fhould be buried in
lime, if that could be done; that in a fhort time no¬
thing more of him might remain in the world, but his
memory among his friends.” This dire&ion, however,
was not complied with : for his corpfe was embalmed,
and put into a leaden coffin, which was inclofed in
another of copper, and this covered with one of wood
bound about with iron. His heart was put into a fil-
ver-gilt box, and his entrails into another coffin. He
was bred a Proteftant of the Lutheran perfuafion, un¬
der the eye of the countefs his mother: and no worldly
confideration could ever induce him to change his re¬
ligion. He had unhappily, like his royal father, early
engaged in a feries of amorous adventures; and feveral
natural children were the fruits of his vagrant amours.
Though he had been prevailed on by his mother, to
marry Vi&oria countefs of Lobin, a lady of diftinguifh-
ed birth and beauty, by whom he had a child or two,
who died in their infancy ; yet, a coldnefs having a i-
fen between them, the marriage was diflblved, on ac¬
count of adultery committed by the count, with a de¬
fign to procure a divorce; and he never afterwards
married. The marfhal was a man of middling ftature,
but of a robuft conftitution and extraordinary ttrength.
To an afpeft noble, fweet, and martial, he joined the
interior qualities of a moft excellent heart. Affa¬
ble, and affefted with the misfortunes of others, he
was great and generous, even more than his fortune
.39 B 2 would
Saxifraga,
Saxony.
SAX [ 6964 1 SAX
would permit. On his death-bed, he was very peni¬
tent for his lewd pradices, and reviewed the error*
of his life with extreme remorfe.
His “ Reveries, .or Memoirs concerning the Art of
War,” together with other fmall pieces, were tranfla-
ted into Englifh, and publifhed at London in 1757. _
SAXIFRAGA, Saxifrage; a genus of the di-
gynia order, belonging to the decandria clafs of plants.
There ar* 38 fpecies ; of which the mod remarkable
are, 1. The granulata, or white faxifrage, which grows
naturally in the meadows in many parts of England.
The roots of this plant are like grains of corn, of
a reddilh colour without; from which arife kidney-
Ihaped hairy leaves, Handing upon pretty long foot-
ftalks. The (talks are thick, a foot high, hairy, and
furrowed: thefe branch out from the bottom, and have
a few fmall leaves like thofe below, which fit clofe to
the (talk: the flowers terminate the (talk, growing in
fmall clufters; they have five white petals, inclofing
ten (lamina and the two (lyles. There is a variety of
this with double flowers, which is very ornamental.
2. The pyramidata, with a pyramidal (talk, grows na¬
turally on the mountains of Italy. The leaves are
tongue-(haped, gathered into heads, rounded at their
points, and have cartilaginous and fawed borders. The
(talk rifes two feet and a half high, branching out
near the ground, forming a natural pyramid to the top.
The flowers have five white wedge-lhaped petals, and
ten (lamina, placed circularly the length of the tube,
terminated by roundHh purple fummits. When thefe
plants are (trong, they produce very large pyramids of
flowers, which make a fine appearance. 3. The punc¬
tata, commonly called London-pride, or none-fo-pretty,
grows naturally on the Alps, and alfo in great plenty
on a mountain of Ireland called Mangerton, in the coun¬
ty of Kerry in that ifland. The roots of this are per¬
ennial; the leaves are oblong, oval, and placed cir¬
cularly at bottom. They have broad, flat, furrowed
foot-ftalks, and are deeply crenated at their edges,
which are white. The (talk rifes a foot high, is of a
purple colour, (tiff, (lender, atid hairy. It fends out
from the fide on the upper part feveral (hort foot-
(lalks, which are terminated by white flowers fpotted
with red. 4. The oppofitifolia, grows naturally on the
Alps, Pyrenees, and Helvetian mountains; it is alfo
found pretty plentifully growing upon Ingleborough
hill in Yorklhirc, Snowdon in Wales, and fome other
places. It is a perennial plant, with (talks trailing up¬
on the ground, and are feldom more than two inches
long, garnifhed with fmall oval leaves (landing oppo-
fite, which lie over one another like the fcales of fi(h;
they are of a brown green colour, and have a refem-
blance of heath. The flowers are produced at the
end of the branches, of a deep blue ; fo make a pretty
appearance during their continuance, which is great
part of March and the beginning of April. All thefe
fpecies are eafily propagated by offsets, or by parting
their roots.
SAXONY, the name of two circles of the German
empire, an eledlorate, and a duchy of the fame. The
lower circle is bounded to the fouth by the circle of
Upper Saxony, and a part of that of the Upper
Rhine; to the north, by the duchy of Slefwick, be¬
longing to the king of Denmark, and the Baltic; to
the well, by the circle of Weftphalia and the north
fea; and to the call, by the circle of Upper Saxony: Saxony.
The dates belonging to it are the dukes and princes 
of Magdeburg and Bremen, Zell, Grubenhagen, Ca-
lenburg, Wolfenbuttle, Halberdadt, Mecklenburg-
Schwerin, Mecklenburg-Gudro, Holftein-Gluckdadt,
Holdein-Gottorf, Hildelheim, Saxe-Lauenburg; the
archbifliopric of Lubeck; the principalitiesof Schwerin,
Ratzeburg, Blankenburg, Ranzau; the imperial cities
of Lubeck, Gotzlar, Muhlhaufen, Nordhaufen, Ham¬
burgh, and Bremen. The dukes of Bremen and
Magdeburg are alternately directors and fummoning
princes; but, ever fince the year 1682, the diets,
which ufed generally to be held at Brunfwick or
Luneburg, have been difeontinued. Towards the army
of the empire, which, by a decree of the empire in 168 r,
was fettled at 40,000 men, this circle was to furnifh
1322 horfemen and 2707 foot; and of the 300,000
florins granted to the imperial ched in 1707, its quota
was 31,271 florins; both which affeffments are the>f
fame with thofe of Upper Saxony, Burgundy, Sw#^
bia, and Wefiphalia. This circle, at prefent, nomi¬
nates only two affeffors in the chamber-judicatory
of the empire, of one of which the eledtor of Brunfwick-
Luneburg has the nomination, who mud be a Luthe¬
ran, and is the ninth in rank. The inhabitants of
this circle are almod all Lutherans.
The circle of Upper Saxony is bounded by that of
Franconia, the Upper Rhine, and Lower Saxony;
and alfo by the Baltic fea, Pruffia, Poland, Silefia, Lu-
fatia, and Bohemia. It is of great extent, and con¬
tains the following dates, viz. the eleflors of Saxony
and Brandenburg, Saxe-Weimar, Saxe-Eifenach, Saxe-
Coburg, Saxe-Gotha, Saxe-Altenburg, Saxe-Qner-
furt, the Hither and Farther Pomerania, Camin, An¬
halt, Quidlenburg, Gernrode, Walkenried, Schwarz-
burg, Sonderfliaufen, Schwarzburg-Rudoldadt, Manf-
feld, Stoiberg, Barby, the counts of Reuffen, and the
counts of Schonberg. No diets have been held in
this circle fince the year 1683. The ele&or of /
Saxony has always been the foie fummoning prince 1
and diredtor of it. Mod of the inhabitants profefs f
the Protedant religion. When the whole empire fur-
nilhes 40,000 men, the quota of this circle is 1322
horfe and 2707 foot. Of the 300,000 florins grant¬
ed by the empire in 1707, it contributed only
31,271 florins, 28 kruitzers, being rated no higher
than thofe of Weflphalia, Lower Saxony, Swabia,
and Burgundy, though it is much larger. Agreeable
to a refolution and regulation in 1654, this circle no¬
minates now only two affeffors of the chamber-court.
The eledlorate confids of the duchy of Saxony, the
greated part of the margravate of Meiffen, a part of
the Vogtland, and the northern half of the landgravate
of Thuringia. The Lufatias alfo, and a part of the
country of Henneberg, belong to it, but are no part of
this circle. The foil of the eledloral dominions lying
in this circle is in general exceeding rich and fruitful,
yielding corn, fruits, and pulfe in abundance, to¬
gether with hops, flax, hemp, tobacco,.anifeed, wild
faffron, wood; and in fome places woad, wine, coals,
porcelain clay, terra figillata, fullers-earth, fine (hiver,
various forts of beautiful marble, ferpentine done,
and alraod all the different fpecies of precious (lones.
Sulphur alfo, alum, vitriol, fand, and free-done,
falt-fpring*, amber, turf, cinnabar, quickfilver, anti¬
mony,
Saxony.
SAX [ 6965 ] SAX
mony, bifrautb, arfenic, cobalt, and other minerals,
are found in it. This country, befides the above
articles, contains likewife valuable mines of filver,
copper, tin, lead, and iron ; and abounds in many
places with horned cattle, flieep, horfes, and venifon.
The principal rivers by which it is watered, are the
Elbe, the Schwerze-EHter, the Mulde, the Saale, the
Unftrut, the Weiffe-Elder, and the Pleiffe. Thefe
rivers, as well as the lakes and rivulets, abound in fifh;
and in the White-Elder are found beautiful pearls.
This ele&orate is extremely well cultivated and inha¬
bited, and is faid to include about 250 great and fmall
towns, upwards of 5000 villages, 196 royal manors,
and near as many royal cadles, befides private edates
and commanderies. The provincial diets here confid
of three claffes. The fird is comppfed of the prelates,
the counts, and lords, and the two univerfities of
JLeipGc and Wittenberg. To the fecond belong the
nobility in general, immediate or mediate, that is,
fuch as dand immediately under the fief-chancery or
the aulic judicatories, and fuch as are immediately
under the jurifdi&ion of the amtman. The third clafs
is formed of the towns in general. The general pro¬
vincial diets are ordinarily held every fix years; but
there are others, called felettion diets, which are con¬
vened commonly every two years. We would here
obferve, that not only thefe diets, but thofe in mod
of the other date* of Germany, are at prefent extremely
infignificant and unimportant, retaining little more
than the (hadow of their former power and privileges;
for even the petty princes, though they depend upon
their more potent neighbours, and mud be very care¬
ful not to give them any umbrage, are almod as abfo-
lute in their refpe&ive territories as the grand feig-
nior himfelf. As to religion, it was in this country
that the reformation took its rife in the 16th century,
to which it hath ever fince adhered, according to the
do&rines of Luther. The two late eledtors, when
they embraced Popery in order to qualify themfelves
to be eledted kings qf Poland, gave the mod folemn
affurances to their people, that they would inviolably
maintain the edablifhed religion and its profeffors in
the full and free enjoyment of all their ecclefiadical
rights, privileges, and prerogatives whatfoever, in
regard to churches, worfhip, ceremonies, ufages, uni¬
verfities, fchools, benefices, incomes, profits, jurif-
didiions, and immunities. The eledtoral families dill
continue Roman Catholics, though they have lod the
crown of Poland, for which they at fird embraced
Popery. With refpedt to ecclefiadical matters, the
country is divided into parifhes, and thefe again into
fpiritual infpedf ions and confidories, all fubordinate to
the ecclefiadical council and upper confidory of Dref-
den, in which city and Leipfic the Calvinids and Ro¬
man Catholics enjoy the free exercife of their religion.
Learning flouridies in this eledlorate; in which, be¬
fides the free-fchools and gymnafia in mod of the chief
towns, are the two celebrated univerfities of Witten¬
berg and Leipzig, in the lad of which are alfo fo-
cieties for the liberal arts and the German language,
with book fellers and printers of the greated eminence.
A great variety of manufafiures are alfo carried on in
this country. The principal are thofe of fine and
coarfe linen, thread, fine lace, paper, fine glades and
mirrours; porcelain, equal, if not fnperior, to that of
China ; iron, brafs, and deel wares; manufa&ures of
gold and filver, cotton, wool, and filk; gloves, caps,
hats, and tapedry ; in which, and the natural produc¬
tions mentioned above, together with dyeing, an im¬
portant foreign commerce is carried on. A great ad¬
dition has been made fince the year 1718 to the
electoral territories, by the extindlion of the collateral
branches of Zeitz, Merfeburg, and Weifienfels, whofe
dominions devolved to the elder eledloral branch, de-
fcended from the margraves of Meiffen. The fird of
thefe, who was eleftor of Saxony, was Frederic the
Warlike, about the beginning of the 15th century.
This ele&or diles himfelf duke of Saxony, Juliers,
Cleve, and Berg,'as alfo of Engern and Wedphalia,
arch-marlhal and eledlor of the Holy Roman empire,
landgrave in Thuringia, margrave of Meiffen, and of
Upper and Lower Lufatia, burgrave of Magdeburg,
princely count of Henneberg, count of La Mark,
Ravenfberg, Barby, and Hanau, and lord of Raven-
dein. Among the eleftors he is reckoned the (ixth,
as great-marlhal of the empire, of which he is alfo
vicar, during an interregnum, in all places not fubjeft
to the vicariate of the count palatine of the Rhine.
He is moreover foie dire&or of the circle ; and in the
vacancy of the fee of Mentz, claims the dire&orium at
the diet of the empire. His matricular affeffment,
on account of the eleftorate, is 1984 florins, befides
what he pays for other didrids and territories. To
the chamber-courts he contributes, each term, the
fum of 1545 rix-doilars, together with 83 rix-dollars
and 62 kruitzers on account of the county of Manf-
field. In this deflorate, fubordinate to the privy-
council, are various colleges for the departments of
war, foreign affairs, the finances, fiefs, mines, police,
and ecclefiadical affairs, together with high tribunals
at d courts of judice, to which appeals lie from the
inferior. The revenues of this eltflor are as con-
fiderable as thofe of any prince in the empire, if we
except thofe of the houfe of Audria. They &rife
from the ordinary and extraordinary fubfidies of the
dates ; his own. demefnes, confiding of 72 bailiwics ;
the impod on beer, and the fine porcelain of the
country ; tenths of corn, fruit, wine, &c. his own
filver mines, and the tenths of thofe that belong to
particulars: all which, added together, bring in an>
yearly revenue of betwixt 700,000). and 8oo,oool.;
yet the deflorate is at prefent deeply in debt. The
regular troops commonly amount to 20,000 men, ex-
clufive of the militia of the ban, the arriere-ban, and
the body of miners and hunters, who are obliged in
time of war to bear arms. The whole deflorate is
divided into circles.
The defloral circle, or the duchy of Saxony, is
bounded by the circles of Meiffen, Leipzig, and Thu¬
ringia, the principality of Anhalt, the mark of Bran-
denbury, and Lufatia. The principality of Anhalt lies
acrofs it, and divides it into two parts. Its greateft
length and breadthis computed at about 40 miles; but
tho’ it is watered by the Elbe, the Black Elfter, and the
Mulde, it is not very fruitful, the foil for the mofl:
part confiding of fand. It contains 24 towns, three
boroughs, betwixt 400 and 500 villages, 164 noble¬
mens eftates, 11 fuperintendencies, three infpeftions,
under one confiftory, and 11 prefefturates or didrifls^
The prefent duchy of Saxony is not to be confounded
with the old; for the latter was of a much greater
extent, and contained in it thofe large trafls anciently
called
Saxony.
Saxony.
SAX [ 6966 ] S C A
called Eafiphalia, Engern, and WeJl[.haUa> of which
' the eleftoral circle was no part, but was taken by-
Albert the Bear, margrave of Salzwedel, from the
Venedi. Hisfon Bernard obtaining the dignity of duke
T)f Saxony from the emperor Frederic I. the name of
duchy wzs given to this country; and the eleiStoral dig¬
nity having been afterwards annexed to the duchy, it
acquired thereby alfd the name of the electoral circle.
The country of Saxony is remarkable for being the
mother of the prefent Englifh nation; but concerning
the Saxons themfelves, previous to that period, we
have very few particulars. The Saxons (fays Mr
Whitaker) have been derived by our hittorians from
very different parts of the globe ; India, the north of
Afia, and the forefts of Germany- And their appel¬
lation has been equally referred to very different caufes;
the name of their Indian progenitor, the plundering
difpofition of their Afiatic fathers, and the fhort
hooked weapons of their warriors. But the real ori¬
gin of the Saxons, and the genuine derivation of their
name, feem clearly to be thefe.
In the earlier period of the Gallic hiftory, the Cel-
tae of Gaul croffed the Rhine in contlderable numbers,
and planted various colonies in the regions beyond it.
Thus the Volcae Te&ofages fettled on one fide of the
Hercynian foreft and about the banks of the Neckar,
the Helvetii upon another and about the Rhine, and
Maine, the Boii beyond both, and the Senones in the
heart of Germany, Thus alfo we fee the Treviri, the
Nervii, the Suevi, and the Marcomanni, the <£uadi,
the Venedi, and others, in that country; all plainly
betrayed to be Gallic nations by the Gallic appella¬
tions which they bear, and all together poffeffing the
greateft part of it. And, even as late as the conclu-
fion of the firft century, we find one nation on the
eaftern fide of this great continent aflually fpeaking
the language of Gatll, and another upon the northern
ufing a dialeft nearly related to the Britifh. But as
all the various tribes of the Germans are confidered by
Strabo to be ywaioi TaxaUi, or genuine Gauls in their
origin ; fo th.ofe particularly that lived immediately
beyond the Rhine, and are afferted by Tacitus to be
indubitably native Germans, are exprefsly denomi¬
nated F‘a\u1ott, or Gauls, by Diodorus, and as exprefsly
declared by Dio to have beendittinguifhed by the equiva¬
lent appellation of Celte from the earlieft period. And
the broad line of nations., which extended along the
ocean, and reached to the borders of Scythia, was all
known to the learned in the days of Diodorus, by the
fame fignificant appellation of r«x«7«i, or Gauls.
Of thefe, the moft noted were the Si Cambri and
Cimbri ; the former being feated near the channel of
the Rhine, and the latter inhabiting the peninfula of
Jutland. And the denominations of both declare their
original; and fttow them to have been derived from the
common (lock of the Celtse, and to be of the fame Celtic
kindred with the Cimbri ofoorown Somerfetfhire, and
theCymbri orCambrians ofourownWales. TheCimbri
are accordingly denominated Celia by Strabo and Ap-
pian. Andthey are equallyafferted to be Gauls by Dio¬
dorus; to be thedefeendants of that nation which facked
the city of Rome, plundered the temple of Delphi,
and fubdued a great part of Europe, and fome of
A fia.
Immediately to the fouth of tjiefe were the Saxons,
and extended from the ifthmua of the Cherfonefus to
the current of the Elbe. And they were equally
Celtic in their origin as their neighbours. They were
denominated Ambrones as well as Saxons; and, as
fuch, are included by Tacitus under the general ap¬
pellation of Cimbri, and comprehended in Plutarch
under the equal one of Celto-Scytha. And the name
of AmbreneS appears particularly to have been Gallic ;
being common to the Saxons beyond the Elbe, and
the Ligurians in Cifalpine Gaul; as both found to
their furprife, on the irruption of the former into Italy
with the Cimbri. And, what is equally furprifing,
and has been equally unnoticed by the critics, the
Welflv diftinguifit England by the name of Loegr ot?
Liguria, even to the prefent moment. In that irrup¬
tion thefe Saxons, Ambrons, or Ligurians, compofed
a body of more than 30,000 men, and were princi¬
pally concerned in cutting topieces the large armies
of Manlius and Ctepio. Nor is the appellation of
Saxoni lefs Celtic than the other. It was originally
the fame with the Belgic Suefibnes of Gaul; the ca¬
pital of that tribe being now intitled Soifons by the
French, and the name of the Saxons pronounced Sai-
fen by the Welfii, Safon by the Scotch, and Safenach
or Saxfenach by the Irifh. And the Sneffon.s or
Saxones of Gaul derived their own appellation from
the pofition of their metropolis on a river, the (Irean*
at Sorfons being now denominated the Aifne, and for¬
merly the Axon; Ueff-on or Axon importing only
waters or a river, and S-ueff-on or S-ax-on the waters
or the river. The Suefibnes, therefore, are aftually
denominated the Uejfones by Ptolemy; and the Saxones
are aftually intitled the Axones by Lucan.
Thefe, with their brethren and allies the Cimbri,
having been more formidable enemies to the Romans
by land, than the Samnites, Carthaginians, Spaniards,
Gauls, or Parthians, in the fecond century applied
themfel^es to navigation, and became nearly as ter-
rible by fea. They foon made themfelves known to
the inhabitants of the Britilh ifles, by their piracies in
the northern channels, and were denominated by them
Lochlyn orLochlynach; lued lyn fignifying the people of
the wave, and the D being quiefeent in the pronun¬
ciation. They took pofieflion of the Orkney ifiands,
which were then merely large fiioals of land, uncovered
with woods, and overgrown with rufiies; and they
landed in the north of Ireland, and ravaged the coun¬
try. Before the middle of the third century they
made a fecond defeent upon the latter, difembarked
a confiderable body of men, and defigned the abfo-
lute fubje&ion of the Hland. Before the conclufion of
it, they carried their naval operations to the fontb, in-
fefted the Britifh channel with their little veflels, and
made frequent defeents upon the coafts. And in the
fourth and fifth centuries, adding in conjun&ion with
the Pifts of Caledonia and the Scots of Ireland, they
ravaged all the eaftern and fouth-eaftern ftiores of Bri¬
tain, began the formal conqueft of the country, and
finally fettled their vi&orious foldiery in the kingdom
of Lancafhire and the houfes of Manchefter.
SAY, or Save, in commerce, a kind of ferge much
ufed abroad for linings, and by the religious for fhirtsi
with us it is ufed for aprons by feveral forts of artifi¬
cers, being ufually dyed green.
SCABIOSA, scabious > a genus of the monogy-
ttia
Saxony,
Scabiofa.
S C A [ 6967 ] S C A
Scavok nla order, belonging to the tetrandria elafs of plants, in geometry, a triangle whofe fides and angles are un¬
it The tnoft remarkable fpecies are, x. The arvenfis, or equal. See Geometry.
Scalene' meadow-fcabious, grows naturally in many places of SCALENUS, in anatomy. See there, Talk of
Britain. It hath a ftrong, thick, fibrous root, fend- the Mufcles.
ing out many branching ftalks, which rife to the height SCALIGER. (Julius Csefar), a learned critic, poet,
of three feet; the lower leaves are fometimes almoft phyfician, and philofopher ; was born at the caftle of
entire, and at others they are cut into many fegments Ripa, in the territories of Verona in 1484; and is faid
almoft to the midrib. The flowers are produced upon to have been defcended from the ancient princes of Ve-
naked footftaiks at the end of the branches ; they are rona, though this is not mentioned in the letters of
of a purple colour, and have a faint odour. 2. The naturalization he obtained in France in 1528. He
fuccifia, or devil’s bit, grows naturally in woods and learned the firft rudiments of the Latin tongue in his
moift places. This has a (hort tap-root, the end of own country ; and in his 12th year was prefented to
which appears as if it was bitten or cut off, whence the emperor Maximilian, who made him one of his
the plant has taken its name. The leaves ard oval pages. He ferved that emperor 17 years, and gave
and fpear-fhaped, and fmooth ; the ftalks are tingle, fignal proofs of his valour and conduit in feveral expe-
about two feet high, garnilhed with two leaves at each ditions. He was prefent at the battle of Ravenna in
joint; they generally fend out two fhort foot-ftalks April 1512, in which he had the misfortune to lofe
from their upper joint, ftanding oppofite, which are his father Benediit Scaliger, and his brother Titus; on
terminated by purple flowers.—Both thefe have been which his mother died with grief: when being reduced
recommended as aperient, fudorific, and expe&orant; to necefiitous circumftances, he entered into the order of
but the prefent pra&ice has no dependence on them. the Francifcans, and applied himfelf to ftudy at Bologna ;
SC^EVOLA (Mutius), the celebrated Roman but foon after changing his mind with refpedf to his
knight, famous in the Roman hiftory for having fingly becoming a monk, he took arms again, and ferved in
oppofed Porfenna king of Etruria, and his army, upon Piedmont. At which time a phyfician perfuaded him
a bridge at Rome, till it was cut down ; after which to ftudy phyfic, which be did at his leifure-hours, and
he flung himfelf into the Tiber, and fwam to the Ro- alfo learned Greek ; but at laft the gout determined
man army on the oppofite fhore, 507 B. C. him, at forty years of age, to abandon a military life.
SCAFFOLD, among builders, an aifemblage of He foon after fettled at Agen, where he married, and
planks and boards, fuftained by treffels and pieces of began to apply himfelf ferioufly to his ftudies. He
wood fixed in the wall; whereon mafons, bricklayers, learned firft the French tongue, which he fpoke per-
&c. Hand to work, in building high walls, and pla- fedly in three months ; and then made himfelf mafter
fterers in plaftering ceilings, &c. of the Gafcon, Italian, Spanilh, German, Hungarian,
Scaffold, alfo denotes a timber-work raifed in the and Sclavonian : but the chief objeef of his ftudies was-
manner of an amphitheatre, for the more commodious polite literature^ Mean while he fupported his family
viewing any (how or ceremony : it is alfo ufed for a by the pra&ice of phyfic. He did not publifh any of
little ftage raifed in fome public place, whereon to his works till he was 47 years of age ; when he foon
behead criminals. gained a great name in the republic of letters. He
SCALADO, or Scalade, in the art of war, a had a graceful perfon, and fo ftrong a memory, even
furious affault made on the wall or rampart of a city, in his old age, that he di&ated to his fon two hundred
or other fortified place, by means of ladders, without verfes which he had compofed the day before, anck
carrying on works in form, to fecure the men. retained without writing them down. He was fo cha-
SCALE, a mathematical inftrument confiding of ritable, that his houfe was as it were an hofpital for
feveral lines drawn on wood, brafs, filver, &c. and the poor and fick; and he had fuoh an averfion to ly-
varioufly divided, according to the purpofes it is in- iflg,. that he would have no correfpondence with thofe
tended to ferve; whence it acquires various denomi- who were fubjedt to that vice; but on the other hani
nations, as the plain fcale, diagonalJbak, plotting fcale, he had much vanity, and a fatirical fpirit, which cre-
&c. See Geometry. ated him many enemies. He died of a retention of
Scale, in mufic, fometimes denominated a urine in 1558. He wrote in Latin, 1. A Treatife on
a diagram, a feries, an order, a diapafon. It confifts the Art of Poetry. 2. Exercitations againft Carden ;
of the regular gradations of found, by which a com- thefe works are much efleemed. 3. Commentaries on
pofer or performer, whether in rifing or defeending, Ariftotle’s hiftory of Animals, and on Theophraftus
may pafs from any given tune to another. Thefe gra- on Plants. 4. Some Treatifes on Phyfic. 5. Letters,
dations are feven. When this order is repeated, the Orations, Poems, and other works,.in Latin,
firft note of the fecond is confentaneous with the lowed Scaliger (Jofeph Juftus), one of the moft learned:
note of the firft ; the fecond of the former with the critics and writers of his time: he was the fon of the
fecond of the latter; and fo through the whole odave. former, and was born at Agen in France in 1540.
The fecond order, therefore, is juftly efteemed only a He ftudied in the college of Bourdeaux ; after which
repetition of the firft. For this reafon the fcale, among his father took him under his own care, and employed
the moderns, is fometimes limited to an odave; at other him in tranferibing his poems; by which means he ob-
times extended to the compafs of any particular voice mined fuch a tafte for poetry, that before he was 17
j or inftrument. It likewife frequently includes all the years old, he wrote a tragedy upon the fubjed of
pradical gradations of mufical found, or the whole Oedipus, in which he introduced all the poetical orna-
number of odaves employed in compofition or execu- ments of ftye and fentiment. His father dying in 1558,
tion, arranged in their natural order. he went to Paris the year following, with a defign to
SCALENE, or Scalenous Triangle, feulenum, apply himfelf to the Greek tongue. For this purpofe
he-
SealemijS,
Scafiger.
S C A [ 6968 1 S C A
Scallop he for two months attended the le&ures of Turnebus j
Scammony. kut finding that in the ufual courfe he fhould be along
 1. time in gaining his point, he fhut himfelf up in his clofet,
andby conftantjapplicationfor two years'gainedaperfeft
knowledge of the Greek tongue. After which he applied
to the Hebrew, which he learned by himfelf with great
facility. He made nolefs progrefs in the fciences ; and
his writings procured him the reputation of one of the
greateft men of that or any other age. He embraced
the reformed religion at 22 years of age. In 1563,
he attached himfelf to Lewis Cafteignier de la Roch
Pozay, whom he attended in feveral journeys : and in
1593, was invited to accept of the place of honorary
profeflbr of the univerfity of Leyden, which he com¬
plied with. He died of a dropfy in that city in 1609.
He was a man of great temperance ; was never mar¬
ried ; and was fo clofe a ftudent, that he often fpent
whole days in his ftudy without eating : and though
his circumftances were always very narrow, he con-
ftantly refufed the prefents that were offered him.
He publifhed many works; the principal of which are,
1. Notes on Seneca’s Tragedies, on Varro, Aufonius,
Pompeius Feflus, &c. 2. His Latin Poems. 3. A
Treatife de Emendatior.e Temporum. 4. Eufebius’s
Chronicle with Notes. 5. Canones Ifagogici; and
many other works. The colleftions intitled Scalige-
riana, were colle&ed from his converfations by one of
his friends; and being ranged into alphebetical order,
were publifhed by Ifaac Vofiius.
SCALLOP, in ichthyology. See Pecten.
In the highlands of Scotland, the great fcallop fhell
is made ufe of for thefkimming of milk. In old times, it
had a more honourable place; being admitted into the
halls of heroes, and was the cup of their feflivity when
the tribe aflembled in the hall of their chieftain.
SCALPEL, in furgery, a kind of knife ufed in ana¬
tomical diffedlions and operations in furgery.
SCALPER or Scalping Iron, a furgeon’s in-
flrument ufed for fcraping foul carious bones.
SCALPING, in military hiftory, a barbarous cu-
flom, in pradlice among the Indian warriors, of taking
off the tops of the fcalps of the enemies fculls with their
hair on. Tney prefcrve them as trophies of their victo¬
ries, and are rewarded by their chiefs according to the
number of fcalps they bring in.
SCALPRA Dentalia, inftrumcnts ufed by the
furgeons to takeoff thofe black, livid, or yellow crufts
which infeft. the teeth, and not only loofe and deftroy
them, but taint the breath.
SCAMMONY, a concreted vegetable juice of a
fpecics of convolvulus, partly of the refin, and partly
of the gum kind. See Convolvulus.
The beft fcammony comes from Aleppo, in light
fpongy maftes, eaftly friable, of a fhining afh-colour
verging to black ; when powdered, of a light grey or
whitifh colour: an inferior fort is brought from Smyr¬
na, in more compadf ponderous pieces, of a darker
colour, and full of fand and other impurities. This
juice is chiefly of the refinous kind; rectified fpiritdif-
folves fix ounces out of fix, the remainder is a muci¬
laginous fubftance mixed with drofs ; proof-fpirit to¬
tally diffolves it, the impurities only being left. It
has a faint unpkafant fmell, and a bitterifh, fomewhat
acrimonious, tafte.
Scammony is an efficacious and ftrong purgative.
Some have condemned it as unfafe, and laid fundry ill Scammony
qualities to its charge ; the principal of which is, thatg anA .
its operation is uncertain, a full dofe proving fome- can lluvla
times ineffectual, whilft at others a much fmaller one
occafions dangerous hypercatharfes. This difference,
however, is owing entirely to the different circum¬
ftances of the patient, aud not to any ill quality or
irregularity of operation of the medicine : where the
inteftines are lined with an exceffive load of mufcus, the
fcammony paffes through without exerting itfelf upon
them ;'where the natural mucus is deficient, a fmall dofe
of this or any other refinous cathartic, irritates and in¬
flames. Many have endeavoured to abate the force of
this drug, and correft its imaginary virulence, by ex-
pofing it to the fume of fulphur, diffolving it in acid
juices, and the like ; but this could do no more than
deftroy as it were a part of the medicine, without ma¬
king any alteration in the reft. Scammony in fubftance,
judicioufly managed, ftands not in need of any correc¬
tor : if triturated with fugar or with almonds, it ba-
comes fufficiently fafe and mild in operation. It may
likewife be conveniently diffolved by trituration, in a
ftrong decoCtion of liquorice, and then poured off from
the fasces; the college of Wertemberg affures us, that
by this treatment it becomes mildly purgative, without
being attended with gripes, or other inconveniences ;
and that it likewife proves inoffenfive to the palate.
The common dofe of fcammony is from three to twelve
grains.
SCANDALUM Magnatum, inlaw, is a defama¬
tory fpeech or writing to the injury of a perfon of dig¬
nity ; for which a writ that bears the fame name it
granted for the recovery of damages.
SCANDERBEG, the furname of George Caftriot
king of Albinia, a province of Turkey in Europe, de¬
pendent on the Ottoman empire. He was delivered
up with his three elder brothers as hoftages, by their
father, to Amurath II. fultan of the Turks, who poi-
foned his brothers, but fpared him on account of his
youth, being likewife pleafed with hisjuvenile wit and
amiable perfon. In a (hort time he became one of the
moft renowned generals of the age; and revolting from
Amurath, he joined Hunniade Corvin, a moft for¬
midable enemy to the Ottoman power. He defeated
the fultan’s army, took Amurath’s fecretary prifoner,
obliged him to fign and feal an order to the governor
of Croia, the capital of Albania, to deliver up the
citadel and city to the bearer of that order, in
the name of the fultan. With this forged order he
repaired to Croia; and thus recovered the throne of his
anceftors, and maintained the independency of his
country againft the numerous armies of Amurath and Jl
his fucceffor Mahommed II. who was obliged to make *-
peace with this hero in 1461. He then went to the
affiftance of Ferdinand of Arragon, at the requeft of
Pope Pius II. and by his afiiftance Ferdinand gained
a complete victory over his enemy the count of Anjou.
Scanderbeg died in 1467.
SCANDEROON. See Alexandretta.
SCANDINAVIA, a general name for the coun¬
tries of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark,, anciently I
under the dominion of one prince. The inhabitants
of thefe countries, in former times, were exctfiively |
addidted to war. From their earlieft years they ap- I
pl:ed themfdves to the military art, and accuftomed j
them- f
s C A [ 6969 ] S C A
Scandinaviathetnfelves to cold, fatigue, and hunger. Even the
very fports of youth and childhood were dangerous.
They confifted in taking frightful leaps, climbing up
the fteepeft rocks, fighting naked with offenfive wea¬
pons, wreftling with the utmoft fury ; fo that it was
ufual to fee them grown up to be robuft men, and ter¬
rible in the combat, at the age of fifteen. At this
early age the young men became their own mailers;
which they did by receiving a fword, a buckler, and
a lance. This ceremony was performed at fome public
meeting. One of the principal men of the alfembly
named the youth in public ; after which he was ob¬
liged to provide for his own fubfiftence, and was either
now to live by hunting, or by joining in fome incurfipn
againft the enemy. Great care was taken to prevent
the young men from too early connedlions with the
female fex ; and indeed they could have no hope to
gain the affe&ion of the fair, but in proportion to the
courage and addrefs they had fhown in their military
exercifee. Accordingly, in an ancient fong, we find
Bartholin, king of Norway, extremely furprifed that
bis miftrefs fhould prove unkind, as he could perform
eight different exercifes. The children were generally
born in camps; and being inured from their infancy to
behold nothing butarms, effufion of blood, and {laughter,
they imbibed the cruel difpofition of their fathers, and
when they broke forth upon other nations, behaved ra¬
ther like furies than like human creatures.
The laws of this people, in fome meafure, refembled
thofe of the ancient Lacedemonians. They knew no vir¬
tue but bravery, and no vice but cowardice. Thegreateft
penalties were infli&ed on^fuch as fled from battle.
The laws of the ancient Danes declared fuch perfons
infamous, and excluded them from fociety. Among
the Germans, cowards were fometimes fuffocated in
mud; after which they were covered over with hurdles,
to Ihow, fays Tacitus, that though the punilhment of
crimes Ihould be public, there are certain degrees of
cowardice and infamy which ought to be buried in
oblivion. Frotho king of Denmark enafted, by law,
that whoever folicited an eminent poll ought upon all
occafions to attack one enemy, to face two, to retire
only one ftep back from three, and never to make an
a&ual retreat till afiaulted by four. The rules of ju-
ftice themfelves were adapted and warped to thefe pre¬
judices. War was looked upon as a real aft of juftice,
and force was thought to be an inconteftible title over
the weak, and a vifible mark that God had intended
them to befubjeft to the ftrong. They had no doubt
but that the intentions of the Deity had been to efta-
blilh the fame dependence among men that takes place
among inferior creatures; and, fetting out from this
principle of the natural inequality among men, they
had from thence inferred that the weak had no right
to what they could not defend This maxim was ad¬
opted with fuch rigour, that the name of divine judg¬
ment was given not only to the judicatory combat, but
to conflifts and battles of all forts: viftory being, in
their opinion, the only certain marks by which provi¬
dence enables us to diflinguilh thofe whom it has ap¬
pointed to command others Laftly, their religion, by
annexing eternal happinefs to the military virtues, gave
the utraoft poffible degree of vigour to that propenfity
which thefe people had for war, and to their contempt
of death, of which we ftiall now give fome inftances.
Vox,. IX. 1
We are informed that Harold, furnamed Blaatand, or Scandinavia
Blue-tooth, a king of Denmark who lived in the be-  
ginning of the ninth century, had founded on the
coafts of Pomerania a city named Julin or JomJburg.
To this place he fent a colony of young Danes, be¬
llowing the government on a celebrated warrior called
Palnatoko. In this colony it was forbidden to mention
the word fear, even in the moll imminent dangers.
No citizen of Jomlburg was to yield to any number of
enemies however great. The fight of inevitable death
was not to be taken as an excufe for fhowing the fmall-
eft apprehenfion. And this legillator really appear*
to have eradicated from the minds of mod of the youths
bred up under him, all traces of that fentiment fo na¬
tural and fo univerfal, which makes men think on their
deftruftion with horror. Nothing can fhow this better
than a Angle faft in their hillory, which deferves to
have place here for its Angularity. Some of them ha¬
ving made an irruption into the territories of a power¬
ful Norwegian lord, named Haquin, were overcome in
fpite of the obllinacy of their refillance ; and the molt
diftinguilhed among them being made prifoners, were,
according the cullom of thofe times, condemned to
death. The news of this, far from afflifting them, was
on the contrary received with joy. The firll who was
led to punilhment was content to fay, without changing
countenance, and without exprefling the leall fign of
fear, “ Why Ihould not the fame happen to me as did
to my father ? He died, and fo mud I.” A warrior,
named Thorchill, who was to cut off the head of the fe-
cond, having allied him what he felt at the fight of
death, he anfwered, “that he remembered too well the
laws of Jomlburg, to utter any words that denoted fear.”
The third, in reply to the fame quedion, faid, “ he re¬
joiced to die with glory, and that he preferred fuch a
death to an infamous life like that of Thorchill’s.”
The fourth made an anfwer much longer and more ex¬
traordinary. “ I fuffer with a good heart; and the
prefent Jiour is to me very agreeable. I only beg of
you,” added he, addreffing himfdf to Thorchill, “ to
be very quick in cutting off my head; for it is a que-
ftion often debated by us at Jomfburg, whether one re¬
tains any fenfe after being beheaded. I will therefore
grafp this knife in my hand: if, after my head is cut
off, I ftrike it towards you, it will Ihow I have not lolt
all fenfe; if I let it drop, it will be a proof of the con¬
trary. Make halle therefore, and decide the difpute.”
Thorchill, adds the hiflorian, cut off his head in a
moll expeditious manner; but the knife, as might be
expefted, dropt from bis hand. The fifth Ihowtd the
fame tranquillity, and died rallying and jeering his ene¬
mies The fixth begged of Thorchill, that he might
not be led to punilhment like a Iheep: “ Strike the
blow in my face,” faid he, “ I will fit Hill without
Ihrinking; and take notice whether I once wink my
eyes, or betray one fign of fear in my countenance.
For we inhabitats of Jomlburg are ufed to exercife our-
felves in trials of this fort, fo as to meet the llroke of
death without once moving.” He kept his promife
before all the fpeftators, and received the blow without
betraying the leall fign of fear, or fo much as winking
with bis eyes. The feventh, fays the hiftorian, was
a very beautiful young man, in the flower of his age.
His long hair, as fine as filk, floated in curls and ring¬
lets on his Ihouldcrs. Thorchill alked him what he
39 C thought
Scandix
II
Scape.
S C A [ 6970 ] S C A
thought of death ? I receive it willingly, faid he, fince For the ceremonies on this occafion, fee Levit. xvi. Scape
I have fulfilled the greateft duty of life, and have feen 5. 6. &c. _ _ Scarabseus.
all thofe put to death whom I would not furvive.' I Some fay, that a piece of fcarlet cloth, in form of a _
only beg of you one favour, not to let my hair be tongue, was tied on the forehead of the fcape-goat.
touched by a Have, or flained with my blood.” Hofm. Lex. Univ. in voc. Lingua.
Neither was this intrepidity peculiar to the inhabi- Many have been the difputes among the interpre-
tants of Jomfburgh; it was the general chara&er of all ters, concerning the meaning of the v>or<\ fcape-goat;
the Scandinavians, of which we (hall only give this or rather of azazel, for which fcape-goat is put in our
further inftance. A warrior, having been thrown upon verfion of the Bible.
his back in wreftling with his enemy, and the latter Spencer is of opinion that azazel is a proper name,
finding himfelf without his arms, the vanquifhed per- fignifying the devil or evil daemon. See his reafons in
fon promifed to wait, without changing his pofture, his book De leg. Hebr. ritual. Differt. viii. Among
till his antagonift fetched a fword to kill him; and he other things, he obferves, that the ancient Jews ufed
faithfully kept his word.—To die with his arms in his to fubftitute the name Samael for Azazel, and many of
hand was the ardent wilh of every free man ; and the them have ventured to affirm, that at the feaft of expia-
pleafing idea which they had of this kind of death led tion they were obliged to offer a gift to Samael to ob-
them to dread fuch as proceeded from old age and dif- tain his favour. Thus alfo the goat, fent into the
cafe. The hiftory of ancient Scandinavia is full of wildernefs to Azazel, was underffood to be a gift or
inftances of this way of thinking. The warriors who or oblation. Some Chriftians have been of the fame
found themfelves lingering in difeafe, often availed opinion. But Spencer thinks that the genuine rea-
themfelves of their few remaining moments to firake fons of the ceremony were, I. That the goat, loaded
off life, by a way that they fuppofed to be more glo- with the fins of the people, and fent to Azazel, might
rious. Some of them would be carried into a field of be a fymbolical reprefentation of the miferable condi-
battle, that they might die in the engagement. Others tion of finners. 2. God fent the goat thus loaded to
flew themfelves: many procured this melancholy fer- the evil dasmons, to fhow that they were impure, there-
vice to be performed by their friends, who confidered by to deter the people from any converfation or fami-
it as a moft facred duty. “ There is, on a mountain liarity with them. 3. That the goat fent to Azazel,
of Iceland), fays the author of an old Icelandic ro- fufficiently expiating all evils, the Ifraelites might the
mance), a rock fo high, that no animal can fall from the more willingly abitain from the expiatory facrifices of
top and live. Here men betake themfelves when they the Gentiles.
are afflidted and unhappy. From this place all our an- SCAPULA, in anatomy, the flioulder, or fhoulder-
ceftors, even without waiting for ficknefs, have depart- bone.
ed into Edin. It is ufelefs, therefore, to give ourfelves SCAPULAR, in anatomy, the name of two pair
up to groans and complaints, or to put our relations to of arteries, and as many veins.
needlefs expences, fince we can eafily follow the ex- Scapular, or Scapulary, a part of the habit of fe-
ample of our fathers, who have all gone by the way of veral religious orders in the church of Rome, worn
this rock.”—When all thefe methods failed, and at laft over the gown as a badge of peculiar veneration for the
when Chriftianity had banilhed fuch barbarous prafti-- Bleffed Virgin. It confifts of two narrow flips or
ces, the difconfolate heroes confoled themfelves by put- breadths of cloth covering the back and the breaff,
ting on complete armour as foon as they found their and hanging down to the feet.—The devotees of the
end approaching. fcapulary celebrate its feftival on the 10th of July.
SCANDIX, Shepherd’s Needle, or Venus-cotnb; SCARABiEUS, the Beetle, in zoology, a genus
a genus of thedigynia order, belonging to the pentan- of infedts of the coleoptera order : the antennae of the
dria clafs of plants. The moft remarkable fpecies is beetles are of a clavated figure, and fiffile longitudi-
the odorata with angular furrowed feeds. It is a na- nally ; and their legs are frequently dentated. There
tive of Germany; and has a very thick perennial root, are 87 fpecies; all, however, concurring in one com-
compofed of many fibres, of a fweet aromatic taftelike mon formation of having cafes to their wings, which
anifeed, from which come forth many large leaves that are the more neceffary to thofe infedts, as they often
branch out fomewhat like thofe of fern, from whence it live under the furface of the earth, in holes, which
is named fweet-fern. The ftalks grow four or five feet they dig out by their own induftry. The cafes pre-
high, are fiftulous and hairy; the flowers are difpofed vent the various injuries their real wings might fuftain
in an umbel at the top of the ftalk, are of n white by rubbing or cruffiing againft the fides of their abode,
colour, and have a fweet aromatic fcent.—This fpe- Thefe, though they do not affift flight, yet keep the
cies is eafily propagated by feeds, which, if permitted internal wings clean and even, and produce a loud
to fcatter, will fupply an abundance of young plants, buzzing noife when the animal rifes in the air.
that may be put into any part of the garden, and re- If we examine the formation of all animals of the
quire no care, beetle kind, we fhall find, as in ffiell-fifh, that their
SCANNING, in poetry, the meafuring of verfe by bones are placed externally, and their mufcles within,
feet, in order to fee whether or not the quantities be Thefe mufcles are formed very much like thofe of
dutly obferved. The term is chiefly ufed in Greek quadrupeds ; and are endued with fuch furpriling
and Latin verfes. Thus an hexameter verfe is fcan- ftrength, that, bulk for bulk, they are a thoufand
ned by refolving it into fix feet; a pentameter, by re- times ftronger than thofe of a man. The ftrength of
folving it into five feet, &c. thefe mufcles is of ufe in digging the animal’s fubter-
SCAPE-goat, in the Jewifh antiquities, the goat raneous abode, whither it mcit frequently returns, even
which was let liberty on the day of folcjnn expiation, after it becomes a winged infedl capable of flying.
Be-
S C A [ 6971 ] S C A
Scarabaus. Befides the difference which refults from the fhape
” and colour ofthefe animals, the fize alfo makes a con-
fiderable one : fome beetles being not larger than the
head of a pin; while others, fuch as the elephant
beetle, are as big as one’s fill. But the greateft dif¬
ference among them is, that fome are produced in a
month, and in a Angle feafon go through all the
Jfages of their exiftence ; while others take near four
years to their produ&ion, and live as winged infefts
a year more.
The may-bug, or dorr-beetle, as fome call it, has,
like all the reft, a pair of cafes to its wings, which
are of a reddilh brown colour, fprinkled with a
whitifh dull, which eafily comes off. In fome years
their necks are feen covered with a red plate, and in
others with a black; thefe, however, are diftindt
forts, and their difference is by no means accidental.
The fore-legs are very fhort, and the better calculated
for burrowing in the ground, where this infedt makes
its retreat. It is well known for its evening buzz, to
children ; but ftill more formidably introduced to the
acquaintance of the hufbandman and gardener, for in
fome feafons it has been found to fwarm in fuch num¬
bers as to eat up every vegetable produdtion.
The two fexes in the may-bug are eafily diftin-
guifhed from each other, by the fuperior length of the
tufts, at the end of the horns, in the male. They
begin to copulate in fummer, and at that feafon they
are feen joined together for a confiderable time. The
female being impregnated, quickly falls to boring a
hole into the ground, where to depofit her burden.
This is generally about half a foot deep; and in it fhe
places her eggs, which are of an oblong fliape, with
great regularity, one by the other. They arc of a
bright yellow colour, and noway wrapped up in a
common covering, as fome have imagined. When
the female is lightened of her burden, ftie again
afeends from her hole, to live, as before, upon leaves
and vegetables, to buzz in the fummer evening, and
to lie hid among the branches of trees in the heat of
the day.
In about three months after thefe eggs have been
thus depofited in the earth, the contained infed be¬
gins to break its {hell, and a fmall grub or maggot
crawls forth, and feeds upon the roots of whatever
vegetable it happens to be neareft. All fubftances, of
this kind, feem equally grateful; yet it is probable the
mother infeft has a choice among what kind of vege¬
tables fhe (hall depofit her young. In this manner
thefe voracious creatures continue in the worm ftate
* for more than three years, devouring the roots of
every plant they approach, and making their way
„ under ground in queft of food with great difpatch
and facility. At length they grow to above the fize
of a walnut, being a great thick white maggot with
a red head, which is feen moft frequently in new
turned earth, and which is fo eagerly fought after by
birds of every fpecies. When largeft, they are found
an inch and an half long, of a whiti/h yellow colour ;
with a body confiding of twelve fegments or joints,
on each fide of which there are nine breathing holes,
and three red feet. The head is larger in proportion
to the body, of a reddifh colour, with a pincer before,
and a femicircular lip, with which it cuts the roots of
plants and fucks out their moifture. As this infeft
lives entirely under ground, it has no occafion for Scarabaeus
eye*, and accordingly it is found to have none; but 1
is farnifhed with two feelers, which, like the crutch
of a blind man, ferve to direft its motions. Such is
the form of this animal, that lives for years in the
worm ftate under ground, ftill voracious, and every
year changing its fkin.
It is not till the end of the fourth year, that this
extraordinary infeft prepares to emerge from its fub-
terraneous abode, and even this is not effe&ed but
by a tedious preparation, About the latter end of
autumn, the grub begins to perceive the approaches
of its transformation : it then buries itfclf deeper and
deeper in the earth, fometimes fix feet beneath the
furface; and there forms itfelf a capacious apartment,
the walls of which it renders very fmooth and fhining,
by the excretion* of its body. Its abode being thus
formed, it begins foon after to fhorten itfelf, to
fwell, and to burft its laft Ikin in order to affume the
form of a chryfalis. This, in the beginning, appears
of a yellowilh colour, which heightens by degrees,
till at laft it is feen nearly red. Its exterior form
plainly difovers all the veftiges of the future winged
infeft, all the fore parts being diftinftly feen; while,
behind, the animal feems as if wrapped in Twaddling
cloaths.
The young may-bug continues in this ftate for a-
bout three months longer; and it is not till the begin¬
ning of January that the aurelia divefts itfelf of all its
impediments, and becomes a winged infeeft completely
formed. Yet ftill the animal is far from attaining its
natural ftrength, health, and appetite. It undergoes
a kind of infant imbecillity; and unlike moft other in¬
fers, that the inftant they become flies are arrived at
their ftate of full perfeftion, the may-bug continues
feeble and fickly. Its colour is much brighter than in
the perfect animal; all its parts are foft; audits vora¬
cious nature feems for a while to have entirely for-
faken it. As the animal is very often found in this
ftate, it is .fuppofed, by thofe unacquainted with its
real hiftory^.that the old one*, of the former feafon,
have buried themfelves for the winter, in order to re-
vifit the fun the enfuing fummer But the faifl is,
the old one never furvives the feafon; but dies, like all
the other winged tribe of infeds, from the feverity of
cold in winter.
About the latter end of May, thefe infeds, after
having lived for four years under ground, burft from
the earth when the firft mild evening invites them
abroad. They are at that time fecn riling from their
long imprifonment, IVom living Only upen roots, and
imbibing only the moifture of the e^rth, to vifit the
mildnefs of the fummer air, to choofe the fweeteft ve¬
getables for their banquet, and to drink the due of
the evening. Wherever an attentive obferver then
walks abroad, he will fee them burfting up before him
in hi* pathway, like ghofts on a theatre. He will fee
every part of the earth, that had its furface beaten
into hardnefs, perforated by their egrellion. When
the feafon is favourable for them, they are feen by
myriads buzzing along, hitting againft every objett
that intercepts their flight. The mid-day fun, how¬
ever, feems too powerful for their conftitutions: they
then lurk under the leaves and branches of fome fhady
tree; but the willow feems particularly their moft
2 39 c 2 fa-
S C A [ 6972 ] S C A
Scarakasus. favourite food; there they lurk in cinders, and feldom
quit the tree till they have devoured all its verdure.
In thofe feafons which are favourable to their pro¬
pagation, they are feen in an evening as thick as
flakes of fnow, and hitting againft every objedl with a
fort of capricious blindnefs. Their duration, however,
is but fhort, as they never furvive the feafon. They
begin to join Ihortly after they have been let loofe
from their prifon; and when the female is impregnated,
flie cautioufly bores a hole in the ground, with an in-
ftrument fitted for that purpofe which file is furnifhed
with at the tail ; and there depofits her eggs, gene¬
rally to the number of threefcore. If the feafon and
the foil be adapted to their propagation, thefe foon
multiply as already defcribed, and go through the
various ftages of their contemptible exiftence. This
infedf, however, in its worm (late, though prejudicial
to mart, makes one of the chief repafts of the
feathered tribe, and is generally the firlt nourifhment
with which they fupply their young. Rooks are
particularly fond of thefe worms, and devour them
in great numbers. The inhabitants of the county of
Norfolk, fome time fince, went into the pra&ice of
deftroying their rookeries: but in proportion as they
deftroyedone plague, they were peftered with a greater;
and thefe infefts multiplied in fuch an amazing abun¬
dance, as to deftroy not only the verdure of the fields,
but even the roots of vegetables not yet Ihot forth.
One farm in particular was fo injured by them in the
year 1751, that the occupier was not able to pay his
rent; and the landlord was not only content to lofe
his income for that year, but alfo gave money for the
fupport of the farmer and his family. In Ireland they
fuffered fo much by thefe infers, that they came to a
refolution of fetting fire to a wood, of fome extent, to
prevent their mifchievous propagation.
The fcarabseus carnifex, which the Americans call the
/M»r^ ^««^,particularlydemand8 our attention; it is all
over of a dufky black, rounder than thofe animals are
generally found to be, and fo ftrong, though not
much larger than the common black beetle, that if
one of tfiem be put under a brafs candleftick, it will
caufe it to move backwards and forwards, as if it were
by an invifible hand, to the admiration of thofe who
are not accuftomed to the fight: but this ftrcngth is
given it for much more ufeful purpofes than thofe of
exciting human curiofity ; for there is no creature
more laborous, either in feeking fubfiftence, or pro¬
viding a proper retreat for its young. They are en¬
dowed with fagacity to difcover fubfiftence by their
excellent fmelling, which, direfls them in flights to
excrements juft fallen from man or beafts, on which
they inftantly drop, and fall imanimoufly to work in
forming round balls or pellets thereof, in the middle of
which they lay an egg. Thefe pellets, in September,
they convey three feet deep in the earth, where they
lie till the approach of fpring, when the eggs are
batched and burft their nefts, and the infefts find
their way out of the earth. They afiift each other
with indefatigable induftry in rolling thefe globular
pellets to the place where they are to be buried. This
they are to perform with the tail foremoft, by railing
up their hinder part, and fiioving along the ball with
their hind-feet. They are always accompanied with
other beetles of a larger fize, and of a more elegant
ftrufture and colour. The breaft of this is covered Scarabseur
with a Ihield of a crimfon colour, and Ihining like II
metal; the head is of the like colour, mixed with carktl :|
green; and on the crown of the head Hands a Ihining
black horn, bending backwards. Thefe are called
the kings of the beetles ; but for what reafon is uncer¬
tain, fince they partake of the fame dirty drudgery
with the reft.
The elephant-beetle is the largeft of this kind hi¬
therto known; and is found in South-America, par¬
ticularly in Guinea and Surinam, as well as about the
river Oroonoko. It is of a black colour; and the
whole body is covered with a very hard {hell, full as
thick and as ftrong as that of a fmall crab. Its length,
from the hinder part to the eyes, is almoft four
inches; and from the fame part to the end of the pro-
bofeis or trunk, four inches and three quarters. The
tranfvcrfe diameter of the body is two inches and a
quarter; and the breadth of each elytron, or cafe for
the wings, is an inch and three tenths. The antennae
or feelers are quite horny ; for which reafon the pro-
bofeis or trunk is moveable atdts infertion into the head,
andfeems to fupply the place of feelers; the horns are
eight-tenths of an inch long, and terminate in points.
The probofeis is an inch and a quarter long, and turns
upwards; making a crooked line, terminating in two
horns, each of which is near a quarter of an inch long ;
but they are not perforated at the end like the pro¬
bofeis of other infefls. About four tenths of an inch
above the head, or that fide next the body, is a pro¬
minence, or fmall horn; which, if the reft of the trunk
were away, would caufe this part to refemble the horn
of a rhinoceros. There is indeed a beetle fo calledi
but then the horns or trunk has no fork at the end,,
though the lower horn refembles this. The feet are
all forked at the end, but not like lobfters claws. See
Plate CCJLVII.
SCARBOROUGH, a town of the North Riding
of Yorklhire, feated on a fteep rock, near which are
fuch craggy cliffs that it is almoft inacceffible on every
fide. On the top of this rock is a large green plain,
with a fmall well of frefti water fpringing out of the
rock. It has of late been greatly frequented on ac¬
count of its mineral waters called the Scarborough-Spa
on which account it is much mended in the number
and beauty of the buildings. The fpring was under
the cliff, part of which fell down in 1737, and the
water was loft; but in clearing away the ruins in
order to rebuild the wharf, it was recovered to the great
joy of the town. Here are affemblies and balls in the
fame manner as at Tunbridge. It is a place of fome
trade, has a very good harbour, and fends two members
to parliament. E. Long. 54. 18. N. Lat. o 3.
SCARDONNA, a fea-port town of Dalmana,
feated on the eaftern banks of the river Cherca, with
a bilhop’s fee. It has been taken and retaken feveral
times by the Turks and Venetians; and thefe laft ruined
the fortifications and its principal buildings in 1537 ;
but they have been fince put in a ftate of defence. E.
Long. 17. 25. N. Lat. 43. 55.
SCARIFICATION, in furgery, the operation of
making feveral incifions in the Ikin by means of lances
or other inftruments, particularly the cupping inftru-
ment. See Surgery.
SCARLET, a beautiful bright red colour.
In
Scarlet
Scarron.
SAN [ 6973 ] SAN
In painting in water-colours, minium mixed w'ith
a little vermilion produces a good fcarlet; but if a
flower in a print is to be painted a fcarlet colour, the
lights as well as the fliades fhould be covered with
minium, and the fhaded parts finifhed with carmine,
which will produce an admirable fcarlet.
ScARLET-ivtw. See Medicine, n° 337—339.
SCA RP, in fortification, is the interior talus or Hope
of the ditch next the place, at the foot of the rampart.
Scarp, in heraldry, the fcarf which military com¬
manders wear for ornament. It is borne fomewhat like
a battoon finifter, but is broader than it, and is con¬
tinued out to the edges of the field, whereas the
battoon is cut off at each end.
SCARPANTO, an ifland of the Archipelago, and
one of the Sporades, lying to the S. W. of the ifle of
Rhodes, and to the N. E. of that of Candia. It is
about 22 miles in length, and 8 in breadth; and there
are feveral high mountains. It abounds in cattle and
game; and there are mines of iron, quarries of marble,
with feveral good harbours. The Turks are mafters
'of it, but the inhabitants are Greeks.
SCARPE, a river of the Netherlands, which has
its fource near Aubigny in Artois, where it wadies
Arras and Dovay; after which it runs on the confines
of Flanders and Hainault, palling by St Amand, and
a little after falls into the Scheld.
SCARRON (Paul), an eminent comic, or rather
burlefque, French writer, was the fon of Paul Scarron
a counfelior in parliament, and born at Paris in 1610.
He was deformed, and ofwery irregular manners ; yet
his father defigned him for the ecclefiaftical date. He
went to Italy when he was four and twenty ; but re¬
turned juft as licentious as he went, and fo continued till
by a terrible ftroke he was deprived of all power to
indulge vitious appetites. He was at Mans where he
was a canon; but retiring from thence, at a carnival
feafon, into a damp and fenny fituation, a torpor fud-
denly feized him, and he loft the ufe of his limbs. The
phyficians attempted in vain to reftore them: and poor
Scarron, at 27 years of age, had no movements
left him but thofe of his hands and tongue. Melan¬
choly and terrible as his condition was> his comical
and burlefque humour never forfookhim; he was con¬
tinually talking and writing in this ftrain ; and his
houfe became the rendezvous of all the men of wit.
Afterwards a frefti misfortune overtook him : his father,
who had hitherto fupplied his wants, incurred the dif-
pleafure of cardinal Richelieu, and was banifhed.
Scarron, deprived of his refources,. prefented an hum¬
ble requeft to Richelieu; which was fo humoroufly
drawn, that the minifter could not forbear laughing.
What the effedt would have been, cannot be faid, fince
both Richelieu and his father died foon after: however,
it is reckoned among his beft pieces. This extraordi¬
nary perfon at length conceived thoughts of marriage;
and in 1631, was aftually married to Mademoifelle
d’Aubigne, afterwards the moft celebrated Madam de
Maintenon, who lodged near him, and who was about
16 years of age. This lady, whofe pafiion lor Scarron,
if fire had any, muft have been quite intelleflual, had
wit and beauty, and ferved to increafe the good com¬
pany which frequented his houfe : fhe alfo reftrained
him in his buffooneries, making him more referred
and decent. Scarron died in 1660, and his jetting
humour did not die before him. Within a few minutes
of his death, when his acquaintance were about him
all in tears: (t Ah! my friends, (faid he), you will
never cry for me fo much as I have made you laugh.”
He wrote many books both profe and verfe ; but
his Comical Romance is almoft the only one which con¬
tinued to be liked by perfons of tatte : and this was
foretold by Boileau.
SCENE, in its primary fenfe, denoted a theatre,
or the place where dramatic pieces and other public
(hows were exhibited ; for it does not appear that
the ancient poets were at all acquainted with the
modern way of changing the feenes in the different parts
of the play, in order to raife the idea of the perfons
reprefented by the adlors being in different places.
The original feene for afting of plays was as fimple
as the reprefentations themfelves : it confifted only of
a plain plot of ground proper for the occafion, which
was in fome degree (haded by the neighbouring trees,
whofe branches were made to meet together, and their
vacancies fupplied with boards, fticksj and the like';
and to complete the fhelter, thefe were fometimes co¬
vered with fliins, and fometimes with only the branches
of other trees nevvly cut down, and full of leaves.
Afterwards more artificial feenes, or fcenical reprefen¬
tations were introduced, and paintings ufed inftead of
the obje&s themfelves. Scenes were then of three
forts; tragic, comic, and fatyric. The tragic feene
reprefented (lately magnificent edifices, with decora¬
tions of pillars, ftatues, and other things fuitable to the
palaces of kings: the comic exhibited private houfes
with balconies and windows, in imitation of common
buildings : and the fatyric was the reprefentation of
groves, mountains, dens, and other rural appearances;
and thefe decorations eithert urned on pivots, or did
along grooves, as thofe in our theatres.
To keep clofe to nature and probability, the feene
(hould never be (hifted from place to place in the
courfe of the play : the ancients were pretty fevere in
this refped, particularly Terence, in fome of whofe
plays the feene never (hifts at all, but the whole is
tranfaded at the door of fome old man’s houfe,* whi¬
ther with inimitable art he occafionally brings the
a&ors. The French are pretty drift with refpeft to
this rule;, but the Englifti pay very little regard to it.
Scene is alfo a part or divifion of a dramatic poem.
Thus plays are divided into afts, and afts are again
fubdivided into feenes ; in which fenfe the feene is pro¬
perly the perfons prefent at on concerned in the ac¬
tion on the ftage at fuch a time: whenever, therefore,
a new aftor appears, or an old one difappears, the
aftion is changed into other hands ; and therefore r
new feene then commences.
It is one of the laws of the ftage, that the feenes
be well connefted: that is, that one fucceed another
in fuch a manner as that the ftage be never quite empty
till the end of the aft. See Poetry.
SCENOGRAPHY, (from the Greek, <r*w fccne,
and ye*** defeription), in perfpeftive, a reprefemation
of a body on a perfpeftive plane; or a defeription
thereof in all its dimenfions, fuch as it appears to the
eye. See Perspective.
SCEPTER, a kind of royal ftaff, or battoon, borne
by kings on folemn occafions, as an enfign of command
and authority. See Reoalu.
SCEPTICISM,
Scene
Scepter.
S C E [ 6974 ] S C H
Scepticifm SCEPTICISM, the do&rines and opinions of the es, one called the Wejler-Scheld, which feparates Flan- Scheiner
Schdd ^cePt,cs: whole diftinguifliing tenet was, that all things ders from Zealand, and difcharges itfelf into the fea near H
 1 are uncertain and incomprehenfible; and that the mind Flufhing ; and the other called the OJier-Scheld, which Sc^tee”f*
is never to affent to any thing, but to remain in per- runs by Bergen-op-zoom, and afterwards between the
petual doubt and fufpence. This do&rine was alfo iflands Beveland and Schowen, and a little below falls
called pyrrhonifm, from the name of its author. See into the fea.
the article Pyrrhonism and Sceptics. SCHEINER (Chriftopher), a German mathema-
SCEPTICS, a fe& of ancient philofophers, found- tician, allronomer, and Jefuit, eminent for being the
ed by Pyrrho, whofe diftinguiihing tenet was, That -firlt who difcovered fpots on the fun, was born at
all things are uncertain and incomprehenfible; con- Schwaben in the territory of Middleheim in ijyf. He
that traries are equally true; and that the mind is never firft difcovered fpots on the fun’s diflc in 1611, and
to aflent to any thing, ,but to keep up an abfolute he- made obfervations on thefe phaenomena at Rome, until
fitancy or indifference. See Scepticism—The term at length reducing them to order, he publilhed them
fceptic, in its original Greek, rxEuTixo©-, properly fig- in one vol. folio in 1630. He wrote alfo fome fmaller
nifies conjiderative, and inquifitive; or, a man who is things relating to mathematics and philofophy; and
ever weighing reafons on one fide and the other, with- died in 1690.
out ever deciding between them: it is formed from the SCHEMNITZ, a town of Upper Hungary, with
verb ax.iTthiJ.ai, I cenjider, look about, deliberate. three caltles. It is famous for mines of filver and other
Laertius notes, that the followers of Pyrrho had va- metals, as alfo for its hot barhs. Near it is a rock
rious denominations. From their mailer, they were cal- of a fhining blue colour mixed with green, and fome
led Pyrrhonians. From their dogma, aporetid, that is, fpots of yellow. E. Long. 19. o. N. Lat. 48. 40.
doubters, of axopw, to doubt: From their fufpenfion SCHETLAND. See Shetland.
and hefitation, epheftici, of xoftay, io keep back : SCHIR AS, a large and famous town ofPerfia, capi-
And from their never getting beyond the fearch of tal of Farfiftan. It is 3 miles in length from eaft to weft,
truth, zetetici, feeken. but not fo much in breadth. It is feated at the north-
Plato refutes the great principle of the fceptics thus: weft end of a fpacious plain furrounded with very high
When you fay that all things are incomprehenfible, do hills, under one of which the town ftands. The houles
you comprehend or conceive that they are thus incom- are built of bricks dried in the fun; the roofs are fiat
prehenfible, or do you not? if you do, then fomething and terraced. There are 15 handfome mofques, tiled
is comprehenfible; if you do not, there is no reafon with ftones of a bluifh green colour, and lined within
we fhould believe you, fince you do not comprehend with black polifhed marble. There are many large
your own affertion. and beautiful gardens, furrounded with walls of four-
SCHAFFHAUSEN, a large, handfome, and ftrong teen feet high, and four thick. They contain various
town of Swifferland, capital of a canton of the fame kinds of very fine trees, with fruits almoft of every kind,
name, with a caftle in the form of a citadel. It is well befides various beautiful flowers. The wines of Schiras
built, with fine large ftreets, and adorned with feveral are not only the beftin Perfia, but, as fome think, in the
fountains ; and the greateft part of the houfes are whole world. • The women are much addidled to gal-
painted on the outfide. It is well fortified, and the ca- lantry, and it is called an earthly paradi/e hy fome.
thedral is the larged church in Swifferland ; befides The ruins of the famous Perfepolis are 30 miles to the
which, the minfter, with the monaftery adjoining there- north-eaft of this place. E. Long. 56. o. N. Lat.
to, thearfenal, the town-houfe, the great clock (which 29 36.
fhows the courfe of the fun and moon with their e- SCHISM, (from the Greek, o-^nr^a, clift, fijfurc),
clipfes), and the-done bridge over the Rhine, are well in the general, fignifies divifton or feparation ; but is
worth the obfervation of a traveller. That river is of chiefly ufed in fpeakingof feparations happening thro*
great confequence to the inhabitants, with regard to diverfity of opinions, among people of the fame re-
trade. E. Long. 8. 51. N. Lat. 47. 39. ligion and faith.
Schavfhausen, the canton of, in Swifferland, is Thus we fay the ycvW/w of the ten tribes of Judah and
bounded on the north and weft by Suabia ; on the Bejamin, the fchifm of the Perfians from the Turks
eaft by the canton of Zurich, and the biihoprick of and other Mahometans, &c.
Conftance ; and on the fouth by the fame, and by Among ecclefiaftical authors, the great fchifm of the
Thurgaw. It is 22 miles in length, and 10 in breadth; Weft, is that which happened in the times of Clement
but produces all the neceffaries of life, as wine, filh, Vll. and Urban VI. which divided the church for 40
wood, flax, horfes, (beep, wool, black cattle, and deer, or 50 years, and was at length ended by the cledlion of
The principal town is of the fame name. Martin V. at the council of Conftance.
SCHEDULE, a fcroll of paper or parchment, an- The Romanifts number 34 fchifms in their church,
nexed to a will, leafe, or other deed; containing an —They beftow the name on the reforma-
inyentory of goods, or fome other matter omitted in tion of religion in this kingdom. Thofe of the church of
the body of the deed.—The word is a diminutive of England again apply the term fchifm to the feparation
the Latin fcheda, or Greek a leaf or piece of of the non-conformills, viz. the prefbeterians, indepen-
paper. dents, and anabaptifts, for a further reformation.
SCHELD, a river which rifes on the confines of Pi- SCHOENOB ATES, (from the Greek, a
cardy, and runs north-eaft by Cambray, Valenciennes, rope; andPa‘»«, I walk), a name which the Greeks gave
Tournay, Oudenarde, Sec. and receiving the Lis at to their rope-dancers: by the Romans called
Ghent, runs eaft by Dendermond, and then north to See Rope-dancer and Funambulus*
Antwerp; below which ci;y it divides into two branch- The
S C H f ^975 ] S C H
Scho Uftic TLe fchcenolates were flaves whofe matters made mo- SCHULTENS (Albert), profefforof Hebrew and Schultens
Schre* I- ney them> ^7 entertaining the people with their of the Eaftern languages at Leyden, and one or the gchwarts
feats of aftivi t y.—Mercurt alts de arte gymnajiica, lib. mod learned men of the 18th century, was born at
III. gives us five figures of fchxnobates engraven after Groningen, where he ftudied till the year 1706, and
ancient ftones. from thence continued his ftudies at Leyden and Ut-
SCHOLASTIC, fomething belonging to the
fchools. See School.
Scholastic Divinity, is that part or fpecies of
divinity which clears and difcufll-s queftions by reafon
and arguments ; in which fenfe it (lands, in fome mea-
fure, oppofed to pofitive divinity, which is founded on
the authority of fathers, councils, &c. The fchool-
divinity is now fallen into the laft contempt; and is
fcarce regarded any where but in fome of the uni-
verfuies, where they are ftill by their charters obliged
to teach it.
SCHOLIAST, or Commentator, a grammarian
who writes fcholia, that is, notes, gloffes, &c. upon
ancient authors who have written in the learned lan¬
guages. See the next article.
SCHOLIUM, a note, annotation, or remark, oc-
cafionally made on fome pafiage, propofition, or the
like. This term is much ufed in geometry and other
parts of mathematics, where, after demonftrating a
propofition, it is cuftomary to point out how it might
be done fome other way, or to give fome advice or
precaution in order to prevent miitakes, or add fome
particular ufe or application thereof.
SCHOMBERG (Frederic Arnaud de), of an il-
iuftrious German family : He ferved firft under Fre-
deric-Henry, prince of Orange; then under LouisXIV.
who made him marfhal of France, though a Prote-
ftant. France loft him by the revocation of the edidt
of Nantz in 1685, when he retired to Portugal. His
merit raifed him to the rank of duke and grandee of
that kingdom. At the revolution, he came to Eng¬
land with king William ; and, for his fignal fervices
at that sera, he was made an Englifh duke, and knight"
of the garter; the parliament alfo voted him 100,cool.
In 1689, he was made commander in chief of the king’s
forces in Ireland; and in 1690, he was (hot at the
battle of the Boyne, by the French refugees of his
own army, by a fatal millake, in the 8zd year of his
age.
SCHOOL, a public place, wherein the languages,
humanities, or other arts, are taught. Thus we (ay,
a grammar fcbool, a writing fchool, a fchcol of natural
philofophy, &c.—The word is formed from the Latin,
fchola, which, according to Du Cange, fignifies dif-
ciplinc and correftion; he adds, that, it was anciently
ufed, in the general, for all places where feveral per-
fons met together, either to ftudy, to converfe, or do
any other matter. Accordingly, there were fchohe
palating, being the feveral polls wherein the empe¬
ror’s guards were placed ; fchola fcutariorum, fchola
gentilium, &c. At length the term paffed alfo to civil
magiftrates; and accordingly in the code, we meet
with fchola chartulariorum, fchola agentium, &c.; and
even to ecclefiaftics, as fchola cantorum, fchola facer-
datum, &c.
SCHREVELIUS (Cornelius), a laborious Dutch
critic and writer, who has given the public fome edi¬
tions of the ancient authors more elegant than corredl;
his Greek Lexicon is efteemed the belt of all his works.
He died in 1667.
recht. Schultens at length applied himftlf to the ftudy
of Arabic books, both printed and in manufcript; in
which he made great progrefs. A (hort time after, he
became minifter of Waffenar ; and, two years after,
profeffor of the Eaftern tongues at Franeker. At
length he was invited to Leyden, where he taught
Hebrew and the Eaftern languages with extraordi¬
nary reputation till his death, which happened in 1750.
He wrote many learned works ; the principal of which
are, 1. A Commentary on Job, 2 vols 410. 2. A
Commentary on the Proverbs. 3. Vetus & regia
via Hebraizandi. 4. Animadverftones philologies C?
critics ad varia loca Veteris Teft ament i. 6. An ex¬
cellent Hebrew grammar, &c. Schultens difeovered
in all his works found criticifm, and much learning
and erudition. He maintained againft Gouffct and
Drieffen, that in order to have a perfed knowledge of
Hebrew, it is neceffary to join with it, not only the
Chaldee and Syriac, but more particularly the Arabic.
SCHURMAN (Anna Maria), a moft extraordinary
German lady. Her natural genius difeovered itfelf at
fix years of age, when (he cut all forts of figures in
paper with her fcilfars, without a pattern. At eight,
fhe learned, in a few days, to draw flowers in a very
agreeable manner. At ten, (lie took but three hours
to learn embroidery. Afterwards (lie was taught mu-
fic, vocal and inftrumental; painting, fculpture, and
engraving ; in all of which (he fucceedcd admirably.
She excelled in miniature-painting, and in cutting
portraits upon glafs with a diamond. Hebrew, Greek,
and Latin, were fo familiar to her, that the moft learn¬
ed men were allonilhed at it. She fpoke French, Ita¬
lian, and Engliih, fluently. Her hand-writing, in
almoft all languages, was fo inimitable, that the cu¬
rious preferved fpecimens of it in their cabinets. At
length, all this extent of learning and uncommon pe¬
netration could not prottA her from falling into tiie
errors of Labadie, the famous French enthufiaft, who
had been banifhed France for his extravagant tenets
and conduA. To this man (he entirely attached her-
felf, and accompanied him wherever he went; and
even attended him in his laft illnefs, at Altena in Hol-
ftein. Her works, confiding of De vits. hetmans ter-
mino, and Dijfertatio de ingenii muliebris ad dottri-
nam et tneliores Uterus aptitudine, and her Letters to
her learned correfpondents, were printed at Leyden
in 1648; but enlarged in the edition of Utrecht, 1562,
in l2mo, under the following title: A. M. Schur-
man Opufcula Hebrsa, Grsca, Latina, Gallica, Pro-
faica et Metrica. She publilhed likewife at Altena,
in Latin, A Defence of her attachment to Labadie,.
while (he was with him in 1673 ; not worth reading.
She was born at Cologne in 1607, but refided chiefly
in Holland, and died in Friefland in 1678.
SCHWARTS (Chriftopher), an eminent hiftory-
painter, born at Ingolftadt in 1550, who was diltin-
guilhed by the appellation of the German Raphael..
He learned the firft principles of the art in his own
country, but finhhed his (Indies at Venice; when he
not only made the works of Titian his models, but
SCI [ 6976 ] SCI
Sellvmtcn- had the advantage of receiving fome perfonal inftruc-
b“rS tions from that illuftrious mafter. Hia performances
Sciatica were ^oon *n l^e efteem, as his manner of paint-
  !- ing was very different from what the Germans had
been accuftomed to before that time: he was, there¬
fore, invited by the eledtor of Bavaria to his court,
and appointed his principal painter. He died in 1594;
and his moft capital works, as well in frefco as in oil,
are in the palace at Munich, and in the churches and
convents.
SCHWARTENBURG, a town and caftle of Ger¬
many, and circle of Upper Saxony, in the landgravate
of Thuringia, and capital of a county of the fame
name belonging to a prince of the houfe of Saxony.
It is feated on the river Schwartz, 20 miles fouth eaft
of Erford, and 35 north of Cullembach. E. Long.
11. 27. N. Lat. 50. 45.
SCHWARTZEMBERG, a town of Germany,
in the circle of Franconia, and capital of a principa¬
lity of the fame name. The caftle is feated on the
river Lee, 5 miles north-weft of Nurembeg, and 20
eaft of Wenzburg, fubjedt to its own prince. E.
Long. 10. 27 N. Lat. 49. 43.
SCHWEIDNITZ, a ftrong town of Germany, in
Silefia, and capital of a province of the fame name,
with a caftle. It is the handfomeft town of Silefia,
next to Breflaw. The ftreets are large, the church
fine, and the houfes well built. The fortifications are
not very confiderable ; the royal palace is turned into
a convent. All the magiftrates are Roman Catholics;
but moft of the inhabitants are Proteftants, who have
a church without the town, as alfo a public fchool and
bells. It is feated on an eminence on the river Wei-
ftritz, 27 miles fouth-eaft of Lignitz, and 22 fouth-
weft of Breflaw. E. Long. 16. 48. N. Lat. 50. 46.
SCHWEINFURT, a very ftrong, free, and im¬
perial town of Germany, in Franconia, with a mag¬
nificent palace, where the fenators meet, who are 12
in number. The environs are rich in cattle, corn, and
wine ; and the inhabitants are Proteftant*, but not very
rich. However, they carry on a large trade in wool¬
len and linen cloth, goofe-quills, and feathers. It is
feated on the river Main, 27 miles north-eaft of Wirtz-
burg, and 22 weft of Bamberg. E. Long. to. 25.
N. Lat. 50. 4.
SCHWINBURG, a town of Denmark, on the
eaftern coaft of the ifland of Fionia, over-againft the
iflands of Arfoa and Langeland. E. Long. 10. 55.
N. Lat. 55. 8.
SCHWITZ, or Switz, a canton of Swiflerland,
which gives name to them all. It is bounded on the
weft by the lake of the four cantons, on the fouth by
the canton of Uri, on the eaft by that Claris, and on
the north by thofe of Zurich and Zug. Its principal
riches confift in cattle, and the capital town is of the
fame name. This is a large, bandfome place, feated
near the lake of the four cantons, in a pleafant coun¬
try among the mountains. E. Long. 8. 41. N. Lat.
47. 2.
SCIiENA, in ichthyology, a genus belonging to
the order of thoracici. The membrane of the gills
has fix rays ; the opercula and whole head are fealy.
There are five fpecies.
SCIATICA, the hip-gout. See Medicine, n°
31 x. & p. 4870,
SCIENCE, in philofophy, denotes any do&rine, Science
deduced from felf-evident principles.
Sciences may be properly divided as follows, j. The -
knowledge of things, their conftitutions, properties,
and operations: this, in a little more enlarged fenfe of
the word, may be called pu<rixi>, or natural philofophy;
the end of which is fpeculative truth. See Natural
and Physics.—2. The (kill of rightly apply¬
ing thefe powers, xgcoiTixv. The moft confiderable un¬
der this head is ethics, which is the feeking out thofe
rules and meafures of human a&ions that lead to hap-
pinefs, and the means to prattife them, (fee Moral
Philofophy'); and the next is mechanics, or the appli¬
cation of the powers of natural agents to the ufes of
life, (fee Mechanics.)—3. The dodrine of figns,
<rnfit.tiaTix.tr, the moft ufual of which being words, it is
aptly enough termed logic. See Logic.
This, fays Mr Locke, feems to bt the moft general,
as well as natural, divifion of the objects of our un-
derftanding. For a man can employ his thoughts
about nothing but either the contemplation of thing*
themfelves for the difeovery of truth; or about the
things in his own power, which are his a&ions, for
the attainment of his own ends; or the figns the mind
makes ufe of both in the one and the other, and the
right ordering of them for its clearer information. All
which three, viz. things as they are in themfelves
knowable, adtions as they depend on us in order to
happinefs, and the right ufe of figns in order to
knowledge, being toto ctelo different, they feem to be
the three great provinces of the intelle&ual world,
wholly feparate and diftindt one from another.
SCILLA, the squill; a genus of the monogynia
order, belonging to the hexandria clafs of plants. The
moft remarkable fpecies is the maririma, or fea-onion,
whofe roots are ufed in medicine. Of this there are
two forts, one with a red, and the other with a white
root; which are fuppofed to be accidental varieties,
but the white are generally preferred for medicinal
ufe. The roots are large, fomewhat oval-ftiaped, com-
pofed of many coats lying over each other like onions;
and at the bottom come out feveral fibres. From the
middle of the root arife feveral Alining leaves, which
continue green all the winter, and decay in the fpring.
Then the flower-ftalk comes out, which rifes two feet
high, and is naked half-way, terminating in a pyra¬
midal thyrfe of flowers, which are white, compofed
of fix petals, which fpread open like the points of a
ftar. This grows naturally on the fea-fttores, and in
the ditches, where the falt-water naturally flows with
the tide, in moft of the warm parts of Europe, fo can¬
not be propagated in gardens ; the froft in winter al¬
ways deftroying the roots, and for want of falt-water
they do not thrive in fummer. Sometimes the roots
which are bought for ufe put forth their ftems and
produce flowers, as they lie in the druggifts (hops.—-
This root is very naufeous to the tafte, intenfely bit¬
ter, and fo acrimonius that it ulcerates the flein if
much handled. Taken internally, it powerfully ftimu-
lates the folids, and promotes urine, fweat, and ex-
pedloration. If the dofe is confiderable, it proves
emetic, and fometimes purgative. The principal ufe
of this medicine is where the prims vise abound with
mucous matter, and the lungs are oppreffed by tena¬
cious phlegm. It has been recommended in hydropic
cafes.
SCI [ 6977 ] SCI
cafes, taken in powder, from four to ten grains in a When the legions were withdrawn, and Britain with
dofe, mixed with a double quantity of nitre* The its dependencies left in the power of the natives, there
mod commodious mode of exhibiting this root is as a is no reafon to queftion that thefe iihnds ihared the
bolus or pilh Liquid forms are too difagreeable to mod fame lot with the red. As to the appellation which
people ; though this may be remedied in feme degree from this period prevailed, the ordinary way of vvri-
by the addition of feme aromatic didilled waters. It ting it is Scilly} in records we commonly find it fpelt
yields the whole of its virtues to aqueous and vinous Silly, Silley, or Sulley; byt we are told the old
mendrua, and iikewife to vegetable r.cids. Britilh appellation was Sullsh, ox Sylieb, which figni-
SCILLY, or Silley, a cluder of fmall ifiands and fies rocks confecrated to the fun. We have not the
rocks, fituated in the Atlantic Ocean, inW. Long, 7°. lead notice of any thing that regards them from the
N. Lat. jO°. fifth to the tenth century. It is, however, with much
Thefe iflands were fird called Cajfiterides, or the appearance of truth, conjectured, that feme time withia
Tin IJles, from their being rich in that metal. The this fpacc they Were in a great meafure dedroyed by
common opinion is, that this is a Greek appellation ; an earthquake, attended with a finking of the earth,
which in the mod obvious fenfe is true : But as the by which mod of their lowlands, and of courfe
Phoenicians were familiar with the metal, and with the the greated part of their improvements, were covered
country that produced it, before the Greeks knew by the fea, and thofe rich mines of tin, which had
any thing of either, it is very likely they introduced rendered them fo famous, fwallowed up in the deep,
the names of both from their own language. Strabo They have a tradition in Cornwall, that a very exten-
fays thefe iflands were ten in number, lying clofe to- five trad of country called the Lionefj, in the old
gether, of which only one was uninhabited ; the peo- Cornifli Lethoufow, fuppofed to lie between that coun-
ple led an erratic life, lived upon the produce of their try and Scilly, was lod in that manner; and there arc
cattle, wore an under-garment which reached down to many concurrent circumdances which render this pro-
their ankles, and over that another, both of the fame bable. In reference to thefe iflands the cafe is dill
_co!our, which was black, girt round a little Below the dronger; for at low ebbs their done-inclofures are dill
bread with a girdle, and_walked with daves in their vifible from almod all the ifles, and thereby afford an
hands. The riches’of thefe iflands were tin and lead, ocular demonllration that they were formerly of far
which, with the (kins of their cattle, they exchanged greater extent, and that in remoter ages their inhabi-
with foreign merchants, that is, the Phoenicians from tants mud have been very numerous, and at the fame
Cadiz, for earthen-ware, fait, and utenlils made of time very indudrious. This fufficiently proves the
brafs. An author of as great or greater antiquity, facff, that by fuch an earthquake they were dedroyed 5
feems to include a part at lead of Cornwall amongd and that it happened at feme period of time within
thefe iflandsor rather he fuggeds, that they were thofe limits that have been affigned, appears from our
not perfedl Uiands except at full fea, but that at ebb hearing nothing more of their tin trade, and from
the inhabitants paffed from one to another upon the our having no notice of it at all in any of our ancient
fands, and that they even tranfported their tin in large chronicles, which, if it had fallen out later, from their
fquare blocks upon carriages from one ifland to another, known attention to extraordinary events, mud cer-
Hefarther takts notice, that fuchas inhabited about Be- tainly have happened.
lerium, (the Land’s End), were in their converfation It is generally fuppofed, and with"great appearance
with drangers remarkably civil and courteous. O- of truth, that king Atheldan, after having overcome
ther ancient writers flyle thefe iflands Hefperides, from a very powerful.confederacy formed againlt him, and
their wedern fituation, and Oejlrymnides, afferting that havitig reduced Exeter, and driven the Britons be-
the land was extremely fertile, as well as full of mines; yond the river Tamar, which he made the boundary
and that the people, though very brave, were entirely of their Cornifh dominions, pafled over into thefe iflands,
addiiffed to commerce, and boldly paffed the feas in (then furely in a better date than no'w, or they would
their leather boats. not have been obje&s of his vengeance), and reduced
The Romans were exceedingly defirotis of having a them h'kewife. Hitlory does not inform us that the
(hare in this commerce, which the. Phoenicians as care- Danes ever fixed themfelves in thefe iflands; but as
"fully laboured to prevent, by concealing their naviga- their method of fortifying is very well known, it has
lion to thefe iflands as much as it was in their power, been conjeftured that the Giant’s Caftle in the ifle of
At length, however, the Romans prevailed; arid Publius St Mary was erefted by them; and indeed, if we con-
Craffus coming thither, was fo well pleafed with the fuler the convenient fituation of thefe iflands, and the
indudry arid manners of the people, that he taught trade of piracy which that nation carried on, there
them various improvements, as well in working their feems to be nothing improbable in that conje<3ure. It
paines, which till that time were but fhallow, as in is more certain that there were churchfiE creeled in thefc
carrying their own merchandife to different markets, ifles, and that there were in them alfo many monks
There is no room to doubt that they followed the fate and he'rmits, before the conqued.
of the red of Britain, and particularly of Cornwall, in The fertility of the iflands is much irifided upon in
becoming fubjrft to the Roman empire. We find them all the accounts; and it is exprefsly faid of St Mary’s,
called in the itinerary of Antoninus, Sigdeles; by that it bears exceeding good corn, infomuch that if
Sulpitius, Sillencs; and. by Solinus they are termed men did'but cad corn where fwine had routed, it
Silures. All we know of them during this period is, would come up. There is mention made of a breed of
that their tin trade continued, and that fometimes date- wild fwine, and the inhabitants, had great plenty of
prifoners were exiled, or, to ufe the Roman phrafe, re- fowl and fifl>. But notwithdanding the fertility of the
legated hither as well as to other iflands. country, and the many commodities that men liarff or
Vol. IX. 2 ' 39 D might
SCI [69;
Scllly. might have there, it was neverthelefs but thinly peo-
pled ; and the reafon affigned is, becaufe they were
liable to be frequently fpoiled by French or Spanilh
pirates. In Leland’s time one Mr Davers of Wihfhire,
and Mr Whittington of Gloucefterfhire, were proprietors
of Scilly, and drew from thence, in rents and commo¬
dities, about forty merks a-year. v
The inhabitants at that juncture, and- long be¬
fore, appear to have carried on a fmall trade in
dried fkaite and other fidi to Bretagne, with which
they purchafed fait, canvafs, and other neceflaries.
This feems to be the remains of a very old kind of
commerce, fince for many ag^s the people of that
country, thofe of the S-cilly itles, and the people of
Cornwall, looked upon themfelves as countrymen,
being in truth no other than remnants of the. ancient
Britons, who, when driven out by the Saxons, took
refuge in thofe iflands, and in that part of France
which had' before been called Armorica, and from
hence ftyled Bretagne, Brittany,, or Little Britain, and
the people This in ,all probability was a great
relief to thefe who dwelt in thofe iftes ; who, during
the long civil war between the houfes of York and
Lancafter, had their intercourfe with England fo much
interrupted, that if it had not beeti- for this commerce
with their neighbours on the French coaft, they might
have been driven to' the laft diftrefs.
The Scilly, or Sillcy iflands, lie due weft from the
Lizard about feventeen leagues ; weft and by fouth
from the old Land’s End, neared Mount’s Bay, at
the diftance of ten leagues ; and from the weftern
Land’s Endv they lie weft-fouth-weft, at the diftanee
of fomething more than nine leagues.. There are five
of them inhabited ; and that called Samfon has one
family in it. The larged of thefe is St Mary's, which
lies in the north latitude of 49 degrees 55 minutes,
and in the longitude of 6 degrees 40 minutes weft
from Greenwich. It is two miles and a half in length,
about one and a half in breadth, and between nine
and ten miles in compafs. On the weft fide there
projefts an ifthmus. Beyond this there is a peninfula,
which is very high;- and upon which ftands Star Caftle,
built in 1593, with fome outworks and batteries. On
thefe there are up wards of threefcore pieces of cannon
mounted; and for the defence of which there is a gar-
rifon of an entire company, with a mafter-gunner and
fix other gunners. In the magazine there are arms
for 300 iflanders, who, when fummoned, are bound to
march into the fortrefs. Underneath the caftle barracks
and lines, ftands Hugh Town, very improperly built,
as lying fo low as to be fubjeft to inundations. A
mile within land ftands Church Town, fo denominated
from their place of worfhip ; it confifts of a few houfes
only, with a court-houfe. About two furlongs eaft of
this lies the Old Town, where there are more houfes,
and fome of them very convenient dwellings. The
number of inhabitants in this ifland is about 6 or 700;
and it produces to the lord proprietor 300I. per annum.
Trefca'W lies direftly north from St Mary’s, at the
diftance of two miles. It was formerly ftyled St
Nicholas's ijland; and was at leaft as large as St Mary’s,
though at prefent about half the fize. The remains
of the abbey are yet vifible, the fituation well chofen,
with a fine bafon of frdh water before it, half a mile
’8 ] SCI
long and a furlong wide, with an ever-green bank Scitly.
high enough to keep out the fea, and ferving at once * “
to preferve the pond and fhelter the abbey. In this
pond there are mo ft excellent eels,, and the lands lying,
round it are by far the heft: in thofe iflands. There are
about half a fcore (tone houfes, with a church, which
are called Dolphin Town; an old caftle built in the
reign of Henry VIII. called Oliver’s Caftle ; and a new
block-houfe, railed out of the ruins of that caftle, w’hich.
is of far greater ufe. This ifland is particularly noted
for producing plenty of the fineft famphire, and the
only tin works that are now vifible are found here.
There are upon it at prefent about 40 families, who
are very induftrious, and fpin more wool than in St
Mary’s. Its annual value is computed at Sol. a year.
A mile to the eaft of Trefcaw, and about two miles-
from the moft northern part of St Mary’s, lies the ifle
of St Martin's, not much inferior in fize to that of
Trefcaw. It very plainly appears fo have been for¬
merly extremely well cultivated ; notwithftanding which
it was entirely deferted, till within fomewhat lefs than
a century ago, that Mr Thomas Ekines, a confider-
able merchant, engaged fome people to fettle there..
He like wife caufed to be erefted a hollow tower twenty
feet in height, with a fpire of as many feet more
which being neatly covered with lime, ferves as a day-
mark for dire&ing fhips crofling the channel-or co¬
ming into Scilly.. St Martin’s produces fome corn, af¬
fords- the bed; pafture in thefe iflands, nourifties a great
numberoflheepjandhasuponit 17families, whopretend
to have the feeret of burning the beft kelp, and are
extremely attached to their own ifland. As a proof of
this it is obfervable, that though feme of the inhabi¬
tants rent lands in St Mary’s, yet they continue to
refide here, going thither only occafionally.
St Agnes, which is alfo called the Light-houfe
If and, lies near three miles fouth-weft of St Mary’s;
and is, though a'very little, a very well cultivated ifland,
fruitful in corn and grafs. The only inconvenience
to which the people who live in it are fubjeff, is the
want of good water, as their capital advantage confifts
in having feveral good eoves or fmall ports, where*-
boats may lie with fafety; which, however, are not
much ufed. The light-houfe is the principal ornament
and great fupport of the ifland, which ftands on the
moft elevated ground, built with {tone from the foun¬
dation to the lanthorn, which is fifty-one feet high, the
gallery four, the faflv-lights eleven feet and a half high,
three feet two inches wide, and fixteen in number*
The floor of the lanthorn is of brick, upon which
ftands a fubftantial iron grate, fquare, barred on every
fide, with one great chimney in the canopy-roof, and
feveral lefitr ones to let out the fmoke, and- a large
pair of fmith’s bellows are fo fixed as to be eafily ufed
whenever there is occafion. Upon the whole, it is a
noble and commodious ftru6ture; and being plaftered
white, is a ufeful day-mark' to all fhips coming from
the fouthward. The keeper of this light-houfe has a
falary from the Trinity-houfe at Deptford of 40 1. a-
year, with a dwelling-houfe and ground for a garden*
His afliftant has 20 ). a-year. It is fupplied with coals
by an annual fhip; and the carriage of thefe coals from
the fea-fide to the Hght-houfe is looked op as a confi-
derable benefit to the poor inhabitants. They have a
neat
SCI l 6979 ] SCI
vSt!iIy. neat little church, built by the Gortolphin family.
~ There are at prefent 5ohoufeholds in the ifland, which
yield the proprietor 40 1. a year.
Brehar, or, as pronounced, Bryer ifland, lies north-
weft of St Mary’s, and to the weft of Trefcaw, to
which, when the fea is very low, they fometimes pafs
over the fand. It is very mountainous, abounds with
fea and land fowls, excellent famphire, and a great
variety of medical herbs. There are at prefent thir¬
teen families, who have a pretty church, and pay 30 1.
a-year to the proprietor.
“South from hence, and weft from Trefcaw, ftands
the ifland of Samfon, in which there is not above one
family, who fubfift chiefly by the making of kelp. To
the weftward of thefe there lie four Mlands, which
contain in the whole 360 acres of meadow and arable
land. 'Yht eaftern iftes, fo denominated from their
pofition in refpe6t to St Mary’s, contain 123 acres ;
and there are alfo feven other rocky and fcattered
iflands, that have each a little land of fome ufe; and
foefides'thefe, innumerable rocks on every fide, among
which we muft reckon Scilly, now nothing more than
a large, ill-fhaped, craggy, inaccefiible ifland, lying
the fartheft north-weft of any of them, and confequently
the neareft to the continent.
The air of thefe iflands is equally mild and pure;
their winters are feldom fubjeft to froft or fnow.
When the former happens, it lafts not long; and the
latter never lies upon the ground. The heat of their
fummers is much abated by fea-breezes. They are in¬
deed frequently incommoded by fea-fogs, but then thefe
are not unwholefome. Agues are rare, and fevers
more fo. The moft fatal diftemper is the fmall-pox ;
yet thofe who live temperately furvive commonly to a
great age, and are remarkably free from difeafes.
The foil is very good, and produces grain of all forts,
(except wheat, of which they had anciently plenty), in
large quantities. They ftill grow a little wheat, but the
bread made of it is unpleafant. They eat, for this rea-
fon, chiefly what is made of barley; and of this they have
fuch abundance, that though they ufe it both for bread
fand beer, they have more than fuffices for their own
conumption. Potatoes is a new improvement; and they
profper to fuch a degree, that in fome places they have
two crops in a year. Roots of all forts, pulfe, and
falads, grow well; dwarf fruit-trees, goofeberries,
currants, rafberries, and everything of that kind, under
proper (belter, thrive exceedingly ; but they have no
trees, though formerly they had elder; and pbrthelik,
i. e. the harbour of willows, proves they had thefe
likewife; and with a little care, no doubt, great ira-
provemetns might be made. The ranunculus, anemone,
and moft kinds of flowers, are fuccefsfully cultivated
in their gardens. They have wild fowl of all forts,
from the fwan to the fnipe ; and a particular kind
called the hedge-chicken, which is not inferior to the
ortolan : tame fowl, puffins, and rabbits, in great num¬
bers. Their black cattle are generally fmall, but very
well tafted, though they feed upon ore-weed. Their
horfes are little, but ftrong and lively. They have alfo
large flocks of fine ftieep, whofe fleeces are tolerably
good and their flefli excellent. There are no venomous
creatures in thefe iflands.
We muft now pafs to the fea, which is of more
confequence to thefe ifles than that fmall portion of
land which is diftributed amongft them. St Mary’s Scilly.
harbour is very fafe and capacious, having that ifland~ “
on the fouth ; the eaflern iflands, with that of St Mar¬
tin, on the eaft ; Trefcaw, Brehar, and Samfcn, to the
north; St Agnes and feveral fmall iflands to the weft.
Ships ride here in three to five fathom water, with
good anchorage. Into and out of this harbour there
are four inlets, viz. Broad Sound, Smith’s Sound, St
Mary’s Sound, and Crow Sound : fo that hardly any
wind can blow with which a (hip of T50 tons cannot
fafely fail through one or other of them, Crow Sound
only excepted, where they cannot pafs at low water,
but at high there is from 16 to 24 feet in this pafiage.
Befides thefe there are two other harbours; one called
New Grynfey, which lies between Brehar and Trefcavv,
where (hips of 3 co tons may ride fecurely. The other
is called Old "Grynfey, and lies between Trefcaw, St
Helen’s, and Theon, for fmaller (hips. The former
is guarded by the batteries at Oliver’s Caftle; the latter
by the Blockhoufe, on the eaftern fide of Trefcaw,
called £>ciw. Small coaflers bound to the northward
have more convenient outlets from thefe little harbours
than from St Mary’s, where, at the weft end of Hugh
Town, there is a fine pier built by the prefent earl of
Godolphin, 43° feet l°ng> 20 f£et wide in the nar¬
rowed part, and 23 feet in height, with 16 feet of
water at a fpring, and to at a neap tide ; fothat under
the (belter of this pier vefltls of 150 tons may lie fe¬
curely, not only clofe to the quay, but all along the
ft rand of the town.
In this harbour, and in all the little coves of the
feveral ifles, prodigious quantities of mackerel may be
caught in their feafon ; alfo foal, turbot, and plaife, re¬
markably good in their kind. Ling, which from its
being a thicker fi(h, mellower, and better fed, is very
juftly preferred to any caught nearer our own coafts.
Salmon, cod, pollock, are in great plenty, and pilchards
in vaft abundance. To thefe we may add the alga
marina, fucus, or ore-weed, which ferves to feed both
their fmall and great cattle, manures their lands, is
burned into kelp, is of ufe in phyfic, is fometimes pre-
ferved, fometimes pickled, and is in many other refpeils
very beneficial to the inhabitants of whom we are next
to fpeak.
The people of Scilly in general are robuft, hand-
fome, aftive, hardy, induftrious, generous, and good-
natured ; fpeak the Englifh language with great pro¬
priety; have ftrong natural parts, (though for want of
a good fchool they have little education), as appears
by their dexterity in the feveral employments to which
they are bred. They cultivate moft of thei-r lands as
well as can be expefted under their prefent circum-
ftances. They are bred from their infancy to the ma¬
nagement of their boats, in which they excel ; are
good fifliermen, and excellent pilots. Their women
are admirable houfewives, fpin their own wool, weave
it into coarfe cloth, and knit (lockings. They have
no timber of their own growth, and not much front
England ; yet they have many joiners and cabinet¬
makers, who, out of the fine woods which they obtain
from captains of (hips who put in here, make all kinds
of domeftic furniture in a very neat manner. They
are free from the land-tax, malt-tax, and excife; and
being furnifhed with plenty of liquors from the veffels
which are driven into their roads for refrefhment, for
39 D 2 neceffary
SCI [ 6980 ] SCI
Scilty. neceflary repairs, or to wait for a fair wind, in return
■' for proviftons and other conveniences ; this, with what
little fi(h they can cure, makes the bed part of their
trade, if we except their kelp, which has-been a grow¬
ing manufadure for thefe fourfeore years, and produces
at prefent about 500 1. per annum.
The right honourable the earl.of Gbdolphin is flyled
proprietor of Sciliy, in virtue of letters-patent granted
to the late earl, then lord Godolphin, dated the 25th
of July 1698, for the term of 89. years, to be com¬
puted from the end and expiration of a term of yoyears,
granted to Francis Godolphin, Efq ; by king Charles I.;
that is, from the year 170910 1798, when his leafe de¬
termines. In virtue of this royal grant, his lordfhip is
the foie owner of all lands, houfes, and tenements;
claims all the tithes,- not only of the fruits of the
earth, but of fi(h taken at fea and landed upon thofe
premifes; harbour-duties paid by (hips; ard one mo'ety
of the w-recks, the other belonging to the admiralty.
There is only one ecclefiaftica! perfon upon the iflands,
who refides at St Mary’s, and vifits the other inhabited
iflands once a-year. But divine fervice is performed,
and fermons preached, or rather read,.every Sunday in
the churches of thofe iflands. by an honeft layman
appointed for that purpofe; and there are likewife
church-wardens and overfeers, regularly chofen in
every parifh. As to the civil government, it is admi-
niftered by what is called the Court of Twelve', in
which the commander in chief, the proprietor’s agent,
and the chaplain, have their feats in virtue of their
offices; the other nine are chofen by the people. Thefe
decide, or rather compromife, all differences; and pu-
nifh fmall offences by does, whippings, and the duck-
ing-flool : as to greater enormities, we may conclude
they have not been hitherto kno wn ; fmee except, for the
faldiers, there is no prifon in the iflands. But in cafe
of capital offences, the criminals may be tranfported
to and brought to juftice in the county of Cornwall.
The great importance of thefe iflands arifes from
their advantageous fituation, as looking equally into
St George’s Channel, which divides Great Britain
from Ireland, and the.Engliih Channel, which feparates
Britain from France. For this reafon,. mod fhips
bound from the fouthvvard drive to make the Sciliy
iflands, in order to fleer-their courfe with greater cer¬
tainty. It is very convenient alfo for veffels to take (bel¬
ter amongfl them ; which prevents their being driven to
Milford Haven, nay fometimes inter fome port in Ire¬
land,-if the wind is ftrong at eaft ; or, if it blows
hard at north-weft, from being forced back into fome
of the Cornilh harbours, or even on the French coafts.
If the wind (hould not be very high, yet if unfavour¬
able or unfteady, as between the channels ofteo hap¬
pens, it is better to put into Sciliy, than to beat about
at fea in bad'weather. The intercourfe between thefe
two channels is another motive why fhips come in here,
as choofing rather to wait in fafety for a wind, than to
run the hazard of being blown out of their’courfe ; and
therefore a ftrong gale at eaft feldom-fails of bringing
thirty or forty veffels, and frequently a larger number
into Sciliy ; not more to their own fatisfaftion than
to that of the inhabitants. Ships homeward-bound
from America often touch there, from the deflre of
making the firft land in their power, and for the fake
cf re fre 111 meat. Some or other of thefe reafoos have
an influence on foreign ftiips, as well as our own; and Scilly
afford the natives an opportunity of fhowing their II
wonderful dexterity, in conducing them fafely into Sc‘°'
St Mary’s harbour, and, when the wind ferves, thro’
their founds. Upon firing a gun and making a waft,
a boat immediately puts off from, the neareft iflands,
with feveral pilots on board ; and having with ama¬
zing a&ivity dropped One of them into every fliip, till
only two men are left in the boat, thefe return again
to land, as the wind and other circumftances dirtd,
in one of their little coves.
In time of war, the importance of thefe iflanc’s is
Hill more confpicuous; and it is highly probable, that
they afforded the allies a place for affembling their
fleet, when the Britons, Danes, Scots, and Irifli,
failed under the command of Anlaff, to attack king
Athelftan ; which convinced him of the nectflity of
adding them to hi? dominions. Upon the like prin¬
ciple, Henry VIII. when upon bad terms with his
neighbours, caufed an old fortrefs to be repaired; and
queen Elizabeth, who had more to fear, directed the
conftrucfion of a caftle, which, in part at leaft, ftillre¬
mains. But the moil lingular inftanee of the. detriment
that might arife from thefe iflands falling into other
hands than our own happened in 1651, when Sir John
Greenville took fhelterin them with the remains of the
Corniilicavaliers. For the depredations committed by
his frigates foon made it evident that Scilly was the
key of the Englifli commerce ; and the clamours of the
merchants thereupon rofe fohigh, that the parliament
were forced to fend a fleet of fifty fail, with a great
body of land-forces on board, under Sir George
Ayfcue and admiral Blake, who with great difficulty,
and no inconfiderable lofs, made themfelves mailers of
Trefcaw and Brehar; where they eredfed thofe lines
and fortifications near the remains of the old fortrefs
that are called Oliver'} Caftle. But at length, finding,
that little was to be done in that way, they chofe to
grant Sir John Grenville a moft honourable capitula¬
tion, as the fureft means to recover places of fuck
eonfequence : wuth which the parliament were very
little fatisfied,. till Mr Blake gave them hisreafons;
which appeared to be fo weir founded, that they di-
re&ed the articles be had concluded to be pun&ually
carried into execution..
SCIO, one of the moft beautiful, pleafant, and ce¬
lebrated iflands of the Archipelago, near to the coalt
of Natolia, to the fouth of Meteiin, and tothe north-
eaft of Samos. It is 32 miles in length, and 15 in
breadth ; a mountainous country, and yet pleafant
enough, there being fruits of various kinds growing in
the fields, fuch as oranges, citrons, olives, mulber¬
ries, and pomegranates. There is alfo a large quan¬
tity of pkafant wine, which they export to the neigh¬
bouring iflands ; but their principal trade is in lilks.
They have alfo a fmall commerce in wool, cheefe, figs,
and maftic. The women are better bred than in other
parts of the Levant ; though the drefs is odd, yet it
is very neat. The partridges are tame, being fent
every day into the, fields to get their living, and in the
evening are called back with a whittle. The town
called Scio is large, pleafant, and tfie belt built of any
in the Levant, the houfes being beautiful and commo¬
dious, fome of which are terraffed, and others covered
with tiles. The ftreets are paved with Hint-Hones*
SCI [ 6q8i ] SCI
Scioppius and the Venetians, while they had it in their poffef- conqueft of Carthage and Numantia ; yet thefe fignal Scm>
g • . fion, made a great many alterations for the better, fervices to his country could not protect him from an ,1
The caftle is an old citadel built by the Genoefe, in untimely fate. He was firangled in his bed by order Scu"us'
which the Turks have a garrifon of 1400 men. The of the Decemviri, who dreaded his popularity, 129
harbour of Seio is the rendezvous of all (hipping that
goes to or comes from Conftantinople, and will hold a
fleet of fourfcore veffels. They reckon there are
10,000 Turks, 100,000 Greeks, and 10,000 Latins,
on this ifland. The Turks took it from the Venetians
in 1695. Scio is a bifbop’s fee, and is feated on the
fea-fide, 47 miles weft of Smyrna, and 2to fouth-weft
of Conftantinople.
SCIOPPIUS (Gafpar), one of the mod formidable
critics of the 17th century, was born in the Palatinate
in 1576, and ftudied at Amberg, Heidelberg, and
afterwards at Altdorf j where he made fuch a rapid
progrefs, that at 16 years of age he publilhed fome
ciitical works which rendered him admired. In 1599,
he abjured the Prqteftant religion, and embraced that
of Popery; notwithftanding which he was the great
enemy of the Jefuits, and was extremely fatirical upon
them in feveral books ; while on the other hand he
wrote with the utmoft fury alfo aga:nft the Proteftant
party, and even perfuaded the Catholic princes to ex¬
tirpate them by the mod fanguinary methods. He
particularly vented his rage againft Jofepb Scaliger,
Cafaubon, and Du Pleffia Mornai. Pie even attacked
James I. of England; nor did he (pare the perfon of
Henry IV. of France, in his book intitled EcclefiaJU-
ms, which was burnt in France by the hands of the
hangman. In (hort, Scioppius, having drawn upon
himfelf univerfal haired, and being juflly apprehenfive
of fome attempt upon bis life, fought for (belter at
Padua, where he died in 1649. He was undoubt¬
edly a man of great abilities ; and his applica¬
tion to ftudy, his memory, the multitude of his wri¬
tings, his fire and eloquence, would have juftly ranked
him high in the republic of letters, had his moderation
been equal to his learning.
SCIPIO (Publius Cornelius), a renowned Roman
general, furnamed Africcinus, for his conquefts in that
country. Plii other fignal military exploits were, his
taking the city of New Carthage in a fingle day ; his
complete vidlory over Hannibal, the famous Cartha¬
ginian general ; the defeat of Syphax king of Numi-
dia, and of Antiochus in Afie. Pie was as eminent
for his chaftity, and his generous behaviour to his pri-
foners, as for his valour. He died 180 B. C. aged
about 51.
Scipio (Lucius Cornelius), his brother, furnamed
Afiaticus, for his complete vi&ory over Antiochus at
the battle of Magnefia, in which Antiochus loft 50,000
infantry, and 4000 cavalry. A triumph, and the
furname of Afiaticus, were the rewards- of his valour.
Yet his ungrateful countrymen accufed him, as well as
Ids brother, of peculation; for which, he was fined:
but the public fale of his effedls proved the falfe-
hood of the charge 5 for they did not produce the amount
of the fine. He flourilhed about 190 B. C.
Scipio (Publius Emilianus), was the fon of Paulus
Emilius ; but being adopted by Scipio Africanus,
he was called Scipio Africanus junior. He (bowed
himfelf worthy h s adoption, following the footfteps
of Scipio Africanus, whom he equalled in military
fame and p,ublic virtues. His chief viclories were the
B. C. aged 56.
SCIRO, an idand of the Archipelago, to the weft
of Mytelene, to the north-eaft of Negropont, and to
the fouth-eaft of Sciati. It is 15 miles in length, and
8 in breadth. It is a mountainous country, but has
no mines. The vines make the beauty of the ifland,
and the wine is excellent; nor do the natives want
wood. There is but one village ; and that is built on
a rock, which runs up like a fugar-loaf, and is 10
miles from the harbour of St George. The inhabi¬
tants are all Greeks, the cadi being the only Turk
among them.
SC1RRHUS, in furgery and medicine, a hard tu¬
mour of any part of the body, void of pain, arifing,
as is fuppofed, from the infpiflation and induration of
the fluids contained in a gland, though it may alfo
appear in any other part of the body, efpecially in the
fat ; being one of the ways in which an inflammation
terminates. Thefe tumours are exceedingly apt to
degenerate into cancers.
SC1URUS> the squirrel ; a genus of quadrupeds
belonging to the order of glires. It has two fore-teeth
in each jaw, the fuperior ones (haped like wedges, and
the inferior ones compreffed. There are 11 fpecies;
of which the mod remarkable are,
1. The vulgaris, or common fqoirrel, with ears ter¬
minated with long tufts of hair; large, lively, black
eyes ; head, body, legs, and tail, of a bright reddifh
brown ; bread and belly white ; hair on each fide the
tail lies flat. In Sweden and Lapland, it changes in
winter into grey. In Ruflxa, it is fometimes found black.
In many parts of England there is a beautiful variety,
with milk-white tails.—Tliis fpecies inhabits Europe and
North America, the northern and the temperate parts
of Afia ; and a variety is even found as far fouth as
the ifle of Ceylon. It is a neat, lively; adlive animal;
lives always in woods: in the fpring, the female is
feen purfued from tree to tree by the males, feigning
aii efcape from their embraces; makes its neft of mofs
and dried leaves, between the fork of two branches ;
brings three or four young at a time ; has two holes
to its neft ; flops up that on the fide the wind blows,
as Pliny juftly remarks; lays in a hoard of winter pro-
vifion, fuch as nuts,,acorns, See.; in fummer, feeds on
buds and young fhoots; is particularly fond of thofe
of fir, and the young cones ;.fits up ta eat, and ufes
its fore-feet as hands; covers itfelf with its tail ; leaps
to a furprifing diftance ; when difpofed to crofs a ri¬
ver,, a piece of bark is its boat, its tail the fail.
2. The cinereus, or grey fquirrel, with plain ears;Plate
hair of a dull grey colour, mixed with black, and of- CCLXTJ
ten tinged with dirty yellow ; belly and itifides of thefiS- l*
legs white ; tail long, bufhy, grey, and (triped with
black : fize of a half-grown rabbit.—Inhabits the
woods of Nothern Afia, North America, Peru, and
Chili. They are very numerous in North America, do
-incredible damage to the plantations of maize, run up
the ftalks and eat the young ears. Defcend in vaft
flocks from the mountains, and join thofe that inhabit
the lower parts; are proferibed by the provinces, and a
reward of three-penceperheadgivea foi every one that is
killed;,
.
Sciimrs,
SCI [ 6982 ] SCI
Scuirus. killed ; fuch a number was deflroyed one year, that
Penfylvania alone paid in rewards 80001. of its cur¬
rency. Make their nefts in hollow trees, with mofs,
flraw, wool, &c. Feed on maize in the feafon,
and on,pine-cones, acorns, and mad of all kinds: form
holes under ground, and there depofit a large dock of
winter provifion. Defcend from the trees, and vilrt
their magazines when in want of meat ; are particu¬
larly bufy at the approach of bad weather; during the
cold feafon keep in their neds fot1 feveral days toge¬
ther ; feldo'm leap from tree to tree, only run up and
down the bodies ; their hoards often dedroyed by fwine;
when their magazines are covered with deep fnow, the
fquirrels often perifh for want of food ; are not eauly
fiiot, nimbly changing their place when they fee the gun
levelled; have the adtions of the common fquirrel ; are
cafilytamed ; their flefh is edeemed very delicate. Their
furs, which are imported under the name of petit-gris,
are valuable, and ufed as linings to cloaks.
3. The niger, or black fquirrel, with plain ears;
fometimes wholly black, but often marked with white
on the nofe, the neck, or end of the tail; the tail
fhorter than that of the former ; the body equal. It
inhabits the north of ikfia, North America, anS
Mexico : breeds and afibciates in feparate troops; is
equally numerous with the former ; commits as great
ravages among the maize ; makes its ned in the fame
manner ; and forms, like them, magazines for winter
food. The fined are taken near the lake Baikal, and
about Barguzinflcoi odrog, upon the upper Angara,
in the didrift of Nertfchinfk, which are the bed in all
Siberia ; thefe continue black the whole year, the
others grow rudy in fummer.—-There is a variety with
plain ears; coarfe fur mixed with dirty white and
black; throat and infide of the legs and thighs black;
tail much (horter than thofe of fquirrels ufually are ;
of a dull yellow colour, mixed with black; body of
„ the fize of the grey fquirrel. It inhabits Virginia ;
the planters call it the cat fquirrel,
4. The flavus, or fair fquirrel, with the body and
tail of a flaxen colour ; of a very fmallfize, with plain
round ears, and rounded tail. Inhabits the woods
near Amadabad, the capital of Guzurat, in great
abundance, leaping from tree to tree. Linnaeus fays
it is an inhabitant of South America.
5. The driatus, or ground fquirrel, with plain ears;
ridge of the back marked with a black dreak; each
fide with a pale yellow dripe, bounded above and be¬
low with a line of black ; head, body, and tail, of a
reddidi brown ; the tail the darked : bread and belly
white; nofe and feet pale-red ; eyes full.—Inhabits
the north of Afia, but found in the greated abundance
in the foreds of North America. They never run up trees
except they are purfued and find no other means of efca-
ping: they burrow, and form their habitations under
ground, with two entrances, that they may get accefs
to the one in cafe the other is dopped up. Their re¬
treats are formed with great fltill, in form of a long
gallery, with branches on each fide, each of which
terminates in an enlarged chamber, as a magazine to
dore their winter provifion in ; in one they lodge the
acorns, in another the maize, in a third the hickery
nuts, and in the lad their favourite food the chin¬
quapin chefnut. They very feldom dir out during
winter, at lead as long as their provifions lad ; but if
that fails, they will dig into cellars where apples are
kept, or barns where maize is flored, and do a great
deal of mifchief; but at that time the cat dellroys
great numbers, and is as great an enemy to them
as to mice. During the maize harveft, thefe fquir¬
rels are very bufy in biting off the ears, and filling
their mouths fo full with the corn, that their cheeks
are quite didended. It ft obfervable, that they give
great preference to certain food ; for if, after filling
their mouths with rye, they happen to meet with
wheat, they fling away the firfl, that they may in¬
dulge in the lad. They are very wild, bite feverely,
and are Tcarcely ever tamed ; the Ikins are of little ufe,
but are fometimes brought over to line cloaks.
6. The glis, or fat fquirrel, with thin naked ears ;
body covered with foft adi-coloured hair; belly whitifli;
tail full of long hair : from nofe to tail, near fix in¬
ches ; tail, four and a half: thicker in the body than
the common fquirreL—-Inhabits France and the fouth
of Europe ; lives in trees, and leaps from bough to
bough ; feeds on fruits and acorns ; lodges in the hol¬
lows of trees ; remains ip a torpid date during winter,
and grows very fat. It was edeemed a great delicacy
by the Romans, who had their gliraria, places con-
flrufted to keep and feed them in.
7. The fagitta, or failing fquirrel, with a fmatl round plate
head, cloven upper lip: fmall blunt ears, two fmall 9CljXl'
warts at the utmofl corner of each eye, with hairs S" 1‘
growing out of them: neck fliort: four toes on the
fore feet; and indead of a thumb, a flender bone two
inches and a half long, lodged under the lateral mem¬
brane, ferving to dretch it out: from thence to the
hind legs extends the membrane, which is broad, and
a continuation of the fkin of the fides and belly: there
are five toes on the hind feet; and on all the toes, fliarp
compreffedbentclaws: the tail iscovered with long hairs
difpofed horizontally: colour of the head, body, and tail,
a bright bay; in fome parts inclining to orange: bread
and belly of a yellowifh white: length from nofe to
tail, eighteen inches; tail, fifteen.—Inhabits Java, and
others of the Indian iflands: leaps from tree to tree as
if it flew: will catch hold of the boughs with its tail.
Niewhoff, p. 354, de-fcribes this under the name of the
flying cat, and fays the back is black.
8. The volans, or flying fquirrel, with round haked
ears, full black eyes, and a lateral membrane from the fore
tothehindlegs: tail with longhairsdifpofedhorizontally,
longed in the middle : dolour above, a brownifh afli;
beneath, white tinged with yellow: much lefs than the
common fquirrel. Inhabits Finland, Lapland, Poland,
Ruffia, North America, and New Spain: lives in hol¬
low trees: fleeps in the day: during the night is very
lively: is gregarious, numbers being found in one tree:
leaps from bough to bough fome times at the diftance of
ten yards: this aftion has improperly been called flying,
for the annimal cannot go in any other direftion than
forward; and even then cannot keep an even line, but
finks confiderably before it can reach the place it aims,
at: fenfible of this, the fquirrel mounts the higher in
proportion to the diftance it willies to reach: when it
would leap, it ftretches out the fore legs, and extend¬
ing the membranes becomes fpecifically lighter than it
would otherwife be; and thus is enabled to fpring fur¬
ther than other fquirrels that have not this aparatus.
When numbers leap at a time, they feem like leaves
blown
SCO [ 6983 ] SCO
Schvonia blown off by the wind. Their Jfood the fame as the
II other fqnirrels. They are eafily tamed: bring three or
co opax. fQur y00ng at a t;me> gee 4. the one repre-
fenting the animal in what is called a flying, the other
in a fitting pofture.
SCLA.VONIA, a country of Europe, between the
rivers Save, the Drave, and the Danube. It is di¬
vided into fix counties, viz. Pofegra, Zabrab, Creis,
Warafden, Zreim, and WalponJ and belongs to the
houfe of Auftria. It was formerly called a kingdom;
and is very narrow, not being above 75 miles in breadth;
but it is 300 in length, from the frontiers of Auftria to
Belgrade. The eaftern part is called Ratzia, and the
inhabitants Ratzians. Thefe, from a particular notion,
are of the Greek church. The language of Sclavonia
is the mother of four others, namely, thofe of Hun¬
gary, Bohemia, Poland, and Ruffia.
SCLEROTICS, -medicines proper to harden and
confolidate the ftefh of the parts to which they are ap¬
plied ; as purllain, houfe-leek, flea-wort, garden night-
(hade, &c.
SCOLOPAX, in ornithology, a genus belonging
to the order of gralke. The back is cylindrical, ob-
tufe, and longer than the head ; the noftrils are li¬
near; the face is covered ; and the feet have four toes.
There are 18 fpecies; of which the following are the
principal.
1. The arquata, or curlew, frequents onr fea-coafts
and marfhes in the winter time in large flocks, walking
■ Plate on the open fends; feeding on Ihells, frogs, crabs, and
I GCLXI. other marine infe&s. In fummer they retire to the
!j t’g- mountainous and unfrequented parts of tjie country,
where they pair and breed. Their eggs are of a pale
olive colour, marked with irregular but diflinft fpots
of pale brown. Their flefli is' very rank and fifhy,
notwithflanding an old En.gltfh proverb in its favour.
Curlews differ much in weigh,tand fize; fome weighing
37 ounces, others not 22; the length of the largeft to
the tip of the tail, 25 inches ; the breadth, three feet
five inches; the bill is feven inches long: the head,
neck, and coverts of the wings, are of a pale brown ;
the middle of each feather black; the bread and belly
white, marked with narrow oblong black lines: the
' back is white, fpotted with a few black ftrokcs: the
quill-feathers are black, but the inner webs fpotted
with white: the-tail is white, tinged with red, and beau¬
tifully barred with black; the legs are long, ftrong,
and of a blueifh grey colour; the bottoms of the toes
flat and broad, to enable it to walk on the foft mud,
in fearch of food.
2. The phaeopus, orwhimbrel, is much lefs frequent
on our Ihores than the curlew; but its haunts, food,
and genera! appearance, are much the feme.. It is ob-
ferved to vifit the neighbourhood of Spalding (where
it is called the curlew knot) in vaft flocks in April, but
continues there no longer than May; nor is it feen
there any other time of year : it feems at that feafon to
be on its paffageto its breeding place, which Mr Pen¬
nant fufpe£ls to be among the Highlands of Scotland.
The fpecific difference is the fize; this never exceed¬
ing the weight of 12 ounces.
fig. 5. S- T!16 rufticola, or woodcock, during fummer inha¬
bits the Alps of Norway, Sweden, Polifli Pruflja, the
march of Brandenburg, and the northern parts of
Europe: they all retire from thofe countries the be¬
ginning qf winter, as foon as the frofts commence;
which force them into milder climates, where the Scolrpax.
ground is open, and adapted to their manner of feeding. ~
They live on worms and infe&s, which they fearch for
with their long bills in foft ground and moift woods.
Woodcocks generally arrive here in flocks, taking ad¬
vantage of the night or a miff: they foon feparate ;
but before they return to their native haunts, pair.
They feed and fly by night; beginning their flight in
the evening, and return the fame way or through the
fame glades to their day retreat. They leave England
the latter end of February, or beginning of March;
not but they have been known to continue here acci¬
dentally.—Thefe birds appear in Scotland firft on the
eaftern coafts, and make their progrefs from-eaft to
weft. They do not arrive in Breadalbane, a central
part of the kingdom, till the beginning or middle of
November; nor the coafts of Nether Lorn, or of RofT-
ftiire, till December or January: they are very rare in
the remote Hebrides, or in the Orkneys. A few ilrag-
glers now and then arrive there. They are equally fcarce
in Cathnefs.—Our fpecies of woodcock is unknown in
North America: but a kind is found that has the ge¬
neral appearance of it; but is fcarce half the fize, and
wants the bars on the bread and belly. The weight
of the woodcock is ufually about 12 ounces; the length
near finches; and the breadth, 26; the bill is three
inches long, dulky towards the end, reddifti at the bafe;
tongue flender, long, fharp, and hard at the point ;
the eyes large, and placed near the top of the head, ,
that they may not be injured when the bird thrufts its-
bill into the ground; from the bill to the eyes is a
black line ; the fore-head is a reddifti afti colour; the
crown of the head, the hind part of the neck, the back,
the coverts of the wings, and the fcapulars, are prettily
barred with a ferruginous red, .black and grey ; but
oil the head the.black predominates:,. the quill-feathers
are dufky, indented with red marks. - The chin is of a-
pale yellow ; the whole under fide of the body is of a
dirty white, marked with numerous tranfverfe lines of
a dufky colour. The tail confifts of 12 feathers, dufky
or black on the one web, and marked with red on the
other; the tips above are afh-couloured, below white;
which, when fliooting on the ground was in vogue,
was the fign the fowler difcovered the birds by. The
legs and toes are livid ; the latter divided almoft to
their very origin, having only a very fmall web be¬
tween the middle and interior toes; as thofe of the
two fpecies o£ fnipes found in England. -
4. The tegocephala, or godwr, weighs 12 ounces
and a half; the length is 16 inches; the breadth 27
the bill is four inches long, turns up a little, black at
the end, the reft a pale purple; from the bill to the
eye is a-broad white ftroke ; the feathers of the head,
neck, and back, are of a light .reddiftvbrown, marked
in the middle with a dufky fpot; the belly and vent
feathers white, the tail regularly barred with black and
white. The fix firft quill-feathers are black their in¬
terior edges of a reddifh brown ; the legs in fome are
dufky, in others of a greyifh blue; which perhaps may
be owfing to different ages; the exteriortoe is conne&ed
as faras the firft joint of the middlqtoe with a ftrong fer-
rated membrane. The male is diftinguifhed from the
female by fome black lines on the bread and throat;
which in the female are wanting, Thefe birds are
taken in the fens, in the fame feafon and in the fame f Sea
manner with the ruffs and reevesf; and when fattened TWkja
are
.-Scofopa;
P-1 ate
CCLXI.
fig- 7.
SCO r C984 ] SCO
are efteercved a great delicacy, and ftl! for half a crown
or five (hillings a piece. A ftale of the fame fpecies is
placed in the net. They1 appear in fmall flocks on our
coaits in September, and continue with us the whole
winter; they w?!k on the open hands like the curlew,
and feed on infers.
5. The glottis, or greenfhank, is-in length to the
.end of the tail, 14 inches; to that of the toes, 204.its
breadth, 25. The bill is two inches and a half long;
the upper mandible black, ftrait, and very (lender 5 the
lower reflets a little upwards; the head and upper
part of the neck are afli-coloured, marked with fmall
dufliy lines pointing down ; over each pafles a white
line; the coverts, the fcapular?, and upper part of the
back, are of a brownifh a(h-colour; the quill-feathers
dufliy, but the inner webs fpeckled with white; the
bread, belly, thighs, and lower part of the back, are
white; the tail is white, marked with undulated duflcy
bars: the inner coverts of the wings finely croffed with
double and treble rows of a du(ky colour. It is a bird
of an elegant (hape, and fmall weight in proportion to
its dimenllons, weighing only fix ounces. The legs
are very long ancHlcnder, andbare above twoinche-s high¬
er than the knees. The exterior toe is united to the
middle toe, as far as the fecond jo'int, by a (Irong
membrane which borders their fides to the very end.
Thcfebirds appear on the Englifh coafts and wet grounds
in the winter-time in but fmall numbers.
6. The calidris, or red-fliank, is found on mod of
our (bores; in the winter-time it conceals itfelf in the
gutters, and is generally found fingle oral mod in pairs.
It breeds in'the fens and marlhes; and flies round its
neft when didurbed, making a noife like a lapwing.
It lays four eggs, wln’tidi tinged with olive, marked
with irregular fpots of black chiefly on the thicker end.
It weighs five ounces and a half: the length is 12 inches,
the breadth 21; the bill near two inches long, red at
the bafc, black towards the point. The head, hind
part of the neck, and fcapulars, are of a dufky a(h-
colour, obfcurely fpotted with black ; the back is
white, fprir.kled with black fpots; the tail elegantly
barred with black and white; the cheeks, under fide of
the neck, and upper part of the "bread, are white,
(treated downward witb dufky lines; the belly white ;
the exterior vvebs of the quill-feathers are ck(ky; the
legs long and of fine bright orange colour; the utmofl;
toe connected to the middle toe by a fmall membrane ;
the inmoft by another dill fmaller.
y The gailinago, or common fnipe, weighs four
ounces; the length, to the end of the tail, is near 12
inches; the breadth about 14; the bill is three inches
long, of a duflcy colour, flat at the end, and often rough
like (hagrin above and below. The head is divided
lengthwife with two black lines; and three of red, one
of the lad paffing over the middle of the head, and
one above each eye : between the bill and the eyes is
a clu(ley line; the chin is white; the neck is varied
with brown and red. The fcapulars are beautifully
firiped lengthwife with black and yellow : the quill-
feathers aredulky; but the edge of the fird is white, as
are the tips of the fccondary feathers: the quill-feathers
next the back are barred with black and pale red; the
bread and belly are white ; the coverts of the tail are
long, and almod cover it; they are of a reddifli brown
cplour. The tail cpnfids of 14 feathers, black on their
lower part, then eroded with a broad bar ofi deep Scolopwu
•orange, another narrow one of black; and the ends
white, or pale orange. The vent feathers are of a dull Scornher>
yellow; the legs pale green ; the toesdivided to their ori¬
gin. In the winter-time fnipes are very frequent in all
ourmarfhy and wet grounds, where they lie concealed in
theruflies, &c. In fummer they difperfe todifferent parts,
and are found in the midd of our higheit mountains as
well as of our low moors; their ned is made of dried
grafs; they lay four eggs of a dirty olive colour,
marked with dulky fpots ; their young are fo often
found in England, that we doubt whether they ever
entirely leave this ('(land. When they are diilurbed
much, particularly in the breeding feafon, they foar
to a vad height, making a lingular bleating noife;
and when they defeend, dart down with vad rapidity :
it is alfo amufing to obferve the cock (while his mate
fits on her eggs) poife himfdf on her wings, making
fometimes a whidling and fometimes a drumming noife.
Their food is the fame with that of the woodcock;
their flight very irregular and fwift, and attended with
a (brill (cream. They are mod univerfal birds, found
in every quarter of the globe, and in all climates.
SCOLGPENDRA, in zoology, a genus of infedls
belonging to the order of aptera. The feet are very
numerous, being as many on each fide as there are
joints in the body; the antennae are fetaceous; there are
two jointed pappi, and the body is depreffed.—Thefe
Tnfedfs are very formidable and noxious in the warm
countries, where they grow to the length of a quarter
of a yard or more, though in this climate they leldoin
grow above an inch long. The fcolopendra is alfo
called the ccntipes from its number of feet. In the
cad Indies it grows to fix inches in length, and as
thick as a man’s finger: it confifts of many joints; and
from each joint proceeds a leg on each fide: they are
covered with hair, and feem to have no eyes; but there
are two feelers on the head, with which they find out the
way they are to pafs: the head is very round, with
two fmall (harp teeth, with-'which they inflict wounds
that are very painful and dangerous. A failor that
was bit by one on board a (hip felt exceflive pain, and
his life was fuppofed to.be in danger; but by the ap¬
plication of roaded onions to the part, he recovered.
The bite of the fcolopendra mor/itans .f in Jamaica is f p'at‘
faid to be as poifonous as the ding of a fcorpion.
Some of the fpecies live in holes in the earth : others
under (tones, and among rotten wood; fo that the re¬
moving of thefe is exceedingly dangerous in the coun¬
tries where the fcolopendite breed.-—Thefe infefts,
like the fcorpion, are fuppofed to be produced perfect
from the parent or the egg, and to undergo no changes 11
after their firfl exclufion. They are found of all fizes; ||
which is a luffieient reafon for believing that they pre- H
ferve their fird appearance through the whole of their
exiftence. It is probable, however, that, like mod of
this clafs, they often change their (kins; but of this M
we have no certain information.
SCOMBER, the Mackerel, in ichthyology,a genus
belonging to the order of thoracici. The head is fmooth t
and comprefild, and there are feven rays in the gill- K
membrane. There are ten fpecies;-^—of which the mod
remarkable are the following.
1. The fcomber, or common mackerel, a fummer- If
fifli of'paflage that vifits our (bores in vad (hoals.
It »
Plate CCPXL.
t figr. /.
St UmPS Cmet-etts
t>r,< r lyj/ir/v/ .
S CQDOEAX Awjuafa
rr Cur/ew.
Scox,opax in.fcooi
fry- // wy/^/y
St'IUIlUS gagitta. |
),/////„/»J&swrr/j.
tialltna £’i>
SooRPiojsr
SCO [ 6985 1 SCO
Scomber. It Is lefs ufeful than other fpecies of gregarious fifli,
 being very tender, and unfit for carriage; not but
that it may be preferved by pickling and falling,
a method, we believe, pra&ifed only in Cornwall,
where it proves a great relief to the poor during
winter. It was a filh greatly efteemed by the Ro¬
mans, becaofe it furnifhed the precious garum, a fort
of pickle that gave a high relilh to their fauces; and
was befides ufed medicinally. It was drawn from
different kinds of fifh, but that made from the mack-
rel had the preference: the belt was made at Car-
thagena, vaft quantities of mackrel being taken near
an adjacent ifle, called from that circumftance Scorn-
braria; and the garum, prepared by a certain com¬
pany in that city, bore a high price, and was diftin-
guifhed by the title of garu&i fociorum. This fifh is
eafily taken by a bait; but the bed time is during a
frefh gale of wind, which is thence called a mackerel
gale. In the fpring the eyes of mackerel are almofl
covered with a white film; during which period they
are half blind. This film grows in winter, and is caft
the beginning of fummer. It is not often that it ex¬
ceeds two pounds in weight, yet there have been in-
ftancea of fome that weighed upwards of five. The
nofe is taper and fharp-pointed : the eyes large : the
jaws of an equal length: the teeth fmall, but numerous.
The form of this fifh is very elegant. The body is a
little compreffed on the fides: towards the tail it grows
very {lender, and a little angular. It is a moft beau¬
tiful fifh when alive; for nothing can equal the brilli¬
ancy of its colour, which death impairs, but does
not wholly obliterate.
2. The thunnus, or tunny, was a fifh well known
to the ancients: it made a confiderabie branch of com¬
merce : the time of its arrival into the Mediterranean
from the ocean was obferved, and flations for taking
them were eftablifhed in places it moft frequented.
There are ftill very confiderabie tunny fifheries
on the coaft of Sicily, as well as feveral other
parts of the Mediterranean ; where they are cured,
and make a great article of provifion in the adja¬
cent kingdoms. They are caught in nets, and ama¬
zing quantities are taken ; for they come in vaft fhoals,
keeping along the fhores.
They frequent ourcoafts, but not in fhoals like the
tunnies of the Mediterranean. They are not uncom¬
mon in the lochs on the weftern coaft of Scotland ;
where they come in purfuit of herrings; and often
during night ftrike into the nets, and do confiderabie
damage. When the fifhermen draw them up in the
morning, the tunny rifes at the fame time towards the
furface, ready to catch the fifh that drop out. On per¬
ceiving it, a ftrong hook baited with a herring and
faftened to a rope, is inftantly flung out, which the
tunny feldotn Jails to take. As foon as hooked, it
lofes all fpirit; and after a very little refiftance fubmits
to its fate. It is dragged to the fhore and cut up,
cither to be fold frefh to people who carry it to
the country markets, or fs preferved faked in large
cafks. The pieces, when frefh look exaffly like raw
beef; but when boiled turn pale, and have fomething
of the flavour of falmon.
One that was taken when Mr Pennant -was at Inve¬
rary/in 1769, weighed-460 pounds. The fifh was fe-
V01,. IX.
ven feet ten inches long: the greateft circumference Scone
five feet feven; the leaft near the tail one foot fix. M
The body was round and thick, and grew fnddenly rp. na'
very flender towards the tail, and near that part was
angular. The irides were of a plain green : the teeth
very minute. The tail was in form of a crefccnt; and
two feet feven inches between tip and tip. The fkin
on the back was fmooth, very thick, and black. On
the belly the feales were vifible. The colour of the
fides and belly was filvery, tinged with cerulean and
pale purple : near the tail marbled with grey.
They are known on the coaft of Scotland by the
name of mackrelflure: Makrel, from being of that
genus ; and Jlurc, from the Danifh, Jlor “ great.”
SCONE, a town of Scotland, remarkable for being
the place where the kings were anciently crowned.
W. Long. 3. 10. N. Lat. 56. 28. Here was once an
abbey of great antiquity, which was burnt by the re¬
formers at Dundee. The prefent palace was begun
by the earl of Gowrie; but was completed by Sir
David Murray of Gofpatrie, the favourite of king
James VI. to whom that monarch had granted it; and
the new pofTeflbr in gratitude to his benefaftor put up
the king’s arms in feveral parts of the houfe. It is
built around two courts. The dining room is large and
handfome; andhasan ancient, but magnificent chimney-
piece, and the king’s arms with this motto:
Nobis heec invicla miferunt centuni fex proavi.
Beneath are the Murray arms. In the drawing room
is fome good old tape.ftry, with an excellent figure of
Mercury. In a fmall bed-chamber is a medley ferip-
ture piece in needle-work, with a border of animals,
pretty well done, the work of queen Mary during her
confinement in Loch Leven Caftle ; but the houfe in
general is in a manner unfurnilhed. ■ The gallery is
about 155 feet long, the top arched, divided into
compartments filled with paintings in water-colours.
The pieces reprefented are various kinds of huntings ;
that of Nimrod, and king James and his train, appear
in every piece. Till the deftruftion of the abbey, the
kings of Scotland were crowned here, fitting in the
famous wooden chair which Edward I. tranfported to
Weftminifter abbey, to the great mortification of the
Scots, who looked upon it as a kind of palladium.
Charles II. before the battle of Worcefter was crowned
in the prefent chapel. The old pretender refided for
fome time at Scone in 1715 ; and his fon paid it a
vifit in 1745.
SCOPER or scupper Holes, in a (hip, are
holes made through the fides, clofe to the deck, to
carry off the water that comes from the pump.
SCORBUTUS, the Scurvy. See Medicinej
n° 448.
SCORDIUM, or Water-germander, in botany;
a fpecies of Teucrium.
SCORIA, or Dross, among rr.etallurgifts, is the
recrement of metals in fufion ; or, more determinately
fpeaking, is that mafs which is produced by melting
metals and ores : when cold, it is brittle, and not dif-
fduble in water, being properly a kind of glafs.
SCORIFICATION, in metallurgy, is the art of
reducing a body, either entirely or in part, intofeoria.
SCORPiENA, in ichthyology, a genus belonging
to the order of thoracici. The head is large and
39 E (harp ;
Scorpio
SCO [ 6986 ] SCO
fliarp; the eyes are near each other; there are teeth
in the jaws, palate, and fauces; and there are feven rays
in the membrane of the gill. The fpecies are three.
SCORPIO, in zoology, a genus of infers belong¬
ing to the order of aptera. It has eight feet, befides
two frontal claws; the eyes are eight in number, three
on each fide of the thorax, and two on the back.
It has two claw-lhaped palpi, a long jointed tail, with
a pointed weapon at the extremity; it has likewife
two combs fituated betwixt the breafl and abdomen.
There are fix fpecies, all natives of fouthern climates.
Of all the clafs of noxious infers the fcorpion is
the moil terrible, whofe lhape is hideous, whofe fize
among the infedls is enormous, and whofe (ling is
generally fatal. Happy for Britain, the fcorpion is
entirely a ftranger among us! In feveral parts of the
continent of Europe it is but too well known, though
it feldom grows above four inches long: but in the
warm tropical climates, it is feen a foot in length, and
in every refpeft as large as a lobfter, which it fome-
what refembles in (hape. There have been euumerated
nine different kinds of this dangerous infeft, including
fpecies and varieties, chiefly diflinguifhed by their
colour: there being fcorpions yellow, brown, and afh
coloured ; others that are the colour of rufty iron,
green, pale yellow, black, claret colour, white, and grey.
There are four principal parts diftinguifhable in this
animal ; the head, the breaft, the belly, and the tail.
The fcorpion’s head feems, as it were, jointed to the
bread ; in the middle of which are feen two eyes ^
and a little more forward, two eyes more, placed in
the fore part of the headthofe eyes are fo fmall, that
they are fcarcely perceivable^ and it is probable the
animal has but little occafion for feeing. The mouth
is furniflied with two jaws; the undermod is divided
into two, and the parts notched into each other, which
ferves the animal as teeth, and with which it breaks its
food, and thruds it into its mouth: thefe the fcorpion
can at pleafure pull back into its mouth, fo that no
part of them can be feen. On each fide of the head
are two arms, each compofed of four joints ; the lad
of which is large, with drong mufcles, and made in
t.he'manner of a lobder’s claw. Below the bread are
eight articulated legs, each divided into fix joints; the
two hindmod of which are each provided with two
crooked claws, and here and there covered with hair.
The belly is divided into feven little rings; from the
lowed of which is continued a tail, compofed of fix
joints, which are bridiy, and formed like little globes,
the lad being armed with a crooked ding. This is
that fatal indrument which renders this infe£t fo formi¬
dable : it is long, pointed, hard, and hollow ; it is pier¬
ced near the bafe by two fmall holes, through which,
when, the animal dings, it eje&s a drop of poifon,
which is white, caudic, and fatal. The refervoir in
which this poifon is kept, is in a fmall bladder near
the tail, into which the venom is diddled by a peculiar
apparatus. If this bladder be greatly preffed, the
venom will be feen iffuing out through the two holes
above-mentioned ; fo that it appears, that when the
an’tnal dings, the bladder is preflfed, and the venom
iflues through the two apertures into the wound..
There are few animals more formidable, or more truly
mifehievous, than the fcorpion. As it takes refuge in
a fmall glace,, and is generally found fhdjering in
houfes, fo it cannot be otherwife than that it mud fre* Scorp
quently ding thofe among whom it refides. In fome "
of the towns of Italy, and in France, in the province
of Languedoc, it is one of the greated peds that tor¬
ments mankind: but its malignity in Europe is trifling,
when compared to what the natives of Africa and the
ead are known to experience. In Batavia, wheret
they grow twelve inches long, there is no removing
any piece of furniture, without the utmod danger of
being dung by them. Bofman affures us, that'along
the Gold Goad they are often found larger than a
lobder ; and that their ding is inevitable fatal. In
Europe, however, they are by no means fo large, fo
venomous, or fo numerous. The general fize of this
animal does not exceed two or three inches; and its
ding is very feldom found to be fatal. Maupertius,
who made feveral experiments on the fcorpion of Lan¬
guedoc, found it by no means fo invariably dangerous
as had till then been reprefented. He provoked one
of them to ding a dog, in three places of the belly,
where the animal was without hair. In about an hour
after, the poor animal feemed greatly fwollen, and be¬
came very fick: he then cad up whatever he had in
his bowels; and for about three hours continued
vomiting a whitifti liquid. The belly was always
greatly fwollen when the animal began to vomit; but
this operation always feemed to abate the fwelling ;
which alternately fwelted, and was thus emptied, for
three hours fucceffively. The poor animal after this
fell into convuliions, bit the ground, dragged himfelf
along upon his fore-feet, and at lad died, five hours
after being bitten. He was not partially fwollen
round the place which was bitten, as is ufual after the
ding of a wafp or a bee ; but his whole body was in¬
flated, and there only appeared a red fpot on the places
where he had been dung.
Some days after, however, the fame experiment
was tried upon another dog, and even with more ag¬
gravated cruelty: yet the dog feemed no way affected
by the wounds; but, howling a little when he received
them, continued alert and well after them; and foon
after was fet at liberty, without Ihowing the fmalled
fymptoms of pain. So far was this poor creature
from being terrified at the experiment, that he left his
own mader’s houfe, to come to that of the philofopher,
where he had received more plentiful entertainment.
The fame experiment was tried by fre/h fcorpions up¬
on feven other dogs, and upon three hens; but not
the fmalled deadly fymptom was feen to enfue. From
hence it appears, that many circumdances, which are
utterly unknown, mud contribute to give efficacy to
the fcorpion’s venom. Whether its food, long fading,
the feafon, the nature of the veflels it wounds, or its
date of maturity, contribute to or retard its malignity,
is yet to be afeertained by fucceeding experiment.
In the trials made by our philofopher, he employed
fcorpions of both fexes, newly caught, and feemingly
vigorous and a&ive. The fuccefs of this experiment
may ferve to drew, that many of thofe boafted anti¬
dotes which are given for the^cure of the fcorpion’s
ding, owe their fucceis rather to accident than their
own efficacy. They only happened to cure when
their ding was no way dangerous ; but in cafes of
actual malignity, they might probably be utterly ua-
fcrviceabk..
' ' ' ' ~ The.
SCO [ 69S7 ] SCO
^t6rp?o. The fcorpion of the tropical climate& being much
“ larger than the former, is probably much more veno¬
mous. Helbigius, however, who refided for many
years in the eaft, affures us, that he was often flung
by the fcorpion, and never received any material in¬
jury from the wound : a painful tumour generally en-
fued ; but he always cured it by rubbing the part
with a piece of iron or ftone, as he had feen the Indians
■pra&ife before him, until the flefh became infenfible.
Seba, Moore, andBofman, however, give a very dif¬
ferent account of the fcorpion’s malignity ; and aflert,
that, unlefs fpeedily relieved, the wound becomes
fatal.
It is certain, that no animal in the creation feems
endued with fuch an irafcible nature. They have
often been feen, when taken and put into a place of
fecurity, to exert all their rage againft the Tides of
the glafs-veffel that contained them. They will at¬
tempt to fling a flick, when put near them ; and
jattack a moufe or a frog, while thofe animals are far
from offering any injury. Maupertius put three fcor-
pions and a moufe into the fame veffel together, and
they foon filing the little animal in different places.
The moufe, thus affaulted, flood for fome time upon
the defenfive, and at laft killed them all, one after
another. He tried this experiment, in order to fee
whether the moufe, after it had killed, would eat the
fcorpions ; but the little quadruped feemed fatisfied
with the vidlory, and even furvived the feverity of
the wounds it had received. Wolkamer tried the
courage of the fcorpion againft the large fpider and
inclofed feveral of both kinds in glafs veffels for
that purpofe. The fuccefs of this combat was very
remarkable. The fpider at firft ufed all its efforts to
immefh the fcorpion in its web, which it immediately
began fpinning ; but the fcorpion refeued itfelf from
the danger, by flinging its adverfary to death : it
foon after cut off, with its claws, all the legs of the
fpider, and then fucked all the internal parts at its
leifure.—If the fcorpion’s fkin had not been fo hard,
Wolkamer is of opinion that the fpider would have
obtained the vidlory ; for he had often feen one of
thefe fpiders deflroy a toad.
The fierce fpirit of this animal is equally dangerons
•to its own fpeciesi for fcorpions are the crueUeft ene¬
mies to each other. Maupertius put about too of
them together in the fame glafs; and they fcarce
come into contaA when they began to e*ert all their
rage in mutual deftruftion : there was nothing to be
feen but one univerfal carnage, without any diftinc-
tion of age or fex ; fo that in a few days there re¬
mained only 14, which had killed and devoured all
the reft.
But their unnatural malignity is ftill more apparent
in their cruelty to their offspring. He inclofed a
female fcorpion, big with young, in a glafs veffel,
and (he was feen to devour them as faft as they were
excluded : there was hut one only of the number that
efcaped the general deftrudlion, by taking refuge on
the back of its parent; and this foon after revenged
the caufe of its brethren, by killing the old on# in
its turn.
Such is the terrible and unrelenting nature of this
fnfe£l, which neither the bonds of fociety nor of na¬
ture can reclaim: it is even afferted, that, when driven
to an extremity, the fcorpion will often deftroy itfelf. Soofjiio.
The following experiment was ineffe&ually tried by 
Maupertius: “ But,” fays MrGoldfmith, “ I am^owell
affured of it by many eye-witneffes, who have feen it
both in Italy and America, that I have no doubt
remaining of its veracity. A fcorpion, newly caught,
is placed in the midft of a circle of burning charcoal,
and thus an egrefs prevented on every fide : the fcor-
pton, as I am affured, runs for about a minute round
the circle, in hopes of efcaping ; but finding that im-
poffible, it (tings itfelf on the back of the fmad; and
in this manner the undaunted fuicide inflantly ex¬
pires.”
It is happy for mankind that thefe animals are thus
deftru&ive to each other ; fince otherwife they would
multiply in fo great a degree as to render fome coun¬
tries uninhabitable. The male and female of this in-
fe£t are very eafily diftinguifbable; the male being
fmaller and lefs hairy. Tne female brings forth her
young alive, and perfeft in their kind. Redi having
bought a quantity of feorpions, felefted the females,
which, by their fize and roughnefs, were eafily diftin-
guifhable from the reft, and putting them in feparate
glafs veffels, he kept them for fome days without
food. In about five days one of them brought forth
38 young ones, well-fhaped, and of a milk-white
colour, which changed every day more and more into
a dark rufty hue. Another female, in a different
veffel, brought forth 27 of the fame colour; and the
day following the young ones feemed all fixed to the
back and belly of the female. For near a fortnight
all thefe continued alive and well: but afterwards fome
of them died daily ; until, in about a month, they all
died except two.
Were it worth the trouble, thefe animals might be
kept living as long as curiofity fhould think proper.
Their chief food is worms and infedts ; and upon a
proper fupply of thefe, their lives might be lengthened
to their natural extent. How long that may be, we
are not told ; but if we may argue from analogy, it
cannot be lefs than feven or eight years ; and perhaps,
in the larger kind, double that duration. As they
have fomewhat the form of the loBfter, fo they refens-
ble that animal in calling their fhell, or more properly
their fkin ; fince it is fofter by far than the covering of
the lobfter, and fet with hairs, which grow from it in
great abundance, particularly at the joinings. The
young lie in the womb of the parent, each covered up
in its own membrane, to the number of 40 or 50, and
united to each other by an oblong thread, fo as to ex*
hibit altogether the form of a chaplet.
Such is the manner in which the common fcorpion
produces its young : but there is a fcorpion of America^
produced from the egg, in the manner of the fpider.
The eggs are no longer than pins points ; and they
are depofited in a web, which they fpin from their
bodies, and carry about with them, till they are
hatched. As foon as the young ones are excluded
from the fhell, they get upon the back of the parent,
who turns her tail over them, and defends them with
her fling. It feems probable, therefore, that capti¬
vity produces that unnatural difpofition in the feorpion
which induces it to deftroy is young; fince, at liber¬
ty, it is found to proteft diem with fuch unceafing
afikluity.
1 £ 2
SCOR-
SCO [ 6988 ] SCO
Scorpiu'.us SCORPIURUS, Caterpillars; a genus of de¬
li candria order, belonging to the diadelphia clafs of
co ' plants. There are four fpecies, the nsolt remarkable
of which is the vermiculata, a native of Italy and
Spain. It is an annual plant, with trailing herbaceous
llalks, which at each joint have a fpatular fhaped leaf
with a long foot-ftalk. From the wings of the leaves
come out the foot-ftalks of the flowers, which fuflain
at the top one yellow butterfly flower, fucceeded by a
thick twilled pod having the fize and appearance of a
larger caterpillar, from whence it had this title. This
has long been preferved in the gardens of this country,
more on account of its odd fliape than for any great
beauty. It is propagated by lowing the feeds on a
bed of light earth; and when the plants come up, they
mult be kept free from weeds and thinned, fo that
there may be a foot diftance between them.
SORZONERA, Vi per-grass ; a genus of thepoly-
gamia tequalis order, belonging to the fyngenefia clafs
of plants.—The moll remarkable fpecies is the hifpa*
nica or common fcorzonera, which is cultivated in the
gardens of this country, both for culinaryand meedicinal
purpofes. The root is carrot-lhaped, about thethicknefs
of a finger, covered with a dark brown Ikin, is white
within, and has a milky juice. The ftalk rifes three feet
high, is fmooth, branching at the top, and garnilhed
with a few narrow leaves, whofe bafe half embrace the
ftalk. The flowers are of a bright yellow colour, and
terminate the ftalks in fcaly empalements compofed of
many narrow tongue-lhaped hermaphrodite florets ly¬
ing imbricatim over each other like the fcales of fifli,
and are of a bright yellow colour. After thefe are
decayed, the germen, which fits in the common em¬
palements, turns to oblong cornered feeds, having a
roundilh ball of feathery down at the top. This plant
is propagated by feeds; and mull be carefully thinned
and kept free from weeds, otherwife the plants will be
weak-
The roots of fcorzonera were formerly much cele¬
brated for their alexipharmic virtues, and for throwing
out the fmall-pox ; but have now almoft entirely loft
their chara&er: however, as they abound with an
acrid juice they may fometimes be of ufe for ftrength-
ening the vifcera, and promoting the fluid fecretions.
SCOT, acuftomary contribution laid upon all fub-
jefls, according to their abilities. Whoever were af-
feffed to any contribution, though not by equal pro¬
portions, were faid to pay fcot and lot.
Scot (Michael) of Balwirie, a learned Scottifh
author of the 13th century. This Angular man made
the tour of France and Germany; and was received
with fome diftin&ion at the court of the emperor Fre¬
deric II. Having travelled enough to gratify his cu-
riofity or his vanity, he returned to Scotland, and gave
himfelf up to ftudy and contemplation. He wasdkilled
in languages; and, confidering the age in which he
lived, was no mean proficient in philofophy, mathema¬
tics, and medicine. He tranflated into Latin from the
Arabic, the hiftory of animals'by the celebrated phy-
fician Avicenna. He publifhed the whole works of
Ariftotle, with notes, and affefted much to reafon on
the principles of that great philofopher. He wrote a
book concerning The fecrets of nature, in which he treats
of generation, phyfiognomy, and the figns by which
we judge of the temperaments of men and women. Scot
We have alfo a trad of his On the nature of the fun Scotfan(!
and moon. He here fpeaks of \\\t grand operation., as 1
it is termed byalchymifts, and is exceedingly folichous
about the projected powder or the philofopher'’s flone. He
likewife publiftied what he calls Menfa philofiphica, a
treatife replete with aftrology and chiromancy. He
was much admired in his day; and was even fufpe&ed
of magic; and had Roger Bacou and Cornelius A-
grippa for his panegyrifts.
Scot (Reginald), a judicious writer in the i6t!v
century, was the younger fon of Sir John Scot of
Scot’s-hall, near Smeethe in Kent. He ftudied at
Hart-hall in the univerfity of Oxford ; after which he
retired to Smeethe, where he lived a ftudious life, and
died in 1599. He publiftied, The perfettplatform of
a Hop-garden ; and a book intitled, The difcovery of
witchcraft; in which he (bowed that all the relations
concerning magicians and witches are chimerical. This
work was not only cenfured by king James I. in his
Dxmonology, but by feveral eminent divines; and all the
copies of it that could be found were burnt.
SCOTAL, or Scotale, is where any officer of a
foreft keeps an ale-houfe within the foreft, by colour
of his office caufing people come to his houfe, and
there fpend their money for fear of his difpleafure.
We find it mentioned in the charter of the foreft, cap.
8. “ Nullus forreftarius facial Scotallas, vel garbas
colligat, vel aliquam colledlam facial,” &c. Manwood,
2i 6.—The word is compounded of fcot znA ale, and
by tranfpofition of the words is otherwife called
alefoot.
SCOTIA, in arcbite&ure, a femlcircular cavity or
channel between the tores in the bafesof columns.
SCOTISTS, a fe& of fchool-divines and philofo-
phers, thus called from their founder J. Duns Scotut,
a Scottifh cordelier, who maintained the immaculate
conception of the virgin, or that (he was born without
original fin,fin oppofition to Thomas Aquinas and the
Thomifts.
SCOTLAND, the country of the Scots, or that
part of Great Britan lying to the north of the Tweed;
is fituated between the 54th and 59th degrees of north
latitude, and extends in length about 278 miles, and
in fome places near 180 in breadth; containing an
area of 27,794 miles. On the fouth it is bounded by
England ; on the north, eaft, and weft, by the Deucale-
donian, German, and Irifh feas. B
It is extremely difficult to give any fatisfaiftory ac-origin of
count of the origin of the appellation of from which the name,
the country has derived its name. It has puzzled the
moft eminent antiquaries, whofe conje&ures ferve rather
to perplex than to clear up the difficulty. Nor is this to
be wondered at, when Varro and Dionyfius could not
agree about the etymon of Italia, nor Plutarch and
Solinus about that of Rome. All that we know with
any degree of certainty, concerning the appellation of
Scot, amounts to this—That it was at firft a term of
reproach, and confequently framed by enemies, rather
than affumed by the nation diftinguifhed by that name.
The Highlanders, who were the genuine defeendents
of the ancient Scots, are abfolutely ftrangers to the
name, and have been fo from the beginning of time.
All ihofe who fpeak ihe Gaelic language call them-
felves
SCO
[ 6989 ]
SCO
Scotland, felves Jlbanich or Gael, and their country Alba or
  Gaeldochd.
j The Pi&s, who poffc/Ted originally the northern and
eaftern, and in a latter period alfo the more fouthern
divilior, of North Britain, were at firft more powerful
than the. Caledonians of the weft. It is therefore pro¬
bable, that the Pids, from a principle of malevolence
and pride, were ready to traduce and ridicule their
weaker neighbours of Argyle. Thefe two nations
fpoke the fame language, the Gaelic. In that lan¬
guage Scot, or Scode figniSes a corner or ftnall divifion
of a country. Accordingly a corner of North Britain
is the very name which Giraldus Cambrenfis gives the
little kingdom of Argyle, which the fix fons of Muredus
king of Ulfter were faid, according to his information,
to have ere&ed in Scotland. Scot in Gaelic is
much the fame with little or contemptible in Englifh ;
zni Scotian, literally fpeaking, fignifies a fmall flock •,
metaphorically, it Hands for a fmall body of men. {Dr
Macpherfon’s Diflert.)
Others obferve, that in the fame language the word
Scuit fignifies a wanderer, and fuppofe that this may
have been the origin of the name oi Scot; a conje&ure
which they think is countenanced by a paflage in
Ammianus Marcellinus, (1. xxvii.) who charafterizes
the men by the epithet of roaming; “ per diverfa va-
gantes.” {Mr Macpherfon, and Mr Whitaker').
All that we can fay is, that for fome one of the
reafons couched under the above difparaging epithets,
their malicious or fneering neighbours, the Pi&s or the
Britons, may have given the appellation of Scots to the
anceftors of the Scottilh nation.
At what time the inhabitants of the weft of Scot¬
land came to be diftinguifhed by this name is uncertain.
Prophyrius the philofopher is the firft who mentions
them, about the year of the Chriftian sera 267 ; and
towards the middle of the 4th century we find them
mentioned with other Britifh nations by Am. Mar-
* cellinus, in the paffage above referred to.
tIie The origin of the Scots has been warmly difputed
peop.e. ^ many antiquaries of note; particularly by Mr
Macpherfon and Mr Whitaker. The firft contends
that they are of Caledonian, the latter that they are
of Irilh extra&ion. Each fupports his pofition with
fuch arguments and authorities, that an impartial in¬
quirer is almoft at a lofs which of their opiflions he
ought to efpoufe. What appears moft probable is,
that they are both partly in the right and partly in the
wrong.—The Scots, feem to have been originally
defcended from Britons of the fouth, or from Caledo¬
nians, who being prefied forward by new colonies from
Gaul, till they came to the weftern fliore of Britain,
pafied over from thence into Ireland, probably about
too years before the Chriftian sera. About the year-
of Chrift 320, they returned again into Britain; or at
leaft a large colony of them, under the conduft of
Fergus, and fettled on the weftern coafts of Caledonia,
from whence they had formerly migrated. As early
as the year 340, we find them aflbciated with the Pi<fts
in their expeditions to the Roman province, and for
90 or loo years after, their ravages are frequently
mentioned by the Roman and Britifh writers. {Whita,
ker’s hifl. of the Britons, 284).
Tiie territory of the ancient Scots, before the
nexation of Pi£Iavia, comprehended all that fide of Scotland.
Caledonia which lies along the north and weftern 3 J
ocean, from the frith of Clyde to the Orkneys. To-Extent of
wards the eaft, their dominions were divided from the territory'
Piftifh territories by thofe high mountains which run
from Dumbarton to the frith of Tain.—In procefs of
time the Scots, under the reign of Kenneth the fon of
Alpin, became fo powerful as to fubdue entirely their
neighbours the Pidts, and gave their own denomination
to all Caledonia, Pidlavia, and Valentia ; all which
are ftill comprehended under the general name of Scot-
land.
Like thofe of all other nations, the hiftorians of Scot¬
land affutne too great an antiquity for their country¬
men ; however, they are much lefs extravagant in this
refpedi than many others. By them the reign of
Fergus, the firft Scots monarch, is placed in 330 B. C. ^ ^
He was the fon of Ferchard an Irifh prince; and >3finking of
faid to have been called into Scotland by the Cale- Scotland,
donians to affift them againft the fouthern Britons,
with whom they were then at war. Having landed
on one of the JEbudas or weftern ifles, he had a con¬
ference with the Caledonians, whofe language and
manners he found to be the fame with tbofe of his
countrymen. Plaving then landed in Scotland, and
taken the field at the head of his new allies, he en¬
gaged the Britons under their king Coilus. Viftory
declared in favour of the Scots; Coilus was defeated
and killed, and from him the province of Kyle firft
received its name. After this Fergus was declared
king of the Scots, with the folemnity of an oath. But
he did not long enjoy his new dignity : for having been
recalled to Ireland to quiet fome commotions there,
he was drowned, by a fudden tempeft, on his return, at
a place in Ireland called from him Knock-Fergus, or
Garrick-Fergus ; i. e. Fergus’s Rock.
Fergus was fucceeded by his brother Feritharis, to
the prejudice of his two fons Ferlegus and Mainus. 0o]jafei.aj
This, we are told by the ancient Scottilh writers, was fucceffion
done in conformity to a law, by which it was ordained; i‘! “fe
that whiltt the children of their kings were infants; ft®'
one of their relations who was reckoned the moft fitsc
for the government Ihould be raifed to the throne, but
that after his death the fovereignty Ihould return to
the fons of the former king-. This was the cafe at pre-
fent ; however, Ferlegus, impatient for the crown,
made a formal demand of it from his uncle. The dif-
pute being referred to an aflembiy of the ftates, Feri¬
tharis was confirmed on the throne; and Ferlegus
would have been condemned for fedition, had not his
uncle interpofed. However, he was imprifoned ; but
having made his efcape, he fled firft to the Pidts, and
then to the Britons, in order to excite them againft
Feritharis. With both he failed in accomplifhing his
purpofe: but in the meantime his uncle being {tabbed
in his bed, the fufpicion fell upon Ferlegus, who was
thereupon fet afide from the fucceffion, and died in
obfeurity, the throne being conferred upon his brother
Mainus.
The reigns of Mainus, Dornadil, and Nothat, afford
nothing remarkable, excepting that Donadil, who was
a great hunter, inftituted the laws of hunting in this
country. Nothat was killed in a battle with Reuther
his nephew; upon which the latter was immediately
SCO
Scotland, invefted with the fovereignty.
in which both parties were reduced to the laft extre¬
mity, and glad at length to conclude a peace. The fate
of Reuther is not known; but it is generally fuppofed
that he ended his life in the year 187 B. C.
The reigns of Reutha, Thereus, Jafina, and Fin¬
nan, afford no remarkable tranfa&ions, excepting that
under the laft we find the firft beginnings of the Scot-
tifli parliament ; as he enaded, that kings (hould do
nothing without the confent of their grand council.—
After him followed Durftus, Even, and Gillus, whofe
reigns afford nothing of confequence. Even II. the
nephew of Finnan, who fucceeded Gillus, is faid to
have built the towns of Innerlochy and Invernefs. He
overcame Belus king of the Orkneys, who had in¬
vaded Scotland ; and was fucceeded by his fon Eder,
in whofe time Julius Caefar invaded the fouthern parts
e of this ifland. Eder is faid to have afiifted the Bri-
lons^feiw1" tons aga'n^ conunon enemy. He was fucceeded,
concerning after a reign of 48 years, by his fon Even III. who
marriages, is reprefented as a monfter of cruelty and luft. Not
content with having too noble concubines of his own,
he made a law that a man might marry as many wives
^s hecould maintain ; and that the king fhould have the
.firft night with every noble bride, and the nobles the
like with the daughters of their tenants. Nor was he
lefs remarkable for his cruelty and rapacioufnefs, which
at laft occafioned a rebellion; and Even was dethroned,
imprifoned, and put to death.
We meet with nothing memorable in the hiftory of
Scotland from this time to that of Agricola, excepting
•that the famous Caraftacus, who was carried prifoner
to Rome, is faid to have been one of the Scottifh mo-
narchs; which, however, feems not very probable, as
:the Romans in his time had not penetrated near fo far
•Invafion of as Scotland. The invafion of Agricola happened du-
Scotland by rjng tpie rc;ign 0f Corbred, called by the Roman hifto-
A^ncola. r;ans Qalgacus, Agricola having completed the con-
queft of the fouthern parts, and in a great meafure ci¬
vilized the inhabitants, formed a like plan with regard
to Scotland. It is probable, that at this time the
Caledonians or Scots were rendered more formidable
than ever they had been, by the acceflion of great
[ 6990 ] SCO
A bloody war enfued, the people whom Agricola conquered had never be- Scotland,
fore been known to the Romans.
Agricola ftill purfued the fame prudent meafures by
which he had already fecured the pofieffion of fuch a
large tra& of country, that is, advancing but flowly,
and building forts as he advanced, in order to keep the
people in obedience. The Scots, though commanded
by their king who is faid to have been well accquainted
with the manner of fighting and difcipline of the Ro¬
mans, were yet obliged to retreat; but at Jaft, finding
that the enemy made fuch progrefs as endangered the
fubjugation of the whole country, he refolved to cut
off their communication with the fouthern parts, and
likewife to prevent all poflibility of a retreat by fea.
Agricola, though folicited by fome of his officers, re¬
futed to retreat; but divided his troops into three bo¬
dies, having a communication with each other. Upon
this, Galgacus refolved to attack the weakeft of the
three, which confifted only of the ninth legion, and
lay at that time, as is faid, at a place called Lahore,
about two miles from Loch-Leven in Fife. The at¬
tack was made in the night: and as the Romans were
both unprepared and inferior in number, the Scots pe¬
netrated into the heart of their camp, and were making
a great (laughter, when Agricola detached fome light¬
armed troops to their affiltance ; by whom the Cale¬
donians in their turn were routed, and forced to fly to
the marfties and inacceffible places, where the enemy
could not follow them.
This engagement has been magnified by the Roman
hiftorians into a viftory, though it can fcarce be ad¬
mitted from the teftimonies of other hiftorians. The
Romam, however, certainly advanced very confider- Grcafvic-
ably, and the Scots as conftantly retreated, till they tory gained
came to the foot of the Grampian mountains, where by the Ra¬
the Caledonians refolved to make their laft ftand. Inmans*
the eighth year of the war, Agricola advanced to the
foot of the mountains, where he found the enemy ready
to receive him. Tacitus has given us a fpeech of
Galgacus, which he has undoubtedly fabricated for him,
in which he fets forth the afpiring difpofition of the
Romans, and encourages his countrymen to defend
themfelves vigorouflyas knowing that every thing va^
numbers from the fouth; for though the Romans had luable was at flake. A defperate engagement ac-
civilized the greateft part, it cannot be doubted that
many of thofe favage warriors, difdaining the pleafures
of a peaceable life, would retire to the northward,
where the martial difpofition of the Scots would bet¬
ter fuit their inclination. The utmoft efforts of va¬
lour, however, were not proof againft the difcipline
of the Roman troops and the experience of their com¬
mander. In the third year Agricola had penetrated
as far as the river Tay; but the particulars of his pro¬
grefs are not recorded. The following year he built
a line of forts between the friths of Forth and Clyde,
to exclude the Caledonians from the fouthern parts of
the ifland; and the year after, he fubdued thofe parts
which lay to the fouth and weft of his forts, namely,
the counties of Galloway, Cantyre, and Argyle, which
at that time were inhabited by a people called Cangi,
.though fome hiftoriarfs place thefe as far fouth as Che-
jhire in England, and the north part of Wales. This
fuppofition, however, can fcarcely be admitted, when
rwe confider that Tacitus exprcfsly informs us, that
cordingly enfued. In the beginning, the Britons had
the advantage, by the dexterous management of their
bucklers: but Agricola having ordered three Tungrian
and two Batavian cohorts, armed with (hort fwords,
and emboffed bucklers terminating in a point, to at¬
tack the Scots, who were armed with long fwords, the
latter foon found thefe weapons ufelefs in a clofe en¬
counter ; and as their bucklers only covered a fmali
part of their bodies, they were eafily cut in pieces by
their adverfaries. The moft forward of their cavalry
and charioteers fell back upon their infantry, and dif-
ordered the centre: but, the Britons endeavouring to
out-flank their enemies, the Roman general oppofed
them with his horfe; and the Caledonians were at lafl:
routed with great (laughter, and forced to fly into the
woods, whither the Romans purfued with fo little
caution that numbers of them were cut off. Agricola,
however, having ordered his troops to proceed more re¬
gularly, prevented the Scots from attacking and cutting
off his men in feparate parties as they had expe&ed;
fo
SCO [ 6991 ] SCO
Scotland, fo that this vi&ory proved the greateft ftroke to the
' Caledonians that thejrhad hitherto received. This battle
is fuppofed by Tome to have been fought in Strathern,
half a mile fouth from the kirk of Comerie; but others
imagine the place to have been near Fortingal-Camp,
a place fomewhat farther on the other fide of the Tay.
Great as this vi&ory was, it feems not to have been
productive of any folid or lading advantage to the Ro¬
mans; fince we find that Agricola, inftead of putting
an end to the war by the immediate conqueft of all
Caledonia, retreated into the country of the Forefti,
commonly fuppofed to be Forfarfhire, though others
imagine it to have been the county of Fife. Here he
received hoftages from part of the Caledonians; and
ordered part of his fleet to fail round Britain, that
they might difcover whether it was an ifland or a con¬
tinent. The Romans no fooner had left that part of
the country, than the Caledonians demolifhed all the
forts they had raifed: and Agricola being foon after
recalled by Domitian, the further progrefs of the Ro¬
man arms was flopped; Galgacus proving fuperior to
any of the fucceflbrs of that general.
From the time of Agricola to that of Adrian, we
know little of the affairs of Scotland, excepting that
during this interval the Scots iriuft have entirely driven
the Romans out of their country, and reconquered all
9 that tract which lay between Agricola’s chain of forts
^ Adrian ani^ Carlifle on the weft, and Newcaftle or Tinmouth-
J * Bar on the eaft; which Adrian, on vjfiting Britain,
thought proper to fix as the northern boundary of the
Roman dominions. Here he built a wall of turf be¬
tween the mouth of the Tine and the Solway frith, with
a view to (bout out the barbarians; which, however,
did not anfwer the purpofe, nor indeed could it be
thought to do fo, as it was only built of turf, and
guarded by uo more than 18,000 men, who could not
be fuppofed a fufficient force to defend fuch an extent
of fortification.
On the departure of Adrian, he left Julius Severus as
his lieutenant : but this man, though one the greateft
commanders of his age, did not carry his arms to the
northward of Adrian’s wall ; and this long interval of
peace gave fo much fecurity to Mogold the Scottifh
monarch, that he degenerated into a tyrant, and was
murdered by fome of his noblemen. The only inftance
of his tyranny which is produced, however, is a law by
which it was enafted, that the eftates of fuch as were
condemned (hould be forfeited to his exchequer, with¬
out any part thereof being allotted to their wives and
children ; an aft which fubfifts almoft in its full force
to this day in Great Britain and the belt regulated
European governments.
In the reign of Antoninus Pius, the propraetor Lol-
Jius Urbius drove the Scots far to the northward,
and repaired the chain of forts built by Agricola, which
lay between the Carron on the Frith of Forth and
Dunglafs on the Clyde. Thefe were joined together
by turf walls, and formed a much better defence than
the wall of Adrian. However, after the death of An¬
toninus, Commodus having recalled Calpurnius*Agri¬
cola, an able commander, who kept the Scots in awe,
a more dangerous war broke out than bad ever been
experienced by the Romans in that quarter.. The
Scots having paffed the wall, put all the P^oma'iis they
couldmeet with tQthefword vbuUhey wcrefoonrepulfcd
by Ulpius Marcellus, a general of confummate abilities, Scotland.
whom Commodus fent into the ifland.—In a fliort  
time the tyrant alfo recalled this able commander. Af¬
ter his departure the Roman difcipline in Britain fuf-
fered a total relaxation; the foldiery grew mutinous,
and great diforders enfued: but thefe were all happily
removed by the arrival of Clodius Albinus,. a perfon
of great Hull and experience in military affairs. His
prefence for fome time reftrained the Scots within pro¬
per bounds: but a civil war breaking out between
him and Severus, Albinns croffed over to the continent
with the greateft part of the Roman forces in Britain ;■
and meeting his antagonift at Lyons, a dreadful battle
enfued, in which Albinus was mterly defeated, and his
army cut in pieces. See Rome n° 375.
The abfence of the Roman forces gave encourage-\yar/of
ment to the Scots to renew their depredations, which Severus
they did with fuch fuccefs, that the emperor be- with the
came apprehenfivc of lofing the whole ifland ; onScots"
which determined to go in perfon and quell thefe.
troublefome enemies. The army he colle&ed upon this'
occafion was far more numerous than any the Romans
had ever fent into Britain; and being commanded by
fuch an able general as Severus, it may eafily be fup¬
pofed that the Scots muft have beeen very hard pref-
fed. The particulars of this important expedition are
very imperfedly related; however, we are afiTured that
Severus loft a vaft number of men, it is faid not lefa
than 50,000, in his march through Scotland. Not-
withftanding, he penetrated, it is faid,. to the moft nor¬
thern extremity of the ifland, and obliged the enemy to
yield up their arms. On his return, he built a much
Itronger fortification to fecure the frontiers againft the,
enemy than had ever had been done befbre, and which
in fome places coincided with Adrian’s wall, but ex¬
tended farther at each end. But in the mean time the
Scots, provoked by the brutality of the emperor’s fon
Caracalla, whom he had left regent in his abfence,
again took arms: on which Severus himfelf took the field,
with a defign, as it would feem, to extirpate the whole
nation ; for he gave orders to his foldiers “ not to
fpare even child in the mother’s belly.” The event of
his furious declaration is unknown: but in all proba¬
bility the death of the emperor,, which happened foon:
after, put a Hop to the execution of this revenge; and it
is certain that his Ton Caracalla, who fucceeded Seve¬
rus, ratified the peace with the Scots.
During all thefe important tranfadfions, Scotland was
governed by Donald I. who is faid to have been the
firft Chriftian king of this country. From him to the
time, of Eugene I. no remarkable occurrence offers ;
but under the latter the Roman and Pidtilh forces were
united againft the Scots. The Pids were commmand-
ed by their king named Hargnji; and the Romans by
Maximus, who murdered Valentinian III. and after- rr
wards affumed the empire*. The allies defeated Eu- Expuition
gene in the county of Galloway; but Maximus being°}f t^ea®;c“t*'
obliged to return fouthward’on account of an infurrec-mus.
tion, the Piets were in their turn defeated by the * See & me,
Scots. Next year, however, Maximus marched againft P0
the Scots; whobeingnowreducedtoextremity, brought
into the field not only all the men capable of bearing
arms, but the women alfo. In this engagement the
Piets would have been utterly defeated, had not they
been fupported by the Romans;, but Eugene being,
killed.
SCO [ 6992 ] SCO
Scotland, killed, with the greateft part of his nobility, the Scots
  were defeated; and fo well did the conquerors improve
their vi&ory, that their antagonifts were at laft totally
driven out of the country. Some of them took refuge
in the the iEbudae iflands, and fome in Scandinavia
and Ireland, from whence they made frequent defcents
upon Scotland. The Pi&s were at firlt mightily
pleafed with the victory they had gained over their
antagonifts: but being commanded to adopt the laws
of the Romans, and to choofc no king who was not
fent them from Rome, they began to repent of their
having contributed to the expulfion of the Scots; and
ia in the year 421, when Ataulphus king of the Goths
They return fent over a body of exiled Scots to Britain, under Fer-
under Fer- gus a defcendant of the royal family of Scotland, the
<>us ll. Pifts immediately joined them againft the common
enemy. The confequence of this was, that the Britons
were pufhed to the lad extremity ; and the Romans
being obliged, on account of the inundation of nor¬
thern Barbarians who poured in upon them, to recall
their forces from Britain, the inhabitants were redu¬
ced to the mod miferable fituation that can be ima¬
gined. In the time of Fergus II. they were obliged
to give up all the country which lies to the north of
Adrian’s wall; and in the reign of Grimus or Graham,
the fucceffor of Fergus, they were obliged to write that
remarkable letter to Rome, intitled “ The groans of the
f See E>ig~ Britons f.” This however, not being attended with
land,{a017. fuccefs, the Britons were obliged to call in the Saxons
to their affidance. By thefe new allies the Scots were
defeated in a great battle, and their king (Eugene)
drowned in the river Humber; which put a flop for
fome time to thefe incurfions.
Hitherto we have feen the Scots very formidable
enemies to the foutherrt Britons. But when the Saxons
became the enemies of the Britons, the Scots joined
in a drift alliance with the latter; and the famous king
Arthur is faid to have been aflided by the Scots in all
his battles with the Saxons: neither does it appear that
this league was ever was diffblved again, though the
united efforts of the Scots and Britons were notfufficient
to preferve the independency of the latter.
13 The next remarkable event in the hidory of Scotland
War with ;s tjie war w;tj, the Piflg, which took place in the
x e ninth century. The occafion of the quarrel was, that
Dongal king of Scotland pretended a right to the
Piftilh throne; which, however, was rejefled by the
Pifts: upon which both parties had recourfe to arms;
but when every thing was ready for the campaign,
Dongal was drowned in crofling the river Spey.
At this time the dominions of the Scots com¬
prehended the wedern iflands, together with the coun¬
ties of Argyle, Knapdale, Kyle, Kintyre, Lochaber,
and a part of Braidalbane; while the Pifts pofiefled
all the red of Scotland, and part of Northumberland ;
fo that the Pidls feem to have been by much
the mod powerful people of the two. However, the
Scots appear to have been fuperior in military fleill;
for Alpin, the fucteflbr of Dongal, having engaged
the Piftith army near Forfar, after an obdinate engage¬
ment defeated them, and killed their king, though not
without the lofs of a great number of his own men.
The Pifts chofe Brudus, the fon of their former king,
to fucceedhim; but foon after depofed and put him to
death, on account of his ftupidity and indolence. His
brother Kenneth (hared the fame fate on account of Scotland. 1
his cowardice; till at lad another Brudus, a brave and  ”
fpirited prince, afcended the throne. Having raifed a
powerful army, he began with offering terms of peace
to the Scots; which, however, Alpin rejefted, and
infided upon a total furrender of his crown. Brudus
on this endeavoured to procure the afiidance of Edwin
king of Northumberland. Edwin accepted the money;
but pretending to be engaged in other wars, he rcfufed
the aflidance which he atfird promifed. Brudus, not
difmayed by this difappeintment, marched refolutely
againd his enemies; and the two armies came to an
engagement near Dundee. The fuperior (kill of the
Scots in military affairs was about to have decided
the viftory in their favour, when Brudus bethought
himfelf of the following dratagem to preferve his army
from dedruftion. He caufed all the attendants, and
even the women who attended his army, to affcmble and
(hewthemfelves at adidanceas apowerful reinforcement
coming to the Pifts. This druck the Scots with fuch The Scots I
a panic, that all the efforts of Alpin could not recover‘lefeatecl l
them ; and they were accordingly defeated with great ?1?,<?tje k!nS 1
(laughter. Alpin himfelf was taken prifoner, and 1 6
foon after beheaded by order of the conqueror. This
execution happened at a place now called Pit-alpy%
but in former times Bas-alpin, which in the Gaelic
language fignifies the death of Alpin. His head was
afterwards duck upon a pole, and expofed on a wall.
Alpin was fucceeded by his fon Kenneth II. who
being a brave and enterprifing prince, refolved to take
a mod fevere revenge for his father’s death. The
Scots, however, were fo difpirited by their late defeat,
that they were exceedingly averfe to any renewal of
the war: while, on the other hand, the Pifts were fo
much elated, that they made a law by which it be-
came death for any man to propofe peace with the
Scots, whom they refolved to exterminate ; and fome
of the nobility were expelled the council on account of
their oppofiiion to this law. The confequence of this
was, that civil diffenfions took place among them, and
a bloody battle was fought between the oppofite parties
before the Scots had thought of making any farther
refidance. *
By thefe didraftions Brudus, who had in vain en¬
deavoured to appeafe them, was fo much affefted, that
he died of grief; and was fucceeded by his brother
Drulken.—The new prince alfo failed in his endea¬
vours to accommodate the civil differences: fo that the
Scots, by gaining fo much refpite, at lad began to re¬
cover from their confternation; and fome of them
having ventured into the Pifti/h territories, carried off
Alpin’s head from the capital of their dominions, fup-
pofed to have been Abernethy. In the mean time
Kenneth found means to gain over the nobility to his
fide by the following ftratagem; which, however ridi¬
culous, is not incredible, if we confider the barbarifm 15
and fuperftition of that age. Having invited them to Stratagem |
an intertainment, the king introduced into the ballof Ke,u,e'j P
where they flept, a perfon cloathed in a robe made of^arrene j I
the (kins of fiflies, which made fuch a luminous appear¬
ance in the dark, that he was miftaken for an angel or
fome fupernatural meffenger. To add to the terror of
thofe vvhofaw him, he denounced, through a fpeaking
trumpet, the moll terrible judgements, if war was not
immediately declared againd the Pifts, the murderers
of
SCO [ 696t ] SCO
Scotfimd. of the late king. In confequence of this celeftial ad-
monition, war was immediately renewed with great
vigour. The Pifts were not deficient in their prepa¬
rations, and had now procured fome afiiftance from
England. The firfl: battle was fought near Stirling ;
where the Pi&s, being deferted by their Englifh auxi¬
liaries, were utterly defeated. Druflcen efcaped by
the fwiftnefs of his horfe, and a few days after made
application to Kenneth for a ceffation of hoftitilities ;
but as the Scottilh monarch demanded a furrender of all
the Pi&ifh dominions, the treaty was inftantly broken
off. Kenneth purfued his good fortune, and conquered
the counties of Merns, Angus, and Fife; but as he
inarched againft Stirling, he received intelligence that
thefe counties had again revolted and cut off all the
garrifons which he had left, and that Drufken was at
the head of a confiderable army in thefe parts. On
this Kenneth haftened to oppofe him, and a negocia-
tion again took place. The refult was equally unfa¬
vourable with the reft. Kenneth infifted on an abfo-
lutc furrender of the counties of Fife, Merns, and
Angus; which being refufed, both parties prepared
for a decifive battle. The engagement was very bloody
and defperate, the Pifts fighting like men in defpair.
Drulken renewed the battle feven times; but at laft
was entirely defeated and killed, and the counties in
difpute became the immediate property of the con¬
queror.
Kenneth did not fail to improve his vi&ory, by re¬
ducing the reft of the Piflifh territories; which he is
faid to have done with the greateft cruelty, and even
to have totally exterminated the inhabitants. The
capital, called Camelon, (fuppofed to have been Aber-
nethy), held out four months; but was at laft taken by
furprife, and every living creature deftroyed. This
was followed by the redu&ion of the Maiden Cattle,
now that of Edinburgh; which was abandoned by the
garrifon, who fled to Northumberland.
After the redudfion of thefe important places, the
reft of the country made no great refiftance, and Ken¬
neth became mafter of all the kingdom of Scotland in
the prefent extent of the word; fo that he is juftly to
be adeemed the true founder of the Scottilh monarchy.
Befides this war with the Pidls, Kenneth is faid to
have been fuccefsful againft the Saxons, though of
thefe wars we have very little account. Having
reigned 16 years in peace after his fubjugation of the
Pidis, and compofed a code of laws for the good of
his people, Kenneth died of a fiftula, at Fort Teviot,
near Dupplin in Peftbflu're. Before his time the feat
of Scots government had been in Argylefliire; but he
removed it to Scone, by transferring thither the famous
black ftone fuppofed to be the palladium of Scotland,
and which was afterwards carried off by Edward I.
of England, and lodged in Weftminfter abbey.
Kenneth was fucceeded by his brother Donald, who
is reprefented as a man of the worft charadter; fothat
the remaining Pidfs who had fled out of Scotland were
encouraged to apply to the Saxons for affiftance, pro-
\ mifing to make Scotland tributary to the Saxon power
after it fhould be conquered. This propofal was ac¬
cepted ; and the confederates invaded Scotland with a
powerful army, and took the town of Berwick; how¬
ever, they were foon after defeated by Donald, who
took alfo their (hips and provifions. This capture
Vol. IX. I
proved their fuia ; for fome of the fhips being loaden Scotland,
with wine, the Scots indulged themfelves fo much
with that liquor, that they became incapable of de¬
fending themfelves; the confequenee of this was, that
the confederates rallying their troops, attacked them in jS
that ftate of intoxication. The Scots were defeated Tfo Scots
with exceffive flaughter. Twenty thoufand of theaxons!
common foldiers lay dead on the fpot; the king and
his principal nobility were taken prifoners ; and all
the country from the Tweed to the Forth became the
property of the conquerors. Still, however, the con¬
federates found themfelves unable to purfue their vic¬
tory farther; and a peace was concluded, on condition
that the Saxons fliould become matters of all the con¬
quered country. Thus the Forth and Clyde became
the fouthern boundaries of the Scottifh dominions. It
was agreed that the Forth fhould from that time for¬
ward be called the Scots Sea; and it was made capital
for any Scotfman to fet his foot on Englifh ground.
They were to eredt no forts near the Englifh confines,
to pay an annual tribute of a thoufand pounds, and to
give up 60 fons of their chief nobility as hoftages.
A mint was eredted by the Saxon prince named Of-
breth, at Stirling; and a crofs raifed on the bridge at
that place, with the following infeription, implying
that this place was the boundary between Scotland
and England;
Anglos a Scotis feparat crux ijla remits :
Arma hie Jlant Bruti, Jlant Scoti fub hac cruce tntu
After the conclufion of this treaty, fo humiliating to
the Scots, the Pidfs, finding that their intereft had
been entirely negledted, fled to Norway, while thofe
who remained in England were maffacred. Donald
(hared the common fate of unfortunate princes, being
dethroned and fhut up in prifon, where he at laft put
an end to his own life in the year 858.—In juftice to
this unhappy monarch, however, it muft be obferved,
that the charadber of Donald, and indeed the whole
account of thefe tranfadbions, refts on the credit of a
Angle author, namely Boece; and that other writers
reprefent Donald as a hero, and fuccefsful in his wars:
but the obfeurity in which the whole of this period of
Scottifh hiftory is involved, renders it impoflible to
determine any thing fatisfadbory concerning thefe mat¬
ters.
Donald was fucceeded by his nephew Conftantine,
the Son of Kenneth Mac Alpin, in whofe reign Scot¬
land was firft invaded by the Danes, who proved fuch
formidable enemies to the Englifh. This invafion is
faid to have been occafioned by fome exiled Pidbs who
fled to Denmark, where they prevailed upon the king J7
of that country to fend his two brothers, Hungar and And by th*
Hubbd’, to recover the Pidbifh dominions from Con- Dane*/
ftantine. Thefe princes landed on the coaft of Fife,
where they committed the moft horrid barbarities, not
{paring even the ecckfiaftics who had taken refuge in
the ifland of May at the mouth of the Forth. Con¬
ftantine defeated one of the Danifh armies commanded
by Hubba, near the water of Leven ; but was himfelf
defeated and taken prifoner by Hungar, who caufed
him to be beheaded at a place fince called the DeviRs
Cave, in the year 874.
This unfortunate adion coft the Scots 10,000 men:
but the Danes feem not to have purchafeJ their
vidory very eafily, as they were obliged immediately
39 F after-
SCO
Scotland, afterwards to abandon their conquers, and retire to
their own country. However, the many Danifli monu¬
ments that are (till to be feen in Fife, leave no room
to doubt that many bloody fcenes have been a&ed
here between the Scots and Danes beGdes that above-
mentioned.
Canttantine was fucceeded by his brother Eth, fur-
named the Swift-footed, from his agility. Concerning
him we Gnd nothing memorable; indeed the accounts
are fo confufed and contradictory, that it is impofiible
to form any deciGve opinion concerning the tranfac-
tions of this reign. All agree, however, that it was
but fhort; and that he was fucceeded by Gregory the
Exploits offon Dongal, cotemporory with Alfred of England,
Gregorytheand that both princes defervedly acquired the name of
«reat. Great. The Danes at their departure had left the
PiCts in pofTeffion of Fife. Againft them Gregory
immediately marched, and quickly drove them into
the north of England, where their confederates were
already mailers of Northumberland and York. In
their way thither they threw a garrifon into the town
of Berwick; but this was prefently reduced by Gregory,
•who put to the fword all the Danes, but fpared the
Jives of the Pifts. From Berwick Gregory purfued the
Danes into Northumberland, where he defeated them;
and pafied the winter in Berwick. He then marched
againft the Cumbrians, who being moftly Pifts, were
in alliance with the Danes. Them he eaGly overcame,
and obliged to yield up all the lands they had formerly
poffeffed belonging to the Scots, at the fame time that
he agreed to proteCt them from the power of the
Danes. In a (hort time, however, Conftantine the
king of the Cumbrians violated the convention he had
made, and invaded Annandale; but was defeated and
killed by Gregory near Lochmaben. After this vic¬
tory Gregory entirely reduced the counties of Cum¬
berland and Weftmoreland, which, it is faid, were
ceded to him by Alfred the Great; and indeed the
fituation of Alfred’s affairs at this time renders fuch a
cefiion by no means improbable.
We next find Gregory engaged in a war with the
Irifh, on account of his fupporting Donach, ah Irifti
prince, againft two rebellious noblemen. The Irilh
were the firft aggreffors, and invaded Galloway ; but
being repulfed with great lofs, Gregory went over to
Ireland in perfon, where the two chieftains who had
been enemies to each other before, now joined their
forces in order* to oppofe the common enemy. The
firft engagement proved fatal to one of their chiefs
named Brian, who was killed with a great number of
his followers. After this viftory Gregory reduced
Dundalk and Drogheda. On his way to Dublin, he
was oppofed by a chieftain named Cornell, who fhared
the fate of his confederate ; being alfo killed, and his
army entirely defeated. Gregory then became guar¬
dian to the young prince whom he came to affift, ap¬
pointed a regency, and obliged them to fwear that
that they would never admit into the country either a
Dane or an Englifhman without his confent. Ha¬
ving then placed garrifons in the ftrongeft fortreffes, he
returned to Scotland, where he built the city of
Aberdeen; and died in the year 892, at his caftle of
Dundore in the Garioch.
>Bonalct III. Gregory was fucceeded by Donald III. the fon of
Coaftantine, who imitated the virtues of his f redccef-
s c o
for. At that time the Scots hiftorians imanimoufly Scotland,
agree that Northumberland was in the hands of their ”
countrymen; while the Englifh as unanimoufly affirm,
that itwasfubje£I to the Danes, who paid homage to
Alfred. Be this as it will, however, Donald conti¬
nued to live on good terms with the Englifh monarch,
and fent him a body of forces, who proved of confider-
able advantage to him in his wars with the Danes.
The reign of Donald was but fhort ; for having
marched againft fome robbers, (probably no other
than the Danes) who had invaded and ravaged the
counties of Murray and Rofs, he died at Forres
foon after having defeated and fubdued them in the jo |
year 903. He was fucceeded by Conftantine III. the Conftantine
fon of Eth the fwift-footed, concerning whom the
moft remarkable particnlar we find related is his enter-ijance
ing into an alliance with the Danes againft the Eng- the Danes \
lifh. The occafion of this confederacy is faid to have againft |
been, that the Englift monarch, Edward the Elder, Ellglai1?*
finding the Scots in poffeffion of the northern counties
of England, made fuch extravagant demands upon
Conftantine as obliged him to ally with the Danes in
order to preferve his dominions in fecurity. However,
the league fubfifted only for two years; after which,
the Danes found it more for their advantage to refume
their ancient friendfhip with the Englifh.
As foon as Conftantine had concluded the treaty
with the Danes, he appointed the prefumptive heir to
the Scottifh crown, Malcolm, or, according to fome,
Eugene the fon of the late king Donald, prince of the
fouthern counties, on condition of his defending them
againft the attacks of the Englifh. The young prince
had foon an opportunity of exerting his valour: but not
behaving with the requifite caution, he had the mif-
fortune to be defeated, with the lofs of almoft all his
army, he himfelf being carried wounded out of the field;
and in confequence of this difafter, Conftantine was
obliged to do homage to Edward for the poffelfions he
had to the Southward of the Scots boundary.
In the beginning of the reign of Athelftan the fon
of Edward the Elder, the northern Danes were en¬
couraged by fome confpiracies formed againft that
monarch, to throw off the yoke; and their fuccefs was
fuch, that Athelftan thought proper to enter into a
treaty with Sithric the Danifh chief, and to give him
his daughter in marriage. Sithric, however, did not
long furvive his nuptials ; and his fon Guthred, en¬
deavouring to throw off the Englifh yoke, was de¬
feated, and obliged to fly into Scotland. This brought
on a feries of hoftilities between the Scots and Englifh,
which in the year 938 iffued in a general engagements
At this time the Scots, Irifh, Cumbrians, and Danes,
were confederated againft the Englifh. The Scots
were commanded by their king Conftantine, the
Irifh by Anlaf the brother of Guthred the Danifh
prince, the Cumbrians by their own foverign, and the
Danes by Froda. The generals of Athelftan were
Edmund his brother, and Torketil his favourite.
The Englifh attacked the entrenchments of the con¬
federates, where the chief refiftance they met with
was from the Scots. Conftantine was in the utmoft
danger of being killed or taken prifoner, but was re- j **. j*;
feued by the bravery of his foldiers: however, afterI
a moft: obftinate engagement, the confederates were the Eng-jn
defeated with fuch flaughter, that the Haia are faid to life. F
have
[ 6994 ]
SCO
Scotland, have been innumerable. The confequence of this
‘vi&ory was, that the Scots were deprived of all their
pofieffions to the fouthward of the Forth ; and Con-
ftantine, quite difpirited with his misfortune, refigned
the crown to Malcolm, and retired to the monaftery
of the Culdees at St Andrews, where he died five
years after in 943.
The diflreffes which the Englifh fuftatned in their
fubfequent wars with the Danes gave the Scots an
opportunity of retrieving their affairs; and in the year
944, we find Malcolm, the fucceffor of Conftantine, in-
veded with the fovereignty of Northumberland, on con¬
dition of his holding jt as fief of the crown of England,
and affifting in defence of the northern border. Soon
after the conclufion of this treaty Malcolm died, and
was fucceeded by his fon Indulfus. In his reign the
Danes became extremely formidable by their invafions,
New hiv w^'c^ they now renewed with greater fury than ever,
ho^the^ exafperated by the friendfhip fubfifting between
Danes. the Scots and Englifh monarchs. Their firfl defent
was upon Eaft Lothian, where they were foon expell¬
ed, but crofled over to Fife. Here they were a fecond
time defeated, and driven out; and fo well had Indul¬
fus taken care to guard the coafts, that they could not
find an opportunity of landing ; till having feemed to
fleer towards their own country, the Scots were thrown
off their guard, and the Danes on a fudden made
good their landing at Cullen in Banffshire. Here
Indulfus foon came up with them, attacked their
camp, and drove them towards their fhips; but was
killed in an ambufcade, into which he fell during the
purfuit. He was fucceed by Duffus, to whom hifto-
rians give an excellent chara&er; but, after a reign of
five years, he was murdered, in the year 965. He
was fucceeded by Culeu the fon of Indulfus, who had
been nominated prince of Cumberland in his father’s
life-time, as heir apparent to the throne. He is repre-
fented as a very degenerate prince; and is faid to have
given bimfelf up to fenfuality in a manner almoft in¬
credible, being guilty of incontinence not only with
women of all ranks, but even with his own fitters and
daughters. The people in the mean time were fleeced,
in order to fupport the extravagance and luxury of
their prince. In confequence of this, an affembly of
the ftates was convened at Scone for the refettling of
the government; but on his way thither Culen was
affaffinated, near the village of Methven, by Rohard,
thane or fheriff of Fife, whofe daughter the king had
debauched.
Kenneth III The provocations which Culen had given to his
wife and nobility feem to have rendered them totally untrac-
yaliant tab]e
and licentious; which gave an occafion to a re-
Iprince. markable revolution in the reign of Kenneth III.
who fucceeded Culen. This prince, being a man of
great refolution, began with relieving the common
people from the oppreffions' of" the nobility, which
llg, were now intolerable; and this plan he purfued with
fo much fuccefs, that, having nothing to fear from the
great barons, he ordered them to appear before him
at Lanerk ; but the greateft part, confcious of their
1 demerits, did not attend. The king fo well diffembled
his difpleafure, that thofe who came were quite charmed
with his affability, and the noble entertainment he gave
them; in confequence of which, when an affembly was
called next year, the guilty were encouraged to appear
SCo
as well as the innocent. No fooner had this affembly dcotlai
met, however, than the place of meeting was befet “
with armed men. The king then informed them that
none 4iad any thing to apprehend excepting fuch as
had been notorious offenders ; and thefe he ordered to
be immediately taken into cuflody, telling them, that
their fubmitting to public jnftice mutt be the price of
their liberty. They were obliged to accept the king’s
offer, and the criminals were accordingly puniflxed ac¬
cording to their deferts.
About this time Edgar, king of England, finding
himfelf hard preffed by the Danes, found means to
unite the king of Scotland and the prince of Cumber¬
land along with himfelf in a treaty againft the Danes 5
which gave occafion to a report that Kenneth had be¬
come tributary to the king of England. This, how¬
ever, is utterly denied by all the Scots hiftorians; who
affirm that Kenneth cultivated a good correfpondence
with Edgar, as well becaufe he expedled afiiftance in
defending his coafts, as becaufe he intended entirely
to alter the mode of fucceffion to the throne. About
this time the Danes made a dreadful invafion. Thtir
original intention feems to have been to land on fon «
part of the Englilh coafts ; but finding them, probably,
too well guarded, they landedfat Montrofein Scotland,
committing every where the moft dreadful ravages-.
Kenneth at that time was at Stirling, and quite un¬
prepared; however, having colle&ed an handful of
troops, he cut off many of the enemy as they wers
ftraggling up and down, but could not prevent them
from befieging Perth. Neverthelefs, as the king’s
army conftantly increafed, he refolved to give the
enemy battle. The feene of this adtion was at Lon-
carty, near Perth. The king is faid to have offered
ten pounds in filver, or the value of it in land, for the
head of every Dane which fliould be brought him ;
and an immunity from all taxes to the foldiers w^0j)efe*^ t.
ferved in his army, provided they ftiould be ri&0ri°us: j-,aneSi'
but, notwithftanding the utmoft efforts of the Scots,
their enemies fought fo defperately, that Kenneth’s
army muft have been totally defeated, had not the
fugitives been (topped by a yeoman and his two fons
of the name of Hay, who were coming up to the Rife 0f t{,e
battle, armed with fuch ruftic weapons as their con- family of
dition in life afforded. Buchanan and Boece inform Err°h
us, that thefe country-men were ploughing in a field
hard by the feene of adion, and perceiving that their
countrymen fled, they loofed their oxen, and made
ufe, of the yokes as weapons, with which they firft
obliged their countrymen to ftand, and then annoyed
their enemies. The fight was now renewed with fuch
fury on the part of the Scots, that the Danes were
utterly defeated; and, after the battle, the king re¬
warded Hay with the barony of Errol in the Carfe of
Gowrie, ennobled his family, and gave them an ar¬
morial bearing alluding to the ruftic weapons with
which they had atchieved this glprious exploit.
In the year 994, Kenneth was murdered at the in-Kenneth
ftigation of a lady named Fenella, whofe fon he had munlerei
caufed to be put to death. The murder was perpe¬
trated in Fenella’s caftle, where fhe had perfuaded the
king to pay her a yifit. His attendants waited long
near the place ; but being at length tired out, they
broke open the doors, and found their king murdered:
upon which they laid tffe caftle in allies ; but Fenella
39 F 2 efcapefl
1 6995 ]
SCO [ 6996 ] SCO
Scotland, efcaped by a poftern. ^ The throne was then feized by
=!' an ufurper named Confiantim; who, being killed in
battle after a reign of a year and an half, was fucceed-
ed by Grime the grandfon of king Duffus; and he
again was defeated and killed by Malcolm the fon of
Kenneth, the lawful heir of the Scottilh throne. Af*
ter this vi&ory, however, Malcolm did not immediately
aflame the fovereignty ; but alked the crown from the
nobles, in confequence of a law pafled in the reign of
Kenneth, by which the fucceffion to the throne of
Scotland became hereditary. This they immediately
granted, and Malcolm was accordingly crowned king.
He joined himfelf in ftrift alliance with the king of
England ; and proved fo fucccfsful againft the Danes
in England, that Sweno their king refolved to direft
his whole force againft him by an invafion of Scotland.
His firft attempt, however, proved very unfuccefsful ;
all his foldiers being cut in pieces, except fome few
who efcaped to their fliips, while the lofs of the Scots
amounted to no more than 30 men. But in the mean
time, Duncan, prince of Cumberland, having negleft-
ed to pay his homage to the king of England, the
latter invaded that country in conjunftion with the
Danes. Malcolm took the field againft them, and de¬
feated both ; but while he was thus employed in the
^ fouth, a new army of Danes landed in the north at
The Scots the mouth of the river Spey. Malcolm advanced a-
defeated bygainft them with an army much inferior in number;
the Danes. an(j jjjs men> neglefting every thing but the blind im-
pulfes of fury, were almoft all cut to pieces ; Malcolm
himfelf being defperately wounded.
By this vi&ory the Danes were fo much elated,
that they fent for their wives and children, intending
to fettle in this country. The caftle of Nairn, at that
time thought almoft impregnable, fell into their hands;
and the towns of Elgin and Forres were abandoned
both by their garrifons and inhabitants. The- Scots
were every where treated as a conquered people, and
employed in the molt fervile offices by the haughty
conquerors; who, to render the caftle of Nairn, as they
thought, abfolutely impregnable, cut through the fmall
ifthmus which joined it to the land. All this time, how¬
ever, Malcolm waa raffing forces in the fouthern coun¬
ties ; and having at laft got an an army together, he
came up with the Danes at Murdoch near Balveny,
which appears at this day to have been a ftrong Danifli
fortification. Here he attacked the enemy; but ha¬
ving the misfortune to lofe three of his general officers,
he was again obliged to retreat. However, the Da-
nilh general happening to be killed in the purfuit, the
Scots were encouraged to renew the fight with fuch
Rut defeat v'gour> that they obtained at laft a complete vi&ory;
them in a but fuffered fo much, that they were unable to derive
fecond from it all the advantages which might otherwife have
battle. accrued.
On the news of this ill fuccefs, Sweno ordered two
fleets one from England and another from Norway, Scotland*
to make a defeent upon Scotland, under the com-
mand of Camus, one of his moft renowned generals.
The Danes attempted to land at the mouth of the
Forth; but finding every place there well fortified,
they were obliged to move farther northward, and ef¬
fected their purpofe at Redhead in the county of An¬
gus. The caftle of Brechin was firft befieged ; but
meeting with a ftout refiftance there, they laid the
town and church in allies. From thence they advanced
to the village of Panbride, and encamped at a place
called Karboddo. Malcolm in the mean time was at 1£)
band with his army and encamped at a place called The Danes ;
Barr, in the neighbourhood of which both parties pre- again de- 1
pared to decide the fate of Scotland; for as Moray
and the northern provinces were already in the poflef-
fion of the Danes, it was evident that a vi&ory at this
time muft put them in pofleffion of the whole. The
engagement was defperate, and fo bloody, that the ri¬
vulet which proceeds from Loch Tay is faid to have had
its water dyed with the blood of the flain; but at laft
the Danes gave way and fled. There was at that time
in the army of Malcolm, a young prince of the name
of Keith (a). He purfued Camus; and having over-R.ft tfJ ?
taken him, engaged and killed him; but anotherfamiiy 0f I
Scots officer coming up at the fame time, difputed with Keiih. j
Keith the glory of the a&ion. While the difpute
lafted, Malcolm came up 5 who fuffered them to decide
it by fingle combat. In this fecond combat Keith
proved alfo vi&orious, and killed his antagonift. The
dying perfon confefied the juftice of Keith’s claim ;
and Malcolm dipping his finger in his blood marked
the fhield of Keith with three ttrokes, pronouncing the
words Veritas vincit, “ Truth overcomes,” which has
ever fince been the armorial bearing and motto of the
family of Keith (b).
The (battered remains of the Danifli forces reached
their fhips; but being driven back by contrary winds,
and provifions becoming fcarce, they put afliore 500
men an the coaft of Buchan, to procure them fome
food: but their communication with the (hips being
foon cut off, they fortified themfelves as well as jthey
could, and made a defperate refiftance; but at laft were
all put to the fword. 'f'he place where this maflacre
happened is dill called Crudane; being probably an
abbreviation of Cruor Danorum, the blood of the
Danes, a name impofed on it by the ecclefiaftics of
thofe days. j !
Swen, not yet difeouraged, fent his fon Canute, af- Another ■
terwards king of England, and one of the greateft invafioa. ,
warriors of that age, into Scotland, with an army more
powerful than any that had yet appeared. Canute
landed in Buchan; and, as the Scots were much weak¬
ened by fuch a long continued war, Malcolm thought
proper to aft on the defenfive. But the Scots, who
now thought themfelves invincible, demanded to be
(a) This prince is faid to have commanded a colony of the Catti, a German nation who fettled in the northmoft
part of Scotland, and from whom the county of Caithnefs takes its name.
(b) Mr Gordon, in his Itinerarium Septentrionale, obferves,that in all probability the Scots gained two viftories
over the Danes on the prefent occafion ; one nearthe place called Karboddo, already mentioned; and the other at Aber-
lemno, four miles from Brechin. At both places there are monuments with rude fculptures, erefted moft probably
in memory of a vidtory. That at Karboddo is called Camus's erofs; near which, fomewhat more than a century
ago, a large fepulchre, fuppofed to be that of Camus, was difeovered. It confided of four great (tones ; and had in it a
huge (keleton, fuppofed to be that of the Danifh prince. The fatal ftroke feemed to have been given him on the
.back part of the head;, a confiderable portion of the (kull being cut away, probably by the ftroke of the fword.
SCO f 6997 ] SCO
Scotland, led onto a general engagement. Malcolm complied with
' their defire, and a battle enfued; in which though
neither party had much reafon toboaft of victory* the
Danes were fo much reduced, that they willingly con-
Peace con- eluded a peace on the following terms, viz. That the
eluded. Danes fhould immediately depart Scotland; that as
long as Malcolm and Swen lived, neither of them
fhould wage war with the other, or help each other’s
enemies; and that the field in which the battle was
fought fhould be fet apart and confecrated for the bu¬
rial of the dead. Thefe ftipulations were pundually
fulfilled by Malcolm, who built in the neighbourhood
a chapel dedicated to Olaus, the tutelar faint of thefe
ftorthern natrons.
After all thefe glorious exploits, and becoming the
fecond legiflator in the Scottifh nation, Malcolm is
fat’d to have ftained the latter part ef his reign with
avarice and oppreffion ; in confequence of which he
Malcolm was murdered at the age of 80 years, of which he had
afiaffinated. reigned above 30. This affaffination was perpetra¬
ted when he was on his way to Glamis. His own do-
meftics are faid to have been privy to the murder, and
fled along with the confpirators ; but in palling the
lake of Forfar on the ice, it gave way with them, and
they were all drowned, their bodies being difeovered
fome days after. The latter part of this account is
confirmed by the fculptures upon fome ftones erec¬
ted near the fpot; one of which is ftill called Afa/-
colm’’s grave-Jione; and all of them exhibit fome rude
reprefentations of the murder and the fate of the af-
faffins.
Malcolm was fucceeded, in the year 1034, by his
Duncan I. grandfon Duncan I. but he is faid to have had another
grandfon, the famous Macbeth ; though fome are of
opinion that Macbeth was not the grandfon of Mal¬
colm, but of Fenella who murdered Kenneth III.
The firft years of Duncan’s reign were pafied in tran¬
quillity, but domeftic broils foon took place on the
following occafion. Banquo, thane of Lochaber, and
anceftor to the royal family of Stewart, afted then in
the capacity of fteward to Duncan, by colle&ing his
rents; but being very rigid in the execution of his of¬
fice, he was way-laid, robbed, and almoft murdered.
Of this outrage Banquo complained as foon as he re¬
covered of his wounds and could appear at court. The
robbers were fummoned to furrender themfelves to jn-
ftice; but inftead of obeying, they killed the meffenger.
Macbeth reprefented this in fuch ftrong terms, that
he was fent with an army to reduce the infurgents,
who had-already deftroyed many of the king’s friends.
This commiffion he performed with fuch fuccefs, that
the rebel chief put an end to his own life; after which
Maebeth fent bis head to the king, and then procedeed
with the utmoft feverity againft the infurgents who
werecompofed oflrifhmen, Inlanders, and Highlanders.
3j This infurre&ion was fcarcely quelled, when the
A new in- Danes landed again in Fife; and Duncan put himfelf
the Danes at head of an army, having the thanes Macbeth
and Banquo ferving under him. The Danes were
commanded by Swen king of Norway, and eldeft fon
of Canute. He proceeded with all the barbarity na¬
tural to his nation, putting to death men, women, and
children who fell in his way. A battle was fought
between the two nations near Culrofs, in which the
Scots were defeated; but the Daucs purchafed their
vidlory fo dearly, that they could not improve it; and Scotland.
Duncan retreated to Perth, while Macbeth was fent to
raife more forces. In the mean time Swen laid fiege
to Perth, which was defended by Duncan and Banquo.
The Danes were fo much diftrefled for want of provi-
fions, that they at laft contented to treat of a peace,
provided the prefiing neceffities of the army were re¬
lieved. The Scots hiftorians inform us, that this treaty
was fet on foot in order to atnufe Swen, and gain time
for the ftratagem which Duncan was preparing. This 3<*
was no other than a barbarous Contrivance of infufingj^™^*
intoxicating herbs into the liquors that were fent along
with the other provifions to the Damfh camp. Thefe
foporifics had their intended effeft ; and while the
Danes were under their influence, Macbeth and Banquo
broke into their camp, where they put all to the fword,
and it was with difficulty that fome of Swen’a attend¬
ants carried him on board; but we are told that his
was the only fhip of all the fleet that returned to Nor¬
way. It was not long, however, before a frefh body
of Danes landed at Kinghorn in the county of Fife;
but they were entirely defeated by Macbeth and Banquo.
Such of the Danes as efcaped, fled to their fliips; but
before they departed they obtained leave to bury their
dead in Inchcolm, a fmall ifland lying in the Forth,
where one of their monuments is ftill to be feen.
Thus ended the formidable invafions of the Danes;
after which Duncan applied himfelf to the adminiftra-
tion of jufticc, and the reformation of the manners of
his fubjedls. Macbeth, however, who had obtained
great reputation by his fuccefs againft the Danes, be¬
gan to form ambitious defigns, and to afpire to the
crown itfelf. The fables relating to his ufurpation
are fo well known from the tragedy compofed by
Shakefpeare which bears the name of Macbeth, that we£)unc3a^l
ftiall not take notice of them here; but only obferve, murdered
that at laft Duncan being inconfcious of offence, and byMacbeth,
not taking the neceflary precautions for his defence, who af-
was murdered at Invernefs by Macbeth, who fucceeded ^mes d19-
him in the throne. thronc*
During the greateft part of the reign of the ufurper,
Malcolm, the true heir to the crown of Scotland, kept
clofe in his principality of Cumberland, without any
thoughts of afeending his father’s throne. Macbeth
for fome time governed with moderation, but at laft
became a tyrant. Becoming jealous of Banquo, the
moft powerful fubjedl in his dominions, he invited him
to an entertainment, and caufed him to be treacheroufly
murdered. His fon Fleance was deftined to the fame
fate, but efcaped to Wales. After him Macduff, the
thane of Fife, was the moft powerful perfon in Scot¬
land; for which reafon, Macbeth determined todeftroy
him. On this Macduff fled to France; and Macbeth
cruelly put to death his wife, and children who were
yet infants, and fequeftered all his eftate. Macduff 3®
vowed revenge, and encouraged Malcolm to attempt
to dethrone the tyrant. Macbeth oppofed them with '
his whole force; but being defeated in a pitched battle,
he took refuge in the moft inacceffible places of the
Highlands, where he defended, himfelf for two years ;
but in the mean time Malcolm was acknowledged king
of Scotland, and crowned at Scone;
The war between Macbeth and the new king conti-
nued for two years after the coronation of the latter ; And idiled-.
but at laft he was killed in a fally by Macduff. How¬
ever,
Scotland.
SCO
Scotland, ever the public tranquillity did not end with his life.
“ " His followers elefted one of his kinftnen named Lullach,
furnamed the Idiot, to fucceed him: but he not being
able to withftand Malcolm, withdrew to the north,
^where being purfued, he was killed at Effey in Strath-
bogie, after a reign of four months*
Malcolm Malcolm being now etlablifhed on the throne, be-
*ftabli(hed gan with rewarding Macduff for his great fervices; and
°n th®Scot‘conferred upon his family four extraordinary privileges:
li t rone. ^ they fhould place the king in his chair of date
at the coronation. 2. That they fhould lead the van
of all the royal armies. 3. That they (hould have a
regality within themfelves: and, 4. That if any of
Macduff’s family fhould happen to kill a nobleman un-
premeditately, he fhould pay 24, and, if a plebeian, 12
marks of filver. The king’s next care was to reinftate
in their fathers poffeffions all the children who had
been difmherited by the late tyrant; which he did in
a convention of his nobles held at Forfar. In the
time of William the conqueror, we find Malcolm en¬
gaged in a dangerous war with England, the occafion
of which was as follows. On the death of Edward
the Confeffor, Harold feized the throne of England, to
the prejudice of Edgar Atheling the true heir to the
crown. However, he created him earl of Oxford, and
treated him with great refpeft ; but on the defeat and
death of Harold, William difcovered fome jealoufy of
Edgar. Soon after, William having occafion to pay a
vifit to his dominions in Normandy, he appointed
Edgar to attend him, along with fome other noble¬
men whom he fufpe&ed to be in his interefl; but on
his return to England, he found the people fo much
difaffe&ed to his government, that he proceeded with
great feverity, which obliged great numbers of his
fubjedts to take refuge in Cumberland and the fouthern
parts of Malcolm’s dominions. Edgar had two fifters,
Margaret and Chriftina : thefe, with his two chief
friends, Gofpatric and Martefwin, foon made him fen-
fible how precarious his life was under fuch a jealous
tyrant, and perfuaded him to make preparations for
flying into Hungary or fome foreign country. Edgar
41 accordingly fet fail with his mother Agatha, his two
Entertains fifters, and a great train of Anglo-Saxon noblemen;
En^lith*1 kut by ftrefs of weather was forced into the frith of
prince Forth, where the illuftrious exiles landed at the place
fince that time called the gfueen’s Ferry. Malcolm no
fooner heard of their landing that} he paid them a vifit
in perfon ; and at this vifit he fell in love with the
princefs Margaret* In confequence of this, the chief
of Edgar’s party repaired to the court of Scotland.
William Toon made a formal demand of Edgar ; and on
Malcolm’s refufal, declared war againlt him.
4* William was the moll formidable enemy the Scots
^-ot ever encountere^» as having not only the whole
JanTand f°rce of England, but of Normandy, at his command.
£ngland. However, as he had tyrannized mod unmercifully over
his English fubjefts, they were much more inclined to
aflift his enemies than their own prince: and he even
found himfelf obliged to give up the county of Northum¬
berland to Gofpatric, who had followed Edgar, upon
condition of his making war on the Scots. This noble¬
man accordingly invaded Cumberland; in return for
which Malcolm ravaged Northumberland in a dreadful
manner, carrying off an immeufe booty, and inviting
SCO
at the fame time the Irifli and Danes to join him.
Even at this time the Danes kept up their claims
upon the crown of England, fo that they could not be
fuppofed very zealous for the intere'ft of Edgar. The
Irilh were alfo interefted in advancing the caufe of
Harold’s three fons, who had put themfelves under
their prote&ion ; and befides, their chief view feems
to have been to obtain plunder at the expence of any
party. However, as all thefe views tended to the„
pulling down of William’s power, an union was form- inVajen^
ed againll him; but when they came to particular fti-
pulations, the parties immediately difagreed. The
three fons of Harold, with a body of Irifli, made a de-
fcentupon Somerfetfhire, and defeated a body ofEng-
lifh ; but the Irifli having thus obtained an opportunity
of acquiring fome booty, immediately retired with it,
after having ravaged the country. The Danes landed
at the mouth of the Humber from 40 fmall (hips,
where they were joined by Edgar and his party; and
had the allies been unanimous, it is probable that
William’s government would have been overthrown.
By this time William had taken from Gofpatric the
earldom of Northumberland, and given it to Robert
Cummin one of his Norman barons ; but the Nor¬
thumbrians, having joined Gofpatric, and received the
Danes as their countrymen, murdered Cummin and
all his followers at Dorham, where they had been
guilty of great cruelties. After this they laid fiege
to the forts built by William in Yorkfliire; but not
being able to reduce them, the Englifli, Scots, and
Danes, united their forces, took the city of York it-
felf, and put to the fword three thoufand Normans who
were there in garifon ; and this fuccefs was followed by
many incurfions and ravages, in which the Danes
and Northumbrians acquired great booty. It foon
appeared, however, that thefe allies had the intereft of
Edgar no more at heart than the Irifli; and that all
the dependence of this forlorn prince was upon Mal¬
colm, and the few Engliflimen who had followed his
fortune : for the booty was no fooner obtained, than
the Danes retired to their fliips, and the Northumbri¬
ans to their habitations, as though they had been in
perfeA fafety. But in the mean time William, having
raifed a confiderable army, advanced northwards. He
firft took a fevere revenge upon the Northumbrians;
then he reduced the city of York, and put to death
all the inhabitants; ancLnerceiving that danger was
ftill threatened by the iWnes, he bribed them with a
fum of money to depart to their own country.
Malcolm was now left alone to encounter this for-
midable adverfary; who, finding himfelf unable to op-
pofe fuch a great force, withdrew to his own domi¬
nions, where he remained for fomc time upon the de-
fenfive, but not without making great preparations 44
for invading England once more. His fecond invafion A fecond
took place in the year 1071, while William was em-invafion.
ployed in quelling an infurredlion in Wales. He is
faid at this time to have behaved with the greateft
cruelty. He invaded England by Cumberland ; ra¬
vaged Teefdale; and at a place called Hundreds-keld,
he maffacred fome Englifli noblemen, with all their
followers. From thence he marched to Cleveland in
the north-riding of Yoikfliire; which he alfo ravaged
with the utmolt cruelty, fending back the booty with
part
[ 6998 ]
SCO [ 6999 ] SCO
Scoiland. part of his army to Scotland: after which, he pillaged
  the bifhopric of Durham, where he is faid not to have
fpared the moft facred edifices, but to have burnt them
to the ground. In the mean time Gofpatric, to whom
William had again ceded Northumberland, attempted
to make a diverfion in his favour, by invading Cum¬
berland : but being utterly defeated by Malcolm, he
was obliged to (hut himfelf up in Bamborough caftle;
while Malcolm returned in triumph with his army to
Scotland, where he married the princefs Margaret.
William The next year William, having greatly augmented
the Con- his army, invaded Scotland in his turn. The parti-
queror in- cu]arS 0f the war are unknown; but it certainly ended
Sco£" much to the difadvancage of the Scots, as Malcolm
agreed to pay him homage. The Englifii hiftorians
contend that this homage was for the whole of his do¬
minions ; but the Scots with more (how of reafon af¬
firm, that it was only for thofe he pofitffed in England.
On the conclufion of the peace, a crofs was erected at
Stanmore in Richmondlhire, with the arms of both
kings, to ferve as a boundary between the poflefiions
of William and the feudal dominions of Malcolm.
Part of this monument, called Re-crofs, or rather Roy-
crofs, or The crofs of the kings, was entire in the days
of Camden.
^his peace between Malcolm Canmore and William
produced the greateft alteration in the manners of the
Scots. What contributed chiefly to this was the ex-
cellent difpofition of queen Margaret; who was, for
I Reforms- that age, a pattern of piety and politenefs: and next
i tion fet on to this, was the number of foreigners who had fettled in
[foot by the Scotland among whom were fomc Frenchmen, and from
1 queen of t^1's t'me l*ie f>iend(hip of the Scots with that nation
Scotland, may be dated. Malcolm himfelf, alfo, though by his
ravages in England he feems naturally to have been a
barbarian, was far from being averfe to a reforma¬
tion, and even fet the example himfelf. During
her lui(band’s abfence in England queen Margaret
had chofen for her confeffor one Turgot, whom (he
alfo made her affiftant in her intended reformation.
She began with new-modelling her own court; into
which (he introduced the offices, furniture, and manner
of living, common among the more polite nations of
Europe. She difmifled from her fervice all thofe who
were noted for immorality and impiety ; and charged
Turgot, on pain of her difpkafure, to give his real
fentiments on the ftate of the kingdom, after the bed
inquiry he could make. By him fhe was informed,
that faflion reigned among the nobles, rapine among
the commons, and incontinence among all degrees of
men. Above all, he complained that the kingdom
was deftitute of a learned clergy, capable of reforming
the people by their example and do&rine. All this
the queen reprefented to her huffiand, and prevailed
upon him to let about the work of reformation imme¬
diately ; in which, however, he met with confiderable
oppofition. The Scots, accuftomed to opprefs their in¬
feriors, thought all refiridfions of their power were as
many (teps towards their flavery. The introdudlion
of foreign offices and titles confirmed them in this opi¬
nion ; and fuch a dangerous infurreftion happened in
Moray and fome of the northern counties, that Mal¬
colm was obliged to march againft the rebels in per-
fon. He found them, indeed, very formidable’; but
they were fa much intimidated by his refolution, that
they intreated the clergy who were among them to Ssotfendv
intercede with the king in their favour. Malcolm re- “
ceived their fubmiffion, but refufed to grant an uncon- ,
ditional pardon. He gave all the common people in¬
deed leave to return to their habitations, but obliged
the better fort to furrender themfelves to his pleafuie.
Many of the moft guilty were put to death, or con¬
demned to perpetual imprifonment; while others had
their eftates confifcated. This feverity checked the
rebellious fpirit of the Scots, upon which Malcolm re- ,
turned to his plans of reformation. Still, however, he
found himfelf oppofed even in thofe abufes which were
moft obvious and glaring. He durft not entirely a-
bolilh that infamous praftice of the landlord claiming
the firft night with his tenant’s bride; though, by the
queen’s influence, the privilege was changed into the
payment of a piece of money by the bridegroom, and
was afterwards known by the name of mercheta tnulie-
rum, or “ the woman’s merk.” In thofe days the
Scots were without the pra&ice of faying grace after
meals, till it was introduced by Margaret, who gave
a glafs of wine, or other liquor, to thofe who remain¬
ed at the royal table and heard the thankfgiving ;
which expedient gave rife to the term of the grace-
drink. Befides this, the terms of the duration of Lent
and Eafter were fixed ; the king and queen beftowed
large alms on the poor, and the latter wafhed the feet
of fix of their number ; many churches, monafteries.
See. were eredfed, and the clerical revenues augment¬
ed. However, notwithftarding thefe reformations^
fome hiftorians have complained, that, along with the
manners of the Englifh and French, their luxuries,
were alfo introduced. Till this reign the Scots had
been remarkable for their fobriety and the fimplicity of
their fare; which was now converted into excefs and
riot, and fometimes ended fatally by quarrels and
bloodftied. We are told, at the fame time, that even
in thofe days, the nobility eat only two meals a-day,
and were ferved with no more than two difhes at each
meal ; but that their deviation from their ancient tem¬
perance oecafioned a diminution of the ftrength and
fize of the people- ^
In the year 1077, Malcolm again invaded Eng-Engian(};
land; but upon what provocation, or with what fuc-again in-
cefs, is not well known. But in 108.8, after the death 0fva<led'
the Conqueror, he again efpoufed the caufe of Edgar
Atheling, who had been reduced to implore his affift-
ance a fecond time, when William Rufus afeended the
throne of England. At the time of Edgar’s arrival,
Malcolm was at the head of a brave and well-difciplined
army, with which he penetrated a great way into the
country of the enemy; and, as it is faid, returned to
Scotland with an immenfe booty. Some hiftorians
tell us, that in this expedition Malcolm met with a
defeat, which obliged him to return; and indeed this-
is not a little countenanced by others, who fay, not in¬
deed that he was defeated, but that it was the 'will of
God\\e (hoold proceed no farther. But,, be this as it
will, William refolved to revenge the injury, and pre¬
pared great armaments both by fea and land for the
invafion of Scotland- His fuccefs, however, was not
anfwerable to the greatnefs of his preparations. His
fleet was daflied to pieces by ftorms, and altnoft all on
board of it perilhed. Malcolm had alfo laid wafte the
country through which his amagonift was to pafs, in.
£ucb
SCO
[ 7000 ]
SCO
Scotland, fuch an effetlual manner, that William loft a great the eye with the fpear, as foon as he came within Scotland.
43
The Eng-
liih army
danger.
part of his troops by fatigue and famine; and, when
he arrived in Scotland, found himfelf in a fituation
very little able to refill Malcolm, who was advancing
againft him with a powerful army. In this diftrefe,
Rufus had recourfe tb Robert de Mowbray earl of
Northumberland, who diffuaded him from venturing
a battle, but advifed him by all means to open a ne-
gociation by means of Edgar and the other Englilh
nobiemert who refided with Malcolm. Edgar under¬
took the negociation, on condition of his being re-
ftored to his eftates in England ; but met with more
difficulty than he imagined. Malcolm had never yet
recognized the right of William Rufus to the throne
of England, and therefore refufed to treat with him
as a fovereign prince ; but offered to enter into a ne¬
gociation with his brother Robert, furnamed Curt hofet
from the fliortnefs of his legs. The two princes ac¬
cordingly met; and Malcolm, having (hewed Robert
the difpofnion of his army, offered to cut off his bro¬
ther William, and to pay to him the homage he had
been accuftomed to pay to the Conqueror for his Eng¬
lilh dominions. But Robert generoufly anfwered, that
he had refigned to Rufus his right of primogeniture
in England; and that he had even become one of Wil¬
liam’s fubjefts, thereby accepting of an Engliffi eftate.
An interview with William then followed, in which it
reach. They add, that prince Edward, the king’s'
eldelt fon, was mortally wounded in attempting to re¬
venge his father’s death. The Englilh hiftorians, on
the other hand, contend, that the Scots were furprifed
in their camp, their army entirely defeated, and their
king killed. On this occafion the Scots hillorians alfo
inform us, that the family of Piercy received its name;
the knight who killed the Scots king having been
furnamed Pierce-eye, from the manner ip which he
gave that monarch the fatal ftroke. Queen Marga¬
ret, who was at that time lying ill in the caftle of
Edinburgh, died four days after her hufband.
After the death of Malcolm Canmore, which hap-The throne
pened in the year 1093, the throne was ufurped byufurpedby
his brother, Donald Bane ; who, notwithftanding the
great virtues and glorious atchievemems of the late
king, had been at the head of a ftrong party during
the whole of his brother’s reign. The ufurper, giving
way to the barbarous prejudices of himfelf and his
countrymen, expelled out of the kingdom all the fo¬
reigners whom Malcolm had introduced, and obliged
them to take refuge in England. Edgar himfelf had
long refided at the Engliffi court, where he was in
high reputation; and, by his intereft there, found
means to refeue his nephew young Edgar, the king
of Scotland’s eldeft fon, out of the hands of the ufurper
49 was agreed that the king of England fhould reftore to Donald Bane. The favour he (bowed to him, how-
Peace con- Malcolm all his fouthern poffeffions, for which he
c ude . fhould pay the fame homage he had been accuftomed
to do to the Conqueror; that be (hould reftore to Mal¬
colm 12 difputed manors, and give him likewife 12
merks of gold yearly, befides reftoring Edgar to all
his Engliffi eftates.
This treaty was concluded in Lothian, according
to the Engliffi biftorians; but at Leeds in Yorkffiire,
according to the Scots. However, the Engliffi mo¬
narch looked upon the terms to be fo very diffionour-
able, that he refolved not to fulfil them. Soon after
his return, Edgar and Robert began to prefs him to
fulfil his engagements; but receiving only evafive an-
fwers, they paffed over into Normandy. After their
departure, William applied himfelf to the fortification
of his northern boundaries, efpecially Carlifle, which
had been deftroyed by the Danes 200 years before.—
As this place lay within the feodal dominions of Mal¬
colm, he complained of William’s proceeding, as a
breach of the late treaty ; and foon after repaired to
the Engliffi court at Glocefter, that he might have a
perfonal interview with the king of England, and ob-
J0 tain redrefs. On his arrival, William refufed him ad-
Hoftilities mittance to his prefence, without paying him homage,
-recommen- Malcolm offered this in the fame manner as had been
ever, produced an accufation againft himfelf, as if he
defigned to adopt young Edgar as his fon, and fet
him up as a pretender to the Engliffi throne. Thi#
accufation was preferred by an Engliffiman whofe
name was Orgar ; but, as no legal proofs of the guilt
could be obtained, the cuftom of the times rendered a
Angle combat between the parties unavoidable. Or- A
gar was one of the ftrongeft and mod aftive men in combat,
the kingdom ; but, the age and infirmities of Edgar,
allowed him to be defended by another.—For a long
time none could be found who would enter the lifts
with this champion ; but, at laft, one Godwin of Win-
chefter, whofe family had been under obligations to
Edgar or his anceftors, offered to defend his caufe.
Orgar was overcome and killed ; and, when dying,
confeffed the falfehood of his accufation. The con¬
queror obtained all the lands of his adverfary, and
William lived ever afterwards on terms of the ftri&eft
friendffiip with Edgar.
This combat, trifling as it may feem to us, pro¬
duced very confiderable effedls. The party of Edgar
and his brother’s (who had likewife taken refuge at
the Engliffi court) revived in Scotland, to fuch a de¬
gree, that Donald was obliged to call in the Danes
and Norwegians to his affiftance. In order to engage Donaij
done by his predeceffors, that is, on the confines of them more effedlually to his intereft, the ufurper yields up
.l,„ .U.'o ku.'r.™ nr, flip Orbnpv and Shetland iflands ; the Orkm
the two kingdoms; but this being rejected by Wil¬
liam, Malcolm returned to Scotland in a rage, and
prepared again for war.
The firft of Malcolm’s military operations now
proved fatal to him; but the circumftances of his death
are varioufly related. According to the Scots hifto-
S» rians, Malcolm having laid fiege to Alnwick, and re-
Malcolm ducjcl the place to fuch ftraits, that a knight came out of
the caftle, having the keys on the point of a fpear,
Alnwic and pretending that he defigned to lay them at Mal-
caftle. colm’s feet; but inftead of this, he ran him through
yielded up to them the Orkney and Shetland iflands; the Orkne
but when his new allies came to his affiftance, they®”^®^,
behaved in fuch a manner as to become more intole-an<
table to the Scots than ever the Engliffi had been. Danes.
This difeontent was greatly increafed when it was
found that William defigned to place on the throne of
Scotland, a natural fon of the late Malcolm, named
Duncan, who had ferved in the Engliffi armies with
great reputation. Donald attempted to maintain him¬
felf on the throne by the affiftance of his Norwegian
allies} but, being abandoned by the Scots, he was
obliged
SCO [ 7001 1 SCO
Scotland.' obliged to fly to the ifles, in order to raife more forces;
’ and in the mean time Duncan was crowned at Scone
with the ufual folemnity.
The Scots were now greatly diftrefled by two
ufurpers who contended for the kingdom, each of
them fupported by a foreign army. One of them,
however, was foon difpatched. Malpedir, thane of
Mearns, furprifed Duncan in the caftte of Mentieth,
and killed him; after which he replaced Donald on
the throne. The affeftion of the Scots, however,
was by this time entirely alienated from Donald, and
a manifeft intention of calling in young Edgar was
(hown. To prevent this, Donald offered the young
prince all that part of Scotland which lay to the fouth-
ward of the Forth ; but the terms were rejefled, and
the meffengers who brought them were put to death
as traitors. The king of England alfo, dreading the
neighbourhood of the Norwegians, interpofed in young
Edgar’s favour, and gave Atheling the command of
an army in order to rettore his nephew. Donald pre¬
pared to oppofe his enemies with all the forces he
Donald de- cou^ hut was deferted by the Scots, and obliged
pofed by to fly : his enemies purfued him fo clofely, that he was
Edgar. foon taken : and being brought before Edgar, he
ordered his eyes to be put out, condemning him at the
fame time to perpetual banifhment, in which he died
fome time after.
The hiftorians of thefe times inform us, that this re¬
volution was owing to the interpofition of St Cuthbert,
who appeared to Edgar, informing him that he fhould
prove viftorious, provided he repaired next day to his
church, and received his banner from the hands of the
canons; which he accordingly did, and proved ever
afterwards a moil grateful votary to his patron. Du¬
ring his reign a ftri& friendfhip fubfifted between the
courts of England and Scotland ; owing to the mar¬
riage of Henry I. of England with the princefs Matil¬
da, After to Edgar. This has given occafion to the
Forgeries Englifti hiftorians to affert that Edgar keld the king-
oftheEng-dom of Scotland as a feudatory of Henry; and to this
lift hifto- purpofe have forged certain writings, by which Edgar
,'iiln,• acknowledges “ That he held the kingdom of Scotland
by gift from his lord William king of England; and,
with confent of his faid lord, he gives to Almighty
God, and the church of Durham, and to the glorious
bifhop St Cuthbert, and to biftiop William, and to
the monks of Durham, and their fucceffors, the man-
fions of Berwick and Coldingham, with feveral other
lands pofTefled by his father Malcolm: and this charter
is granted in the prefence of biftiop William, and
Turgot the prior 5 and confirmed by the croffes of
Edgar his brother, and other noblemen.” But that thefe
writings muft be forged, appears from the non-ex-
iftence of the original charter, and from their being
related in quite a different manner by fome other au¬
thors.—For the fame purpofe a feal has been forged
of Edgar fitting on horfeback, with a fword in his
right-hand, and a ftiield on his left-arm, within a
bordure of France. But this laft circumftance is a
fufficient proof of the forgery ; fince, in the fame re-
pofitory in which this feal is kept, there are five char¬
ters of the fame Edgar, which are undoubtedly ge¬
nuine ; and on the feals belonging to them he is repre¬
sented fitting on two fwords placed acrofs, with a
feeptre in one hand, a fword in the other, a royal
Von. IX.
diadem on his head, with this infeription round it, Scotlai^.
Scotorum Basileus, which the beft Englilh an-
tiquaries allow to have been a title denoting inde¬
pendency. S7
After a reign of nine years, Edgar died at Dundee, Alexander!
in the year 1107; and was fucceeded by his brother
Alexander I. furnamed the Fierce from the impetuo-
fity of his temper. On his acceffion to the throne,
however, the Scots were fo ignorant of his true cha-
rafler, on account of his appearance of piety and de¬
votion, that the northern parts of the kingdom were
foon filled with ravages and bloodfhed, by reafon of
the wars of the chieftains with each other. Alexan¬
der immediately raifed an army, and marching into
Moray and Rois-lhire, attacked the infurgents fepa-
rately ; and having fubdued them all, he put great
numbers of them to death. He then fet himfelf to j3
reduce the exorbitant power of the nobles, and toAdmini-
deliver the common people from the opreflion under
which they groaned. A remarkable inftance of this ** y’
appeared on his return from the expedition juft now
mentioned. In paffing through the Mearns, he met
with a widow, who complained that her hufband and
fon had been put to death by the young earl their
fuperior. Alexander immediately alighted from his
horfe, and fwore that he would not remount him till he
had inquired into the juftice of the complaint; and,
finding it to be true, the offender was hanged on the
fpot. Thefe vigorous proceedings prevented all at¬
tempts at open rebellion; but produced many confpi-
racies among the profligate part of his private fubjefts,
who had been accuftomed to live under more remifs
government. The moft remarkable of thefe took
place while the king was engaged in building the caftle
of Baledgar, fo called in memory of his brother Edgar, Narrowly
who had laid the foundation-ftone. It was fituated inefcaPes
theCarfeof Gowrie, which, we are told, had formerly
belonged to Donald Bane, but afterwards came to the
crown, either by donation or forfeiture. The con-
fpirators bribed one of the king’s chamberlains to in¬
troduce them at night into the royal bed chamber:
but Alexander, alarmed at the noife, drew his fword,
and killed fix of them ; after which, by the help of a
knight named Alexander Carron, he efcaped the dan¬
ger, by flying into Fife. The confpirators chiefly
refided in the Mearns, to which Alexander once more
repaired at the head of an army ; but the rebels re¬
treated northwards, and croffed the Spey. The king
purfued them acrofs that river, defeated them, and
brought to juftice all that fell into his hands. In this
battle, Carron diftinguilhed himfelf fo eminently, that
he obtained the name of Skrimgeour, or Skrimzeour;
which'indeed is no other than the Englifti word Jkir-
mijher or fighter.
The next remarkable tranfa&ion of Alexander’sHise^pjo;ts
reign, as recorded by the Englifli hiftorians, was his
journey into England, where he paid a vilit to Henry I. e
whom he found engaged in a war with the Welfti.
The occafion of this was, that Henry had planted a
colony of Flemings on the borders of Wales, in order
to keep that turbulent people in awe, as well as to
introduce into his kingdom the manufadtures for
which the Flemings were famous. The Welfti, jealous
of this growing colony, invaded England; where they
defeated the earl of Chefter and Gilbert Snongbow,
1 39 G- thc
SCO
[ 7002 ]
SCO
Scotland, the two mod powerful of the Englilh fubje&s. Alex¬
ander, in virtue of the fealty which he had fworn for
his Engliih poflefixons, readily agreed to lead an army
into Wales. Here he defeated one of the chieftains,
and reduced him to great ftraits ; but could not pre¬
vent him from efcaping to Griffith prince of North-
Wales, with whom he was clofely allied. Henry alfo
marched againft the enemy, but with much worfe
fuccefs in the field than Alexander; for he loft two-
thirds of his army, with almoft his whole baggage, by
fatigue, famine, or the attacks of the Welffi. This
lofs, however, he made up in fome meafure by his
policy; for having found means to raife a jealoufy
between the two Welffi chiefs, he induced them to
conclude a peace, but not without reftoring all his
lands to the one, and paying a confiderable fum of
money to the other. Alexander died in 1x24, after
a reign of feventeen years; and was buried at Dun¬
fermline.
(ji This prince, dying a bachelor, was fucceeded by his
Wars of . younger brother David ; who interfered in the affairs
with theaVid°f ancl t0°k Part with‘the emPrefe Maud in
Enelifli! the civil war ffie carried on with Stephen. In 1136,
David met his antagonift at Durham ; but as neither
party cared to venture an engagement, a negociation
took place, and a treaty was concluded. This, however,
was obferved but for a ffiort time ; for, in the follow-
ing year, David again invaded England, on fome
frivolous pretences. He defeated Stephen at Rox¬
burgh ; and forced him to retreat precipitately, after
lofing one half of his army. Next year he renewed
his invafion ; and, though he himfelf was a man of
great mildnefs and humanity, he fuffered his troops
to commit fuch outrages, as firmly united the Eng-
liffi in oppofition to him. His grand-nephew William
cut in pieces the vanguard of the Engliffi army at
Clithero; after which he ravaged the country with
fuch cruelty, that the inhabitants became exafperated
beyond meafure againft him. New affociations were
entered into againlt the Scots; and the Engliffi army
Veceiving great reinforcements from the fouthward,
61 advanced to Northallerton, where the famous ftandard
theStan- was produced. The body of this ftandard was a kind
«iard. of box which moved upon wheels, from whence arofe
the maft of a ffiip furmounted by a filver crofs, and
round it were hung the banners of St Peter, St John
de Beverly, and St Wilfred. Standards of this kind
were co-mmon at that time on the continent of Europe;
and fo great confidence had the Engliffi in this
ftandard, that they now thought themfelves invincible.
They had, however, a much more folid ground of
confidence, as being much better armed than their
antagonifts. The armies met at a place called Culton
Moor. The firft line of the Scots army was compofed
of the inhabitants of Galloway, Carrie, Kyle, Cun¬
ningham, and Renfrew. Thefe by fome hiftorians
are called Pifts, and are faid to have had a prince of
their own, who was a feudatory to David. The
fecond line confided of the Lothian men, by which
we are to underftand the king’s fubjefts in England
as well as the fouth of Scotland, together with the
Engliffi and Normans of Maud’s party. The third
line was formed of the clans under their different
chieftains ; but who were fubjeft to no regular com¬
mand, and were always impatient to return to their
own country when they had acquired any booty. Scotland
The Englifh foldiers having ranged themfelves round  ’
their ftandard, difmounted from their horfes, in or¬
der to avoid the long lances which the firft line of
the Scots army carried. Their front-line was inter¬
mixed with archers; and a body of cavalry, ready for
purfuit, hovered at fome diftance. The Pidts, be-
fides their lances, made ufe of targets ; but, when
the Engliffi clofed with them, they were foon difordered
and driven back upon the centre, where David com¬
manded in perfon. His fon made a gallant refiftance,
but was at laft forced to yield; and the laft line feems
never to have been engaged. David, feeing the vic¬
tory decided againft him, ordered fome of his men to
fave themfelves by throwing away their badges, which
it feems Maud’s party had worn, and mingling with
the Engliffi; after which he himfelf, with his {haltered
forces, retreated towards Carlifle. The Engliffi hiftori¬
ans fay, that in this battle the Scots were totally de¬
feated, with the lofs of 10,000 men ; but this feems 63 8
not to be the cafe, as the Engliffi did not purfue, and ^5 j
the Scots were in a condition for carrying on the warf^ted.^
next year. However, there were now no great ex¬
ploits performed on either fide; and a peace was con¬
cluded, by which Henry prince of Scotland was put
in poffeffion of Huntingdon and Northumberland, and
took an oath of fealty to Stephen. David continued
faithful to his niece the emprefs as long as he lived;
and died at Carlifle in the year 1153, after a gloruyis
reign of fomewhat more than 29 years.
David was fucceeded by his grandfon Malcolm IV.
furnamed the Maiden, on account of his continence.
He appears to have been a weak and fuperftitious
prince, and died of a depreffion of fpirits in the year
1x65. He was fucceeded by his brother William I. Win£t, rl
who immediately entered into a war with Henry II. ofengages ia’’|
England, on account of the earldom of Northumber-a war with 1
land, which had been given up by Malcolm; butHenl7°£'
Henry, finding his affairs in a very embarraffed fitua- E"glan<i« |
tion, confented to yield up this county, on David’s
paying him homage, rather than continue the miferies
of war. In 1172, he attempted to avail himfelf of
the unnatural war which Henry’s fons carried on
againft-their father, and invaded England. He divi¬
ded his army into three columns: the firft of which
laid fiege to Carlifle ; the fecond he himfelf led into
Northumberland ; and the king’s brother, David, ad¬
vanced with the third into Leicefterffiire. William re¬
duced the caftles of Burgh, Appleby, Warkworth,
and Garby ; and then joined that divifion of his army
which was befieging Carlifle. The place was already
reduced to fuch ftraits, that the governor had agreed
to furrender it by a certain day, provided it was not
relieved before that time: on which the king, leaving
fome troops to continue the fiege, invefted a caftle
with fome of the forces he had under his command, at
the fame time fending a ftrong reinforcement to his
brother David; by which means he himfelf was left
with a very fmall army, when he received intelligence
that a ftrong body of Engliffi, under Robert de Stute-
ville and his fon, were advancing to furprife him.—.
William, fenfible of his inability to refill them, re¬
tired to Alnwick, to which he inftantly laid fiege; but
in the mean time afted in fuch a carelefs and unthink¬
ing manner, that his enemies actually effe&ed their
de-
SCO [ 7003 ] SCO
Scotland, defigns. Having drcffed a party of their foldiers in the other, Gilchrift was forced to return to Scotland Scothnd,
 Scots habits, they took the king himfelf prifoner, and with his two fons. There they were expofed to all the 1 "
6; carried him, with his feet tied under the belly of a miferies of indigence, and in perpetual fear of being dif-
He taken horfe, to Richmond Caftle. He was then carried in covered, fo that they were obliged to Hculk from place
tlieEnolillf C^a’nS ^e^ore Henry to Northampton, and ordered to to place. William, on his return from an expedition
and obfigedtranfported to the caftle of Falaife in Normandy, againll an ufurper whom he had defeated, happened
to do ho- where he was (hut up with other ftate-prifoners. Soon to obferve three ftrangers, who, though difgufed like
mage for after this an accommodation took place bet ween Henry ruftics, appeared by their noble mien to be above the
this king- and his fons, and the prifoners on both fides were fet vulgar rank. William, who firft difcovered them, was
at liberty, William only excepted ; and he bore his confirmed in this apprehenfion, by feeing them ftrike
confinement with great impatience. Of this Henry out of the high road, and endeavouring to avoid no-
took the advantage, to make him pay homage for the tice. He ordered them to be feized and brought before
whole kingdom of Scotland, and acknowledge that he him. The oldeft, who was Gilchrift himfelf, fell upon
held it only as a feu of the crown of England ; and, his knees before him, and gave fuch a detail of his mif-
as a fecurity, he was obliged to deliver into the hands fortunes as drew tears from the eyes of all prefent; and
of Henry all the principal forts in Scotland, viz. the the king reftored him to his former honours and eftates. . ,67
caftles of Roxburgh, Ber wick, Jedburgh, Edinburgh, From the family of this Gilchrift that of the Ogi 1 vies^^^y
and Stirling; William at the fame time agreeing to is faid to be defcended. ofOgilvy.
pay the Englilh garrifons which were put into thefe The Scots continued to be in fubje&ion to the
caftles. David, the king’s brother, with 20 barons, Engliih until the acceffion of Richard I. This mo-
who were prefent at the (igning of this (hameful con- narch being a man of romantic valour, would needs
ventipn, were put into the hands of Henry as hoftages undertake an expedition into the Holy Land againlt
for William’s good faith; after which the king was fet the Turks, according to the fuperftition of the times,
at liberty, and returned to Scotland. That he might fecure the quiet of his dominions in his
The affairs of Scotland were now in the greateft abfence, he determined to make the king of Scotland gg
confufion. The people of Galloway, at the head of his friend; and in order to this, he thought nothing re„
whom were two noblemen or princes called and could be more acceptable than releafing him and his leafed from
Gilbert, had taken the opportunity of aflerting their fubjedls from that fubje&ion which even the Englifh his ho.mage
independency on the crown of Scotland ; and, having' themfelves confidered as forced and unjuft. However,
expelled all the Scots officers out of the country, they he determined not to lofe this opportunity of fupply-
demoliftied all the forts which William had ere&ed in ing himfelf with a fum of money, which could not but
their country, and put to death all the foreigners, be abfolutely neceflary in fuch an expenfive and dange-
But in the mean time a quarsel enfuing between the rous undertaking. He therefore made William pay
two chiefs, Othred was murdered by Gilbert, who im- him 10,000 meiks for this releafe : after which he en-
mediately applied to Henry for protedlion. tered into a convention, which is dill extant; and in
Henry, in order to give all poffible fanftion to the this he acknowledges, that “ all the conventions
convention betwixt him and William, fummoned him and adts of fubmiffion from William to the crown of
to meet him and his fon at York. William obeyed the England had been extorted from him by unprecedented,
fnmmons, and along with him appeared all the great writings and dureffe.” This tranfadlion happened ia
nobility and landholders; who confirmed the conven- the year 1189.
tion of Falaife, fvvore fealty to Henry, and put them- The generofity of Richard met with a grateful re-
felves and their country under his proteflion. In the turn from William ; for when Richard was imprifoned
mean time Gilbert, who was at the head of the re- by the emperor of Germany in his return from the
bels in Galloway, had offered to put himfeif and his Holy Land, the king of Scotland fent an army to af-
people under the protedlion of the king of England, fift his regency againtt his rebellious brother John, who
and to pay to Henry 2000 merks of filver yearly, with had attempted to ufurp the throne of England. For
500 cows and as many hogs, by way of tribute: how- this Richard owned his obligation in the higheft de-
ever, Henry, that he might oblige his new feudatory gree; but William afterwards made this an handle for
William, refufed to have any concern in the affair. On fuch high demands as could not be complied with,
this, William ordered his general Gilchrift to march Neverthelefs, the two monarchs continued in friend-
againft him; which he did with fuch fuccefs, that Gil- (hip as long as Richard lived. Some differences hap-
bert was entirely defeated, and Galloway again redu- pened with king John about the pofLffion of Nor-
66 ced under the dominion of Scotland. Very foon after thumberland and other northern counties : but thefe
(Adventures this vidory, Gilchrift fell under the king’s difpleafure were all finally adjufted to the mutual fatisfadion of.
on f0"0W'ng occafion. He had married Matilda, both parties; and William continued a faithful ally
tneral* Gdl- fifter t0 William ; and on fufpicion, or proof of her of the Englifh monarch till his death, which happened
ithrirf. incontinence, put her to death at a village called in the year 1214, after a reign of 49 years.
near Dundee. The king being highly difpleafed at William was (ucceeded by his fon Alexander II. a
fuch a grofs affront to himfelf, fummoned Gilchrift to youth ot 16. Fie revived his claim to No.rthumber-
take his trial for the murder; but as the general did land, and the other northern counties of England; but
not choofe to make his appearance, his eftates were John, fuppofing that he had now thoroughly fubdued
confifcated, his caftles demolilhed, and he himfelf ba- the Englifh, not only refufed to confider the demands
nifhed. He took refuge in England ; but as the con- of Alexander, but made preparations for invading
ventions between William and Henry imported that Scotland. John had given all the country between
the one (hould not harbour the traiterous fubj.eds of Scotland and the river Tees to Hugh de Baliol and
39 G 2 anp<-
SCO [ 7004 ] SCO
Scotland, another nobleman, upon condition of their defending
‘ it againft the Scots. Alexander fell upon Northum-
7° berland, which he eafily reduced, while Johu invaded
Scot^an(^ Alexander retired to Melros, in order to
defend his own country ; upon which John burnt the
towns ofWark, Alnwick, and Morpeth, and took the
ftrong caftles of Roxburgh and Berwick. He next
plundered the abbey of Coldinghatn, reduced Dunbar
and Haddington, ravaging the country as he paffed
along. His next operation was dire&ed againft Edin¬
burgh ; but being oppofed by Alexander at the head
of an army, hr precipitately marched back. Alexan¬
der did not fail to purfue; and John, to cover his re¬
treat, burnt the towns of Berwick and Coldingham.
In this retreat the king of England himfelf let his
men an example of barbarity, by fetting fire every
morning to the houfe in which he had lodged the pre¬
ceding night. In fhort, fuch defolation did John fpread
all around him, that Alexander found it impofiible to
continue his purfuit; for which reafon he marched
weftward, and invaded England by the way of Carlifle.
This place he took and fortified; after which he
marched fouth as far as Richmond, receiving homage
from all the great barons as he went along. At
Richmond he was again flopped by John*s ravages,
and obliged to return through Weftmoreland to his
own dominions.
When the Englifh barons found it neceffary to put
themfelves under the proteftion of Lewis, fon to the
king of France, that prince, among other afts of fo-
vereignty, fummoned Alexander to do him homage;
but the latter being then engaged in the fiege of Car-
lifie, which had fallen into the hands of king John, he
he could not immediately attend. In a fhort time A-
lexander found himielf obliged to abandon this enter-
prife : after which he laid fiege to Barnard-caftle ; but
being baffled here alfo, marched fouthwards through
the whole kingdom of England, and met Lewis at
London or Dover, where the prince confirmed to him
the rights toNorthumberland, Cumberland, and Weft¬
moreland. He continued a faithful ally to Lewis and
the barons in their wars with John; and, in 1216,
brought a frefh army to their affiftance, when their af¬
fairs were ahnoft defperate. This once more turned
the fcale againft John ; but he foon after dying, the
Englifti eaftly became reconciled to the government of
Henry III. and the party of Lewis dwindled every
day, till at laft he was obliged to drop all thoughts of
being king of England.
As long as Lewis continued in England, Alexander
proved faithful to his intereft ; but, in 1217, he was
on fuch good terms with Henry as to demand his el-
deft fifter, the princefs Joan, fora wife. His requeft
was granted, and in 1221 he efpoufed the princefs ;
while his eldeft fifter Margery was married to Hubert
de Burgh jufticiary of England, and his fecond fifter
to Gilbert earl Marfhal, the two greateft fubje&s in
England.
As long as the queen of Scotland lived, a perfedt
harmony fubfifted between the Scots and Englifh : but,
in 1239, queen Joan died without children; and A-
texander foon after married Mary, the daughter of E-
gelrand de Coucy, a young and beautiful French lady,
by whom he had a fon named Alexander^ in 1241.
From this time a coolaefs took place between the "two
courts, and many differences arofe ; but no 1 oftilities Scotland.
were commenced on either fide during the lifetime of   
Alexander, who died in 1249, in the 35th year of his
reign.
After the death of his father, Alexander III. im-Alexan- I
mediately took poffefiion of the throne. He is the firft der III.
of the Scots kings of whofe coronation we have any
particular account. We are told, that the ceremony
was performed by the bifhop of St Andrew’s, who
girded the king with a military belt, probably as an
emblem of his temporal jurifdiftion. He then ex¬
plained in Latin, and afterwards in Gaelic, the laws
and oaths relating to the king ; who agreed to and re¬
ceived them all with great appearance of joy, as he
alfo did the benedidfion and ceremony of coronation
from the fame prelate. After the ceremony was per¬
formed, a Highlander, probably one of thofe who
went under the denomination of Sannaehies, repeated
on his knees before the throne, in his own language,
the genealogy of Alexander and his anceftors, up to
the firtt king of Scotland.
In 1250, the king, though no more than ten years J
of age, was married to the daughter of Henry, whoo|
now thought it a proper opportunity to caufe him do Henry III.; f
homage for the whole kingdom of Scotland. But A-of-EnglaudJ .
lexander, notwithftanding his youth, replied with great
fenfe and modefty, that his bufinefs in England was
matrimony ; that he had come thither under Henry’s
proteftion and invitation ; and that he was no way
prepared to anfwer fuch a difficult queftion.
Henry feems to have been encouraged to make this
attempt by the diftra&cd ftate of the Scots affairs at
that time; for, during the minority of the king, the
nobility threw every thing into confufion by their dif-
fenfions with one another. The family of Cummin
were now become exceedingly powerful; and Alexan¬
der II. is blamed by Buchanan for allowing them to
obtain fuch an exorbitant degree of power, by which
they were enabled almoft to fhake the foundation of
government. Notwithftanding the king’s refufal to
fubmit to the homage required of him, they imagined
that Henry’s influence was now too great ; and fearing
bad confequences to themfelves, they withdrew from
York, leaving Henry in full poffeffion of his fon-in¬
law’s perfon. Henry, however, to (how that he dc-
ferved all the confidence which could be repofed in him,
publicly declared, that he dropped all claim of fupe-
riority with regard to the crown of Scotland, and that
he would ever afterwards a& as the father and guar¬
dian of his fon-in-law ; confirming his affurances by a
charter. Yet when Alexander returned to Scotland,
he found they had made a ftrong party againft his
Englifti connexions. They now exclaimed, that Scot¬
land was no better than a province of England ; and js co^nej
having gained almoft all the nobility over to this wirh Ms
opinion, they kept the king and queen as two ftate-queen by
prifoners in the caftlc of Edinburgh. Henry had fe-his rebelH-JI
cret intelligence of thefe proceedings; and his queen.ous u J6”5 f
privately fent a phyfician whom (he could truft, to in¬
quire into her daughter’s fituation. Having found
means of being admitted into the young queen’s pre¬
fence, (he gave him a mod lamentable account of her
fituation. She faid, that the place of their confine¬
ment was very unwholefome, in confequence of which
their health was in imminent danger; and that they
SCO [ 7005 ] SCO
Scotland, had no concern in the affairs of government. Hifto-
' rians do not inform us by what means they were redu¬
ced to this difmal fituation ; only in general, that the
Cummins ufurped the whole power of the ftate. Henry
did not well know how to a<3. If he proceeded at
once to violent meafures, he was afraid of the lives of
his daughter and fon-in-law; and, on the other hand,
by a more cautious conduct, he left them expofed to
the wicked attempts of thofe who kept them in thral¬
dom, fome of whom, he very well knew, had defigns
They are feton the crown itfelf. By advice of the Scots Royalilts,
at liberty among whom were the earls of Dunbar, Fife, Strath-
fcy Henry, ern, Carrie, and Robert de Bruce, Henry aflembled
his military tenants at York, from whence he himfelf
advanced to Newcaftle, where he publifhed a manifefto,
difclaiming all defigns again ft the peace or indepen¬
dency of Scotland ; declaring, that the forces which
had been collefled at York were defigned to maintain
both ; and that all he meant was to have an inter¬
view with the king and queen upon the borders. From
Newcaftle he proceeded to Wark, where he privately
difpatched the Earl of Glocefter, with his favourite
John Manfel, and a train of trufty followers, to gain
admiffion into thecaftleof Edinburgh, which was then
held by John Baliol and Robert de Rofs, noblemen
of great influence both in England and Scotland. The
earl and Manfel gained admittance into the caftle in
difguife, on pretence of their being tenants to Baliol
and Rofs; and their followers obtained accefs on the
fame account, without any fufpicion, till they were
fufficiently numerous to have maftered the garrifon,
had they met with any refiftance. The queen imme¬
diately informed them of the thraldom and tyranny in
which fhe had been kept ; and among other things de¬
clared, that fhe was ftill a virgin, as her jailors obliged
her to keep feparate from her hufband. The Englifh,
being matters of the caftle, ordered abed to be prepa*
red that very night for the king and queen; and Henry,
hearing of the fuccefs of his party, fent a fafe-con-
duft for the royal pairt o meet him at Alnwick. Ro¬
bert de Rofs was fummoned by Henry to anfwer for
his conduft ; but throwing hitnfelf at the king’s feet,
he was punifhedonly by the fequeftration of hiseftate,
as was John Baliol by a heavy fine, which the king
of England referved entirely to his own ufe.
Alexander and his queen were attended to Alnwic
by the heads of their party ; and when they arrived,,
it was agreed that Henry fhould aft as his fon-in-law’s
guardian ; in confequence of which feveral regulations
were made in order to fupprefs the exorbitant power
of the Cummins. That ambitious family, however,
were all this time privately ftrengthening their party
Alexander in Scotland, though they outwardly appeared fatisfied
earned off with the arrangements which had been made. This
by rebels, rendered Alexander fecure ; fo that, being off his
” "guard, he was furprifed when afleep in the caftle of
Kinrofs by the Earl of Menteith, who carried him to
Stirling. The Cummins were joined in this treafon
by Sir Hugh de Abernethy, Sir David Lochore, and
1 Sir Hugh de Barclay ; and in the mean time the whole
nation was thrown into the utmoft confufion. The
great feal was forcibly taken from Robert Stuterville,
fubftitute to the chancellor the bifhop of Dunkeld ;
the eftates of the royalifts were plundered ; and even
the churches were not fpared.. The king at laft waa
delivered by the death of the earl of Menteith, who Scotland;
is faid to have been poifoned by his wife, in order to ' ‘
gratify her paffion for a young Englifh gentleman
named John RufFel. This charge, however, was ne¬
ver proved ; but it is certain that the earl died at a-
junfture very critical for Scotland, and that his death
difconcerted all the fchemes of his party, which never
afterwards could make head againft the royalifts.
Alexander being thus reftored to the exercife of re¬
gal authority, afted with great wifdom and modera¬
tion. He pardoned the Cummins and their adherents,
upon their fubmitting to his authority ; after which,
he applied himfelf to the regulation of his other af¬
fairs : but a florin was now ready to break upon him
from another quarter. We have already feen, that tha
ufurper Donald Bane, brother to Malcolm Canmore,
had engaged to deliver up the ifles of Orkney and
Shetland to the king of Norway, for aflifting him in
making good his pretenfions to the crown of Scotland.
Haquin, the king of Norway, at this time alleged
that thefe engagements extended to the delivering up
the iflands of Bute, Arran, and others in the frith of
Clyde, as belonging to the Ebudte or Weftern ifles ;
and as Alexander did not think proper to comply with,
thefe demands, the Norwegian monarch appeared with
a fleet of 160 fail, having on board 20,000 troops,
who landed and took the caftle of Aire. Alexander im¬
mediately difpatched ambaffadors to enter into a treaty
with Hr.quin; but the latter, flufhed with fuccefs, would
hearken to no terms. He made himfelf mafter of the ifles
of Bute and Arran; after which he pafled over to Cun¬
ningham. Alexander, prepared to oppofe him, di¬
vided his army into three bodies. The firft was com¬
manded by Alexander high fteward of Scotland, (the
great grandfather of Robert II.), and confifted of the
Argyle, Athol, Lenox, and Galloway men. The
fecond was compofed of the inhabitants of Lothian,
Fife, Merfe, Berwick, and Stirling, under the com¬
mand of Patrick earl of Dunbar. The king himfelf
led the centre, which confifted of the inhabitants of
Perthfhire, Angus, Mearns, and the northern coun¬
ties. Haquin, who was an excellent commander, dif-
pofed his men in order of battle, and the engagement Defeats tft*
began at a place called Largs. Both parties fought Norwe-
with great refolution ; but at laft the Norwegians were S,ans*
defeated with dreadful flaughter, no fewer than 16,000
of them being killed on the fpot. The remainder
efcaped to their (hips; which were fo completely
wrecked the day after, that Haquin could fcarce find
a veffel to carry him with a few friends to Orkney,
where he foon after died of grief.
In confequence of this viftory, Owen, or John,
king of the ifland of Man, fubmitted to Alexander;
and his example was followed by feveral other princes
of the iflands belonging to the Norwegians. Haquin’s
fon, Magnus, a wife and learned prince, foon after
arrived in Scotland with frefh reinforcements, and
propofed a treaty ; but Alexander, inftead of liften-
ing to an accommodation, fent the earls of Buchan and
Murray, with Allen the chamberlain, and a conlider-
able body of men, to the weftern iflands, where they
put to the fword fome of the inhabitants, and hanged
their chiefs for having encouraged the Norwegian in-
vafion. In the mean time, Magnus returned to Nor¬
way ; where a treaty was at laft concluded between
him.
SCO [ 7006 ] SCO
Scotland, him and Alexander. By this Magnus renounced all
tight to the contefted iflands; Alexander at the fame
„ V . time confenting to pay him 1000 merks of filver in
Regains the . r e /
iflands of l"e fpace two years, and too yearly ever after,
Shetland, as an acknowledgment for thefe iflands. To cement
Orkney, the friendfhip more firmly, a marriage was concluded
&c* between Margaret the daughter of Alexander, and
Eric the fon and heir of Magnus, who was alfo a
child ; and, fome years after, when the parties were
of proper age, the marriage was confummated.
From this time to the acceffiort of Edward I. of
England, we find nothing remarkable in the biflory
of Scotland. That prince, however, proved a more
cruel enemy to this country than it had ever expe¬
rienced. Alexander was prefent at the coronation of
Edward, who was then newly arrived from the Holy
Eand, where he had been on a crufade. Soon after
this Alexander paid him homage for his Englifh eftates;
particularly for the lands and lordlhips of Penrith and
others, which Henry had given him along with his
daughter. He proved an excellent ally to Edward in
his wars againft the French; and the latter paffed a
charter, by which he acknowledged that the fervices
of the king of Scotland in thofe wars were not in con-
fequence of his holding lands in England, but as an
78 ally to his crown. Even at this time, however, Ed-
Defigns of ward had formed a defign on the liberties of that
a ahift the kmgdom ; for in the charter juft mentioned, he in¬
liberties of ferted a falvo, acknowledging the fuperiority, by which
Scotland, he referved his right to the homage of the kingdom of
Scotland, when it fhould be claimed by him or his heirs.
The bifliop of Norwich fuggefted this fal.vo : and this
was the reafon why Alexander would not perform
the homage in perfon, but left it to be performed by
Robert Bruce earl of Carrie ; Alexander ftaoding by,
and exprefsly declaring that it was only paid for the
lands he held in England-—No a&s of hoftility, how¬
ever, took place during the lifetime of Alexander,
who was killed on the 19th of March 1285, in the
45th year of his age, by his horfe rufhing down
the black rock near Kinghorn, as he was hunt¬
ing.
Both before and after the death of Alexander, the
great fubjefts of Scotland feemed to have been fenfible
of Edward’s ambitious defigns. On the marriage of
Margaret with Eric prince of Norway, the Rates of
Scotland paffed an a& obliging themfelves to receive
her and her heirs as queen and fovereigns of Scotland.
Edward at that time was in no condition to oppofe
this meafure, in which the Scots were unanimous ;
and therefore contented himfelf with forming faitions
among the leading men of the country. Under pre¬
tence of refuming the crofs, he renewed his intrigues
at the court of Rome, and demanded leave from the
pope to colled! the tenths in Scotland ; but his holi-
nefs replied, that he could make no fuch grant with¬
out the confent of the government of Scotland. On
the death of Margaret queen of Norway, her daugh¬
ter, in confequence of the act abovementioned, was
recognized by the Rates as queen of Scotland. As
ffie was then but two years old, they came to a refo-
lution of excluding from all fliare in the government, not
only Edward I. but their queen’s father ; and they ac¬
cordingly eftabliftied a regency from among their own
number, confifting of the fix following noblemen ;
viz- Robert Wiffiart biftiop of Gbfgow, Sir James
Cummin of Badetloch fenior, James lord high ftew- Scotland.'
ard of Scotland, who were to have the fuperinten- “ 1
dency of all that part of Scotland which lay to the
fouth of the Forth ; William Frafer bifiiop of St An¬
drews, Duncan M‘DufF earl of Fife, and Alexander
Cummin earl of Buchan, who were to have the di*
redlion of all affairs to the north of the fame river.—
With thefe arrangements Eric w'as exceedingly dif-
pleafed, as confidering himfelf as the only rightful
guardian of his own child. He therefore cultivated a
good correfpondence with Edw'ard, from whom he
had received confiderable pecuniary favours; and per¬
ceiving that the ftates of Scotland were unanimous in
excluding all foreigners from the management of their
concerns,' he fell in with the views of the king of Eng¬
land, and named commiffioners to treat with thofe of
Edward upon the Scots affairs. Thefe negociationsTreat7Pof i
terminated in a treaty of marriage between the queen man-iagg |
of Scotland and Edward prince of Wales, young as between th«
they both were. This alarmed the ftates of Scotland, y°ung
who refolved not to fuffer their queen to be difpofed 1
of without their confent. It was therefore agreed by a!1(j the 1
the commiflioners on both Tides, to acquaint them prince of |
with the refult of their conferences, ami to demand W®!'5*
that a deputation fliould be fent up for fettling the
regency of Scotland, or, in other words, for putting
the fovereign power into the hands of the two kings.
As the two parties, however, were within the prohi¬
bited degrees of confanguinity, being firft coufins, a
difpenfation was applied for to pope Boniface, who
granted it on condition that the peers of Scotland coh-
fented to the match.
Though the Scots nobility were very much againft
this match, they could not refufe their confent to it
when propofed by the father and grand-uncle of their
young queen. They therefore appointed the biftiops
of St Andrew’s and Glafgow, with Robert Bruce
lord of Anandale, and John Cumming, to attend as
their deputies, but with a falvo to all the liberties and
honours of the realm of Scotland ; to which Edward „ ;
agreed. Thefe deputies met at Saliibury with thofe of
Englandand Norway; audit was at laft agreed, i.That
the young queen fhould be fent from Norway, (free of
all marriage-engagements), into England or Scotland.
2. That if the queen came to England, fhe (hould be at
liberty to repair to Scotland as foon as the diftradions
of that kingdom fhould be fettled : that fhe fhould, on
her arrival in her own dominions, be free of all matri¬
monial contrads; but that the Scots fhould engage
not to difpofe of her in marriage without her fathtr or
Edward’s confent. 3. The Scots deputies promifed
to give fuch fecurity as the Norwegian commiffionera
fhould require ; that the tranquillity of the nation
fhould be fettled before her arrival there. 4. That
the commiffioners of Scotland and Norway, joined
with commiffioners from England, fhould remove fuch
regents and officers of Rate in Scotland as fhould be
fufpeded of difaffedion, and place others in their
ftead. If the Scots and Norwegian commiffioners
fhould difagree on that or any other head relating to the
government of Scotland, the decifion was to be left to
the arbitration of Englifh commiffioners.
The party of Edward was now fo ftrong in Scot¬
land, that no oppdfition was made to the late agreeT
ment, in a parliament held at Brechin to deliberate
upon the fettlement of the kingdom. It is uncertain
whether
SCO l 7C07 ] s c
Scotland, whether he communicated in form to the Scots parlia- and queen, that is, to Edward,
ment the pope’s difpenfation for the marriage: but moft
’ 1 a letter written to him by the
o
probably he did not
ftates of Scotland, they mention this as a matter they
heard by report. On the whole, however, they highly ap¬
proved of the marriage, upon certain conditions to which
Edward was previoufly to agree; but the latter, without
waiting to perform any conditions, immediately fent
for the young queen from Norway. This exceedingly
difpleafed Eric, who was by no means inclined to put
his daughter into the hands of a prince whofe fincerity
he fufpe&ed, and therefore Ihifted off the departure of
the princefs till he ftiould hear farther from Scotland.
Edward, alarmed at this, had again recourfe to ne-
gociation ; and ten articles were at laft drawn up, in
which the Scots took all imaginable precautions for
the fafety and independency of their country. Tbefe
articles were ratified by Edward on the 28th of
Augnft 1289; yet, even after the affair of the marriage
was fully fettled, he loft no time in procuring as ftrong
a party as he could. At the head of thefe were the
bifhop of St Andrew’s and John Baliol. That prelate,
while he was in England, was highly careffed by Edward,
from whom he had great expectations of preferment ;
and Baliol, having great eftates in England, confi-
dered the latter as his fovereign. The bifhop, on his
return to Scotland, adted as a fpy for Edward, and
carried on with him a fecret correfpondence informing
him of all public tranfadtions. It appears from this
correfpondence, that the Scots were far from being
unanimous as to the marriage. Bruce earl of Annan-
dale fufpedted, for fome reafon or other, that the
young queen was dead ; and, foon after Michaelmas
1290, affembled a body of forces, and was joined by
the earl of Mar and Athol. Intelligence of thefe
commotions was carried to Edward by Baliol; and
the bifhop of St Andrew’s advifed Edward, in cafe
the report of the queen’s death ftiould prove true, to
march a body of troops towards Scotland, in order to
fecure fuch a fucceffor as he thought proper.
Edward, in the mean time, confented to allow
ambaffadors to be fent from Scotland to bring over
the young queen; previous to which he appointed the
biftiop of Durham to be lieutenant in Scotland for the
queen and her future huftjand ; and all the officers
there, both civil and military, obliged themfelves to
furrender their employments and fortreffes to the king
mediately on their Scotland,
arrival in Scotland. But while the moft magnificent go
preparations were making for the reception of thej^jj, of
young queen, certain intelligence of her death was the queen,
received ; but it is not certainly known whether this
happened before the arrival of the ambaffadors in Nor¬
way, or after her departure from thence.
The Scots were thrown into the utmoft confterna-
tion by the news of their queen’s death, while on the
other hand Edward was as well prepared as if he had
known what was to happen. The ftate of Scotland
at this time indeed was to the laft degree deplorable. g.
The a£I of fucceffion eftablifhed by the late king hadA number
no farther eperation, being determined by the death ofof comPetii
the queen; and fince the crown was rendered heredi-^
tary, there was ne precedent by which it could be
fettled. The Scots, in general, however, turned
their eyes upon the pofterity of David Earl of Hun¬
tingdon, brother to the two kings Malcolm the Maiden
and his fucceffor William, both of whom died without
lawful iffue. The earl had three daughters. Margaret,
the eldeft, was married to Allan lord of Galloway ; the
only iffue of which marriage was Derverguill wife to John
Baliol, who had a fon of the fame name, a competitor
for the crown. The fecond daughter, Ifabella, was
married to Robert Bruce ; and their fon Robert was
a candidate likewife. The third daughter, Ada, had
been married to Henry Haftings, an Englifti noble¬
man, and predeceffor to the prefent earl of Hunting¬
don. John Haftings, the fon of this marriage, was a
third competitor ; but as his claim was confeffedly the
word of the three, he only put in for a third of the
kingdom, on the principle that his mother was joint- *
heir with her two filters (c). Several others claimants
now ftarted up. Florence earl of Holland pretended
to the crown of Scotland in right of his great-grand¬
mother Ada, the eldeft lawful fifter of William, fome
time king ; as did Robert de Pynkeny, in the right
alfo of his great-grandmother Marjory, fecond filter
of the fame king William. Patrick Gallightly was
the fon or Henry Gallightly, a baftard of William ;
William de Rofs was defcended of Ifabel; Patrick,
earl of March, of Ilda or Ada; and William de
Vefci, of Marjory ; all of them three natural daugh¬
ters of king William. Roger de Mandeville, defcen¬
ded from Aufrie, another natural daughter of William,
alfo put in his claim ; but the right of Nicolas de
Soulis*
(c) The pedigree of the three principal competitors will be fully underftood from the following fcheme.
David I. King of Scots.
Henry Prince of Scotland.*
David Earl of Huntingdon, fecond fon.
3. Ada=Henry de Haftings. 2. Ifabella=Robert Bruce. 1. Margaret=AUan of Galloway.-
Henry ue Haftings.
Robert Bruce,
cotKpttitor*
John Balliol=DerverguilL
John ec Hastings^
competitor*
John Balliol,
competitor*
SCO [ 7008 ] SCO
Scotland. Soulls, if baftardy could give a right, was better than
■ ■ ' the former. His grandmother Marjory, the wife of
Allan le Huiffier, was a natural daughter of Alexan¬
der II. and confequently After to Alexander III.
John Gumming lord of Badenoch derived his claim
from a more remote fource, viz. Donald Bane, who
ufurped the crown about 200 years before this time;
but he was willing to refign his pretenfions in favour of
John Baliol. The latter indeed had furely the beft
right; and, had the fucceffion been regulated as it is
in all hereditary kingdoms at this day, he would un¬
doubtedly have carried it. Bruce and Haftings,
however, pleaded, that they were preferable, not oniy
to John Baliol the grandchild of Margaret, but alfo
to Dervegild her daughter and his mother, for the
following reafon. Dervegild and they were equally
related to their grandfather earl David : (he was in¬
deed the daughter of his eldeft daughter ; but fhe was
a woman, they were men; and, faid they, the male
in the fame degree ought to fucceed to fovercignties,
in their own nature impartible, preferable to the
female.
Notwithftanding this number of candidates, how¬
ever, it was foon perceived, that the claims of all of
them might be cut off excepting two, viz. Baliol and
Bruce, of whom the former had the preference with
refpeft to hereditary right, and the latter as to popu¬
larity. Baliol had ftrongly attached himfelf to Ed¬
ward’s party; which being by far the moft powerful in
Scotland, gave him a decided fuperiority over Bruce.
The event was, that Edward, by his own party moft
probably, though, fome fay, by the unanimous voice
of the Scots parliament, was appointed to decide be¬
tween the two competitors. It fo#n appeared, how¬
ever, that Edward had no mind to adjudge the crown
to any perfon but himfelf; for, in an affembly held at
Norharti on the 10th of May 1291, Brabanzon the
chief juftice of England informed the members, “ That
his mafter was come thither in confideration of the
8l (late of the realm of Scotland, which was then with-
Edward de-out a king, to meet them, as dirett Sovereign of
Clares him- that kingdom, to do juftice to the claimants of his
fdf fove- crown) and to eftablifh a folid tranquillity among his
Scotland people ; that it was not his intention to retard juftice,
nor to ufurp the right of any body, or to infringe the
liberties of the kingdom of Scotland, but to render to
every one their due. And to the end this might be
done with the more eafe, he required the affent of the
ftatesex abundante, and that they fhould own him as
diretl fovereign of the kingdom ; offering, upon that
condition, to make ufe of their counfels to do what
juftice demanded.” The deputies were aftoniftied at
this declaration, and replied, that they were by no
means prepared to decide on Edward’s claim of fupe¬
riority ; but that Edward ought previoufly to judge
the caufe between the two competitors, and require
homage from him whom he ftiould choofe to be king.
Edward treated this excufe as trifling, and gave them
till next day to confider of his demand. Accordingly,
on that day, the affembly was held in Norham church,
where the deputies from Scotland infifted upon giving
no anfwer to Edward’s demands, which could be de¬
cided only by the whole community ; reprefenting, at
the fame time, that numbers of the noblemen and pre¬
lates were abfent, and that they muft have time to
know their fenfe of the affair. In confequence of Scotland,
this, Edward gave them a delay of three weeks; which  
interval he employed in multiplying claimants to the
crown of Scotland, and in flattering each with hopes,
if he would acknowledge his fuperiority. But when the
affembly met, according to appointment, on the 2d of
June following, they found the place of meeting fur-
rounded by a numerous army of Englifti. Edward
had employed the bifhop of Durham to draw up an hi.
ftqrical dedudion of his right to the crown of Scot¬
land; which has fince been publifhed. In this paper
mention is made of the fealty and homage performed
by the kings of Scotland to the Anglo-Saxon kings
of England ; but no fufficient evidence is brought of
any fuch homage being adually performed. As to the
homage performed by the kings of Scotland from the
time of William the Conqueror to that of the difpute
between Bruce and Baliol, the Scots never denied it:
but they contended, and indeed with juftice, that it
was performed for the lands which they held from the
crown of England ; and they alleged, that it was as
far removed from any relation to a fealty or homage
performed for the crown of Scotland, as the homage
paid by the Englifti monarchs to the crown of France
was removed from all relation to the crown of England.
With regard to the homage paid by William king of
Scotland to Henry II. of England, it was not denied
that he performed it for the whole kingdom of Scot¬
land : but they pleaded, that it was void of itfelf, be-
caufe it was extorted when William was a prifoner to
Henry ; and they produced Richard I.’s charters,
which pronounced it to have been compulfive and ini¬
quitous.
But, however urgent thefe reafons of the Scots
might be, Edward was by no means difpofed to exa¬
mine into their merits. Inftead of this, he clofeted the
feveral pretenders to the crown ; and having found
them allready to comply with his meafures, he drew
up the following charter of recognition to be figned by
them all.
“ To all who ftiall hear this prefent letter. g3
“ We Florence earl of Holland, Robert deThecandi-
Bruce lord of Annandale, Johh Baliol lord of Gal- ^ates fig*4
loway, John Haftings lord of Abergavenny, Johnan a^cnt*
Cummin lord of Badenoch, Patrick de Dunbar earl
of March, John Vefci for his father Nicholas Soulis,
and William de Rofs,greeting in the Lord:
“ Whereas we intend to purfue our right to the
kingdom of Scotland ; and to declare, challenge, and
aver the fame before him that hath moft power, ju-
rifdiftion, and reafon to try it ; and the noble prince
Edward, by the grace of God king of England, &c.
having informed us, by good and fufficient reafons, that
to him belongs the fovereign feigniory of the fame:
We therefore promife, that we will hold firm and (table
his aft ; and that he (hall enjoy the realm to whom it
(hall be adjudged before him. In witnefs whereof, we
have fet our feals to this writing, made and granted at
Norham, the Tuefday after the Afcenfion, in the year
of Grace 1291.”
Edward then declared, by the mouth of his chan¬
cellor, that although, in the difpute which was arifen
between the feveral claimants, touching the fucceffion
to the kingdom of Scotland, he afted in quality
of fovereign, in order to render juftice to whomfo-
ever
SCO [ 7009 ] SCO
: Scotland, ever it was due; yet he did not thereby mean to ex-
 elude himfelf from the hereditary right which in his
own perfon he might have to that crown, and which
right he intended to affert and improve when he fhould
think fit: and the king himfelf repeated this protefta-
tion with his own mouth in French. The candidates
were then feverally called upon by the Englifh chancel¬
lor, to know whether they were willing to acknowledge
Edward’s claim of fuperiority over the crown of Scot-
land, and to fubmit to his award in difpofing of the
fame; which being anfwered in the affirmative, they
were then admitted to prove their rights. But this
was mere matter of form; for all the force of England
was then affembled on the borders in order to fupport
the claims of Edward, and nothing now remained but
to furnilh him with a fufficient pretence for making ufe
! ■ of it. He obferved, that the Scots were not fo una¬
nimous as they ought to be in recognizing his fupe-
riority, and that the fubmiffion which had been fign-
Edwaixl de-ec* ^7 t*le candidates was not fufficient to carry it into
mands pof-execution ; for which reafon he demanded that all
ifeffion of all the forts in Scotland ffiould be put into his poffef-
jthe fortified fion tjiat he might relign them to the fuccefsful can-
Places^ didate.
c° an . Though nothing could be more ffiameful than a tame
compliance with tnis laft demand of Edward, the re¬
gency of Scotland did nothefitate at yielding to it al-
,.8* fo; for which they gave the following reafons. “That
agreed to whereas they (the Sates of Scotland) had, with one
by the afient, already granted that king Edward, as fuperior
dates. lord of Scotland, ffiould give fentence as to their feve-
ral rights and titles to the crown of Scotland, &c.
but as the faid king of England cannot put his judg¬
ment in full execution to anfwer effedlually, without
the pofleffion or feifin of the faid country and its
caftles ; we will, grant, and affent, that he, as fove-
reign lord thereof, to perform the things aforefaid,
ffiall have feifin of all the lands and caltles in Scotland,
until right be done to the demandants, and to the
guardians and community of the kingdom of Scotland,
to reftore both it and its caftles with all the royalties,
dignities, franchifes, cuftomk, rights, laws, ufages,
and pofleffions, with their appurtenances, in the fame
ftate and condition they were in when he received
them ; faving to the king of England the homage of
him that ffiall be king; fo as they may be reftored
withing two months after the day the rights ffiall be
determined and affirmed ; and that the profits of the
nation which ffiall be received in the mean time, ffiall
be kept in the hands of the chamberlain of Scotland
that now is, and one to be joined with him by the
king of England ; fo as the charge of the government,
caftles, and officers of the realm, may be dedufted. In
witnefs whereof, &c.”
For thefe reafons, as it is faid, the regency put into
the hands of Edward all the forts in the country.
Gilbert de Umfreville alone, who had the command
of the caftles of Dundee and Forfar, refufed to deliver
them up, until he ffiould be indemnified by the States,
I and by Edward himfelf, from all penalties of treafon
of which he might afterwards be in danger.
But though Edward had thus got into his hands the
whole power of the nation, he did not think proper to
determine every thing by his own authority. Inftead
of this, he appointed commiffioners, and promifed to
Von. IX.
grant letters-patent declaring that fentence ffiould be Scotland,
paffed in Scotland. It had been all along forefeen
that the great difpute would be between Bruce and Ba- coni*ff
liol; and though the plea of Gumming was judged floners a],.
frivolpus, yet he was a man of too much influence to pointed to
be neglected, and he agreed tacitly to refign it in fa-determine
vour of Baliol. Edward accordingly made him nons'o^t'h*
compliment of joining him with Baliol in nominatingc^jidates.6
40 commiffioners. Bruce was to name 40 more; and
the names of the 80 were to be given in to Edward in
three days; after which the king was to add to them
24 of his own choofing. The place and time of meet¬
ing were left in their own option. They unanimoufly
pitched upon Bewick for the place of meeting; but
as they could not agree about the time, Edward ap¬
pointed the 2d of Auguft following. Soon after this,
the regents refigned their commiffions to Edward; but
he returned them, with powers toad in his name; and
he nominated the biffiop of Caithnefs to be chancellor
of Scotland; joining in the commiffion with him
Walter de Hemondeffiam an Englifliman, and one of
his own fecretaries. Still, however, he met with great
difficulties. Many of his own great men, particularly
the earl of Gloucefter, were by no means fond of in-
creafing the power of the Engliffi monarch by the ac-
quifition of Scotland; and therefore threw fuch ob-
ftacles in his way, that he was again obliged to have
recourfe to negociation and intrigue, and at laft to
delay the meeting until the 2d of June 1292 : but
during this interval, that he might the better reconcile
the Scots to the lofs of their liberty, he propofed an
union of the two kingdoms ; and for this he iffiied a
writ by virtue of his fuperiority.
The commiffioners having met on the fecond of
June 1292, ambaffadors from Norway prefented them-
felves in the aflembly, demanding that their mafter
ffiould be admitted into the number of the claimants,
as father and next heir to the late queen. This de¬
mand too was admitted by Edward, after the ambaf-
fadorshad acknowledged his fuperiority over Scotland ;
after which he propofed that the claims of Bruce and
Baliol ffiould be previoufly examined, but without pre¬
judice to thofe of the other competitors. This being
agreed to, he ordered the commiffioners to examine by
what laws they ought to proceed in forming their re¬
port. The difeuffion of this queftion was attended
with fuch difficulty, and the opinions on it were fo va¬
rious, that Edward once more adjourned the aflembly
to the 12th of O&ober following ; at which time he
required the members to give their opinions on the
two following points : 1. By what laws and cuftoms
they ought to proceed to judgment; and, fuppofing
there could be no law or precedent found in the two
kingdoms, in what manner. 2. Whether the king¬
dom of Scotland ought to be taken in the fame view
as all other fiefs, and to be awarded in the fame man¬
ner as earldoms and baronies? The commiffioners re¬
plied, that Edward ought to give juftice conformable
to the ufage of the two kingdoms ; but that if no cer¬
tain laws or precedents could be found, he might, by
the advice of bis great men, enad! a new law. In
anfwer to the fecond queftion they faid, that the fuc-
ceffion to the kingdom might be awarded in the fame
manner as to other eftates and great baronies. Upon
this, Edward ordered Bruce and Baliol to be called
1 39 H before
m
SCO [ 7010 ] SCO
Scotland, before him; and both of them urged their, refpe&ive
§7 pleas, and anfwers, to the following purpofe.
Pleas of Bruce pleaded, x. That Alexander II. defpairing of
Bruce and ],c;rs cf his own body,had declared that he held him to
liahol. ^ tjie true an(j 0ffere(] to prove by the teftimony of
perfons tlill alive, that he declared this with the advice
and in the prefence of the good men of his kingdom.
Alexander III. alfo had declared to thofe with whom
he was intimate, that, failing iflue of hia own body,
Bruce was his right heir. The people of Scotland alfo
had taken an oath for maintaining the fucceffion of
ihe neared in blood to Alexander III. who ought of
right to inherit, failing Margaret the Maiden of Nor¬
way and her iffue.—Baliol anfwered, that nothing
could be concluded from the acknowledgment of
Alexander II. for that he left heirs of his body; but
made no anfwer to what was faid of the fentiments of
Alexander III. and of the oath made by the Scottifh
nation to maintain the fucceffion of the next of blood.
2. Bruce pleaded, that the right of reigning ought
to be decided according to the natural law, by which
kings reign; and not according to any law or ufage
in force between fubje& and fubjeft: That by the
law of nature, the neareft collateral in blood has a
right to the crown; but that the conftitutions which
prevail among vaflals, bind not the lord, much lefs the
Sovereign: That although in private inheritances,
which are divifible, the eldeft female heir has a certain
prerogative, it is not fo in a kingdom that is indivifible ;
there the neareft heir of blood is preferable whenever
the fucceffion opens.—To this Baliol replied, that the
claimants were in the court of their lord paramount;
and that he ought to give judgment in this cafe, as in
the cafe of any other tenements depending on his crown,
that is, by the common law and ufage of his kingdom
and no'other. That by the laws and ufages of England,
the eldeft female heir is preferred in the fucceffion to
all inheritances, indivifible as well as divifible.
3. It was urged by Bruce, that the manner of fuc¬
ceffion to the kingdom of Scotland in former times,
made for his claim; for that the brother, as being neareft
in degree, was wont to be preferred to the fon of the
deceafed king. Thus, when Kenneth Macalpin died,
his brother Donald waspreferred to his fon Conftantine,
and this was confirmed by feveral other authentic inftan-
ces in the hiftory of Soctland,—Baliol anfwered, that if
the brother was preferred to the fon of the king, the
example proved againft Bruce; for that the fon, not
the brother, was the neareft in degree. He admitted,
that after the death of Malcolm III. his brother ufur-
ped the throne ; but he contended, that the fon of
Malcolm complained to his liege lord the king of
England, who difpofleffed the ufurper, and placed the
fon of Malcolm on the throne; that after the death
of that fon the brother of Malcolm III. again
ufurped the throne; but the king of England again
difpoiltfied him, and raifed Edgar, the fecond fon of
Malcolm, to the fovereignty.
4. Bruce pleaded, that there are examples in other
countries, particularly in Spain and Savoy, where the
fon of the fecond daughter excluded the grandfon of
the eldeft daughter. Balio! anfwered, that examples
from foreign countries are of no importance; for that
according to the laws of England and Scotland, where
kings reign by fucceffion in the direft line, and earls Scotland ^
and barons fucceed in like manner, the iflue of the  
younger fitter, although nearer in degree, excludes not
the iffue of the eldeft fifter, although more remote ;
but the fucceffion continues in the direft line.
5. Bruce pleaded, that a female ought not to reign,
as being incapable of governing : That at the death
of Alexander III. the mother of Baliol was alive; and
as (he could not reign, the kingdom devolved upon
him, as being the neareft male heir of the blood royal.
But to this Baliol replied, that Bruce’s argument was
inconfiftent with his claim: for that if a female ought
not to reign, Ifabella the mother of Bruce ought not,
nor muft Bruce himfelf claim through her. Befides,
Bruce himfelf had fworn fealty to a female, the maiden
of Norway. gs
The arguments being thus flated on both fides, judgment I
Edward demanded an anfwer from the council as togivenin fa-1
the merits of the competitors. He alfo put the fol* v.0,?r of Ba~ I
lowing queftion to them: By the laws and ufages1'01*
of both kingdoms, does the iffue of the eldeft fifter, tho’
more remote in one degree, exclude the iffue of the
fecond fifter, though nearer in one degree ; or ought
the nearer in one degree iffuing from the fecond fifter,
to exclude the more remote in one degree iffuing from
the eldeft fifter ? To this it was anfwered unanimoufly,
That|by the laws and ufages of both kingdoms, in every
heritable fucceffion, the more remote in one degree
lineally defeended from the eldeft fifter, was preferable
to the nearer in degree iffuing from the fecond fifter.
In confequence of this, Bruce was excluded from the
fucceffion; upon which he entered a claim for one third
of the kingdom: but being baffled in this alfo, the
kingdom of Scotland being determined an indivi¬
fible fee, Edward ordered John Baliol to have feifin
of Scotland; with this caveat, however, “ That this
judgment (hould not impair his claim to the property
of Scotland.”
After fo many difgraceful and humiliating concef-whofs i
fions on the part of the Scots, John Baliol was crowned crowned at jj
king at Scone on the 30th November 1292 ; andScone* ||
finiffied the ceremony by doing homage to the king of
England. All his fubmiffions, however, could not
fatisfy Edward, as long as the lead (hadow of inde¬
pendence remained to Scotland. A citizen of Ber¬
wick appealed from a fentence of the Scots judges
appointed by Edward, in order to carry his caufe into
England. But this was oppofed by Baliol, who
pleaded a promife made by the Englifh monarch, that
he (hould “ obferve the laws and ufages of Scotland,
and not withdraw any caufes from Scotland into his
Englifti courts.” Edward replied, that it belonged 90 If
to him to hear the complaints made againft his own^moLU
minifters ; and concluded with afferting his right, not0f Edwar*
only to try Scots caufes in England, but to fummon
the king of Scotland, if neceffary, to appear before
him in perfon. Baliol had not fpirit to refift ; and
therefore figned a mod difgraceful inftrument, by
which he declared, that all the obligations which Ed¬
ward had come under were already fulfilled, and
therefore that he difeharged them all.
Edward now thought proper to give Baliol fome
marks of his favour, the moft remarkable of which
was giving him feifin of the Ifle of Man ; but it foon
appeared,
SCO [ 70.1 ] SCO
Scotland, appeared, that he intended to exercife his rights of duff for his impnfonment, he was ordered damages Scotland.
  fuperiority in the mod provoking manner. The firft from the king of Scots, to be taxed by the court; and   
inftance was in the cafe of Malcolm, earl of Fife. This it was alfo determined that Edward fhould inquire, ac-
nobleman had two fons, Colban his heir, and another
who is conllantly mentioned in hiftory by the family-
name of Macduff.—It is faid, that Malcolm putMacduff
in poffeffion of the lands of Reres and Crey. Mal¬
colm died in 1266 ; Colban his fon, in 1270 ; Dun¬
can the fon of Colban, in 1288. To this laft earl, his
fon Duncan, an infant, fucceeded. During the non¬
age of this Duncan, grand-nephew of Macduff, Wil¬
liam bifhop of St Andrew’s, guardian of the earldom,
difpoffeffed Macduff. He complained to Edward ; who
having ordered his caufe to be tried, reftored him
him again to poffeffion. Matters were in this date,
when Baliol held his firft parliament at Scone, 10th
February 1292. There Macduff was citdd to anfwer
for having taken poffeffion of the lands of Reres and
Crey, which were in poffeffion of the king fince the
death of the laft earl of Fife. As his defences did
not fatisfy the court, he was condemned to imprifon-
ment; but an a&ion was referved to him againft Dun¬
can, when he fhould come of age, and againft his heirs.
In all this defence, it is furprifing that Madcuff fhould
have omitted his ftrongeft argument, viz. that the re¬
gents, by Edward’s authority, had put him in pof¬
feffion, and that Baliol had ratified all things under
Edward’s authority. However, as foon as he was fet
at liberty, he petitioned Baliol for a rehearing; but
p, being reje&ed, he appealed to Edward, who ordered
.He fum- Baliol to appear before him in perfon on the 25th of
rnons lia- March 1293 : but as Baliol did not obey this order,
pea/before ^ie fummonec^ him again to appear on the 14th of
Hm. O&ober. In the mean time the Englifh parliament
drew up certain Jianding orders in cafes of appeal from
the king of Scots; all of which were harfh and cap¬
tious. One of thefe regulations provided, “ that no
excufe of abfence fhould ever be received either from
the appellant, or the king of Scotland refpondent;
but that the parties might have counfel if they de-
I 51 manded it.”
jU'ho be- Though Baliol had not the courage to withftand
feaves with the fecond fummons of Edward, he behaved with con-
refolution fidcrsLhle refolution at the trial. The caufe of Macduff
fit istna. come on> Edward afked Baliol what he had to
offer in his own defence; to which he replied, “ I
am king of Scotland. To the complaint of Macduff,
or to ought elfe rcfpe&ing my kingdom, I dare not
make anfwer without the advice of my people.”—Ed¬
ward affefted furprife at this refufal, after the fubmif-
fions which Baliol had already made him 5 but the
latter fteadily replied, “ In matters refpe&ing my
v kingdom, I neither dare nor can anfwer in this place,
without the advice of my people.” Edward then de-
iired him to afk a farther adjournment, that he might
advife with the nation. But Baliol, perceiving that
his doing fo would imply an acquiefcencc in Edward’s
right of requiring his perfonal attendance on the Eng¬
lifh courts, made anfwer, “ That he would neither
afk a longer day, nor confent to an adjournment.”—
It was then refolved by the parliament of England,
;bs fen- that the king of Scotland had offered no defence ; that
Jfince. }ie haci made evafive and difrefpeftful anfwers; and that
he was guilty of manifeft contempt of the court, and
of open difobedience. To make recompenfe to Mac-
z
cording to the ufages of the country, whether Mac¬
duff recovered the tenements in queftion by the judg¬
ment of the king’s court, and whether he was difpof-
feffed by the king of Scots. It was alfo refolved, that
the three principal caftles of Scotland, with the towns
wherein they were fituated, and the royal jurifdic-
tion thereof, fhould be taken into the cuftody of the
king, and there remain until the king of Scots fhpuld
make fatisfaftion for his contempt and difobedience.
But, before this judgment was publickly intimated,
Baliol addreffed Edward in the following words:
“ My lord, I am your liege-man for the kingdom of
Scotland ; that, whereof you have lately treated, re-
fpe&s my people no lefs than myfelf: I therefore
pray you to delay it until I have confulted my people,
left I be furprifed through want of advice : They who
are now with me, neither will nor dare advife me in ab¬
fence of the reft of my kingdom. After I have ad-
vifed with them, I will in your firft parliament after
Eafter report the refult, and do to you what I
ought.”
In confequence of this addrefs, Edward, with con- „ . 514 ,
fent of Macduff, flopped all proceedings till the day dcmandsdn
after the feaft of Trinity 1294. But before this term Scotland.
Edward was obliged to fufpend all proceedings againft
the Scots, by a war which broke out with France.
In a parliament held this year by Edward, the king
of Scotland appeared, and confented to yield up the
whole revenues of his Englifh eftates for three years to
affift Edward againft; his enemy. He was requejled
and ordered by Edward, to extend an embargo laid
upon the Englifh veffels all over Scotland ; and this
embargo to endure until the king of England’s further
pleafure fhould be known. He alfo requefted him to
fend fome troops for an expedition into Gafcony, ar.d
required the prefence and aid of feveral of the Scot-
tifh barons for the fame purpofe. The Scots, how¬
ever, eluded the commands of Edward, by pretending
that they could not bring any confiderable force 'ntoTheScot<
the field ; and, unable to bear his tyranny any longer, enter into
they negociated an alliance with Philip king of France, an alliance
Having affembled a parliament at Scone, they pre-Wlth
vailed upon Baliol to difmifs all the Englifhmen whomFrancC*
he maintained at his court. They then appointed a
committee of twelve, four bifhops, four earls, and
four barons, by whofe advice every thing was to be
regulated ; and, if we may credit the Englifh biftd-
rians, they watched the conduft of Baliol himfelf, and
detained him in a kind of honourable captivity. How¬
ever, they could not prevent him from delivering up
the caftles of Berwick, Roxburgh, and Jedburgh, to
the bifhop of Carlifle ; in whofe cuftody they were to
remain during the war between England and France,
as a pledge of his allegiance. Notwithftanding this,
Baliol concluded the alliance with Philip ; by which it
was ftipulated, that the latter fhould give in marriage
the eldeft daughter of the count of Anjou to Baliol’3
fon; and it was alfo provided, that Baliol fhould not
marry again without the confent of Philip. The king
of Scotland engaged to affift Philip in his wars at hi*
own expence, and with bis whole power, efpecially if
Edward invaded France ; and Philip on his part en-
39 H 2 gaged
95
The Scots
iisvadeEng
land with¬
out fuccefs.
97
Berwick
taken, and
the inhabi¬
tants maf-
facred by
Edward.
SCO [ 7c
gaged to affid Scotland, in cafe of an Engliih inva-
fion, either by making a ditrerfion, or by fending fuc-
cours.
Puffed up with the hopes of afliftance from France,
the Scots invaded Cumberland with a mighty army,
and laid fiege to Carlifle. The men abandoned the
place; but the women mounted the walls, and drove
the affailants from the attack. Another incurfion into
Northumberland proved almoft as disgraceful. Their
whole exploits confided in burning a nunnery at
Tameley, and a monaffery at Corebridge, though de¬
dicated to their patron St Andrew ; but having at¬
tempted to ftorm the caftle of Harbottle, they were re-
pulfed with lofs. In the mean time Edward, with an
army equal in number to that of the Scots, but much
fuperior on account of its difeipline, invaded the eaft
coaft of Scotland. Berwick had either not been de¬
livered according to promife, or had been refumed by
the Scots, and was now defended by a numerous gar-
rifon. Edward aflaulted it by fea and land. The
(hips which began the attack were all either burnt or
difabled ; but Edward having led on his army in per-
fon, took the place by ftorm, and cruelly butchered
the inhabitants, to the number of 8ooo, without dif-
tinflion of fex or age. In this town there was a build¬
ing called the Red hall, which certain Flemings pof-
feffed by the tenure of defending it at all times againft
the king of England. Thirty of thefe maintained
their ground for a whole day againft the Englifti ar¬
my ; but at night the building being fet on fire, all
of them perifhed in the flames. The fame day the
caftle capitulated ; the garrifon, confiding of 2000 men,
marched out with all the honours of war, after having
fworn never to bear arms againft England.
In the mean time, Baliol, by the advice of his par¬
liament, folemnly and openly renounced his allegiance
to Edward, fending the following declaration.
“ To the magnificent prince, Edward, by the grace
of God, king of England j John, by the fame grace,
king of Scotland.
“ Whereas you, and others of your kingdom, you
not being ignorant, or having caufe of ignorance, by
your violent power, have notorioufly and frequently
done grievous and intolerable injuries, contempts,grie¬
vances, and ftrange damages againft us, the liberties
of our kingdom, and againft God and juftice ; citing
ns, at your pleafure, upon every flight fuggeftion,
out of our kingdom ; unduly vexing us ; feizing our
caftles, lands, and poffeflions, in your kingdom j un-
juftly, and for no fault of ours, taking the goods of
our fubje&s, as well by fea as land, and carrying them
into your kingdom ; killing our merchants, and others
of our kingdom ; carrying away our fubjefts, and im-
prifoning them : For the reformation of which things,
we fent our meffengers to you, which remain not only
unredreffed, but there is every day an addition of worfe
things to them ; for now you are come with a great
army upon the borders, for the difinheriting us, and
the inhabitants of our kingdom ; and, proceeding, have
inhumanly committed flaughter, burnings, and violent
invafions, as well by fea as land : We not being able
to fuftain the faid injuries, grievances, and damages
any longer, nor to remain in your fealty or homage,
12 ] SCO
extorted by your violent oppreffion, we reftore them Scotland,
to you, for ourfelf, and all the inhabitants of our king- “ "*
dom, as well for the lands we hold of you in your
kingdom, as for your pretended government over
us.”
Edward was prefented with this renunciation by the
hands of the intrepid Henry, abbot of Aberbroth-
wick ; and as it was favourable to his political views,
he received it rather with contempt than anger.
“ The fooliih traitor,” faid he to the abbot, “ fince
he will not come to us, we will go to him.” The
abbot had been perfuaded by his enemies, of whom
he had many in Scotland, to prefent this letter, in
hopes that Edward would have put him to death ;
but he had addrefs enough to efcape fafe out of his
hands, without receiving any other anfwer.
Though this fcheme of renunciation had been con¬
certed fome time before, the declaration was not fent
to Edward till after the taking of Berwick. The fate
of Scotland, however, after it, was loon decided. The
Earl of March had taken part with Edward, but the
countefs betrayed his caftle of Dunbar into the hands
of the Scots. Edward fent a chofen body of troops to
recover the place. The whole force of Scotland op-T]iesc0ts
pofed them on the heights above Dunbar ; but leaving defeated
their advantageous poft, and pouring down on theirat
enemies in confufion, they were difperfedand defeated.
The caftle of Dunbar furrendered at diferetion; that
of Roxburgh followed the fame example; the caftle
of Edinburgh furrendered after a (hort ftege; and Stir¬
ling was abandoned. The Scots, in the mean time,
were guilty of the greateft extravagances. During
the fhort interval between the lofs of Berwick and the
defeat at Dunbar, an order was made for expelling all
the Englifti ecclefiaftics who held benefices in Eng¬
land ; all the partizans of England, and all neutrals,
were declared traitors, and their eftates confifcated.
But the great fucceffes of Edward foon put an end to JOO
thefe impotent afts of fury. Baliol was obliged to Baliol fub*
implore the mercy of the conqueror. Divefted of his mits> a,li
royal ornaments, and bearing a white rod in k” ka«<l.t“r
he performed a moft humdiatmg penance; confeffing,
that by evil and falfe counfel, and through his own
fimplicity, he had grievoufly offended his liege lord.
He recapitulated his various tranfgreffions, in conclu¬
ding an alliance with France while at enmity with
England ; in contrafting his fon with the niece of the
French king; in renouncing his fealty; in attacking
the Englifti territories, and in refifting Edward. He
acknowledged the juftice of the Englifti invafion and
conqueft; and therefore he, of his own free confent,
refigned Scotland, its people, and their homage, to
his liege-lord Edward, 2d July 1296.
The king of England purfued his conquefts, the
barons every where crowding in to fwear fealty to him,
and renounce their allegiance with France. ■^'sjour-Scotland
ney ended at Elgin, from whence he returned fouth- fobdueli.
ward ; and, as an evidence of his having made an ab-
folute conqueft of Scotland, he carried off from Scone
the wooden chair in which the kings were wont to be
crowned. This chair bad for its bottom the fatal ftone
regarded as the national palladium (d). Some of the
charters belonging to the abbey were carried off, and
the
(d) “ This ftone is thus deferibed by W. Hemingford, T. i. p. 3 7. “ Apud monafterium de Scone pofitus erafr
lapis
-
SCO
r 7013 ]
SCO
. the Teals torn from others: “ which”, fays Lord Hailes,
““ is the only well-vouched example which I have found
of any outrage on private property committed by Ed¬
ward’s army. It is mentioned in a charter of Ro¬
bert I. and we may be affured that the outrage was
not diminilhed in the relation.”
On the 28th of Auguft 1296, Edward held a par-
felfiih ecclefiaftic; while Ormefby the jufticiary was ha- Scotland,
ted for his feverity. Under thefe officers the admini-
ftration of Edward became more and more feeble;
bands of robbers infefted the highways, and the Eng- ,0J
lilh government was umverfally defpifed. At this cri- SirWilliam-
tical moment arofe Sir William Wallace, the hero fo Wallace,
much celebrated in Scottifh fables, and by which in-
liament at Berwick, where he received the fealty of deed his real exploits are fo much obfeured, that it is
the clergy and laity of Scotland. It is faid, that
while the Englilh monarch was employed in the con-
queft of Scotland, he had promifed the fovereignty to
Robert-Bruce, lord of Anandafe, in order to fecure
his fidelity ; but being put in mind of his promife, he
anfwered, “ Have I no other bufinefs but to conquer
kingdoms for you ?” Bruce filently retired, and paf-
fed his days in obfurity. Among thofe who profefied
their allegiance at this parliament, was Robert Bruce
the younger, earl of Carrick. After this, Edward took
the mod effedlual methods of fecuring his new conqueft.
He ordered the eftates of the clergy to be reftored ;
and having received the fealty of the widows of many
difficult to give an authentic relation of them. The
tnoft probable account is, that he was the younger fon
of a gentleman (Wallace of Ellerflie) in the neigh¬
bourhood of Paifley. Having been outlawed for fome
offence, (generally fuppofed to have been the killing
of an Englifhman), he aflbeiated with a few compa¬
nions of fortunes equally defperate with his own*
Wallace himfelf was endowed with great ftrength and
courage, and an a&ive and ambitious fpirit; and by
his affability, eloquence, and wifdom, he maintained
an authority over the rude and undifeiplined multi¬
tudes who flocked to his ftandard. In May 1297, he
began to infeft the Englifh quarters; and being fuc-
of the Scottifh barons, he put them in poffeffion of cefsful in his predatory incurfions, his party became
their jointure-lands, and even made a decent provifion
for the wives of many of his prifoners. Yet, though
in every thing he behaved with great moderation to¬
wards the Scots, he committed the government of cer¬
tain diftribts, and of the chief caftles in the fouth of
Scotland, to his Englifh fubje&s, of whofe fidelity
and vigilance he thought himfelf affured. In order to
conciliate the affe&ions of the clergy, he granted to
the Scottifh bifhops, forever, the privilege of bequea¬
thing their effe&s by will, in the fame manner as that
privilege was enjoyed by tho archbifhops and bifhops
of England. In honour of the “ glorious Confeffor
St Cuthbert,” he gave to the monks of Durham an
annual penfion of 40 pounds, payable out of the re¬
venues of Scotland, by the tenure of maintaining, be¬
fore the fhrine of the faint, two wax-tapers of 20
pounds weight each, and of diftributing twice a-year
one penny each to 3000 indigent perfons. At laft,
having fettled every thing, as he thought, in tranquil¬
lity, he departed for England, with all the pride of a
conqueror.
The tranquillity eftablifhed by Edward, however,
was of fhort duration. The government of Scotland
at that time required many qualities which Edward’s
vicegerent’s had not. Warenne, Earl of Surry, who
had been appointed governor, took up his abode in
England, on pretence of recovering his health. Cref-
fmgharo, the treafurer, was a voluptuous, proud, and
more numerous, and he was joined by Sir Williatn
Douglas. With their united forces, thefe two allies
attempted to furprife Ormefby the jufticiary, while he
held his courts at Scone; but he faved himfelf by a
precipitate flight. After this the Scots roved over the
whole country, affaulted caftles, and maffacred the
Englifh. Their party was joined by many perfons of
rank ; among whom were Robert Wifheart bifhop of
Glafgow, the Steward of Scotland and his brother A-
lexander de Lindfay, Sir Richard Lundin, and Sir
Andrew Moray of Bothwell. Young Bruce would
have been a vaft acceffion to the party; for he
poffeffed all Carrick and Anandale, fo that his terri¬
tories reached from the frith of Clyde to Solway. But
the wardens of the weftern marches of England fu-
fpedbed his fidelity, and fummoned him to Carlifle.
He obeyed, and made oath on the confecrated hofl
and on the fword of Becket, to be faithful and vigi¬
lant in the caufe of Edward ; and to prove his finceri-
ty, he invaded, with fire and fword, the eftate of Sir
William Douglas, and carried off his wife and chil¬
dren. However, he inftantly repented of what he had
done : “ I truft, (faid he), that the pope will abfolve
me from an extorted oath ;” on which he abandoned
Edward, and joined the Scottifh army.
All this time Edward was in France, not in the leaf!:
fufpe&ingan infurre&ion among people whom he imagi¬
ned he had thoroughly fubdued. As foon as he received
the
lapis pergrandis in ecclefia Dei, juxta magnum a’tare, concavus quidem ad modmn rotunda cathedra confecius, in
quo futuri reges loco quafi coronationis ponebantur ex more. Rege itaque novo in lapide pofito, miflarum folem-
nia incepta peraguntur, et praeterquam in elevatione facri dominici corporis, Temper lapidatus manfit.” And again,.
T. i. p: 100. “ In redeundo per Scone, praecepit tolli et Londoniis cariari, lapiaem i\\am, in quo, ut fupra didtum
eft, Reges Scotorum folebant poni loco coronationis fuse, et hoc inftgnum regni conquefti et rejignati." Walfing-
ham mentions the ufe to which Edward put this ftone : “ Ad Weftmonafterium tranftulit ilium, jubens inde fieri
celebrantium cathedram facerdotum.” This account of the fatalJione is here tranferibed, that it may be compared-
with the appearance of the ftone that now bears its name at Weftminfter..
Eordun has preferved the ancient rhymes concerning it ; L. xi. c. 25.
“ Hie rex fie totam Scotiam fecit fibi notam,
Qui fine menfura tulit inde jocalia plura,
Et pariter lapidem, Scotorum quern fore fedena
Regum decrevit fatum ; quod fic inolevit,
A’i fallat fatum, Scoli quotunque locatum
Invenient lapidem, regnare tenentur ibidem."
This was the ftone which Gathelus fent from Spain with his fon when he invaded Ireland, which king Fergus won
in Ireland, brought over with him, and placed at Scone. As the moft proper authority for a ftory of this nature,,
fee AOs of Sir William Wallace, by Blind Harry, B. i. c. 4«
SCO
[ 7°'4 ]
SCO
Scotland, the intelligence, he ordered the Earl of Surry to fup-
’prefs the rebels; but he declining the command of
the armyhimfelf on account of his health, refigned it
to his nephew, Lord Henry Piercy. A great army,
104 fome fay no fewer than 40,000 men, was now affem-
J>ifli»tions bled, with which Piercy marched againft the Scots.
Scot/ ^ounc^ ^ietn encamped at Irwin, with a lake in
their front, and their flanks fecured by entrenchments,
fo that they could not be attacked without the ut-
rnoft danger. The Scots, however, ruined every thing
by their diflenfions. Wallace was envied on account
of his accompliihments, which had raifed his reputa¬
tion above the other officers, whofe birth and circum-
ftances were higher than his. His companions accor¬
dingly became jealous, and began to fuggelf, that an
oppofition to the Englifh could only be produ&ive of
farther national deftru&ion. Sir Richard Lundin, an
officer of great rank, formed a‘party againft Wallace,
and went over to Edward with all his followers. He
attempted.to juftify his treachery, by faying, “ I will
remain no longer of a party that is at variance with
itfelfwithout confidering that he himfelf, and his
party, were partly the occafion of that variance. O-
ther leaders entered into a negociation with the Eng¬
lifh. Bruce, the Steward and his brother Alexan¬
der de Lindefay, and Sir William Douglas, acknow¬
ledged their offences, and made fubmiffions to Ed¬
ward for themfelves and their adherents.
Mod* of ^1‘8 fcan^a^ous treaty feems to having been nego-
them fub- tiated by the bifhop of Glafgow, and their recantation
mit to the is recorded in the following words.—“ Be it known
Ecglifh. to all men : Whereas we, with the commons of our
country, did rife in arms againft our lord Edward,
and againft his peace, in his territories of Scotland
and Galloway, did burn, flay, and commit divers
robberies ; we therefore, in our own name, and in
the name of all our adherents, agree to make every
reparation and atonement that fhall be required by our
fovereign lord ; referving always what is contained in
a writing which we have procured from Sir Henry
Piercy and Sir Robert Clifford, commanders of the
Eriglifh forces; at Irvine, 9th July 1297. To this
inftrument was fubjoined, “ Efcrit a Sire Willaume
the meaning of which lord Hailes fuppofes to be, that
the barons had notified to Sir William Wallace their
having made terms of accommodation for themfelves
and their party.
Edward accepted the fubmiffion of the Scottifh
barons who had been in arms, and granted liberty to
thofe whom he had made prifoners in the conrfe of the
former year, on condition that they fhould ferve him
in his wars againft France. The inconftancy of Bruce,
however, was fo great, that acknowledgments of fub¬
miffion or oaths of fealty were not thought fufficiently
binding on him; for which reafon the bilhop of
Glafgow, the Steward, and Alexander de Lindefay,
became fureties for his loyalty and good behaviour,
until he fliould deliver his daughter Marjory as an
hoftage.
*0<s Wallace alone refufed to be concerned in thefe
tbU hokls ^amefu* fubmiffions; and, with a few refolute fol-
04,tt lowers, refolved to fubmit to every calamity rather
than give up the liberty of his country. The barons
had undertaken to procure his fubmiffion as well as
their own ; but finding that to be impoffible, the
bilhop of Glafgow and Sir William Douglas volun- Scotland.
tarily furrendered themfelves prifoners to the Englilh. '
Edward, however, afcribed this voluntary furrender,
not to any honourable motive, but to treachery. He
afferted, that Wilheart repaired to the caftle of Rox¬
burgh under pretence of yielding himfelf up, but with
the concealed purpofe of forming a confpiracy in or¬
der to betray that caftle to the Scots ; and in proof of
this, Edward appealed to intercepted letters of Wif-
heart. On the other hand, Wallace, afcribing the
bi(hop*s conduft to traitevous puluhmimity, plundered
his houfe, and carried off his family captives.
Immediately after the defe&ion of the barons at
Irvine, Wallace with his band of determined followers
attacked the rear of the Englilh army, and plundered
their baggage; but was obliged to retire, with the
lofs of 1000 men. He then found himfelf deferted by
almoft all the men of eminence and property. His army,
however, increafed confiderably by the acceffion of
numbers of inferior rank, and he again began to aft
on the offenfive. While he employed himfelf in be-
fieging the caftle of Dundee, he was informed that
the Englilh army approached Stirling. Wallace, ha¬
ving charged the citizens of Dundee, under the pain
of death, to continue the blockade of the caftle,
haftened with all his troops to guard the important
paffage of the Forth; and encamped behind a riling
ground in the neighbourhood of the abbey of Cambuf-
kennetb. Brian Fitz-allan had been appointed go¬
vernor of Scotland by Edward ; but Warenne, who
waited the arrival of his fuccefibr, remained with the
army. Imagining that Wallace might be induced by
fair means to lay down his arms, he difpatched two
friars to the Scottilh camp, with terms of capitulation.
“ Return,” faid Wallace, “ and tell your mailers, that
we came not here to treat, but to affert our right, and
to fet Scotland free. Let them advance, they will
find us prepared.” The Englilh, provoked at this 107
anfwer, demanded impatiently to be led on to battle. G>ves the
Sir Richard Lundin renhonftrated againft the abfurdity a
ot making a numerous army pais by a long narrow “ear Stjr.
bridge in prefence of the enemy. He told them, ling,
that the Scots would attack them before they could
form on the plain to the north of the bridge, and thus
certainly defeat them : at the fame time he offered to
Ihow them a ford, which having croffed with 500
horfe, and a chofen detachment of infantry, he pro-
pofed to come round upon the rear of the'enemy, and
by this diverfion facilitate the operations of the main
body. But this propofal being rejefted, the Englilh
army began to pafs over; which was no fooner per¬
ceived by Wallace, than he rufhed down upon them,
and broke them in a moment. Creffingham the trea-
furer was killed, and many thoufands were flain on the
field, or drowned in their flight. The lofs of the
Scots would have been inconfiderable, had it not been
for that of Sir Andrew Moray, the intimate friend
and companion of Wallace, who was mortally wound¬
ed in the engagement. The Scots are faid to have
treated the dead body of Creffingham with the utmoft
indignity; to have flead him, and cut his Hein into
pieces, which they divided among themfelves; while
others tell us, they ufed it for making girths, and
faddles.
The viftory at Stirling was followed by the furren¬
der
SCO [ 7015 ] SCO
1 Scotland, der of Dundee cattle, and other places of ftrength in
" - Scotland ; at the fame time the Scots took pofleffion
of Berwick, which the Engliih had evacuated. But as
a famine noiv took place in Scotland by the bad fea-
fons and miferies of war, Wallace marched with his
whole army into England, that he might in fome
meafure relieve the necelfities of his countrymen by
plundering the enemy, This expedition lafted three
weeks, during which time the whole traft of coun¬
try from Cockermouth and Carlifle to the gates of
Newcaftle was laid watte with all the fury of re¬
venge and rapacity ; though Wallace endeavoured,
as far as poffible, to reprefs the licentioufnefs of his fol-
diers.
In 1298, Wallace attumed the title of “ Governor
of Scotland, in name of king John, and by confent
of the Scottifh nation;” but in what manner this
office was obtained, is now in a great meafure un¬
known. In a parliament which he convoked at Perth,
he was confirmed in his authority ; and under this
title he conferred the conftabulary of Dundee on
Alexander furnamed Skrimgeour and his heirs, on ac¬
count of his faithful aid in bearing the royal ftandard
of Scotland. This grant is faid to have been made
loa with the confent and approbation of the Scottilh no-
Ijealoufy bility, 29th March 1298. From this period, however,
between we may date the very great jealoufy which took place
/Wallace between Wallace and the nobles who pretended to be
marons6 ^'s Pany,• ^‘s elevation wounded their pride’;
his great fervices reproached their-inaftivity in the
public caufe ; and thus the counfels of Scotland were
perplexed with diftruft and envy, when almott its very
exittence depended on unanimity.
In June 1298, Edward, who had all this time been
in Flanders, returned to England, and fummoned the
Scottifh barons, under pain of rebellion, to attend him
in parliament; and, on their difobeying his fummons,
he advanced with his army towards Scotland. His
main force commanded by himfeif affembled at Ber¬
wick ; but a body of troops, under the earl of Pem¬
broke, having landed in the north of Fife, were de-
Scothnd feated with great lofs by Wallace, on the 12th of
again in- June. The fame month Edward invaded Scotland by
vaded by the way of the eaftern borders. No place refitted him
Edward. except the cattle of Dirleton. After a refolute de¬
fence, it furrendercd to Anthony Beck, bilhop of
Durham.
Meanwhile the Scots were afiembling all their
ftrength in the interior part of the country. Few ba¬
rons of eminence repaired to the national ftandard.
They whofe names are recorded, were John Comyn of
Dadenoch, the younger; Sir John Stewart of Bon-
kill, brother to The Steward; Sir John Graham of
Abercorn ; and Macduff, the grand-uncle of the young
earl of Fife. Robert Bruce again acceded to the Scot¬
tilh party; and with his followers guarded the impor¬
tant cattle of Air, which kept the communication open
with Galloway, Argylelhire, and the ifles.
The aim of Edward was to penetrate into the weft,
and there to terminate the war- He appointed a fleet,
with provifions, to proceed to the frith of Clyde, and
await his arrival in thofe pans. This precaution was
abfolutely neceffary for the fubfiftence of his numerous
army in a country impoverifhed and watte.
Waiting for accounts of the arrival of his fleet, he Scotland,
eftablifhed his head-quarters at Templelifton, between " " ~
Edinburgh and Linlithgow.
A dangerous infurreftion arofe in his camp. He
had beftowed a donative of wine among his foldiers ;
they became intoxicated ; a national quarrel enfued.
In this tumult the Welfh flew 18 Englifh ecclefiaftics.
The Englifh horfemen rode in among the Welfh, and
revenged this outrage with great flaughter. The Welfh
in difguft feparated themfelves from the army. It was
reported to Edward, that they had mutinied and gone
over to the Scots : “ I care rlOt,’, faid Edward, dif-
fembling the danger; “ let my enemies go and join
“ my enemies ; I trull that in one day I fhall chaftife
“ them all.”
-Edward was now placed in mod critical circnmftan-
ces. As the fleet with provifions had been detained
by contrary winds, he could not venture to advance,
neither could he fubfift any longer in his prefent quar¬
ters. To retreat would have fullied the glory of his
arms, and expofed him to the obloquy and murmurs
of a difcontented people. Yet he fubmitted to this hard
neceffity. Abandoning every profpeft of ambition and
revenge, he commanded his army to return to the ea¬
ftern borders- At that moment intelligence arrived
that the Scots were advanced to Falkirk.
Edward inllantly marched againft them. His army
lay that night in the fields- While Edward flept on
the ground, his war-horfe ftruck him and broke two of
his ribs. The alarm arofe, that the king was wounded.
They who knew not the caufe, repeated the cry, “ The
king is wounded ; there is treafon in the camp ; the
enemy is upon us.” Edward mounted on horfeback,
and by his prefence difpelled the panic. With a for- 1IO
titude of fpirit fuperior to pain, he led on his troops. The battle
At break of day, the Scottifh army was deferied, form- of Falkhk-
ing on a ftony field at the fide of a fmall eminence in
the neighbourhood of Falkirk.
Wallace ranged his infantry in four bodies of a cir¬
cular form. The archers, commanded by Sir John
Stewart, were placed in the intervals. The horfe,
amounting to no more than a thoufand, were at fome
diftance in the rear. On the front of the Scots lay a
morafs. Having drawn up his troops in this order,.
Wallace pleafantly faid, “ Now I have brought you
to the ring, dance according to your fkill.”
Edward placed his chief confidence in the numerous
and formidable body of horfemen whom he had felec-
ted for the Scottifh expedition. Thefe he ranged
in three lines. The firft was led by Bigot Earl Mar-
fhal, and the Earls of Hereford and Lincoln ; the fe-
cond by the bifhopof Durham, having under him Sir
Ralph Bafl'et of Drayton; the third, intended for a
referve, was led by the king himfeif. No men¬
tion is made of the^difpofition of his infantry: it is
probable that they were drawn up behind, to fupport
the cavalry, and to annoy the Scots with their arrows
and other miffile weapons.
Bigot, at the head of the firft line, rufhed on to
the charge. He was checked by the morafs, which-
in his impetuofity he had overlooked. This obliged
him to incline to the folid ground on his left, towards
the right flank of the Scottilh army. The bilhop of
Durham, who led the fecond line, inclined to the
right,,
SCO t 7016 ] SCO
Scotland, right, turned the morafs, and advanced towards the
  left flank of the ScottHh army. He propofed to hait,
till the referve fhould advance. “ To mafs, bi(hop,,>
cried Baflet, and inftantly charged. The fhock of
the Englifh cavalry on each fide was violent, and gal¬
lantly withftood by the Scottifli infantry: but the
Scottifh cavalry, difmayed at the number and force of
the Englifh men-at-arms, immediately quitted the
field. Stewart, while giving orders to his archers,
was thrown from his horfe and flain. His archers
crowed round his body, and perifhed with him. Often
did the Englifh ftrive to force the Scottifli circle.
“ They could not penetrate into that wood of fpears,”
TheScots as one t*ieir hiftorians fpeaks. By repeated char-
defeated ges, the outermoft ranks were brought to the ground,
with great The Englifh infantry inceflantly galled the Scots with
daughter. fhower8 0f ftones and arrows. Macduff and Sir John
Graham fell. At length the Scots were broken by the
numbers and weight of the Englifh cavalry, and the
rout became univerfal.
The number of the Scots flain in this battle muft
have been very great. As is commonly the cafe, it is
exaggerated by the hiftorians of the viftors, and redu¬
ced too low by the hiftorians of the vanquifhed.
On the fide of the Englifh, the lofs was inconfide-
rable. The only perfons of note who fell were Brian
le Jay, matter of the Englifh Templars, and the prior
of Torphichen in Scotland, a knight of another order
of religious foldiery (e).
The Scots in their retreat burnt the town andcaftle
of Stirling. Edward repaired the cattle, and made it
a place of arms. He then marched into the weft. At
his approach, Bruce burnt the cattle of Ayr, and re¬
tired. Edward would have purfued him into Garrick;
but the want of provifions flopped his further progrefs.
He turned into Annandale, took Bruce’s caftle of
Lochmaben, and then departed out of Scotland by Scotland,
the weftern borders.
Here may be remarked the fatal precipitancy of the
Scots. If they had ftudied to protratt the campaign,
inflead of hazarding a general aQion at Falkirk, they
would have foiled the whole power of Edward, and
reduced him to the necefllty of an inglorious retreat.
In 1299, Edward thought proper to releafe John
Baliol the unfortunate king of Scotland, whom he haddition of
kept clofe prifonei*¥ver fince the year 1296. Before J°h»Saliol.
this time Baliol had ufed the moft difgracefal methods
to recover his liberty. He had folemnly declared,
that “ he would never have any intercourfe with the
Scots ; that he had found them a falfe and treacherous
people; and that he had reafoti to fufpedl them of an
intention to poifon him.” However, notwithftanding
all his proteftations, Edward ftill detained him in cap¬
tivity ; but at laft releafed him at the mediation of the
pope, though after a Angular form : He ordered the
governor of Dover to convey him to the French coaft,
and there to deliver him to the papal nuncio, “ with
full power to the pope to difpofe of Baliol and his
Englifh eftate in confequtmce of which he was con¬
veyed to Witfand, delivered to the nuncio in prefence
of a notary and witneffes, and a receipt taken for his
perfon. Notwithftanding this abjeft ftate, however,
the Scots continued to own him for their king, and to
aflert their national independency. Though the mif-
fortune at Falkirk had deprived them of a very confi-
derable extent of territory, they were ftill in poflef-
fion of the whole country beyond the Forth, as well
as the county of Galloway. By general confent Wil¬
liam Lamberton bifhop of St Andrew’s, Robert Bruce
earl of Garrick, and John Cummin the younger, were
chofen guardians of Scotland in name of Baliol. Wal¬
lace at this time was reduced to the condition of a pri¬
vate
(e) “ This account of the action at Falkirk, extracted from Lord Hailes’s Annals, is drawn, his lordfhip informs us»
from the teftimony of the Englifh hiftorians. “ They have done juftice,” he obferves, “ to the courage and fteadinefs
of their enemies ; while our hiftorians reprefented their own countrymen as occupied in frivolous unmeaning con-
tefts, and, from treachery or refentment, abandoning the public caufe in the day of trial.
“ It would be tedious and unprofitable to recite all that has been faid on this fubjedt by our own writers from
Fordun to Abercrombie. How Wallace, Stewart, and Comyn, quarrelled on the pundlilio of leading the van of an
army which flood on the defenfive: How Stewart compared Wallace to ‘ an owl with borrowed feathers.’ How
the Seottifh commanders, bulled in this frivolous altercation, had no leifure to form their army: How Comyn
traiteroufly withdrew with 10,000 men; how Wallace, from refentment, followed his example: How by fuch dif-
^ftrous incidents, the Scottifh army was enfeebled, and Stewart and his party abandoned to deftrudlion. Our hi-
ftories abound in traih of this kind : There is fcarcely one of our writers who has not produced an invedtive againft
Comyn, or an apology for Wallace, or a lamentation over the deferted Stewart. What diflentions may have pre¬
vailed among the Scottilh commanders, it is impoflible to know. It appears not to me that their diflentions had any
influence on their condudt in the day of battle. The truth feems to be this: The Englilh cavalry greatly exceeded
the Scottifh in numbers, were infinitely better equipped and more adroit: the Scottifli cavalry were intimidated,,
and fled. Had they remained on the field, they might have preferved their honour; but they never could have
turned the chance of that day. It was natural, however, for fuch of the infantry as furvived the engagement, tp
impute their difafter to the defeclion of the cavalry. National pride would aferibe their flight to treachery rather
than to pufillanimity. It is not improbable that Comyn commanded the cavalry; hence a report may have been
fpread, that Comyn betrayed his country; this report has been embellifhed by each fucceflive relator. When men
are feized with a panic, their commander rmjl from neceflity, or 'will from prudence, accompany them in their
flight. Earl Warrenne fled with his army from Stirling to Berwick ; yet Edward I. did not punilh him as a traitor
or a coward.
“ The tale of Comyn’s treachery, and Wallace’s ill-timed refentment, may have gained credit, becaufe it is a
pretty tale, and not improbable in itfelf: but it amazes me that the ftory of the congrefs of Bruce and Wallace after
the battle of Falkirk Ihould have gained credit. I lay afide the full evidence which we now poflefs, ‘ that Bruce
was not, at that time, of the Englifh party, nor prefent at the battle.’ For it muft be admitted, that our hifto¬
rians knew nothing of thofe circumftances which demonftrate the impoflibility of the congrefs. But the wondtr is,
that men of found judgment Ihould not have feen the abfurdity of a long converfation between the commander of a
flying army, and one of the leaders of a victorious army. When Fordun told the ftory, he placed a ‘ narrow but
inaccefiable glen’ between the fpeakers. Later hiftorians have fubftituted the river Carron in the place of the inac-
ceffable glen, and they make Bruce and Wallace talk acrofs the river like two young declaimers from the pulpits in a
Ifchoolqt rhetoric.”
SCO [ 7017 ] SCO
Scotland, vate man ; nor had he at this time the command of the
Scots armies, nor any lhare in their councils.—The
new guardians undertook to reduce the caftle of Stir-
113 ling, and Edward prepared tp^defend it. The Scots
Edward polled themfeires at the Torwood, and chofe their
redreed t0 £rounc^ judicioufly, fo that Edward could fcarce have
raifed the liege without diflodging them ; which find¬
ing it impolfible for him to do, he returned home in dif-
gull. Next year, he invaded Scotland on the weft fide,
wafted Annandale, and reduced Galloway ; but the
Scots being now taught by experience to avoid a ge¬
neral aflion, chofe their polls with fuch Ikill, that Ed¬
ward could not penetrate farther ; and the fame year
a truce was concluded with the Scots, to continue till
114 Whitfunday 1301.
The-own This year a new competitor appeared for the crown
claimed by ^ Scotland. Boniface VIII. in a bull direfted to
Pope Boni- Edward, averred, that Scotland belonged anciently,
face YI!I. and did Hill belong, to the holy fee ; and fupported his
extravagant claim by fome llrange authorities; fuch
as, that Scotland had been miraculoully converted by
the relics of St Andrew: after which he proceeded to
ftiow the futility of Edward’s pretenfions, and that
Scotland never had any feudal dependence on Eng¬
land. He required Edward to fet at liberty all the
Scottilh ecclefiallics, particularly Wilhart bilhop of
Glafgow, and to remove his officers from the patri¬
mony of the church : “ But, (added he), Ihould you
have any pretenfions to the whole, or any part of Scot¬
land, fend your proftors to me within fix months ; I
will hear and determine according to juttfce : 1 take
the caufe under my own peculiar cognizance.”
His preten- This interpofition of the pope had probably been
fmns an- procured by Scottifh emiffaries at the court of Rome ;
’Edward^ ^ut’ *lowever ridiculous his pretenfions might be, they
and his par-'afF°rcted matter of very ferious confideration to Ed-
liament. ward. After fpending a whole winter in delibera¬
tions, Edward and his parliament made feparate an-
fwers to the pope. The anfwer of the parliament was
to the following purpofe : “ All England knows, that
ever fince the firft eftablifliment of this kingdom, our
kings have been liege-lords of Scotland. At no time
has the kingdom of Scotland belonged to the church.
In temporals, the kings of England are not amenable
to the fee of Rome. We have with one voice refolved,
that, as to temporals, the king of England is inde¬
pendent of Rome ; that he fliall not fuffer his inde¬
pendency to be queftioned ; and therefore, that he
Ihall not fend commiffioners to Rome. Such is, and
fuch, we truft in God, ever will be our opinion. We
do not, we cannot, we muft not permit our king to
follow meafures fubverfive of that government which
we have fvvorn to maintain, and which we will main-
I II<f tain.”
■A fliort The king entered into a more full refutation of the
truce con- pope’s arguments; and having, as he thought, an-
Scotland*^ ^W7erc^ t^iem Efficiently, he marched again into Scot¬
land : but, by the mediation of France, another truce
was concluded, to laft till St Andrew’s day 1302.
Threebo- After the expiration of the truce, Edward fent an
dies of the army into Scotland, under the command of John de
Englifh de- Segrave. This general divided his troops into three
one'da'11 ^0^‘es > ^ut» keeping them fo far diftant that they
ay’ could not fupport each other, they were all engaged
t Secifo/Zuj. and defeated in one day by the Scots, near Roliinf.
Vox.. IX. 2
This, however, was the laft fuccefsful exploit of the Scotland.
Scots at this period. The pope deferted them ; and
the king of France concluded a peace with England,
in which all mention of the Scots was indullrioufly
avoided ; fo that they were left alone to bear the whole
weight of Edward’s refentment, who now invaded
their country in perfon with a mighty army. He met Ilg
with no refiftance in his progrefs, except from theScothndin-
caftle of Brechin, which was commanded by Thomas vaded by
Maul, a brave and experienced officer. He held out Edward
for 20 days againft the whole power of the Englifh
army; but at laft, being mortally wounded, the placejumy.
capitulated. From thence he proceeded northward,
according to fome hiftorians, as far as Caithnefs. He
then returned towards the fouth, and wintered in Dun¬
fermline. In that place there was an abbey of the
Benediftine order ; a building fo fpacious, that, ac¬
cording to an Englifh hiflorian, three fovereign prin¬
ces with all their retinue might have been lodged
conveniently within its precinfts. Here the Scottifii
nobles fometimes held their affemblies. The Englifh
foldiers utterly demolifhed this magnificent fabric.
The only fortrefs that remained in the poffeffion of
the Scots was the caftle of Stirling, where Sir Wil¬
liam Oliphant commanded. To protect this fingle
place of refuge, Cornyn aflembled all his forces. He 119
pofted his army on the fouth bank of the river, in the The Scots
neighbourhood of Stirling, there to make the laft^my rout"
Hand for the national liberty. The Scots fondly ima¬
gined, that Edward would attempt to force the paf-
fage, as the impetuous Creffingham had attempted in
circumftances not diffimilar. But the prudence of Ed¬
ward fruftrated their expedlations. Having difeovered
a ford at fome diftance, he crofted the river at the
head of his whole cavalry. The Scots gave way, and
difperfed themfelves.
All refources but their own courage had long failed Capitula-
them ; that laft refource failed them now. They ^a‘
ftened to conciliate the favour of the conquerov.. Pre- "a
vious to this, Bruce had furrendered himfelf to John
de St John, the Englifh warden. Comyn and his fol¬
lowers now fubmitted to Edward. They ftipulated
for their lives, liberties, and eftates ; referving always
to Edward the power of inflidting pecuniary muldtson
them as he fhould fee fit.
Fro^fi the general conditions of this capitulation, the
following perfons were excepted; Wifhea-rt bifhop of
Glafgow, the Stewart, Sir John Soulis, David de
Graham, Alexander de Lindfay, Simon Frafer, Tho¬
mas Bois, and Wallace. With refpedt to them it
was provided, that the bifhop of Glafgow, the Stew¬
art, and Soulis, fhould remain in exile for two years,
and fhould not pals to the north of Trent ; that Gra¬
ham and Lindefay fhould be banifhed from Scotland
for fix months ; that Frafer and Bois fliould be ba¬
nifhed for three years from all the dominions of Ed¬
ward, and fhould not be permitted, during that fpace,
to repair to the territories of France. “ As for Wil¬
liam Wallace, it is agreed, that he fhall render him¬
felf up at the will and mercy of^aur fovereign lord the
king, if it fhall feem good to him.” Thefe were all
the conditions that the Scottifii nation ftipulated for
the man who had vanquifhed the Englifh at Stirling,
who had expelled them from Scotland, and who had
once fet his country free !
39 I Amid
SCO [ 7018 ] SCO
Scotian*}. Amid this wreck of the national liberties, Wallace
' fcorned fubmiflion. He lived a free man ; a free man
he refolved to die. Frafer, who had too oft complied
with the times, now caught the fame heroic fenti-
ments. But their endeavours to roufe their oountry-
xnen were in vain. The feafon of refiftance was paft.
Wallace perceived that there remained no more hope ;
and fought out a place of concealment, where, eluding
the vengeance of Edward, he might filently lament
over his fallen country.
Edward aflembled what is called a parliament, at
St Andrew’s. Wallace, Frafer, and the gatrifon of
Stirling,were fummoned to appear: They appeared not,
jii and fentence of outlawry was pronounced againft them.
The caftle Edward now prepared to befiege the cattle of
reduced'and Stirling ; and, forefeeing that the redu&ion of this
Scotland place would be attended with confiderable difficulty,
fubdued. he (tripped the abbey of St Andrew’s of the lead
which covered it, in order to employ the metal in
bullets for his battering-machines. Oliphant was fo-
lemnly fummoned to furrender; but in vain. Edward
drew out all his artillery, and battered the walls with
ftones of 200 pounds weight. The befieged, how¬
ever, defended themfelves with obftinacy, and killed a
great number of the Englifh: but at laft they were
obliged to furrender; and Edward, looking upon the
conqueft of Scotland as now complete, fet out for
York, and from thence to Lincoln.
Though Edward had thus met with all the fuccefs
he could defire in his expeditions againft the Scots, he
could not but perceive that his dominion over them
raj muft be very precarious, as long as he held them in
Edward atr t}je fubjedlion of a conquered people. He refolved
urion be- t^eref°re once more t0 renew his attempts for an union
tween the of the two kingdoms. He began with taking into fa-
two king- vour the bithop of Glafgow, Robert Bruce, and John
doms in Mowbray, who, next to Bruce and the Cummings, was
Vi“n' amongft the greateft of the Scottifh nobility. To
them he recommended the fettling the affairs of their
country, but in fuch a manner as to leave it in his
power to effeA the propofed union with England.
This fcheme, however, was by no means agreeable to
Bruce; who had now no other competitor for the
crown but Gumming, who was in a great meafure in¬
capable of oppofing his defigns: neither indeed could
it ever be made agreeable to the bulk of the nation;
and therefore came to nothing at laft. Scotland, how¬
ever, was fubdued. Its inhabitants had renounced
every idea of afferting their liberty, and only drove to
make their court to the conqueror. Wallace alone re¬
mained an exception. Edward, who had received into fa¬
vour thofe who bad proved traitors over and over again,
«3 (howed a mean revenge againft the only man who dif-
t^ed^andcovcrec^ a ^ea<ty anc* honourable fpirit, and whofe
executed*11 friendft11’? feemed worth the courting. Ralph de Ha-
liburton, a prifoner, offered his affiftance for difeover-
ing Wallace; and for this purpofe he was granted a
temporary liberty: but what he did in this very dif-
honourable employment, is unknown. Certain it is
that Wallace was difeovered, and betrayed into the
hands of the Englilh, by Sir John Menteith, as is com¬
monly fuppofed ; who is alfo faid to have been the in¬
timate friend of Wallace, though without any juft
foundation. Be this as it will, however, this celebrated
and heroic patriot was arraigned at Weftminifttr as a
traitor to Edward, and as having burnt villages, ftorm- Scotland. |
ed cattles, and flaughtered many fubjeds of England. ' *
Wallace denied his ever having been a traitor, and in¬
deed with truth; for he had always been the avowed
enemy of Edward, and had not at any time owned al¬
legiance to him. But whatever his defences might
have been, they were of no avail with a judge who
had refolved on his deftrudion. Wallace was con¬
demned to die a traitor’s death ; and the fentence was
executed with the utmoft rigour. In his laft moments
he afferted that independency which a degenerate na¬
tion had renounced. His head was placed on a pina-
cle at London, and his mangled limbs were dittribu-
ted over the kingdom-
After the death of Wallace, Edward thought of ,24 j|
nothing but fettling the affairs of Scotland as a Edward’s i!
conquered country ; however, he took care to pre- precautions |
ferve the ancient forms as far as was confiftent Scots'^ 4
the dependent ftate of the nation. It has been faid, aifa.rs, !
indeed, that Edward abrogated all the Scottith laws
and cuftoms, and endeavoured to fubftitute the Eng-
lith in their (lead; but this is denied by others. Lord
Hailes gives us at length the record with refpeft to
thefe laws, in the following words. “ And, with
refpeft to the laws and ufages of the government of
Scotland, it is ordained, that the cuftem of the Scots
and the Brets thall for the future be prohibited, and
be no longer pradtifed. It is alfo ordained, that the
king’s lieutenant fliall forthwith affemble the good
people of Scotland; and that, at fuch affembly, ihall
be read over the ftatutes made by David king of Scots,
and alfo the additions and amendments which have been
made by other kings; and that the lieutenant, with the
affiftance which he thall then have, as well of Englifiimen
as of Scots, (hall amend fuch of thefe ftatutes and ufages
as are plainly againft the laws of God and reafon, as
they beft may in fo thort a fpace, -and in fo far as
they can without confulting the king; and as to mat¬
ters which they cannot undertake to correft of them¬
felves, that they be put in writing, and laid before the
king by the lieutenant, and any number of commif-
fioners, with parliamentary powers, whom the Scots
thall think fit to choofe. That they thall meet with
commiffioners appointed by the king, and finally de¬
termine as to the premiffes.”
This is the record by which it is generally fuppofed
that the law of Scotland was abrogated. But Lord us
Hailes is of opinion, that the ufage of the Scots not | 5
Brets here mentioned was fomething different fr°m ^h^andenb
the common law of the land. “ We know, (fays he,) |aWs. |
from our ftatute-book, that the people of Galloway
had certain ufages peculiar to themfelves ; Stat.
/Ilex. II. c. 2. One was, that caufes were tried a-
mong them without juries, \_§>uon. Attach, c. 72. 73.
placed in fome ancient MSS. among LL. David I.
c. 15.] and this may probably have been the ufage
which Edward abolithed. The people of Galloway
were fometimes dittinguithed by the name of Scots :
thus the 'wild Scot of Galloway is an expreffion to be
found in ancient inttruments, and is proverbial even in
our own days. The ufage of the Brets, I take to be
what relates to the judge called brithibh, or hr chon;
in Ireland, brehanj and confequently, that the thing
here abolithed was the the commutation of punith-
Btcms by exacting a pecuniary mulft.’*
SCO [ 7019 ] SCO
Scotland. An indemnity was now granted to the Scots upon underftood the meaning of his meflage, and prepared Scotland.
” ‘ certain conditions. Various fines were impofed, from for flight. The ground was covered with fnow, which
Indemnity one t0 ^ve yearS rent the eftates of the delinquents, would have difcovered his flight; but, it is faid, that 119
granted to One year’s rent was to be paid by the clergy, exclu- Bruce ordered his farrier to invert the flioes of hisj^het
the Scots, ding the bifhop of Glafgow; two by thofe who were hOrfes, and immediately fet out for Scotland in com* 5^*5 h;s
more early in their fubmiffions than Comyn ; three by pany with his fecretary and groom. In his way he.cfcape>
Comyn and his aflbeiates, and by the biftiop of Glaf- obferved a foot-paflenger whofe behaviour feemed to be
gow; four years rent was to be paid by William de fufpicious, and whom he foon difcovered to be the
Baliol and John Wilheart ; and five by Ingelram de bearer of letters from Comyn to the Englifh monarch,
Umfraville, becaufe they had flood out longer. Three urging the death or immediate imprifonment of
years rent was alfo paid by the vafials of Baliol, Wif- Bruce. The latter, filled with refentment, immediately
heart, and Umfraville. Thefe fines were to be paid beheaded the meffenger, and fet forward to his caftle
in moieties. The perfon taxed was to pay half his of Lochmaben, where he arrived the feventh day after
income annually : and thus Umfraville, taxed in five his departure from London. Soon after this he re¬
years rent, was allowed ten years to difeharge the paired to Dumfries, where Comyn happened at that
fine. This was an exprefs refervation to Edward of all time to refide. Bruce requefted an interview with
the royal demefnes which Baliol might have alienated, him in the convent of the Minorites, where he re-
There was alfo an exception for thofe who were already preached him with his treachery. Comyn gave him
in cuftody, and thofe who had not yet fubmitted. the lie, and Bruce inftantly ftabbed him; after which
T17 Thus, after a long and obftinate conteft, was Scot- he haftened out of the convent, and called, “ To horfe.”
Overthrow land wholly reduced under the dominion of Edward. His attendants, Lindefay and Kirkpatrick, percei-And kills
of the Eng-But within four monththat fyftem was overthrown, ving him pale, and in extreme agitation, inquired how John Co-
lilh govern- which the. incefiant labour of fifteen years had eftablilh- it was with him ? “ 111,” replied Bruce ; “ I doubt I mYn*
ment. ed by craft, diffimulation, and violence, with a wafte have flain Comyn.” “ You doubt!” cried Kirkpa-
of treafure, and the effufion of much blood. The trick; on faying which, he rulhed into the place where
caufes of this event are related follows. Der- Comyn lay, and inftantly difpatched him. Sir
verguill of Galloway had a fon, John Baliol, and a Robert Comyn, a relation, attempted to defend his
daughter named Marjory. John Comyn was the fon kirifman, and fhared his fate. Bruce had now gone fo
of Marjory, and, fetting Baliol afide, was heir to the far, that it was in vain to think of retracing ; and
pretenfions of Derverguill. He had for many years therefore fet himfelf in oppofition to Edward in good
maintained the contett againft Edward ; but at laft earned. The judiciaries were then holding their
laid down his arms, and fwore fealty to the conqueror; court at Dumfries ; who hearing what had happened,
and as Baliol had repeatedly renounced all pretenfions imagined their own lives to be in danger, and barri-
to the crown of Scotland, Comyn might now be con- ceded the doors. Bruce ordered the houfe to be fet
fidered as the rightful heir. His rival in power on fire: upon which they furrendered ; and Bruce
and pretenfions was Bruce earl of Carrick. This granted them leave to depart out of Scotland without
young nobleman’s grandfather, the competitor, had moleftation.
patiently acquicfcedin the award of Edward. His fa- The above account of this cataflrophe is taken fr°m Opinion of
ther, yielding to the times, had ferved under the Eng- the Scots hiftorians; thofe of England differ in many Lord Hailes
lifti banners. But young Bruce had more ambition, particulars. Lord Hailes fuppofes both to be wrong, concerning
and a more reftlefs fpirit. In his earlier years he afled and that the true circumftances of the quarrel are un- tllis event,
upon no regular plan. By turns the partifan of Ed- known. “ My opinion (fays he) is, that Bruce,
ward and the vicegerent of Baliol, he feems to have when he met Comyn at Dumfries,, had no intention of
forgotten or ftifled his pretenfions to the crown. But embruing bis hands in his blood, nor any immediate
his chara&er developed itfelf by degrees, and in purpofe of afferting his right to the crown of Scot-
maturer age became firm and confiftent. According to load ; that the flaughter of Comyn was occafioned by
the traditionary report, Bruce made the following a hafty quarrel between two proud-fpirited rivals ; and
propofal to Comyn : “ Support my title to the crown, that Bruce, from neceffity and defpair, did then affert
and I will give you my eftate ; or give me your eftate, his pretenfions to the crown.”
and I will fupport your’s.” The conditions were pro- The death of Comyn affefted the Scots varioufly,
perly drawn out and figned by both parties; but according to their different views and interefts. The
Comyn, either through fear or treachery, revealed the relations of the deceafed viewed it as a cruel affaffination,
whole to Edward. On this the king (bowed Bruce and joined with Edward in fchemes of revenge. Some,
the letters of his accufer, and queftioned him very who wiftied well to the peace of their country, thought
hard ; but the latter found means to pacify him by that it was better to fubmit quietly to the government
118 mild and judicious anfwers. Notwithftanding this, of the Englifli, than to attempt a revolution, which
defi'Ts * however, Edward dill fufpefted him, though he dif- could not be effedfed without much danger and blood-
againft the fembled his fentiments, until he (hould get the brothers (bed ; but, on the other hand, the friends of Bruce now
family of of Bruce into his power, and then deltroy all the fa- faw the necefiity they were under of proceeding to the
Eruce. m;]y at once. The king having drank freely one coronation of the new king without lofs of time. The ^
evening, informed feme of his lords that he had re- ceremony was therefore performed at Scone on the Robert
folved to put Bruce to death next day. The earl of 25th of March 1306, in prefence of two earls, the crowned
Gloucefter, hearing this refulution, fent a meffenger bifliops of St Andrew’s and Glafgow, the abbot 0^in£.of,
to Bruce, with twelve pence and a pair of fpurs, asif Scone, John de Athol, and John de Menteith. ^by^wo-
he had meant to reftore what he had borrowed. Bruce' bad bee© cuflomary, fince the days of Macbeth, for
1 39 i 2 one
SCO f 7020 ] SCO
Scotland, one of the family of Fife to put the crown on the
' king’s head ; and Bruce found the prepoffefiion of the
Scots in favour of this circumftance fo ftrong, that
he was obliged to feek for an expedient to fatisfy them.
Macduff the earl of Fife was at that time in England,
where he had married a near relation of Edward.
His After was wife to the carl of Buchan, one of the
heads of the family of Comyn, and confequently the
determined enemy of Robert. By an uncommon
effort of female patriotifm, fhe -poftponed all private
quarrels to the good of her country, and in her huf-
band’s abfence repaired, with all his warlike accouter¬
ments, to Bruce, to whom fhe delivered them up, and
placed the crown upon his head. This crown is faid
to have been made by one Conyers an Englifhman,
who narrowly efcaped being punifhed for it by Ed¬
ward.
The king of England received intelligence of all
thefe proceedings with aftonifhment; and without de¬
lay fent a body of troops, under the command of Ay-
mer de Valence earl of Pembroke, to fupprefs the
rebellion. Bruce omitted nothing for his defence.
He had always been confidered by his countrymen as
a promifing accomplifhed young nobleman, but firmly
attached to Edward’s perfon and government; for
which reafon he had not been trufted by thofe inde¬
pendent patriots who joined Wallace. But their con¬
fidence was now gained by his rendering himfelf fo
obnoxious to Edward, that no poflibility of a recon-
13J ciliation was left; and he foon faw himfelf at the head
He is de- of a final! army. With thefe, who confided of raw
teatedat and unexperienced foldiers, Bruce formed a camp at
Methren. ^fethven near Perth, which laft was the head-quarters
of the enemy ; but knowing the difadvantage under
which he laboured from the inexperience of his men,
he refolved to act upon the defenfive. The Englifh
general at laft fent Bruce a challenge to fight him, which
was accepted ; but, the day before the battle was to
have been fought by agreement, the Scots were at¬
tacked by furprife, and totally defeated. Bruce be¬
haved with the greateft valour, and had three horfes
killed under him. Being known by the daughter which
he made, John Mowbray, a man of great courage and
refolution, rufhed upon him, and catching hold of his
horfe’s bridle, cried out, “ I have hold of the new-
made king !” but he was delivered by Chriftopher
Seaton. Some Scottifh biftorians have afferted, that
on this oecafion all the prifoners of note were put to
death ; but others inform us, that though Edward did
fend orders to that purpofe, the Englifhgeneral pardoned
all tjiofe who were willing to fwear fealty to his ma¬
iler : however, it is certain, that after the battle of
IJ4 Methven, many prifoners were hanged and quartered.
Is diftrefted difafter aimoft gave the finilhing ftroke to the
after this affairs of Bruce. He now found bimfelf deferted by
defeat. a great part of his army. The Englilh had taken
prifoners great numbers of women whofe hufbands
followed Bruce ; and all thofe were now ordered, on
pain of death, to accompany their hufbands. Thus was
Bruce burdened with a number of ufelefsmouths, and
found it hard to fubfift. The confequence was, that
molt of his men departed with their families, fo
that in a few days his army dwindled down to 500.
With thefe he retreated to Aberdeen, where he wa«
met by his brother Sir tjeil, his wife, and a number Scotland,
of other ladies, all of whom offered to follow his
fortune through every difficulty. But however he¬
roic this behaviour might be, it put Bruce to fome
inconvenience, as he could fcarce procure fubfiftence ;
and therefore he perfuaded the ladies to retire to his
cattle of Kildrommey, under the proteftion of Sir Neil
Bruce and the earl of Athol. In the mean time the de-
fertion among Bruce’s troops continued, fo that now
he had with him no more than 200 men ; and as
winter was coming on, he refolved to go into Argyle-
fhire, where Sir Neil Campbell’s eftate lay, who had j
gone before to prepare for bis reception. In his way Reaches
thither he encountered incredible difficulties; and Argylefhire
fome of his followers being cut off at a place called w.>‘fa great
Dairy, x\\t reft were fodiftieartened, that they all forfook d‘™cu ty'
him, excepting Sir Gilbert Hay, Sir James (fometimes
called lord) Douglas, and a few domeftics. Bruce,
however, kept up the fpirits of his little party by re¬
counting to them the adventures of princes and pa¬
triots in circumftances fimilar to his own. Having
crofted Lochlomond in a fmall crazy boat, he was dif-
covered by his trufty friend the earl of Lenox, who had
been proferibed in England, and now lived in a kind
of exile on his own eftate. The meeting between thefe the'eartof
friends was very affe&ing, and drew tears from the Lenox,
eyes of all prefent. Lenox, who had heard nothing
of Bruce’s misfortunes, furnifhed him and his half-
famifhed attendants with plenty of provifions: but, be¬
ing foon made fenfible that it was impoffible for them
to live in a place where they were well known, and
furrounded by enemies, Bruce refolved to feek out
fome more fafe habitation. For this purpofe Sir Neil
Campbell had already provided Ihipping ; but our
adventurers had fcarcely fet fail, when they were pur-
fued by a large fquadron of the enemy’s fleet. The
bark which carried the earl of Lenox efcaped with the
utmoft difficulty to Cantire, where Bruce was already With
landed : and, at their meeting, both agreed that whom he
their perfons fliould never afterwards be feparatedfliestoCan'
while they remained alive.
In the mean time Edward, having compromifed
fome differences with his Englilh fubjefts, refitmed his
old projeft of entirely fubduing Scotland ; and his in¬
tention now appears to have been to divide the lands
of fitch as he fufpedled of difaffedlion among his _
Englifh followers. He ordered a proclamation to beEdwarci’s
made, that all who had any title to the honour of prepara-
knighthood, either by heritage or eftate, Ihould re-tions. for »
pair to Weftmiafter, to receive all military ornaments,
their horfes excepted, from his royal wardrobe. As
the prince of Wales came under this denomination,
he was the firft who underwent the ceremony ; which
gave him a right to confer the like honour on the
fons of above 300 of the chief nobility and gentry of
England, The prince then repaired, at the head of
this gallant train, to Edward; who received them,
furrounded by his nobility, in the moft folemn man¬
ner. The king then made a fpeech on the treachery
of the Scots, whofe entire deftruftion he vowed. He
declared his refolution of once more heading his army
in perfon ; and he defired, in cafe of his death, that his
body might be carried to Scotland, and not buried
till fignal vengeance was taken on the perfidious na-
SCO
[ 7021 ]
SCO
Scotland, tion. Having then ordered all prefcnt to join him
' within fifteen days, with their attendants and military
equipages, he prepared for his journey into Scotland.
He entered the country foon after Bruce’s defeat at
*3* , Methven. The army was divided into two bodies;
Enters the
and"be-* prince of Wales, and, under him, by the earls of
haves with Lancaller and Hereford, with orders to proceed north-
great cruel- wards, and penetrate into the countries where the in-
t^‘ tereft of Bruce was ftrongeft. As he pafied along,
Edward caufed all that fell into his hands, whom he
fufpefted of favouring Bruce’s party, to be immedi¬
ately executed. The bilhop of Glafgow was the only
exception to this barbarity ; he was taken, but had his
life fpared on account of his fundlion.
In the mean time, as the prince of Wales continued
his march northwards, Bruce’s queen began to be
alarmed for her own fafety. She was advifed to take
fan&uary at the flirine of St Duthac in Rofsfhire ; but
Robert’s there fhe was made prifoner by William carl of Rofs,
queen and who was of the Englilh party. By Edward’s order,
taken^r' W3S ^ent t0 ^'on^on » ^ier daug!lter» w^° was taken
fonersf”" at l*ie ^ame being (hut up in a religious boufe.
The direftions for the entertainment of the queen are
Ftsdcra, ftill prefervpd *. She was to be conveyed to the ma-
Tom. n. nor 0f Bruftewick; to have a waiting-woman, and a
P- 1013. maid-fetvant, advanced in life, fedate, and of good
converfatipn : a butler, two men-fervants, and a foot-
boy for her chamber, fober, not riotous, to make her
bed : three gre-hounds when fhe inclines to hunt;
venifon, fifh, and the faired houfe in the manor. In
1308, fhe was removed to another prtfon ; in 1312,
(he was removed to Windfor cadle, 20 fhillings per
week being allowed for her maintenance. In 1314,
fhe was committed to Rocheder cadle, and was not
fet at liberty till the clofe of that year.
The only fortrefs which Bruce pofTeffed in Scotland
fieged by the earls of Lancader and Hereford. One Scotland.
Ofburn treacheroufly burnt the magazine ; by which '
means thegarrifon, deditute of provifions, was obliged
to furrender at diferetion. The common foldiers were
hanged; Sir Neil Bruce and the earl of Athol were
one commanded by the king himfelf; the other by the fent prifoners to Edward, who caufed them to be
hanged on a gallows 50 feet high, and then beheaded
and burnt. The countefs of Buchan, who had crowned
king Robert, was taken prifoner ; as was lady Mary
Bruce, the king’s fider. Some hidorians fay, that Ed¬
ward ordered thefe two ladies to be fhut up in wooden
cages, one to be hung over the walls of the cadle
of Roxburgh, and the other over thofe of Berwick, as
public fpedacles; but lord Hailes only tells us, that
the countefs of Buchan was put into clofe confinement
in the cadle of Berwick (a). 142
About this time aifo many others of Bruce’s party Adventur-s
were put to death ; among whom were Thomas andof Rolier{*
Alexander Bnjce, two of the king’s brothers, and
John Wallace, brother to the celebrated Sir William.
Bruce himfeif, in the mean time, was in fuch a defpi-
cable fituation, that it was thought he never could
give more didurbance ; and it was even reported that
he was dead. All his misfortunes, however, could not
intimidate him, or prevent his meditating a mod fe-
vere revenge upon the dedroyers of his family. He
fird removed to the cadle of Dumbarton, where he
was hofpitably received and entertained by Angus lord
of Kintyre ; but, fufpe&ing that he was not fafe there,
he failed in three days to Rachrin, a fmall ifland on the
Irifh coad, where he fecured himfelf effeSually from
the purfuit of his enemies. It was during his day in
this ifland, that the report of his death was gene¬
rally propagated. Notwithftanding this, his party
increafed confiderably ; and, even when he landed on
this ifland, he was attended by 300 men. However,
after having lived for fome time in this retreat, being
apprehenfive that the report of his death might be ge¬
nerally
Kildrom
mey caftle was the cadle of Kildrommey; and it was foon be¬
taken, and
the garrifon
maflacred.
(a) M. Weftminfter. p. 455. fays, “ Capitur etiam et ilia impiifllma conjuratrix de Buchan, de qua conful-
tus Rex, ait, Quia gladio non percuffit, gladio non peribit; verum, propter illicitam conjurationem quam fe¬
cit, in domicilio lapideo et ferreo, in modum coronae fabricate, firmiflime obftruatur, ct apud Bervicum fub dio fo-
rinfecus fufpendatur, ut lit data, in vita et poll mortem, fpeculum viatoribus, et opprobrium fempiternum.” Other
Englilh hiftorians, copying M. Weftminfter, have faid the fame thing. We cannot, therefore, blame Abercrombie
for faying, “ She was put in a wooden cage fhaped like a crown, and in that tormenting pofture hung out from high
walls or turrets to be gazed upon and reproached by the meaneft of the multitude;” vol. i. p. 579. Hemingford,
vol. I. p. 321. relates the ftory in a manner fomewhat different. He fays, that the earl of Buchan her hufband fought
to kill her for her treafon ; but that Edward reftrained him, and ordered her to be confined in a wooden cage.
The intentions of Edward I. touching the durance of the countefs of Buchan, will be more certainly learned from
his own orders, than from the report of M. Weftminfter. His orders run thus: “ By letters under the privy-feal,
be it commanded, that the chamberlain of Scotland, or his deputy at Berwick upon Tweed, do, in one of the tur¬
rets of the faid caftle, and in the place which he fhall find moft convenient, caufe conftrmft a cage ftrongly latticed
with wood, [defuiji, i. e. beams of timber or palifades), crofs-barred, and fecured with iron, in which he fhall put
the countefs of Buchan. And that he take care that fhe be fo well and fafely guarded therein, that in no fort fhe
may iffue therefrom. And that he appoint one or more women of Berwick, of Englifh extraction, and liable to no
fufpicion, 'who Jhall minijler to lie Jaid countefs in- eating and drinking, aud in all things elfe convenient, in her
faid lodging-place. And that he do caufe her to be fo well and ftridly guarded in the cage, that fire may not fpeak
with any one, man or woman, of the Scottifh nation, or with any one elfe, favjng with the women who fhal) be ap¬
pointed to attend her, or with the guard who fhall have the cuftody of her perfon. And that the cage be fo con-
ftrudted that the countefs may have therein the convenience of a decent chamber, (efement de chambre courtoife);
neverthelefs, that all things be fo well and furely ordered, that no peril arife touching the right euftody of the faid
countefs. And that he to whom the charge of her is committed fhall be refponlible, body for body; and that he be
allowed his charges.” Faedera, T. ii. p. 10x4.
Such were the orders of Edward I. and he furely was not a man who would fuffer his orders to be difobeyed. Here,
indeed, there is.a detail concerning the cuftody of a female prifoner, which may feem vidiculoufly minute, but which
is inconfiftent with the ftory related by M. Weftminfter and other hiftorians. To thofe who have no notion of any
cage but one for a parrot or a fquirrel, hung out at a window, we defpair of rendering this mandate intelligible.
SCO [ 7022 ] SCO
Scotland, nerally credited among his friends in Scotland, it was
 “refolved to attempt the furprife of a fort held by the
He takes a un^er John Haftings, on the ifle of Ar-
fort on the1-311, was Perf°rmed with faccefs by his two
ifle of Ar- friends Douglas and Sir Robert Boyd, who put the
ran. greateft part of the garrifon to the fword. The king,
hearing of their fuccefs, pafled over into Arran ; but,
not knowing where his people refided, is faid to have
found them out by blowing a horn. He then fent a
trufty fervant, one Cuthbert, into his own country of
Carrick ; with orders, in cafe he found it well affeded
to his caufe, to light a fire on a certain point near his
caflle of Tunberry, whence it could be difcerned in
Arran. Bruce and his party perceived the fignal, as
they thought, and immediately put to fea. Their
voyage took up but little time ; and as Bruce had now
400 men along with him, he refolved immediately to
144 aft on the offenfive. His firft exploit was to furprife
caftfe^f own ca*^e Tunberry, which had been given,
Tunberry a'ong w‘t^ Bruce’s eftate, to lord Henry Piercy. Him
in Carrick. he drove out, along with the Englifh garrifon ; but
in the mean time he met with his fervant Cuthbert,
who gave him difagreeable intelligence. This man
had met with very little encouragement on his landing
in Scotland; in confequence of which he had not lighted
the fire agreed upon as a fignal of his fuccefs, that
which Bruce had obferved having been kindled by acci-
dent. He alfo told him, that the Englifh were in full
pofTcfiion of the country, and advifed his mailer to be
upon his guard. Soon after this the king was joined
by a lady of fortune, who brought along with her 40
warriors. By her he was firft particularly informed
of the mrferable fate of his family and relations; which,
rnftead of difheartening, animated him the more with
a defire of revenge. However, he did not immediate-
ly attempt any thing bimfelf, but allowed Douglas to
Douglas re-3116111?1 lhe recovery of his eftate of Douglas-dale, as
covers his Bruce himfelf had recovered his in Carrick. In this ex-
-cwn eftate. pedition Douglas was joined by one Thomas Dtckfon,
a man of confiderable fortune, and who gave him in¬
telligence concerning the ftate of the country. By
his advice he kept himfelf private till Palm Sunday;
when he and his followers, with covered armour, re¬
paired to St Bride’s church, where the Englifh were
performing divine fervice. The latter were furprifed,
but made a brave defence ; though, being overpowered
by numbers, they were at laft obliged to yield. Dou¬
glas, without farther refiftance, took pofleflion of his
own caftle, which he found well furnifhed with arms,
provilions, and money. He deftroyed all that he could
not carry with him, and alfo the caftle itfelf, where he
knew that he muft have been befieged if he had kept it.
While Bruce and his friends were thus fignalizing
themfelves, and ftruggling with the Englilh under fo
many difadvantages, it is natural to think that they muft
have metwith many dangerous and difficult adventures.
Many of thefe indeed are related by the Scots hiftorians;
but moft of them have the appearance of fables, and
it is now impoffible to diftinguifh the true from the
falfe; for which reafon we fhall pafs them all over in
filence, confining ourfelves only to thofe fa&s which
are at once important and well authenticated.
In 1307, the earl of Pembroke, advanced into the
weft of Scotland to encounter Bruce. The latter did not
decline the combat; and Pembroke was defeated. Three Scotland,
days after this, Bruce defeated with great flaughter ~T^S
another Engiifh general named Ralph de Monthermer, The Eng-
and obliged him to fly to the caftle of Air. The kingli(h twice
laid !=ege to the caftle for for fome time, but retirccl RoberT* ^
at the approach of fuccours from England. This
year the Englifh performed nothing but of burning
the monaftery at Paifley. Edward, however, refolved
ftili to execute his utmoft vengeance on the Scots, tho*
he had long been retarded in his operations by a te¬
dious and dangerous indifpofition. But now, fuppo-
fing that his malady was decreafed fo far that he could
fafely proceed on his march, he offered up the horfe-
litter, in which he had hitherto been carried, in the
cathedral church of Carlifle; and, mounting himfelf on
horfeback, proceeded on the way towards Solway.
He was fo weak, however, that he could advance no
farther than fix miles in four days; after which he ex- i47
pired in fight of Scotland, which he had fo often de-Death of
voted to deftru&ion. With his dying breath he gave^war^1*
orders that his body ffiould accompany his army into
Scotland, and remain unhuried until the country was
totally fubdued ; but his fon, difregarding this order,
caufed it to be depofited in Weftminfter abbey.
The death of fuch an inveterate enemy to the Scot-
tilh name could not fail of raifing the fpirits of Bruce
and his party; and the inaftiveand timid behaviour of
his fon Edward II. contributed not a little to give them
freffi courage. After having granted the guardian-
fhip of Scotland to his favourite Piers de Gavefton earl
of Pembroke, whom his father had lately banifhed,
he advanced to Cumnock, on the frontiers of Air-
fhire, and then retreated into England ; conferring
the office of guardian of Scotland upon John de Bre¬
tagne earl of Richmond, a fortnight after he had be¬
llowed it on Gavefton. He was no fooner gone than i4g
Bruce invaded Galloway. The inhabitants refu- Robert de»
fing to follow his ftandard, he laid wafte the coun-in
try ; but was defeated, and obliged to retire north-Gal oway'
wards, by the guardian. In the north he over-ran
the country without oppofition ; and foon began to
move fouthwards again, in order to repair his late dif-
grace. He was encountered by Comyn earl of Bu¬
chan with an undifeiplined body of Englifh, whom he
entirely defeated and difperfed. But about this time he
was feized with a grievous diftemper, which weakened
him fo much, that no hopes were left of his recovery. In
this enfeebled fituation he was attacked by the earl of ^
Buchan and John Mowbray an Englifh commander, He defeats ; tj
who had aflembled a body of troops with defign to ef- the Englifli IrJ
face their late difgrace. The armies met at Inverury turn»r1'
in Aberdeenfhire. Bruce was too weak to fuPPort verS froni J
himfelf, and therefore was held upon horfeback by two dangerous fi i
attendants: but he had the pleafure of feeing his ene- difeafe.
mies totally defeated, and purfued with great flaughter
for many miles; and it is reported, that the agitation
of his fpirits on that day proved the means of curing
him of his difeafe. This battle was fought on the zzd
day of May 1308.
The king of Scotland now took revenge of his ene¬
mies, after the manner of that barbarous age, by wa¬
fting the country of Buchan with fire and fword. His
fuccefles had fo railed his chara&er, that many of the
Scots who had hitherto adhered to the Englifli caufe,
now
SCO [ 7023 ] SCO
Scotland, now came over to that of Robert. Edward, the were again renewed ; and in the beginning of the year Scotland,
— king’s brother, invaded Galloway, and defeated the 1310 the truce was concloded, but entirely difregarded
,s° inhabitants of that country. John de St John, an by the Scots. The progrefs of Bruce now became
Edward* °*Englifh commander, 1300 horfemen, attempted very alarming. The town of Perth, a place at that
Bruce. to furprife him ; but Edward having received timely time of great importance, was threatened ; and to re* jnv^s
information of his defigns, ordered the infantry and lieve it, Edward ordered a fleet to fail up the river Scotland
meaner part of his army to entrench themfelves Tay : he alfo commanded the earl of Ulfter to aflemble withoutfoc*
ftrongly, while he himfelf, with no more than 50 a body of troops at Dublin, and from thence to invade cefs-
horfemen, well armed, under cover of a thick mill, Scotland ; his own barons were ordered to meet him
attacked his enemies, and put them to flight. After in arms at Berwick. About the end of September, he
this he reduced all the fortreffes in the country, and entered Scotland; paffed from Roxburgh, through the
totally expelled the Englifh from it. About this time foreft of Selkirk, to Biggar ; from thence he penetra-
alfo, Douglas, when roving about the mountainous ted into Renfrew; and turning back by the way of
parts of Tweedale, furprifed and made prifoners Tho- Linlithgow, he retreated to Berwick, where he con-
mas Randolph the king’s nephew, and Alexander tinned inaftive for eight months.
Stewart of Bonkhill, who had hitherto continued ini- During this invafion, Robert had carefully avoided-
mical to the interefts of Robert. Randolph was con- a battle with the Englifli; well knowing, that an inva-
du&ed to the king, but talked to him in an haughty fion undertaken in autumn would ruin the heavy-armed
ftrain ; upon which his uncle put him into clofe con- cavalry, on which the Englilh placed their chief de-
tji finement. pendence. His caufe was alfo favoured by a fcarcity
The lord The next exploit of Robert was againft the lord of which prevailed at this time in Scotland ; for thus, as
featedwd L°rn» a divifion of Argyleihire. It was this noble- magazines and other vefources of modern war were
his cattle 111311 w^0 reduced the king to fuch (traits after his then unknown, the Englifli army were greatly retarded
taken. defeat at Methven ; and he now refolved to take ample in their operations, and found it impoflible to fubfift
revenge. Having entered the country, the king arri- in the country. j$4
ved at a narrow pafs, where the troops of Lorn lay in The fpirit of enterprife had now communicated it-Linlithgow*
ambufli. This pafs had a high mountain on the one felf to all ranks of people in Scotland. In 1311, the“ftte fi-'1"
fide, and a precipice waflied by the fea on the other; caftle of Linlithgow was furprifed by a poor Scots,
but Robert having ordered Douglas to make a circuit named William Binmck. The Englifli garrifon were
and gain the fummit of the mountain with part of the fecure, and kept but a flight guard ; of which Bin-
army, he entered himfelf with the reft. Hewasimme- nock being informed/concealed eight refolute men in
diately attacked: but Douglas with his men ruflied a load of hay, which he had been employed to drive
down the hill, and decided the viftory in favour of the into the caftle. With thefe, as foon as the gate was
king ; who foon after took the caftle of Dunftaffhage, opened, he fell upon the feeble guard, and became
the chief refidence of this nobleman. mafter of the place ; which was difmantled by Robert,
While Robert and his aflbciates were thus gaining as well as all the other caftles taken in the courfe of
the admiration of their countrymen by the exploits the war.
IJ1 which they daily performed, the Englifli were fo un- Edward now refolved to invade Scotland again;.
Unfuccefs- fettled and flu&uating in their counfels, that their and for this purpofe ordered his army to afiemble at
131 negocia-party knew not how to aft. Edward ftill imagined Roxburgh. But Robert, not contented with defend-
peace^ t^iat t^ere was a pofiibility of reconciling the. Scots to ing his own country, refolved in his turn to invade e'"*?-
hfs government: and for this purpofe he employ-ed England. He accordingly entered that country, and land, and^
William de Lambyrton, biftiop of St Andrew’s; who, cruelly ravaged the biftiopric of Durham. He return-takc's Perth
after having been taken prifoner, and carried from one ed loaded with fpoil, and laid fiege to Perth. Ha-pnlllsre"
place of confinement to another, had at laft made fuch ving remained fix weeks before the place, he raifedtUrn‘
fubmiflions, as procured firft his liberty, and then the the fiege, but returned in a few days; and having
confidence of Edward. This ecclefiaftic having taken provided fcaling ladders, approached the works with a
a mod folemn oath of fidelity to Edward, now refol- chofen body of infantry. In a dark night he made the
ved to ingratiate himfelf, by publifliing againft Robert attack ; and having waded through the ditch, though
and his adherents a fentence of excommunication; the water flood to his throat, he was the fecond man
which had been refolved on long before. This, how- who reached the top of. the walls. The town was
ever, produced no effeft; and the event was, that, in then foon taken ; after which it was plundered and*
1309, through the mediation of the king of France, burnt, and the fortifications levelled with the ground*.
Edward confented to a truce with the Scots. This This happened on the 8th of January 13J1 z.
pacific difpofition, however, lafted not long. The Edward was now become averfe to the war, and re¬
truce was fcarcely concluded, when Edward charged newed his negociations for a truce ; but they ftill came ts**
the Scots with a breach of it, and fummoned his ba- to nothing. Robert again invaded England; burnt Invades
rons to meet him in arms at Newcaftle : yet, pro- great part of the city of Durham; and even threatened En8lar<1.3
bably being doubtful of the event of the. war, he em- to befiege Berwick, where the king of England bad,
powered Robert de Umfraville, and three others, to for the time, fixed his refidence. He next reduced fuccc^.v
conclude a new truce; declaring, however, that he the caftles of Butel, Dumfries, and Dalfwinton, with
did this at the requeft of Philip king of France, as many other fortrefles. The caftle of Roxburgh, a
bis deareft father and friend, but who was in no fort place of the utmoft importance, next fell into his
to be confidered as the ally of Scotland. hands. The walls were fealed while the garrifon were
The new negociations were foon interrupted. They revelling on the eve of Lent. They retreated into the-
SCO [ 7024 SCO
Scotland. Inner tower; but their governor, a Frenchman, having
received a mortal wound, they capitulated.
Randolph, the king’s nephew, who had been im-
prifoned, as we have already obferved, was now recei-
157 ved into favour, and began to diftinguilh himfelf in
of Ed^ftle l^e cauk of his country. He blockaded the caftle of
burgh ta- Edinburgh fo clofely, that all communication with the
ken by neighbouring country was cut oft’. The place was
Randolph, commanded by one Leland, a knight of Gafcony ; but
the garrifon fufpefting his fidelity, imprifoned him in
a dungeon, and chofe another commander in his ftead.
One William Frank prefented himfelf to Randolph,
and informed him how the walls might be fealed. This
man in his youth had refided in the caftle ; and having
an intrigue with a wroman in the neighbourhood, had
been accuftomed todefeend the wall, during the night,
by means of a ladder of ropes; whence, by a tteep
and difficult path, he arrived at the foot of the rock.
Randolph himfelf, with 30 men, undertook to fcale
the caftle walls at midnight. Frank was their guide,
who ftill retained a perfedt memory of the path, and
who firtl afeended the wall. But before the whole
party could reach the fummit, an alarm was given,
the garrifon ran to arms, and a defperate combat en-
fued. The Englilh fought valiantly till their com¬
mander was killed ; after which they threw down their
arms. Leland, the former governor, was releafed from
his confinement, and entered into the Scottifh fervice.
In 1313, king Robert found the number of his
friends increafing with his fuccefles. He was now
joined by the earl of Athol, who had lately obtained
a grant of lands from Edward. This year, thro’ the
mediation of France, the conferences for a truce were
158 renewed. Thefe, however, did not retard the military
Robert in operations of the Scots. Cumberland was invaded and
lamT wa^e: l^e miferable inhabitants befought Edward’s
1 educes theProte<^'on ’ who commended their fidelity, and defired
ifle of Man. them to defend themfelves. In the mean time Ro¬
bert, leaving Cumberland, pafied over into the ifle of
Man, which he totally reduced. Edward found great
difficulties in railing the fupplies neceflary for carry¬
ing on the war; but at laft overcame all thefe, and,
by the beginning of the year 1314, was prepared to
invade Scotland with a mighty army. In March he
ordered his (hips to be aflembled for the invafion ;
invited to his affiftance Eth O'Connor, chief of the
Irilh of Connaught, and 26 other Irilh chiefs; fum-
moned them and his fubjedls in Ireland to attend his
flandard, and gave the command of thefe auxiliaries
to the earl of Ullter. His barons were fummoned
to meet him at Berwick on the 11th of June ; and
22,000 foot-foldiers, from the different counties of
England and Wales, were required by proclamation to
affemble at Wark.
Edward 1° ^e mean time the fucceffes of the Scots conti-
Bmce en- nued. Edward Bruce had reduced the caftles of Ra¬
ters into an therglen and Dundee, and laid fiege to the caftle of
maty11 wUhStirling. The governor of the place agreed to fur-
the gover- render, if he was not relieved before the 24th of June
nor of Stir-1314; and to this Edward agreed, without confult-
lu'S- ing his brother. The king was highly difpleafed with
this rafh treaty, which interrupted his own operations,
allowed the Englilh time to afietnble their utmoft force,
and at laft obliged him either to raife the fiege or to
put all on the event of a fingle battle. However, he
refolved to abide by the agreement, and to meet the Scotland.
Englilh by the appointed day. Having appointed a     i
general rendezvous of his forces between Falkirk and
Stirling, he found their number to amount to fome- br;ngS on
what more than 30,000, befides upwards of 15,000 of the decifivs j
an undifeiplined rabble that followed the camp. He engage-
determined to wait the Englilh in a field which had ™ent
the brook or lurn of Bannock on the right, and Stir- bunu^
ling on the left. His chief dread was the ftrength and
number of the Englilh cavalry, and thefe he took every
method to oppofe. The banks of the brook were fteep
in many places, and the ground between it and Stir¬
ling was partly covered with wood. The king com¬
manded many pits, of about a foot in breadth and two
or three feet deep, to be dug in all places where ca¬
valry could have accefs. From the defeription given
of them by the hiftorians of thofe times, there feem to
have been many rows of them, with narrow intervals.
They were carefully covered with brulhwood and fod,
fo that they would eafily be overlooked by a ralh and
impetuous enemy. It is laid by fome authors, that he
alfo made ufe of calthrops, to annoy the horfes in the
moft effe&ual manner.
On the 23d of June, the Scots received intelligence Difpofuion *
of the approach of Edward, and prepared to decide of the
the fate of their country. The front of their army ex-Scots*
tended from the brook called Bannockburn to the
neighbourhood of St Ninians, pretty nearly upon the
line of the prefent turnpike-road from Stirling to Kil-
fyth; and the done in which the king is faid to have
fixed his ftandard, is ftill to be feen. Robert com¬
manded all his foldiers to fight on foot. He gave the
command of the centre to Douglas, and Walter the
young fteward of Scotland; his brother Edward had
the command of the right wing, and Randolph of the
left ; the king himfelf taking charge of the referve,
which confided of the men of Argyle, Garrick, and
the iilanders. In a valley to the rear, faid to be to the
weftward of a rifing ground now called Gillet-hill, he
placed the baggage, and all the ufelefs attendants on
his army.
Randolph was commanded to be vigilant in pre-A par*y of |
venting the Englifh from throwing fuccours into the£Bgijft/ca_ j,
caftle of Stirling ; but 800 horfemen, commanded by val°y de- '
Sir Robert Clifford, made a circuit by the lowgrounds Rate^ I’Y
to the eaft, and approached the caftle. The king, an op ‘ |.-
perceiving their motions, chid Randolph for bis inad¬
vertency, on which the latter hafted to encounter that |
body. As he advanced, the Englifh wheeled to at¬
tack him. Randolph drew up his men in a circular
form, with their fpears protended on every fide. At
the firft onfet Sir William Daynecourt, an Englifh
commander of diftinguifhed valour, was killed; but
Randolph, who had only a fmall party with him, was
furrounded on all fides, and in the utmoft danger. Dou¬
glas perceived his danger, and requefted the king to
let him go to his affiftance. Robert at firft refufed,
but afterwards confented with relu&ance. Douglas
fet out without delay : but, as he approached he fa\y
the Englifh falling into diforder ; upon which he call- j
ed to hismen to ftop,andnot diminifh the glory of Ran-An Eng. j1,
dolph and his men by fharing their vidtory. lifh knight to'
Robert was in the front of the line when the van-killed in 1
guard of the Englifh appeared. He was meanly”^6 c°”i
dreffed, with a crown above his helmet, and a battle- Rober£i
SCO [ 7025 1 SCO
Scotland ax in his hand. Henry de Bohun, an Englifh knight,
armed cap-a-pee, rode forward to encounter him. Ro¬
bert did not decline the combat, and ftruck his anta-
gonift fo violently with his battle-»x, that he is faid to
have cleft him down to the chin ; after which the
Englifh vanguard retreated in confufion. The Scot-
tifh generals are laid to have blamed their king for
his rafhnefs in thus encountering Bohun ; and he him-
felf, confcious of the juftice of their charge, only
replied, “ I have broke my good battle-ax.”
Comman- Monday the 24th of June, the whole Engliih
ders of the army moved on to the attack. The van, confiding
Engiifh *r-of archers and lancemen, was commanded by Gilbert
de Clare earl of Gloucefter, nephew to the Englilh
king, and Humphry de Bohun conltable of England :
but the ground was fo narrow, that the reft of the ar¬
my had not fufficient room to expand itfelf; fo that it
appeared to the Scots as confiding of one great com-
padft body. The main body was brought up by Ed¬
ward in perfon, attended by Aymer de Valence earl of
Pembroke, and Sir Giles d’Argentine, two experien¬
ced commanders. Maurice abbot of Inchaffray, pla¬
cing himfelf on an eminence, celebrated mafs in the
fight of the Scottiih army. He then pafled along the
front, barefooted, with a crucifix in his hands, and in
few words exhorted the Scots to fight for their rights
and liberty. The Scots fell down on their knees ;
which being perceived by Edward, he cried out,
“ They yield! See, they implore mercy.” “They do,”
anfwered Umfraville, one of his commanders, “ they
do implore mercy, but not from us. On that field they
will be vi&orious or die.”
The En - ‘^s Part‘es were vi°^en^y exafperated againft
i;foeent”iliyeach other, the engagement began with great fury,
defeated. The king of Scotland, perceiving that his troops were
grievoufly annoyed by the Englifh archers, ordered Sir
Robert Keith the marifchal, with a few armed horfe-
men, to make a circuit and attack the archers in flank.
This was inftantly accomplifhed; and as the wea¬
pons of the archers were ufelefs in a clofe encoun¬
ter, they could make very little refiftance, at the fame
time that their flight fpread diforder thro’ the whole
army.
Robert now advanced with the referve: the whole
Englifh army was in the utmoft confufion; for the de¬
feat of the archers had decided the viftory in favour of
the Scots. The young and gallant earl of Gloucefter
attempted to rally the fugitives, but was thrown from
his horfe and cut in pieces, which increafed the gene¬
ral confufion. At this critical moment,-the numerous
attendants on the ScottHh camp, prompted by curio-
fity or the defire of plunder, iffued from their retire¬
ment. The Englifh miftookthem for a body of frefh
troops coming to the afliftance of their enemies, and
fled with precipitation on all fides. Many fought re¬
fuge among the rocks in the neighbourhood of Stir¬
ling caftle; and many were drowned in the rivers.
Pembroke and Sir Giles d’Argentine had never quit¬
ted Edward during the adlion ; but now, feeing the
battle irretrievably loft, Pembroke conftrained the
.king to quit the field. D’Argentine refufed to fly. He
was a man of great valour, and had a high reputation
in Scotland. According to the vulgar opinion, the
J three moft eminent worthies in that age were the em¬
peror Henry of Luxemburg, Robert Bruce, and Giles
Vol. IX. 1
d’Argentine. He is’faid to have thrice encountered two Scotland.
Saracen warriors in Paleftine, and to have killed them ~'-‘
both each time. His valour now availed him but
little ; for rufhing into the midft of the Scots army, he
was inftantly cut in pieces. Douglas, with 60 horfe-
men, purfued Edward clofe. At the Torwood he met
Sir Lawrence Abernethy, who was haftening to the
Engliftr rendezvous with twenty horfemen. The latter £,jward e,
foon abandoned the caufe of the vanquifhed, and join- fcapes to
ed Douglas in the purfuit of Edward, who fled to DunSnr,
Linlithgow. He had fcarcely arrived there, when he
was alarmed by, the approach of the Scots; and again " 6
obliged to fly. Douglas and Abernethy followed him
with fuch afliduity, that (as Lord Hailes choofes to
Latinize the expreflion of an ancient biftorian) ne vel
mingendi locus concederetur; but, notwithftanding
their utmoft efforts, Edward got fafe to Dunbar,
where he was received by the earl of March, who
protefted him till he could be conveyed by fea to
England.
Such was the decifive battle of Bannockburn, the
greateft defeat the Englilh ever fuftained from the Scots.
On the fide of the latter no perfons of note were flain
excepting Sir William Vipont, and Sir Walter Rofs the
favourite of Edward Bruce ; and fo grievoufly was
Edward affli&ed by the death of this man, that he ex¬
claimed “ O that this day’s work were undone, fo
Refs had not died!” On the Englilh fide were flain
27 barons and bannerets, and 22 taken prifoners; of
knights there were killed 42, and 60 taken prifoners; thg8baUienof
of efquires there fell 700 ; but the number of the Bannock-
comtfion men who were killed or taken, was never burn,
known with any certainty. The Welfh who had
ferved in the Englifh army were fcattered over the
country, and cruelly butchered by the Scottifh pea-
fants. The Englifh, who had taken refuge among the
rocks in the neighbourhood of Stirling, furrendered at
diferetion: the caftle was furrendered, and the privy-
feal of England fell into the hands of the king of
Scots. The fpoils of the Englifti camp were immenfe;
and enriched the conquerors, along with the ranfom
of many noble prifoners who fell into their hands.
Robert Ihowed much gencrofity in his treatment of
the prifoners who fell to his ftiare. He fet at liberty
Ralph de Monthermer, and Sir Marmaduke Tvverge,
two officers of high rank, without ranfom ; and by
humane and generous offices alleviated the misfortune
of the reft. The dead bodies of the earl of Gloucefter
and the lord Clifford were fent to England, that they
might be interred with the ufual folemnity, There
was one Ballon, a Carmelite frier and poet, whom
Edward is faid to have brought with him in his train
to be fpedlator of his atchievements, and to record
his triumphs. Ballon was made prifoner, and obliged
to celebrate the vidlory of Robert over the Englilh.
This he did in wretched Latin rhymes ; which,
however, procured his liberty. After the battle of
Bannockburn, the earl of Hereford retreated to the
caftle of Bothwell, where he was befieged by Edward .
Bruce, and foon obliged to furrender. He was ex-"f8.3
changed for the wife, lifter, and daughter of the liberty.
king, the young earl of Marr, and the bilhop of
Glafgow.
The terror of the Englilh after the defeat at Ban¬
nockburn is almoft incredible. Walfingham afferts,
39 K that
SCO [ 7026 ] SCO
Scotland, that many of them revolted to the Scots, and affifted
■—^ them in plundering their own country. “ The Eng-
Confterna- lifli,” fays he, “ were fo bereaved of their wonted in-
tion of the trepidity, that an hundred of that nation would have
Englifli, fle(j from two or three Scotfmeu.” Edward Bruce and
Douglas entered England on the eaflern fide, ravaged
Norththumberland, and laid the bifhopric of Durham
under contribution. From thence they proceeded to
Richmond, laid Appleby and fome other towns in
allies, andreturned home loaded with plunder. Ed¬
ward fummoned a parliament at York, in order to
concert means for the public fecurity ; and appointed
the earl of Pembroke, formerly the guardian of Scot¬
land, to be guardian of the country between the Trent
and the Tweed. Robert, however, fent ambafladors
to treat of a peace; but the Scots were too much
elated with their good fortune to make conceifions,
and the Englifh were not yet fufficiently humbled to
yield to all their demands. The ravages of war were
again renewed; the Scots continued their incurfions
into England, and levied contributions in different
places.
In 1315, the Englifii affairs feemed a little to revive.
The Scots indeed plundered Durham and Hartlepool;
173 but they were repulfed from Carlifle, and failed in an
Expedition attempt on Berwick. The Irilh of Ulfter, oppreffed
Bruce'Into ^7 l^e Englilh government, implored the affiftance of
Ireland. Robert, and offered to acknowlege his brother Edward
as their fovereign ; who accordingly landed at Car-
rickfergus on the 25th of May 1315, with 6000 men.
This was an enterprife evidently beyond the power of
Scotland to accomplilh, and which could not but be
perceived by Robert. However, there were motives
which induced him to confent. The offer of a crown,
though ever fo vifionary, inflamed the ambition of
Edward Bruce, whofe impetuous valour made no ac¬
count of difficulties, however great. It might have
been deemed ungenerous, and perhaps would not have
been politic or fafe, to have rejected the propofals of
the Iriffi for the advancement ofhis brother, to whom
the king owed more than he could repay. Befides,
the invafion of Ireland feemed a proper expedient for
dividing the Englifh forces. The event proved un-
Ile is de- fortunate. Edward, after performing and fuffering
fcated and m0re than could almoft have been expefted from hu-
lulIed* man nature, was at lad defeated and killed by the Eng-
liih, as is rdate'd under the article Ireland, n° 42.
The king himfelf had gone over into Ireland, in or¬
der to affid his brother in attempting the fubje&ion of
that country ; but during his abfence the Englifh had
made feveral attempts to didurb the tranquillity of
Scotland. The earl of Arundel invaded the fored of
Unfuccefs- Jedburgh with a numerous army; but being drawn
ful attempts into an ambufeade by Douglas, he was defeated with
of the Eng. great lofs. Edmund de Cailaud, a knight of Gafcony
Scot~and governor of Berwick, invaded and wafted Teviot-
dak ; but while he was returning home loaded with
fpoil, he was attacked, defeated, and killed by Douglas.
Soon after this, intelleigence was conveyed to Douglas
that one Robert Neville had boafted that he would en¬
counter him whenever he faw his banner difplayed.
Douglas did not long delay to give him an opportunity.
He advanced to the neighbourhood of Berwick, dif.
played his banner, and burnt fome villages. Neville,
provoked at thefe ravages, took the field, encountered
Douglas, and was defeated and killed. By fea the Scotland
Englifh invaded Scotland, and anchored off Inver-
keithing in the frith of Forth, where they foon after
landed. Five hundred men, under the command the of
Earl of Fife and the (heriffof thkt country, attempted to
oppofe their landing, but were intimidated by the number
of their enemies. William Sinclair bifhop ofDunkeld
happened to meet the fugitives ; and having by his re¬
proaches obliged them to rally, he led them on again
to the charge, and drove the Englifti to their fhips
with confiderable lofs. For this exploit Robert confer¬
red the title olthe king’s lijhop on Sinclair; and he was
long remembered by bis countrymen on this account.. ..
In 1317, after king Robert had returned from his tion° with
Irifh expedition, a bull was iffued by the pope (John the Pope.
XXII.) commanding a two years truce between Eng¬
land and Scotland, under pain of excommunication.
Two cardinals were difpatched into Britain to make
known his commands; and they were privately em¬
powered to infliit the higheft fpiritual cenfures on
Robert Bruce, or whomfoever elfe they thought proper.
About the beginning of September 1317, two meffen-
gers were fent to Robert by the cardinals. The king
gave them a gracious reception; and after confulting
with his barons, returned for anfwer, that he very-
much defired a good and perpetual peace, either by
the mediation of the cardinals, or by any other means.
He allowed the open lettea-s from the pope, which re¬
commended peace, to be read in his prefence, and
liftened to them with due refped. But he would not
receive the fealed letters addreffed to Robert Bruce
governor of Scotland; alleging, that there might be
many of his barons whofe names were Robert Brucet
and that thefe barons might probably have fome fiiare
in the government. Unlefs, therefore, the letters were
addreffed to him as king of Scotland, he could not re¬
ceive them without advice of his parliament, which
he promifed immediately to affemble on the occafion.
The meffengers attempted to apologize for the omif-
fion of the title of King. “ The holy church was not
wont, “ they raid,” during the dependence of a contro-
verfy, to write or fay any thing which might be inter¬
preted as prejudicial to the claims of either of the con¬
tending parties.” “ Since then,” anfwered the king, g .*** be_
“ my fpiritual father and my holy mother would not j^viour of"
prejudice the caufe of my adverfary by bellowing on Robert,
me the appellation of king during the dependence of
the controverfy, they ought not to have prejudiced my
caufe by withdrawing that appellation from me. I
am in poffeffion of the kingdom of Scotland; all my
people call me king ; and foreign princes addrefs
me under that title; but it feems that my parents are
partial to their Englilh fon. Had you prefumed to
prefent letters with fuch an addrefs to any other
fovereign prince, you might perhaps have been an¬
fwered in a harfher ftyle; but I reverence you as the
meffengers of the holy fee.”
The meffengers, quite abalhed with this reply,
changed the difeourfe, and requefted the king that he
would confent to a temporary ceffation of hoftilities ;
but to this he declared, that he never would confent,
while the Englilh daily invaded and plundered his
people. His counfellors, however, informed the mef¬
fengers, that if the letters had been addreffed to the
king of Scott) the negociations would inftantly have
been 1
A papal
truce pro¬
claimed ii
Scotland.
SCO [ 7027 ] s
Scotland, been opened. This flighting omiflion they imputed penetrated into Yorkfliire.
to the intrigues of the Englilh at the court of Rome,
hinting at the fame time that they had received this
intelligence from Avignon.
When the meffengers had informed the cardinals
of thefe proceedings, the latter determined to proclaim
the papal truce in Scotland ; in which hazardous of¬
fice they employed Adam Newton, guardian of the
monaftery of Minorites at Berwick, who was charged
with letters to the clergy of Scotland, particularly to
the bifhop of St Andrew’s. The monk found the
king encamped with his army in a wood near Old
Cambus, making preparations for affaulting Berwick.
Perfonal accefs was denied to the king; but the monk,
I7<S in obedience to his mafters, proclaimed the truce by
Which is the authority of the pope. The king fent him for
^ifrtga^ed anfwer, that he would liften to no bulls, till he was
by the ing-tre3ted as king of Scotland, and had made himfelf
matter of Berwick.
The poor monk, terrified at this anfwer, requefted
cither a fafe-condu& to Berwick, or permiffion to pafs
into Scotland, and deliver his letters to the Scottifh
clergy. Both were refufed; and he was commanded
to leave the country without lofs of time. He fet out
for Berwick; but in his way thither was attacked by
robbers, or fome who pretended to be fo. By them
he was ftripped and robbed of all his parchments, to¬
gether with his letters and inftru&ions; the robbers
alfo, it is faid, tore the pope’s bull, without any re-
177 gard to its fan&ity.
Berwick be- In 1318, king Robert proceeded in his enterprife
t^ken b”1 aga'n^ ®erw'c^» refolwed to employ artifice as well
th/scots. as f°rce‘n t^ie redu&ion of it. A citizen of Berwick,
by name Spalding, having been ill ufed by the gover¬
nor, refolved to revenge himfelf; and therefore wrote a
letter to a certain Scottifli lord, whofe relation he had
married, offering on a certain night to betray the poft
where he kept guard. The nobleman communicated this
important intelligence to the king. “ You did well,”
faid Robert, “ in making me your confident; for if
you had told this either to Randolph or Douglas,
you would have offended the one whom you did not
truft : Both of them, however, fhall aid you in the
execution of the enterprife.” The king then com¬
manded him to repair to a certain place with a body
of troops; to which place he alfo gave feparate orders
to Douglas and Randolph to repair at the fame hour,
each with a body of troops under his command. The
forces thus cautioufly alfemblcd, marched to Berwick,
and, afiitted by Spalding, fealed the walls, making
themfelves mafters of the town in a few hours. The
c o
In their progrefs they ScotianJ.
burnt the towns of Northallerton, Borough bridge,
Scarborough, and Skipton in Craven, forcing the in¬
habitants of Rippon to redeem themfelves by paying
looomerks: after which they returned to Scotland
with much booty; and, as an Englifh hiftorian ex-
prefl'es it, “ driving their prifoners before them like
flocks of fheep.”
This year the interpofition of the pope was obtain¬
ed againft Robert, with a view to intimidate the Scot¬
tifh nation; and the two cardinals refiding in England
were commanded to excommunicate Robert Bruce and
his adherents, on account of his treatment of the mef¬
fengers of the holy fee, and his affault of Berwick,
after a truce bad been proclaimed by the papal autho¬
rity. This fcntence was accordingly put in execution ; KingRo-
though Robert had certainly been excommunicated bertexcom-
once, if not oftener, before. Meffengers were fent municated
from Scotland to Rome, in order to procure a rever-b>’tliePoPc“
fal of the fentence : but Edward difpatched the bifhop
of Hereford, and Hugh d’Efpencer the elder, tocoun-
terafl this negociation, informing his holinefs at the
fame time of certain intercepted letters which had been
written from Avignon to Scotland; upon which the
pope ordered all the Scots refiding at Avignon, and
all of that place who had correfponded with Scotland,
to be taken into cuftody.
The moft remarkable tranfaftion of this year, how¬
ever, was the defeat and death of Edward Bruce in
Ireland ; of which an account is given under the ar¬
ticle Ireland, n° 42. His body was quartered, and
diftributed for a public fpedacle over Ireland ; and
his head was prefented to Edward by John lord Ber-
mingham the commander of the Englifh army; in re¬
turn for which fervice, he was rewarded with the title
of earl of Lomth.
In the mean time Edward, who had fummoned a
parliament to meet at Lincoln, was obliged to pro¬
rogue it on account of the Scottifh invafion, and to
affemble an army at York for the defence of his coun¬
try. At Michaelmas it was determined, in a parlia¬
ment held at London, that every city and town in
England fhould furnifh a certain proportion of men
completely armed. Thus a confiderable body of troops
was foon raifed; but, when they afiembied at York,
their party-animofities and mutual diftruft rofe to fuch
an height, that it was found neceffary to fend them
back to their habitations.
In 1319, Edward, having fucceeded fo well in his
negociations with the court of Rome, refolved to make
fimilar attempts with other powers to the prejudice of
garrifon of the cattle, perceiving that the number of the Scottifh nation. Accordingly he requefted the
Scots was but final!, made a delperate fally, with the
men who had fled into the cattle from the town; but,
after an obftinate confli£l, they were defeated and driven
back, chiefly by the extraordinary valour of a young
knight named Sir William Keith of Galfon.—This
happened on the 28th of March 1318.
!' Whoinvade Ring Robert no fooner heard of the fuccefs of his
forces againft the town, than he battened to lay fiege
to the cattle of Berwick. This was foon obliged to
capitulate; after which the Scots entered Northum¬
berland, and took the cattles of Wark, Harbottle, and
Milford. In May, they again invaded England, and
i, England
| with grea
i; fucccfs.
count of Flanders to prohibit the Scots from entering
his country: but to this requeft he received the fol¬
lowing remarkable reply; “ Flanders is the common
country of all men ; I cannot prohibit any merchants
from trafficking thither, for fuch prohibition would
prove the ruin of my people.” Finding himfelf baf-
fled in this attempt, the Englifh monarch once more again in-
determined to have recourfe to war; and with thisvades Scotk
view commanded his army to afletnble at Newcaftle up- *an<**
on Tyne, on the 24th of July 1319: but before he
proceeded, he requefted the prayers of the clergy for
the fucjxffi of his expedition ; and, to render their
39 K 2 prayers
SCO
[ 7°2S ]
SCO
Scotland, prayers the more effe&ual, he at the fame time de- difappointed in this attempt, they laid wafle York- Scotland.
manded from them a great fum of money by way of Ihire. - The archbidtop of York haitiiy eolledled a nu-
loan. merous body of commons and ecclefiaftics, with whom
Berwick be- Every thing being now in readinefs, the Englifh he encountered the Scots at Mitton,
fieged by army approached Berwick, which was commanded by bridge, in the north-riding of Yorklhire.
Borough- ,8i
„ . ... - - o- o The Eng-The Eng-
theEnglith. Walter the Steward of Scotland. This nobleman had lilh were inftantly routed ; 3000 were left dead on thelift) defeat
Jong apprehended an attack from the Englifh, and
had taken every means of defence in his power. The
encmyi however, confiding in their numbers, made
general affault; but were repulfed on the 7th of Sep-
iield, and great part of thofe who fled perifhed !n fit’/of Eer*
the river Swale. In this adlion 300 ecclefiaftics loft
their lives. The news of this fiiccefsfui inroad alarmed
the befiegers of Berwick. The barons whofe eftates
tember, after a long and obftinate conteft. Their lay to the fouthward remote from the Scottifh depre-
next attempt was on the fide towards the river. At that dations, w’ere eager for continuing the fiege. But
time the walls of Berwick were of an inconfiderable they were oppofed by thofe of the north ; who were
height; and it was propofed to bring a veffel clofe to no lefs eager to abandon the enterprife, and return to
them, from whence the troops might enter by a draw- the defence of their own country. With them the
bridge let down from the maft. But the Scots an- earl of Lancafter concurred in opinion ; who, under-
noyed the affailants fo much, that they could not bring ftanding that his favourite manor of Pontefraft was
this veflcl within the proper diftance ; and at the ebb expofed to the ravages of the Scots, departed with all
of the tide it grounded, and was burnt by the befieged. his adherents. Edward, upon this, drew off the re-
—The Englifh had then recourfe to a new-invented mainder of his army, and attempted to intercept Ran-
In many particulars i
emailed en£‘ne which they called a yjw, but for what reafon dolph and Douglas ; but they eluded him, and returned
...»  r.. —i!—refembled the in fafety to Scotland.
The unfuccefsful event of this laft attempt, induced
Edward ferioufly to think of peace ; and accordingly a
truce between the twp nations was concluded on the 21 ft
is unknown.
tejludo arietaria of the ancients. It appears to have
been a large fabric compofed of timber, and well-roofed,
having flages within it, and in height furpaffing the
wall of the town. It was moved upon wheels, and of December 1319, which interval of tranquillity the
ferved for the double purpofe of conducing the miners Scots made ufe of in addreffing a manifefto to the pope
to the foot of the wall, and armed men to the ftorm. in juftification of their caufe. This was drawn up in a
This machine was countera&ed by one conftrufled by fpirited manner, and made a very confiderable altera-
• .... ... tion in the councils of Rome. The pope, forefeeing
that Robert would not be terrified into fubmifflons,
ordered Edward to make peace with him in the bed
manner he could. A negociation was accordingly fet
John Crab, a Flemifh engineer in the Scots fervice.
This was a kind of moveable crane, whereby great
ftones might be railed on high, and then let fail upon
the enemy. The Englifh made a general afiault on
the quarter towards the fea, as well as on the land on foot, which foon terminated ineffedually ; the time
fide ; fo that the garrifon, exhaufted by continual fa¬
tigue, could fcarce maintain their pofts. The great
engine moved on to the walls; and, though ftones
were incefiantly difeharged againft it from the crane,
183 their effe& was fo fmall, that all hope of preferving made great preparations for
Deftroyed Berwick was loft. At length a huge ftone (truck it
the w;th fuch force, that the beams gave way, and the
was not renewed, and in 1322 a mutual invafion took
place. The Scots penetrated into Lancafhire by the England a-
weftern marches; and, after plundering the country, re- jgjnbIn^ie
turned home with an extraordinary booty: while Edward Scotsy and
made great preparations for an expedition into Scot-Scotland by-
land, which took place in Auguft the fame year. Inthelnglilh.
this, however, he was not attended with fuccefs. Ro-
Scots pouring down combuftibles upon it, it was re- bert had caufed all the cattle to be driven off, and all
duced to afhes. The Engltfh, however, (lill continued
the attack. The Steward, with a referve of too men,
went from poft to poft, relieving thofe who were
wounded or unfit for combat. One foldier of the re¬
ferve only remained with him when an alarm was
the effe&s of any value to be removed from Lothian
and the Merfe; fixing his camp at Culrofs, on the
north fide of the Frith of Forth. His orders for re¬
moving the cattle were fo punftually obeyed, that,-
according to common tradition, the only prey which
given that the Englifh had burnt a barrier at the port fell into the hands of the Englifh was a lame bull at
called St Mary's, poffeffed themfelves of the draw¬
bridge, and fired the gate. The Steward haftened
Tranent in Eaft Lothian. Edward, however, ftill
proceeded, and penetrated as far as Edinburgh, but
thither, called down the guard from the rampart, or- without any hopes of fubduing the kingdom. His
dered the gate to be fet open, and rufhed out upon
the enemy. A defperate combat enfued, and con¬
tinued till the clofe of day, when the Englifh com¬
manders withdrew their troops.
provifions being confumed, many of his foldiers pe¬
rifhed for want; and he was obliged at Jaft to retire
without having feen an enemy. On their return, his
foldiers burnt the abbeys of Holyrood, Melrofe, Dry-
Whoinvade Notwithftanding this brave defence, it was evident burgh, &c. killed many of the monks, and committed
England^ that the town could not hold out long without
fpeedy reliefand Robert could not, with any pro-
other facrileges: but when they returned to their own Great part I
1 , .    ,  y r._ country, and began again to enjoy a plentiful living,ofE<lward'i|
bability of fuccefs, attack the fortified camp of the they indulged themfelves in fuch exceffes as were Pr°-p ™yej|e"
Englifh. He therefore determined to make a power- duftiye of mortal difeafes ; infomuch, that, according r°y
r..i on]er to 0kfige Edward to an Englifh biftorian, almoft one half of the great
” ’ - • •• army which Edward had brought from England-with
him were deftroyed either by hunger or gluttony.
No fooner were the Englifh retired than they were
purfued by the Scots, who laid fiege to the caftle of
Norhaau
ful diverfion in England,
to abandon the undertaking. By order of"the king,
15,000 men entered England by the weftern marches.
They had concerted a plan for carrying off the queen
of England from her refidence near York j but being
SCO [ 7029 ] SCO
England
and Scot¬
land.
Scotland. Norham. Edward lay at tiie abbey of Biland in
' Yorkfhire, with a body of troops advantageoufly poll¬
ed in the neighbourhood. The Scots, invited, as is
faid, by fome traitors about the king’s perfon, at¬
tempted to furprife him’; and it was the utmoft diffi¬
culty that he made his efcape to York, abandoning all
his baggage and treafure to the enemy. The Englirti
camp was fuppofed to be acceffible only by a narrow
pafs; but Douglas undertook to force it, and Ran-
,83 dolph prtffented himfelf as a volunteer in this danger-
The Eng- ous fervice under his friend Douglas. The Highlan-
Jilh defeated(kt-g and ffien of the Ifles climbed the precipice on
and driven which the Englifh camp flood, and the enemy were
camp. 1 Cir driven out \vith great lofs. The Scots purfued them
to the very gates of York, wafted the country without
controul, and returned home unmolefted.
Edward, difheartened by repeated Ioffes, agreed to
a ceffation of arms “ with the men of Scotland who
were engaged in war with him.” But the king of
Scotland would not confent to it in that form; how¬
ever, he gave his confent, on the proper form being
employed, to which Edward now made no objeflion.
This treaty was concluded on the 30th of March
1323, and was to endure until the 12th of June
A truce I33^* ^ was agreecb that, during the continuance
concluded >t, no new fortreffes ffiould be erefted in Cum-
between berland, to the north of the Tyne, or in the counties
of Berwick, Roxburgh, or Dumfriesand by a very
Angular article it was provided, that “ Bruce and
the people of Scotland might procure abfolution from
the pope; but in cafe there was no /peace concluded
before the expiration of the truce, that the fentence
of excommunication fhould revive.” The treaty was
ratified by Robert, under the ftyle of the ting of Scot¬
land, 7th June 1323.
The next care of Robert was to reconcile himfelf
to the church, and to obtain from the pope the title
of king, which had been fo long denied him; which at
laft, though not without great difficulty, was obtained.
,50 This year a fon was born to the king of Scotland at
BirfhofDa-Dunfermline, and named David. The court-poets of
vid Eiuce. this time foretold, that this infant would one day
rival his father’s fame, and prove victorious over the
tpr Englilh. But fcarce had this future hero come into
Edward Ba-tjie wori£j> when a rival began to make his appearance,
his appear- J°^n Baliol, the unfortunate king of Scotland, had
ance at the long been dead; but left a fon named Edward, heir to
his pretenfions to the crown. The young prince had
refided on his paternal eftate in Normandy, negle&ed
and forgotten ; but in 1324 was called to the court of
England, for the purpofe, undoubtedly, of fetting him
up as a rival to young David Bruce, in cafe his father,
now broken with fatigues, fhould die in a fliort time.
The negociations for peace, however, ftili went on; but
the commiffioners appointed for this purpofe made
little progrefs, by reafon of demands for feudal fove-
reignty ftill made by the Englifh. The reconcilia¬
tion with the church was alfo broken off, by reafon
of the Scots keeping poffefEon of Berwick. This
had been taken during the papal truce); and Robert
thought proper ftill to lie under the fentence of ex-
communication, rather than to part with fuch an im¬
portant fortrefs.
In the beginning of the year 1327, Edward II. was
depofed, and fucceeded by his fon Edward III. then
/ England.
in his 15th year. He renewed the negociations for Scotland,
peace, and ratified the truce which his father had made;
but, hearing that the Scots had refolved to invade
England if a peace was not immediately concluded, he
fummoned his barons to meet him in arms at Newcattle,
and fortified York.—We are not certainly informed of
the reafons which induced the Scots at this time to
difregard the truce; however, it is certain, that on the i£>^
15th of June 1327, Douglas and Randolph invaded
England by the weftern marches, with an army of^lphtiv,
20,000 horfemen. Againft them Edward III. ledvadeEng-
an army, confiding, at the lowed calculation, of 30,000land,
men, who affembled at Durham on the 13th of July.
The Scots proceeded with the utmoft cruelty, burning
and deftroying every thing as they went along; and
on the 18th of the fame month, the Englifh difeovered
them by the fmoke and flames which marked their
progrefs. They marched forward in order of battle 193
towards the quarter where the fmoke was perceiveda/
but, meeting with no enemy for two days, they con-gainitthem,
eluded that the Scots were about to retire. Difen-
cumbering themfelves then of their heavy baggage,
they refolved by a forced march to reach the river
Tyne, and, by pofttng themfelves on the north bank
of that river, to intercept the Scots on their return.
On the 20th of July, the cavalry having left the in¬
fantry behind, croffed the river at Haidon: but before
the reft of the army could come up, the river was fo
fwelled by fudden rains, that it could no longer be-
fot-ded; and thus the troops remained divided for fe-
veral days, without any accommodation for quarters,
and in the greateil want of provifions and forage.
The foldiers now began to murmur; and it was refolved r?4
again to proceed fouthwards. The king proclaimed a to
reward of lands, to the value of tool, yearly for life,°'
to the perfon who ftiould firft difeover the enemy difeovering
“ on dry ground, where they might be attacked where they
and many knights and efquires fwam aerofs the riverare*
on this ftrange errand. The army continued its march
for three days without any news of the Scots.; but on
the fourth day, certain accounts of them were brought
by an efquire, Thomas Rokefby: who reported, that
“ the Scots had made him prilbner; but that their
leaders, underftanding bis bufinefs, had fet him at li¬
berty ; faying, that they had remained for eight days
on the fame ground, as ignorant of the motions of the
Englifli as the Englifh were of theirs, and that they
were defirous and ready to combat.” With this man
for their guide, the Englifh foon came in view of the
Scots. They were advantageoufly polled on a rifing
ground, having the river Were in front, and their
flanks fecured by rocks and precipices. The Englilh
difmounted and advanced, hoping to allure the Scots
from their ftrong poll ; but in vain. Edward then
fent a herald to Randolph and Douglas, with a meflage
in the ftyle of chivalry : “ Either,.” fays he, “ fuffer
me to pafs the river, and leave me room for ranging
my forces; or do you pafs the river, and I will leave
you room to range yours; and thus (hall we fight oh
equal terms.” To this the Scottifh commanders an-
fwered, “ We will do neither. On our road hither
we have burnt and fpoiled the country ; and here we
are fixed while to us it feems good; and if the king
of England is offended, let him come over and cha¬
ff ife us,”
The
SCO [ 7030 J SCO
Scotland. The armies continued in fight of each other for two
””~days} after which the Englifh, tinderftanding that
their enemies were diftreffed for provifions, refolved to
maintain a clofe blockade, and to reduce them by fa¬
mine. Next day, however, they were furprifed to find
that the Scots had fecretly decamped, and taken poll
two miles up the river in ground ftill ftronger, and of
more difficult accefs, amidft a great wood. The Eng-
195 lifh encamped oppofite to them near Stanhope park.
Defperate At midnight Douglas undertook a mod defperate en-
attempt of terprife, fomewhat refembling thofe of the ancient
carry offt0 With zoohorfemen he approached the Eng-
the king of ^ camp, and entered it under the guife of a chief
England, commander calling the rounds. Having thus eluded
the centinels, he pafied on to the royal quarters, over¬
threw every thing that oppofed him, and furioufly af-
faulted the king’s tent. The domeftics of Edward
defperately defended their mafter; and his chaplain,
with many others of his houfehold, were (lain. How¬
ever, the king himfelf efcaped ; and Douglas, difap-
pointed of his prey, rulhed through the- enemy, and
effefted a retreat with inconfiderable lofs.—The follow¬
ing day, the Englilh learned from a prifoner, that
orders had been iffued in the Scottilh camp for all men
to hold themfelves in readinefs that evening to follow
the banner of Douglas : on which, apprehending an
attack in the night, they prepared for battle, lighting
great fires, and keeping a drift watch ; but in the
morning, they were informed by two trumpeters whom
they had taken prifoners, that the Scots had decamped
196 before midnight, and were returning to their own
The Scots country. This report could fcarcely be credited, and
decamp, tjie army remained for fame hours in order of battle ;
to their'own ^ut at fome fcouts having crofled the river,
country. returned with certain intelligence that the Scottiflt
camp was totally deferted: which when the young
king of England was certainly informed of, he burft
into tears; for the enterprife, which thus terminated
in difappointment and difhonour, had coft an immenfe
fum. Every preparation had been made for oppofing
an enemy, and auxiliaries had even been procured at
a moft enormous expence from Hainault. Thefe auxi¬
liaries confided of heavy-armed cavalry ; and they were
now fo much worn out that they could fcarce move.
Their horfes were all dead, or had become unfervice-
able, in a campaign of three weeks; fo that they were
obliged to procure horfes to convey themfelves to the
fouth of England. Edward having reded at Durham
for fome days, marched to York, where he difbanded
his army. Barbour, a Scots hidorian, relates, that
there was a morafs in the rear of the Scottifh camp,
which he calls the two-mile viorafs ; that the Scots
made a way over it with brufhwood, removing it as
they went along, that the Englilh might not purfue
them by the fame way. The Englilh hidorians are
filled with deferiptions of the drange appearance of
the deferted camp of the Scots. They found there a
• umber of fkins dretched between dakes, which ferved
for kettles to boil their meat ; and for bread, each fol-
dier carried along with him a bag of oatmeal, of which
he made cakes, loading them upon thin iron plates,
which appear to have been part of their armour.
On the return of Douglas and Randolph, the king
led his army againd the eadern borders, and befieged
the cattle of Norham. However, in 1328, Edward,
wearied out with continaal Ioffes and difappointmentj, Scotland,
confented to a perpetual peace between the two king- ——"
doms on the following conditions, t. The done on The treaty
which the kings of Scotland were wont to fit at theof North-
time of their coronation, (hall be redored to the Scots. ““’P10”'
2. The king of England engages to employ his good
offices at the papal court for obtaining a revocation
of all fpiritual proceffes depending before the holy fee
again d the king of Scots, or againd his kingdom or
fubjefts. 3. For thefe caufes, and in order to make
reparation for the ravages committed in England by
the Scots, the king of Scots (hall pay 30,000 merka
to the king of England. 4. Reditution lhall be made
of the poffeffions belonging to ecclefiadics in either
kingdom, whereof they may have been deprived du¬
ring the war. 5. But there (hall not be any reditu¬
tion made of inheritances which have fallen into the
hands of the king of England or of the king of Scots,
by rcafon of the war between the two nations, or
through the forfeiture of former poffeffors. 6. Johan¬
na, fider of the king of England, fliall be given in
marriage to David, the fon and heir to the king of
Scots. 7.The king of Scots fhall provide the princefs
Johanna in a jointure of 2000 1. yearly, fecured on
lands and rents, according to a reafonable edimation.
8. If either of the parties lhall fail in performing thefe
conditions, he lhall pay 2000 pounds of filver to the
papal treafury.
This peace, ratified at Northampton, is dyled ig¬
nominious by the Englilh hidorians, and the marriage
of the,Scots prince to the king of England’s fider,
denominated that bafe marriage ; becaufe at this time
all pretenfions to fovereignty over Scotland were given
up, though they had in vain attempted to ellablilh
them by a ruinous war of 20 years. The marriage of
the infant prince was celebrated on the 12th of July
1328. t 8 I
On the 7th of June 1329 died Robert Bruce, un-King9Row
quedionably the greated of all the Scottilh monarchs. ben dies.
His death feems to have been occafioned by the ex-
celfive fatigues of military fervice ; and his difeafe,
called by the hidorians of thofe times a leprofy, was
probably an inveterate feurvy, occafioned by his way
of living. He died at the age of 55. He was mar¬
ried to Ifabella, daughter of Donald the tenth earl of
Marr; by whom he had a daughter named Marjory,
married to Walter the deward of Scotland ; whofe
hufband died in 1326. The fecond wife of Robert
was Elifabeth, the daughter of Aymer de Burgh earl
ofUider. By her he had a fon, David II.; a daugh¬
ter named Margaret, married to William earl of Su¬
therland ; another, named Matilda, married to an
efquire named Thomas Ifaac; and Elifabeth, married
to Sir Walter Oliphant of Gaik. He had alfo a na¬
tural fon named Robert.
That king Robert I. was a man of unquedionable
virtue and humanity, as well as unequalled in the
knowledge of the military art, mud be evident from
many particulars already related. The only quedion-Account
able part of his charafter is his fevere punilhment of a a co.nlp'r.acy Iv5
confpiracy formed againd him in the year 1320; aa2aindhini.
relation of which, to avoid interrupting our detail of
more important matters, wc have deferred till now.—
The chief of the confpirators were William de Soulis,
whofe ancettor had been a candidate for the crown of
Scotland;
SCO j 7031 ] SCO
Scotland. Scotland; the countefa j)f Stathern, and feme other
  perfoua of high rank. The Countefa difeovered the
plot; after which Soulis confelfed the whole, and was
punched with perpetual imprifonment; as well as the
countefs, notwithstanding her having made the difeo-
very. Gilbert de Malyerb and John de Logie, both
knights, and Richard Brown an efquire, were put to
death as traitors: but the perfon mod lamented was
Sir David de Brechin, for his bravery ftyled the flower
ef chivalry. He was nephew to the king, and ferved
with great reputation againft the Saracens. To him
the confpirators, after having exafted an oath of fe-
crecy, revealed their defigns. He condemned their
undertaking, and refufed to lhare in it ; but did not
difeover it, on account of the oath he had taken. Yet
for this concealment he was tried as a traitor, con¬
demned and executed, without regard to his perfonal
merit or his 'relation to the king. The confpirators
were tried before the parliament at Scone in 1320;
and this feffion, in which fo much blood was Ihed,
was long remembered by the vulgar under the name
of the llack parliament. Whether there was any thing
real in this confpiracy, or whether the king only made
ufe of this pretence to rid himfelf of fuch as were ob¬
noxious to him, cannot now be known with cer-
109 tainty.
Randolph After the death of Robert, the adminiftration was
appointed alfumed by Randolph, in confequence of an aft paffed
regent. in 1318, by which he was appointed regent in cafe of
the king’s death. In his new charafter he behaved
himfelf in a moft exemplary manner; and by im¬
partially difeharging the duties of his ftation, and
rigidly adminiftering jultice, he fecured the public
tranquillity in the mod perfeft manner. A fevere
exercife of jultice was now rendered not only neceffa-
ry, but indifpenfable. During a long courfe of war,
the common people had been accultomed to plunder
and bloodfhed; and having now no Englifh enemies
to employ them, they robbed and murdered oneano-
His excel- t^er• methods by which Randolph reprelfed thefe
lent admi- crimes, were much the fame with thofe which have
aiftration. been adopted in later times; for he made the counties
liable for the feveial robberies committed within their
bounds. He even ordered the farmers and labourers
not to houfc the tools employed by them in agricul¬
ture during the night-time, that the Iheriff’s officers
might be the more vigilant in fecuring them. He gave
orders for feverely punilhing all vagabonds, and obli¬
ged them to work for their livelihood; making pro¬
clamation, that no man (hould be admitted into a town
or borough who could not earn his bread by his la¬
bour. Thefe regulations were attended with the moft
falutary effefts. A fellow who had fecreted his own
plough-irons, pretending that they were ftolen, being
detefted by the ffieriff’s officers, was inftantly hanged.
A certaia man having killed a prieft, went to Rome,
and obtained abfolution from the pope; after which
he boldly returned to Scotland. Randolph ordered
him to be tried, and, on his conviftion, to be execu¬
ted : “ Becaufe, faid he, ’4l although the pope may
grant abfolution from the fpiritual confequences of
fin, he cannot fereen offenders from civil puniffiment.” Scotland.
King Robert, juft before his death, had defired that TSa '
his heart might be depofited in our Saviour’s fepulchre Douglas
at Jerufalem; and on this errand the great commander^* ““j1 for
Douglas was employed, who fet fail in June i33ojandwiIh
with a numerous and fplendid retinue. He anchored King Ro-
off Sluys in Flanders, the great emporium of the low bert’s heart,
countries, where he expefted to find companions in
his pilgrimage ; but learning that Alphonfus XI. the
young king of Leon and Caftile, was engaged in a
war with Oiinyn the Moor, he could not refill the
temptation of fighting againft the enemies of Chrifti-
anity. He met with an honourable reception at the
court of Spain, and readily obtained leave to enter
into what was thought the common caufe of Chrifti-
anity. The Spaniards firft came in fight of their
enemy near Theba, a caftle on the frontiers of Anda-
lufia, towards the kingdom of Granada. The Moors
were defeated; but Douglas giving way to his impe¬
tuous valour, purfued the enemy too eagerly, and
throwing among them the calket which contained the
heart of his fovereign, cried out, “ Now pafs thou
onward as thou wert wont, Douglas will follow thee 105
or die.” The fugitives ralliedand furrounded Douglas; Is killed by
who, with a few of his followers, was killed in attempting^6 M?ors
to refeue Sir Walter St Clair of Rodin. His bodyln ?am‘
was brought back to Scotland, and interred in the
church of Douglas. His countrymen perpetuated his
memory by bellowing upon him the epithet of the
good Sir James Douglas. He was one of the greateft
commanders of the age; and is faid to have been en¬
gaged in 70 battles, 57 of which he gained, and was
defeated in 13.—-Of him it is reported, that meeting
with an officer at the court of Alphonfus, who had his
face quite disfigured with fears, the latter faid to him,
“ It aftonilhes me, that you, who are faid to have feen
fo much fervice, ffiould have no marks of wounds on
your face.” “ Thank heaven,” anfwered Douglas,
“ I had always an arm to proteft my face.” *04
In 1331, Edward Baliol began to renew his preten- Edward Ra-
fions to the crown of Scotland, about the fame time ^ ^raims
that David II. and his confort Johanna were crowned at of Scotland.
Scone; which ceremony was performed on the 24th of
November. Some hiftorians relate, that he was excited
to this attempt by one Twynham Lowrifon, a perfon
who had been excommunicated for refufing to do pe¬
nance for adultery, and afterwards was obliged to fly
on account of his having way-laid the official, beat
him, and extorted a fum of money from him. But
however this may be, it is certain, that in this year
differences began to arife with England, on the follow¬
ing account. It had been provided by an article of
the treaty of Northampton, that “ Thomas lord Wake
of Ledel, Henry de Beaumont, called earl of Buchan,
and Henry de Percy, ffiould be reftored to their
eftates, of which the king of Scots, by reafon of the
war between the two nations, had taken poffeffion.”
This article had been executed with refpeft to Percy,
but not to the other two; and though Edward had
repeatedly complained of this negleft, he could not
obtain any fatisfaftion (e.)
The
(e) As this is an important period of hiftory, we fhall here tranferibe the opinion of lord Hailes concerning the caufes
of this ftrange delay of executing an article feemingly of little importance where a nation was concerned. “ By the
treaty of Northampton, “ fays he,” all the claims ofthe Englifh barons to inheritances in Scotland were difregarded,
ex.
Scotland.
aoj
Randolph
the regent
dies.
SCO
[ 7032 ]
SCO
The dlfinherited barons now refolved to invade Scot¬
land, though their force confifted of no more than
3000 infantry, and 400 men at arms. Edward would
not permit them to enter Scotland by the ufual way,
as he himfelf did not yet choofe openly to take part
in their quarrel. For this reafon they were obliged
to take fhipping, and landed at a place called Raven-
Jhare, Ravenfpur, or Ravenjburghy at the mouth of the
Humber (b). Randolph, having intelligence of the
Englifh preparations, had marched an army to the
frontiers of Eaft Lothian ; but, being afterwards in¬
formed of the naval armament, he marched northwards;
but died at Muffelburgh, five miles eaft of Edinburgh,
on the 20th of July 1332. With him died the glory
of Scotland. The earl of Marr, a man vvhofe only
merit confifted in his being related to the royal family,
was chofen to fucceed him in the regency.—Edtvard
in the mean time fell upon a moft curious expedient to
fhew the juftice of his caufe. In March 1332 he had
publifhed a prohibition for any perfon to infringe the
treaty of Northampton. The difinherited lords had
On the 31ft of July, Edward Baliol and his affociates Scotland,
landed in the neighbourhood of Kinghorn, on the ^5 ’
Forth; routed the earl of Fife, who oppofed them; and Haliol lands
marched next day to Dunfermline. Having then or- f* King-
dered his fleet to wait for him at the mouth of the jefe"t/the
Tay, he proceeded northwards, and encamped on the scots.
Miller’s acre at Forteviot, with the river Earn in front.
Nothing, however, could be more dangerous than his
fituation at prefent, and his deftruftion would have
inevitable. The earl of Marr was encamped with a
numerous army, on the oppofite bank of the river
Earn, in the neighbourhood of Duplin ; and another, 107
nearly as numerous, had advanced from the fouth,Is in
through the Lothians and Stirlingftiire, and fixed its
quarters at Auchterarder, eight miles to the weft ofneighbour-
Forteviot. Hiftorians differ as to the number of the hood of
two armies. Fordun fays, that the regent had withDuPliu.
him 30,000 men, and the earl of March as many ;
and that Baliol had between 500 and 600 men at arms,
that is, horfemen completely armed. Hemingford
reckons each of the Scots armies at 40,000, and Ba-
been fuffered to embark, exprefsly for the purpofe of liol’s at 500 armed men. Knyghton fays, that 1
invading Scotland, after this prohibition was publiftied.
.After they were gone, Henry de Percy was empowered
to punifh thofe who rtiould prefume to array them-
felves in contempt of his prohibition ; and becaufe he
underftood that the Scots were arming in order to re¬
pel thofe invaders whom Edward had indire&ly fent
againft them, he empowered Henry de Percy to arm
againft them.
liol, when he landed in Fife, had 300 armed men, and
3000 more of different forts ; but that he bad in all
only 3500 men in his camp at Earn. In this defpe-
rate fituation the Englifti general formed a defign of
attacking the Scots in their camp. They were di-
re&ed to a ford by Andrew Murray of Tullibardine.
The Scots kept no watch, but abandoned themfelves
to intemperance and riotous mirth j while their ene¬
mies,
excepting thofe of Henry de Percy, Thomas lord Wake of Ledel, and Henry de Beaumont. Percy procured fatif-
fadtion; but the others did not.
Henry de Beaumont, in the reign of Edward II. had afibciated himfelf with the nobility againft the D’Efpenfers,
and on that account had fuffered imprifonment and exile. He aided queen Ifabella in the invafion which proved
the caufe of the depofition, captivity, and death of her hufband. Although, under the adminiftration of Mortimer,
he had obtained a fhare in the partition of the fpoils of the D’Efpenfers, he perfifted in oppofing the meafures of the
new favourite; and, although his own interefts were fecured by the treaty of Northampton, he boldly exclaimed
againft the injuftice done to the other barons by that treaty. He joined the princes of the blood-royal in their at¬
tempt to refcue the young king from the hands of Ifabelia and her minion, and place him in their own; and, on the
failure of that ill-adyifed confpiracy, he again took refuge in foreign parts. It appears that lord Wake, having fol¬
lowed the political opinions of Henry de Beaumont, was involved in like calamities and difgrace. While the queen-
dowager and Mortimer retained their influence, the claims of thofe two barons were altogether overlooked: But,
within forty-eight hours after the execution of Mortimer, a peremptory demand was made by Edward III. to have
their inheritance reftored.
The demand was unexpedted and alarming. Made at the very moment of the fall of Ifabella and Mortimer, and
in behalf of men who had loudly protefted againft the treaty of Northampton, it indicated a total and perilous change
in the fyftem of the Englifh.
Randolph, of late years, had beheld extraordinary viciflitudes in England. The D’Efpenfers alternately perfe-
.cuted and triumphant, and at length abafed in theduft: The fugitive Mortimer elevated to fupreme authority,
vidtorious over the princes of the blood-royal, and then dragged to a gibbet. Hence it was natural for Randolph to
with, and even to look, for fome new revolution, which might prove more favourable to the Scottifti interefts.
Meanwhile, with great reafon and good policy, he delayed the reftitution of the inheritances claimed under the
treaty of Northampton, in behalf of the avowed oppofers of that treaty.
Beiides, it was neceffary for Randolph to be affured that the Englifti, while they urged the performance of one
article of that treaty, did, on theirjpart, fincerely purpofe to perform its more important articles, by continuing to
acknowledge the fucceflion in the houfe of Bruce, and the independency of the Scottifti nation.
Of this, however, there was much reafon to doubt. For the Englilh king had taken Baliol under his protection,
and had granted him a paffport to come into England, with permiffion to refide there during a whole year, (10th
October 1330). Thefe things had no friendly or pacific appearance.
Be this as it will, the event too fatally juftified the apprehenfions of Randolph; for, while Edward III. was de¬
manding reftitution of the eftates referred by the treaty of Northampton, his fubjects were arming in violation of that
treaty.
It is remarkable, that, on the 24th March 1331-2, Edward appears to have known of the hoftile aflbciation of
the difinherited barons. His words are, ‘‘ Quia ex relatu accepimus plurimorum, quod diverfi homines de regno
noftro, et alii (meaning Baliol and his attendants,) pacem inter nos, et Robertum de Brus, nuper Regem Scotorum,
initam et confirmatam infringere machinantes, diverfas congregationes hominum ad arma indies faciunt, et, per
inarchias regtii nojlri, diftam terram Scotize, ad earn modo guerrino impugnandum, ingredi intenduntFoedera,
T. iv. p. jn. And yet, on the aid April following, he demanded reftitution of the inheritance of lord Wake, one
of the barons in arms; Foedera, T. iv. p. 518.
(b) This place does not now exift; having been overwhelmed by the fea many centuries ago.
SCO
Farther fuc-
cefs of Ba-
lioi.j
mies, led by Alexander Moubray, crofled the river at
midnight. They afcended a rifing ground, came un¬
perceived on the right flank of the Scottilh army, and
made a dreadful daughter. At the firft attack, young
Randolph haded with 300 men at arms to oppofe the
enemy ; and being feconded by Murdoch earl of Men-
teith, Alexander Frafer, and Robert Bruce natural
fon to the late king, he gave a check to the Englifli,
and maintained the combat on equal terms. But now
the regent himfelf, along with the whole multitude,
ruffled forward to battle without the leaft order; fo
that while the hindmoft preffed on, the foremoft were
thrown down, trodden upon, and fuffbcated. The
(laughter laded many hours, and the remains of this
vad army were utterly difperfed. Many men of emi¬
nence were killed ; among whom were Donald earl of
Marr, author of the whole catadrophe ; Thomas earl
of Moray, Murdoch earl of Menteith, Robert earl of
Garrick, Alexander Frafer, and Robert Bruce. The
flaughter of the infantry and of the men at arms was very
great; the moft probable accounts make it 2000 men at
arms, and upwards of 13,000 common foldiers. The
loft of the Englifh was inconfiderable.
The day after this vi&ory, Baliol took poflefiion of
Perth ; and, apprehending an attack from the earl of
March, caufed the ditch to be cleared, and the town
to be fortified with pallifadoes. The fird information
which the earl received of this dreadful defeat was
from a common foldier, who fled from the place mor¬
tally wounded. When this poor wretch came up, he
had time to do no more than to (how his wounds; af¬
ter which he fell down, and expired. On his arrival at
the field of battle, he found a dreadful confirmation of
t 7°33 1
SCO
infant prince, chofe Sir Andrew Murray of Both- Scotland.
well regent. He was a brave and aflive man, but   11
had not as yet fufficient force to attempt any thing
confiderable. 2I0
In the mean time, Baliol behaved in a moft fcan-His.(ham(;.
dalous manner. At Roxburgh he made a folemn ful behavi-
furrender of the liberties of Scotland; acknow-our'
ledged Edward for his liege-lord ; and, as if this
had not been fufficient, he became bound to put him
in pofleffion of the town, caftle, and territory of
Berwick, and of other lands on the marches, extend¬
ing in all to the yearly value of 2000I. “ on account,
as the inftrument bears, “of the great honour and emo¬
luments which we have procured through the fufferance
of our lord the king, and by the powerful and accep¬
table aid which we have received from his good fub-
jefts.” He alfo proffered to marry the princefs Jo¬
hanna, whom he confidered as only betrothed to Da¬
vid Bruce, and to add 500 I. to her jointure ; and this
under the penalty of ro,oool. to be appropriated as
a portion to the young lady, or otherwife difpofed of
for her behoof. He further engaged to provide for
the maintenance of David Bruce as the king of Eng¬
land fhould advife; and, laftly, he became bound to
ferve Edward in all his wars, excepting in England,
Wales, and Ireland, for the fpace of a year together,
with 200 men at arms, and all at his own charges ;
and he bound his fucceflbrs to perform the like fer-
vice with loo men at arms. But afterwards, Ed¬
ward having engaged to maintain him on the throne of
Scotland", Baliol bound himfelf to ferve him in all his
wars whatever. ’ *
Though the greateft part of the nation fubmitted to
the intelligence given by the foldier; but inftead of this fhameful treaty, it roufed the indignation ofthofe
He is
crowned
'Scotland.
taking his meafures with any prudence, he and his men
hurried on headlong to Perth, actuated only by a blind
impulfe to revenge. At firft they defigned to affault
the place; but their hearts failing them, they next
determined to reduce it by famine. This, however,
could not be done unlefs the Scots were mailers at fea.
One John Crab, a Flemifh engineer, (wflo had diftin-
guifhed himfelf by deftroying the famous engine call¬
ed the fo’w at the fiege of Berwick) had continued for
many years to annoy the Englifh on the eaftern coafts.
After the blockade of Perth was formed, he came
with ten veffcls to the mouth of the Tay, where the
Englifh fleet was, and took the fhip belonging to
Henry de Beaumont; but foon after all his ten veffels
were burnt by the Englifh in a general engagement.
After this the blockade of Perth was raifed, the earl
of March difbanded his army, and Edward Baliol was
crowned king of Scotland at Scone, on the 24th of
September 1332.
The new monarch was no fooner put in pofleffion
of the kingdom, than he left Perth in the hands of the
earl of Fife, while he himfelf repaired to the fouthern
parts of the kingdom. But the party of king David
was far from being extinguifhed. Baliol was fcarce
gone, when the town of Perth was furprifed, and its
fortifications razed, by James Frafer, Simon Frafer,
and Robert Keith. The earl of Fife was made pri-
foner, with his family and vaffals. Andrew Murray of
Tullibardine, who had direOed the Englifh to a ford
on the river Earn, was put to death as a traitor. Such
of the Scots as ftill adhered to the intereft of their
Vov IX. t
who wifhed well to the liberties of their country.
John, the fecond fon of Randolph, now earl of Moray
by the death of his brother ; Archibald, the youngeft
brother of the renowned Douglas; together with Si¬
mon Frafer, aflembled a body of horfemen at Moffat
in Ahnandaie; and, fuddenly traverfing the country, ^
affaulted Baliol unexpe&edly at Annan. His brother Bai;0i fur_
Henry made a gallant refiftance for fome time ; butprifed, sad
was at laft overpowered with numbers, and killed, to-driven out
gether with feveral other perfons of diftinftion. Baliol °JnjCOt'
himfelf efcaped almoft naked, with fcarce a Angle at¬
tendant, and fled to England. After his departure,
the Scots began to make depredations on the Englifli
frontiers. Edward iffued a proclamation, in which he
folemnly averred, that the Scots, by their hoftile de¬
predations, had violated the peace of Northampton.
Baliol in the mean time being joined by fome Englifh
barons, returned to Scotland; took and burnt a caftle
where Robert de Colville commanded; and, eftablifh-
ing his quarters in the neighbourhood of Roxburgh,
began to make preparations for befieging Berwick.
Juft after his arrival, Archibald Douglas, with 3000
men, invaded England by the weftern marches, plun¬
dered the country, and carried off much booty ; in re¬
venge for which, Sir Anthony de Lucy made an in¬
road into Scotland, defeated and took prifoner Sir
William Douglas, celebrated in hiftory by the appel¬
lation of the knight of Liddefdale, whom Edward cau¬
fed to be put in irons. About the fame time Sir An¬
drew Murray, the regent, attacked Baliol, with a view
to difeomfit him before the reinforcements which he
39 L ex-
SCO [ 7034 1 SCO
Scotland, expe&ed out of England could arrive. A Iharp coo-
' 212 Sift enfued at Roxburgh, in which the regent, at-
The Scots tempting to refeue a foldier, was taken prifooer :
fefwd and a"^ t*lus ^cot^an^ was at once dePrived of its two able!
taken pdfo.’co™mander8-
ner. Archibald Douglas was now declared regent; and
Edward prepared to invade Scotland, in order to take
vengeance on its inhabitants, as he faid, for the
wrongs they had done, and to feek fuch redrefs as
might feem good to himfelf. He ordered pofieflioa
to be taken of the ifle of Man in his own name; and
foon after made it over to Sir William de Montague,
who had fome claim of inheritance in it. The chief
defign of Edward in this expedition, however, was to
Berwick obtain pofleffion of the town of Berwick, which had
befieged by been already ceded to him by Baliol. This appeared
the Eng- to the Scots a place of no lefs importance than it did
lilh. t0 Edward ; and therefore they took all the precau¬
tions in their power to prevent the lofs ofit. The earl
of March was appointed to command the caftle, and
Sir William Keith the town. The Scots made an ob-
ftinate defence; yet it was evident that they muft foon
have yielded unlefs they were relieved by an army. At
length the regent, with a numerous army, appeared
in the neighbourhood. He endeavoured to convey
fuccours into the town, or to provoke the enemies to
quit the advantage of the ground, and engage in
battle. But all h:s efforts were .vain ; the Englilh ob-
ar4 ftru&ed every paflage, and ftood on the defenfive.
The Scots The regent then entered Northumberland, wafted
invade the country, and even affaulted Bamburgh caftle,
Northum- w{jere Philippa the young queen of England had her
vain0 1U reGdcnce. He fondly imagined that Edward III.
would have abandoned the fiege of Berwick, after the
example of his father, in circumftances not diflimi-
lar. Edward neverthelefs perfevered in his enterprife.
During a general affault, the town was fet on fire,
and in great meafure confumed. The inhabitants ha¬
ving experienced the eviisof a fiege, and dreading the
worfe evils of a ftorm, implored the earl of March and
Sir William Keith to feek terms of capitulation. A
truce was obtained ; and it was agreed, that the towm
and caftle fhould be delivered up on terms fair and ho¬
nourable, unlefs fuccours arrived before the hour of
vefpers on the 19th July.
It was fpecially provided, “ that Berwick fliould
be held as relieved, in cafe 200 men at arms, in a
body, fttould force their palfage into the town.”
By the treaty, Sir William Keith was permitted to
have an interview with the regent. He found him
with his army in Northumberland; urged the neceffity
The Scots of his return; and (bowed him, that Berwick, if not
refolve to inftantly relieved, was loft for ever. Perfuaded by
come to an his importunities, the regent refolved to combat the
mentT" Englilh, and either to fave Berwick or lofe the king¬
dom.
On the afternoon of the 19th of July the regent pre¬
pared for battle. He divided his army into four bo¬
dies. The firft was led by John earl of Moray, the fon
of Randolph; but as he was young and inexperienced
in war, James and Simon Frafers, foldiers of appro¬
ved reputation, were joined with him in the command.
Thefecond body was led by the Steward of Scotland,
a youth of 16, under the infpeftion of his uncle Sir
James Stewart of Rofyth. The third body wasl 3ootW
led by the regent himfelf, having with him the ear  
of Carriek and other barons of eminence. The fourth
body, or referve, appears to have been led hr Hugh
Earl of Rofs.
The numbers of the Scottilh army on that day
are varioufiy reported by hiftorians. The eontinuator
of Hemingford, an author of that age, and Knyghton.,
who lived iu the fucceediog age, afeertain their num¬
bers with more precifiou than is generally required in
hiftorical fa&*.
The continuator of Hemingford minutely records
the numbers and arrangement of the Seottilh army.
He fays, that, befides earls and other lords or great
barons, there were 55 knights, 1 too men at arms, and
13,500 of the commons lightly armed, amounting in
all to 14,655.
With him Knyghton appears to concur, when his
narrative is cleared from the errors of ignorant or
carelefs tranferihers.
It is probable, however, that the fervants who
tended the horfes of perfons of diftinftio.n and of
the men at arms, and the ufelefs followers of the
camp, were more numerous than the a&ual comba¬
tants.
The Englilh were advantageoufly polled on a riling
ground at Halidon, with a marfhy hollow in their
front. Of their particular difpofition we are not in¬
formed, further than that Baliol had the command of
one of the wings.
It had been provided by the treaty of capitulation,
“ That Berwick ihould be confidered as relieved, in
cafe 200 men at arms forced their paflkge into the
town.” This the Scottilh men at arms attempted ; Batt|g of
but Edward, aware of their purpofe, oppofed them in Halidon.
perfon, and repulfed them with great flaughter. The
Scottiih army rulhed on to a general attack ; but they
had to defeend into the marlhy hollow before mount¬
ing the eminences of Halidon. After having ftruggled
with the difficulties of the ground, and after having
been inceffantly galled by the Englilh archers, they
reached the enemy. Although fatigued and diforder-
ed in their ranks, they fought as it became men who
bad conquered under the banners of Robert Bruce.
The Englilh, with equal valour, had great advantages
of fituation, and were better difeiplined than their an-
tagonifts. The earl of Rofs led the referve to attack
in flank that wing where Baliol commanded ; but he
was repulfed and llain. There fell with him Kenneth
earl of Sutherland, and Murdoch earl of Menteith.
In the other parts of the field, the events were equal-The^cots
ly difaftrous. The regent received a mortal wound, defeated,
and the Scots every where gave way. In the field, *n<l the re
and during a purfuit for many miles, the number ofSent killed
flain and prifoners was fo great, that few of the Scot¬
tilh army efcaped.
Befides the earls of Rofs, Sutherland, and Men¬
teith, there were among the llain Malcolm earl of Le¬
nox, an aged baron ; he had been one of the foremoft
to repair to the ftandard of Robert Bruce, and he
now paid the laft duties to his country: Alexander
Bruce earl of Garrick, who atoned for the lliort de-
fe&ion from the family of his benefadlor; John Camp¬
bell earl of Alhole, nephew of the late king; James
Erafer,
SCO [ 7035 ] SCO
Scotland. Frafer, and Simon Frafer; John de Graham, Alex- poffeffion of the inheritance. Henry de Beaumont Scotland.
* ander de Lindefay, Alan Stewart, and many otherper- earl of Buchan, and David de Strathbolgie, or Haf-
fons of eminent rank. tings, earl of Athol, efpoufed the caufe of the heirs-
The Steward had two uncles, John and James, general; but perceiving that their folicitations were
John was killed, and James mortally wounded and not heard, they left the court in difguft, and retired
made prifoner (h). to their caftles about the end of Auguft 1334. Baliol
The regent, mortally wounded, and abandoned on foon perceived his error in offending thefe two power-
the field of battle, only lived to fee his army difcom- ful lords ; and in order to regain their favour, dif-
fited and himfelf a prifoner. miffed Moubray, and conferrred on David de Strath-
This vi&ory was obtained with very inconfiderable bolgie the whole eftates of the young Steward of
lofs. It is related by the Englifh hiftorians, that, on Scotland. Thus he alienated the affeftions of Mou-
the fide of their countrymen, there were killed one bray, and added to the power of the earl of Athol,
knight, one efquire, and 12 foot-foldiers. Nor will who was by far too powerful before. a*1
this appear altogether incredible, when we remember About this time Sir Andrew Murray of Bothwell, B*“o1 *
that the Englifh ranks remained unbroken, and that having regained his freedom, began to affemble the dVe. *
their archers, at a fecure diftance, inceffantly annoyed friends of liberty, and was immediately joined byfeated.
I at3 the Scottifh infantry. Moubray. In a moment every thing was in con-
I Berwick According to capitulation, the town and caftle of fufion. Geffrey de Moubray, governor of Roxburgh,
j furrenders, Berwick furrendered. The Englifh king took twelve revolted ; Henry de Beaumont was befieged in his
| aj]d a'rn.0^ hoftages for fecuring the fidelity of the citizens of Ber- caftle of Dundarg by Murray and Moubray, and
1 Lbmksand wick* forced to furrender, but obtained liberty to depart in-
IJ Thus was the whole of Scotland reduced under the to England. Richard Talbot, endeavouring to pafs
fubjeftion of Baliol, excepting a few fortreffes; fo that into England with a body of troops, was defeated and
it became neceffary to provide for the fafety of the taken prifoner by Sir William Keith of Galfton.
young king and queen. Accordingly, they were con- The Steward of Scotland, who had lain concealed in
veyed to France, where they were honourably enter- the ifle of Bute ever fince the battle of Halidon, now
tained. Meanwhile Baliol employed himfelfin making paffed over to the caftle of Dunbarton, which was one
new conceffions to his liege-lord Edward; and in 1334 of the few forts remaining to king David. With the
the work of fubmiflion was completed by a folemn in- afliftance of Dougal Campbell of Lochow, he made
ftrument drawn up by Baliol, in which he furrendered himfelf mafter of the caftle of Dunoon in Cowal.
great part of the Scottilh dominions, to be for ever an- His tenants of the ifle of Bute attacked and flew Alan
iI9 nexed to the crown of England. In this inftrument de Lile the governor, and prefented his head to their
I Mean fub- Baliol laid, that “ he had formerly become bound to mafter. John the fon of Gilbert, governor of the
InifiTions of make a grant to Edward of lands on the marches, to the caftle of Bute, was made prifoner in the a&ion. He
, a 10 ' amount of fws thoufand-pound lands ; that the Scottifti ordered the garrifon to furrender, and attached him-
parliament had ratified his obligation ; and that he felf to the Scottifli intereft. Encouraged by thefe
had accordingly furrendered Berwick and its terri- fucceffes, the Steward entered his ancient inheritance
Itory ; and now, for completely difeharging his obli- of Renfrew, and compelled the inhabitants to acknow-
gation, he made an abfolute furrender to the Englifh ledge the fovereignty of David. Godfrey de Rofs,
crown of the forefts of Jedburgh, Selkirk, and Ettrick ; the governor of Ayrfhire, fubmitted to the Steward,
of the counties of Roxburgh, Peebles, and Dumfries; The earl of Moray returned from France, whither he
together with the county of Edinburgh and the con- had fled after the battle of Halidon, and was acknow-
ftabularies of Linlithgow and Haddington.” This ledged regent along with the Steward. The earl, ha-
extraordinary furrender was made with fo much preci- ving raifed a body of troops, marched againft the earl of
pitation, that Baliol forgot to except his own private Athol, compelled him to retire into Lochaber, and at
eftate out of it. This, however, was generoufly reftored laft to furrender; after which he embraced the party 112
to him by Edward ; who proclaimed, that, “ having of the conquerors. Baliol was now obliged to retire ,He re'irc:s
already received fatisfa&ion in full, he had too much again into England, in order to folicit afliftance from i"nd ^aifd
reverence for God, juftice, and good faith to man, Edward; and this was readily granted. Edward him-obtains the
that the ceflion fhould be prejudicial to the private felf took the field at a very unfavourable feafon for affiftance of
rights of the king of Scots.” At the fame time military enterprifes. His army was divided into twoEtiwar<1‘
Baliol prefented himfelf before his liege-lord; did parts. With the one Edward wafted Lothian, while
homage, and fwore fealty, “ for the whole kingdom of Baliol did the like in Avondale with the other; and
Scotland and the ifles adjacent.” in the mean time Patrick earl of March, notwithftand-
i 2l0 A quarrel now arofe among the difinherited lords, ing the unfavourable pofture of affairs, renounced the
A quarrel to whom this revolution had been owing, which pro- allegiance he had fworn to England. His motive for
]«imong the duced the word confequences to the intereft; of Baliol. this was, that though the kings of England had
■inherited^16 ^r°ther of Alexander de Moubray died, leaving maintained him in an independency dangerous to Scot-
jifords. daughters, but no iffuc-male. Moubray having claimed land, he was allured that they would never permit
a preference to the daughters of his brother, Baliol him to become formidable in a country which they
countenanced his fuit, and, as it appears, put him in themfelves pofleffed.
x 39 L 2 The
(h) Fordun, 1. xift. c. 28. relates, that Sir James Stewart was flam; the Englilh hiftorians, that he was mortally-
wounded and made prifoner. It may be remarked, that at Halidon two Stewarts fought under the banner of their
chiefs; the one Alan ofDreghorn, the paternal anceftor of Charles I. and the other James of Rofytb, the paternal
anceftor of Oliver Cromwell. „
SCO [ 7036 ] SCO
Scotland. The year 1335 is remarkable for the fiege of Loch-
~ leven caitle by the Englifh, under John de Strivelin.
Lochleven This fort was built on a fmall ifland, and very difncult
cattle un- 0f accefs. The Englilh commander erefted a fort in
tuccefsfully the cernetry of Kinrofs; and at the lower end of the
theming- ^ *a^e> from whence runs the ftream called tie Water of
iilh, Leven, he raifed a ftrong and lofty bulwark, by
means of which, he hoped to lay the ifland under
water, and oblige the garrifon to furrender. But
four of the Scots foldiers, having found means to ap¬
proach the bulwark undifeovered, pierced it fo dex-
teroufly, that the waters, rufhing out with a prodigious
force, overflowed part of the Englilh camp ; and the
• garrifon Tallying out during the confufion occafioned
by this unexpeded inundation, ftormed and plundered
the fort at Kinrol's. At this time the Engliflr com¬
mander, with many of his foldiers, happened to be
abfent at Dumfermline, celebrating the feftival of St
Margaret. On his return he fwore that he would
never defift till he had taken the place, and put the
garrifon to the fword; however, his utmoft efforts were
at luft baffled, and he was obliged, notwithftanding
bis oath, to defift.
In the mean time the regents afiembled a parliament
at Dairfy near Coupar in Fife ; but no plan of de¬
fence could be fallen upon, by reafon of the animo-
fities and fa&ions which prevailed among the barons.
Through the mediation of the French, fome terms of
peace were propofed; but being reje&ed by the Eng¬
lilh, Edward again invaded Scotland, cruelly ravaging
the country with one army, while Baliol and the earl
Count Guy of Warrene did the fame with another. Soon after
of Namur this invafion, Count Guy of Namur landed at Berwick
w't^1 a confiderable number of men-at-arms in the
prifoner” fervice of the Englifh. He advanced to the neighbour¬
hood of Edinburgh ; but was defeated and taken pri-
foner by the earls of March and Moray, and Sir Alex¬
ander Ramfay. In this engagement one Richard
Shaw, a Scottifh efquire, was tingled out by a comba¬
tant in the army of Sir Guy, and both pierced each
other with their fpears ; the ftranger being ftripped,
was difeovered to be a woman. The earl of Moray
treated Guy with the greateft refped, not only al¬
lowing him and the remainder of his troops to de¬
part Scotland without moleftation, but even attend¬
ing him to the borders, accompanied by William
Douglas and his brother James. On his return, Wil¬
liam de Preflen, warden of the caftle and foreft of
- iiy Jedburgh, attacked and defeated his party; James
The Scots X)0Ug]as Was killed, the earl himfelf taken prifoner
takenpri- and carried into England. _
foaer, in 1 bus was the Scotufh nation once more reduced to
confe- the brink of ruin. Alexander de Mowbray, Geffrey
quence of ,je Mowbray, and fome others, pretending powers from
fhameful l^e ear^ Ath0! and Robert the Steward of Scot-
treaty is land,” concluded a treaty with Edward at Perth; the
concluded fubftance of which was, that all the Scots fliould re-
with Eng- ceive pardon, and have their fees, lands, and offices re-
and* ftored, excepting thofe who by common ajfent in parlia¬
ment fliould be excluded^ The liberties of the church,
and the ancient laws and ufages of Scotland, were to
remain in full force. All offices were to be filled with
Scotfmeri, excepting that the king fliould appoint
whom he pleafed within his regalities^
The earl of Athol now began to perfecute with the Scotland,
utmoft fury tbofe who wifhed well to the caufe of Soot- i
land. With 3000 men he befieged the caftle of Kil- The earl of
drommey, which had hitherto been the great refuge of Athol de-
king David’s party. Sir Andrew Murray of Both-[e.j|ed anJ
well refolved at all events to attempt the refeue of his kl 6 *
wife and family, who were Unit up in this caftle. With
1100 men he furprifed Athol in the foreft of Kilblain.
The earl’s men, feized with a panic, fled and difperfed
themfelves; on which their commander, refufing to ac¬
cept of quarter, was killed. Sir Andrew Murray then
affembled a parliament at Dunfermline, where he was
immediately appointed regent. I2y
In 1336, the king of England perceiving, that the Edward
Scots were taken under the patronage of France, re- aSain in' j
folved to invade their country, and crufh them at once [aa^Js Scot" fj
before they could have any affiftance from their new
allies. In this expedition he. penetrated as far as In-
vernefs; but the Scots, commanded by Sir Andrew
Murray, avoided coming to a general a&ion; fo that
Edward could not effeft any thing of confequence.
The inhabitants of Aberdeen attacked one Thomas
Rolheme, who had landed at Dunoter. They were
defeated; but Rolheme fell in the a&ion. Edward
chaftifed the vanquilhed feverely for their temerity,
and laid the town in alhes. He then began to repair
the caftles whofe fortifications had been demolifhed by
king Robert. He put in a Hate of defence the cafths
of Dunoter, Kinclevin, Lawriefton, Stirling, Both-
well, Edinburgh, and Roxburgh; greatly augmented
the fortifications of Perth, and left a confiderable body
of troops in the place. The Scots began to reduce
thefe caflles as foon as Edward was departed; and in
1337, under Sir Andrew Murray, invaded Cumber¬
land. No great exploits, however, were now performed
on either fide. Edward being employed in preparations
for invading France, had little leifure to attend to the
affairs of Scotland; and the Scots, divided among
themfelves, and deftitute of thefe leaders under whom
they had acquired fo much glory, could not now an¬
noy their enemies as formerly. The moft remarkable Dlin“r
tranfaftion was the fiege of the caftle of Dunbar, be-caftle un- I
longing to the earl of March. The Englilh com-ft'ccefsfuliy : I
mander was the earl of Salilbury. The earl of March b=rje|ed by P
was abfent; but his wife, the daughter of Randolph, n^~ jl
from her complexion commonly calledun¬
dertook to defend it in her hulband’s abfence. The
Englilh again employed that huge machine called a
fo’w'y formerly mentioned in our account of the liege of
Berwick: it met with the fame fate now as at thdt
time; an huge ffone, let fall upon it from the top of
the walls, crulhed it to pieces. The Englilh, baffled
in every attack, turned the fiege into a blockade; but
Alexander Ramfay having found means to enter it
with 40 refolute men, the garrifon made a fally, and
cut in pieces the advanced guard of the enemy. The
Englilh, dilhearteneci by fo many misfortunes, abandon¬
ed the enterprife. |;
In 1338, Sir Andrew Murray the regent died,, and Exploits ji
was fucceeded in his office by Robert the Steward of Robert
Scotland. In 1339 reduced the town of Perth and®teward»' If;
the caftle of Stirling; and gained over to the Scottilh
intereft William Bullock, governor of the caftle of
Coupar:. after which,.having expelled the enemy from
every *
SCO [ 7037 ] SCO
Scotland, every poft to the northward of the Forth, he employed
himfelf in fettling the affairs of the nation as well as
130 he could.
Edinburgh In 1341, the caftle of Edinburgh was furprifed by a
prifedB ^€v‘ce Sir William Bullock. According to his ap-
SirWilliam P0‘ntmer)t» one Walter Currie of Dundee privately
Bullsck. received into his fhip the knight of Liddefdale, with
William Frafer, Joachim of Kinbuck, and 200 refo-
lute men. Currie cad anchor in Leith road, pretend¬
ing to be an Englilh fhipmalter, who had a cargo of
wine and proviiions, with which he propofcd to fur-
nilh the commander of the caftle. His barrels and
hampkers were brought to the caflle-gate, and fuddenly
thrown down in fuch a manner as to obltruft the fhut-
ting of it. Carrie and his men then flew the centi-
,nels; and the knight of Liddefdale, with a party who
lurked in the neighbourhood, rufhed in, overpowered
13, the garrifon, and made th^mfelves mailers of the place.
King David—On the 4th of March this year, the king and queen
arrives in arrived from France, and landed at Inverbervie in Kin-
,Scotland. cavd;ne{lvire>
In 1342, Alexander Ramfay took the ftrong for-
trefs of Roxburgh ; for which important fervice the
151 king bellowed on him the charge of IherifF of Teviot-
Mitlrable dale, at that time held by William Douglas Jsnight of
Alexander Liddefdale. The king’s liberality proved fatal to Ram-
Ramfay fay : for from that time Douglas became his impla-
and Sir cable and inveterate enemy ; and having, 'after a pre-
William tended reconciliation, unexpe&edly furprifed him with
ul oc ' three of his friends, he put them inllantly to death,
carrying off Ramfay himfelf to his callle of the Her¬
mitage, where he caufed him to be ftarved to death
in a mod barbarous manner. The unhappy man
was confined in a room, over which was an heap
of wheat ; a few grains of which were let fall every
day through a hole, not as many as would fup-
port life, but as would protracl it for a time, and
make him longer fenfible of the agonies of hunger;
and in this miferable fituation he furyived for 17 days.
About the fame time Sir William Bullock was put to
death by Douglas in a fimilar manner; nor was king
David at that time in a capacity to pnnifln fuch atro-
jjj clous crimes committed by fo powerful a fubjed.
David in- In the mean time, David having railed a powerful
vades Eng- army, prepared to take a fevere revenge of the Eng-
behaveT*1 ^rom whom he had fuffered fo much. Edward
with the ‘was at that time in France, but commanded Baliol to
vumoft raife all the militia beyond the Trent: which order,
cruelty. however, produced but little effed ; fo much was this
mean-fpirited prince defpifed by the Englifh. David
invaded Northumberland without oppofition, and ra¬
vaged the country’; but was obliged to raife the fiege
of Newcaftle, which wascommanded by Sir John Ne-
vil, an excellent officer. David, exafperated at this
repulfe, entered the bilhopric of Durham, which he
ravaged in the mod cruel manner. However, on the
approach of Edward with a powerful army, the Scots
thought proper to retire ; and a two years truce was
234 agreed upon.
Other in- This pacification was but fliort-lived. In 1345 the
vafions. Scots again prepared to invade England, while Ed¬
ward took all neceflary tneafures for oppofing them :
however, this year the Scots were fuccefsful, ravaging
Weflmoreland, and burning feveral towns. The year
ended with a new truce between the two nationsj and
hollilities were not renewed till 1346, when David Scotlant?.
entered England with an army of 50,000 men. His '
firft exploit was the taking of the fortrefs of Liddel,
and maflacring all whom he found in it. The com¬
mander, Sir Walter Selby, capitulated with a Scots
knight for his life; but the bargain being difapproved 13s
of by David, he ordered two of Selby’s fons to be Monftrous
ftrangled in his prefence, and then the father’s head to oi
be cut off. From thence the Scots marched to Lan-
croft, which they plundered ; then paffing into Nor¬
thumberland, they pillaged the priory of Hexham,
but fpared the town, that it might ferve as a maga¬
zine. Three other towns, Corbridge, Durham, and
Darlington, were fpared for the fame reafon. In his
march to Durham, it is faid that he would have made
the county a defart, had not fome of the monks paid
him a contribution of a thoufand pounds to fpare their
ellates: however, according to Knygbton, every Eng-
lifliman who fell into David’s hands was put to deatii,
unlefs he could redeem his life by paying threepence.
To put a flop to the cruelties of this barbarous in¬
vader, the queen of England, in her hufband’s ab-
fence, affembled a powerful army, which was divided
into four bodies; the firft commanded by Lord Henry
Percy; the fecond by the archbilliop of York; the
third by the bilhop of Lincoln, the lord Moubray, and
Sir Thomas Rokeby ; and the fourth and principal
divifion was headed by Edward Baliol.—The king of
Scotland headed a chofen battalion, compofed of the
flower of his nobility, and the auxiliaries with which
he had been fupplied by France. The high fteward
of Scotland headed the fecond line ; and the third was
commanded by the earls of Moray and Douglas.
While the Englilh were approaching, Lord Douglas
and Sir David Graham fkirmiflied with them, but
v/ere defeated with the lofs of 500 of their men ; which
feemed an omen of the difafter that was about to en-
fue. The general engagement began between the The battle
archers on both fides ; but the Englifli being much°f
fuperior in the ufe of the bow, the lleward of Scot¬
land advanced to the relief of his countrymen. The
Englilh archers, unable to bear his attack, fell back
upon Lord Henry Percy’s divifion, which was thus
put in confufion, and would have been totally defeated,
had not Baliol advanced to their relief with a body of
4000 horfe. The fteward was then obliged to retire
by which means he left the flank of that divifion com¬
manded by David, and which was then engaged with
another line of the Englilh, expofed to an attack.
Bailol perceived the advantage ; and, without purfuing
the fteward, attacked the king’s diviiion, which was
immediately cut in pieces or difperfed. David was The Scots
left with about 80 noblemen and gentlemen, but ftill defeated,
maintained the fight with obftinacy ; nor would hea,.,cl t,ieir
yield even when wounded in the head with an arrow, ki?f?,aken
expedling every moment to be relieved by the fteward P
and that line of his army which was ftill entire under
the lords Murray and Douglas. At laft, finding
himfelf totally overpowered, he attempted to retreat,
but was overtaken by a party under one John Cope¬
land. This captain, endeavouring to feize the king,
had two of his teeth ftruck out by a blow of his
gauntlet; but at laft, finding it in vain to refill, the
king was obliged to yield his fword and furrender
himfdf a prifoner.—-After he was taken, Ediol at-
tacked:
SCO t 7038 ] SCO
Scotland, tacked and totally routed that divifion of the Scottifh
“army which had hitherto remained entire under the
lords Moubray and Douglas. In this battle the Scots
loft a great number of their nobility, and 15,000 com¬
mon foldiers. Many perfons of the firft diftinftion
were alfo taken along with the king ; and had it not
been that the efcape of the Scots was favoured by the
avarice of the Englifti foldiers, who neglefted the pur-
fuit in order to plunder, fcarce a Angle Scotfman would
138 have returned.
Mn^David David, after this unfortunate battle, was car-
after the7' rkri to the caftle of Bamborough, where he was kept
battle. with fo much privacy, that for fome time it was not
known where he was, or that he had been taken pri-
foner. As foon as the truth was known, the queen
of England demanded the royal prifoner from Cope¬
land ; but the latter pofitively refufed to part with him
even to the queen, unlefs fhe could produce an order
to that purpofe under Edward’s hand and feal. This
refolute behaviour was refented by the queen, and a
complaint made to the king; in confequence of which,
Copeland was fummoned to appear before Edward,
after having refigned David to the cuftody of lord
Nevih The Englifh monarch, at that time in France,
approved of all that he had done, rewarded him with
500 1. a-year, and fent him back to England with the
honour of knighthood. David was then efcorted by
Copeland, attended, it is faid, by 20,000 men from
the caftle of Ogle in Northumberland, till the lord
Nevil, by indenture, delivered him into the hands of
Sir Thomas Rokeby ftteriff of Yorklhire. In the fame
pompous manner he was conducted all the way to
London, which he entered on a black courfer. He
was received in the capital with the greateft folemnity
by the lord-mayor and other magiftrates, the city-
companies under arms lining all the ftreets through
which he palled, the houfes loaded with fpe&ators,
who expreffed a generous concern for his captivity.
Being arrived at the tower, he was delivered, by in¬
denture likewife, to the cuftody of the conftable, the
lord John Darcy, on the 2d of January 134.7.
jBaliol^ Baliol now, encouraged by the misfortune of his
snakesano- rival, made an effort once more to eftablilh himfelf on
rher at- the throne of Scotland ; and before the end of the
tempt on year re(3uced the caftles of Hermitage and Roxburgh,
of6Scot-" t*ie °f Ettric, the Merfe, with the counties of
Lnd. Annandale, Teviotdale, and Tweedale. The Scots
continued faithful to the caufe of their king, notwith-
ftanding his misfortune, and chofe the Steward for the
guardian of the kingdom. He behaved with a pru¬
dence equal to the high ftation he filled : neverthelefs
the progrefs pf Baliol was fo rapid, that it is fcarce
probable he could have maintained his ground, had
not Edward again confented to a truce; which, how¬
ever, feems to have been ill obferved on the part of
the Scots. In fa£f, though both Scots and Englifti
140 hiftorians are filent as to particulars, we find, that about
The Scots the enc] 0f year a]] Scotland was recovered
greateft * ollt t^ie hands of the Englifh ; excepting Berwick,
part of Roxburgh, Hermitage, and Lanric, which was part
their coun- of Baliol’s hereditary eftate, and defended by him with
try- an army. The Scots hiftorians inform us, that the
Englifti, in revenge of the damages done to their
country by the breach of the peace, proclaimed a
tournameut , and other military exercifes at Berwick,
to which they invited the Scots; but in their way »?cotlat)&..
thither the latter fell into an ambufeade, and were all
cut in pieces. 54*
The years 1349 and 1350 were remarkable only
for a dreadful plague which invaded Scotland, after wjtjia
having ravaged the continent of Europe. According dreadful
to Fordun, one-third of the people of Scotland perifhed pbgae*
at this time. The patient’s flsfti fwelled exceedingly,
and he died in two days illnefs ; but the mortality
chiefly affedted the middling and lower ranks of people.
The fame dreadful calamity continued throughout the
years 1351 and 1352; occafioning a ctffation of arms
not only in Scotland, but throughout all Europe.
All this time king David remained a prifoner in
England ; for, though feveral treaties had been pro-
pofed, they had hitherto come to nothing, becaufe
the Englifh monarch infifted upon being indemnified
for the ravages the Scots had committed in his terri-
lories. At laft it was agreed, that the king of Scot-Terms pro*
land fhould be immediately fet at liberty, on paying
90,000 merks for his ranfom, by equal proportions, seo^tifh
within the fpace of nine years : That 10,000 merks, monarch,
being the firft proportion, fhould be paid at the feafl
of Candlemas next to come, the fecond at Candlemas
1357, and foon till complete payment fhould be made
of the whole : That, during the faid fpace of nine
years, there fhould be a truce between the two king¬
doms : That 20 Scots gentlemen, of the beft families
in the kingdom, fhould remain in England as hoftages
and fureties for the faid fum ; and that, if any part
thereof was not paid at the precife time appointed,
then David fhould remain a prifoner in England till it
was paid ; or, if he was detained by any juft caufe,
that the lord high fteward, the lord Douglas, John
of the Ilies, and others of the higheft rank, fhould come
and fupply his place. J4?
Thefe terms were rejefted by the Scots nobility; Rejefted by
and, in 1355, war was re commenced with England, the nobi-
at the inftigation of France, who fent 40,000 crowns and
to Scotland as a fupply for defraying the expences.
With this fum the guardian, having raifed an army,
once more took the field ; but not before the Englifh
had deftroyed the Lothians and Douglafdale. A
battle was fought on Nifbit'moor; in which the Eng¬
lifh being drawn into an ambufeade, were totally de¬
feated. The next attempt of the Scots was againft
the town of Berwick, which they defigned to fur-Berwick
prife by an efcalade. They met, however, with fuch taken by
a vigorous refiftance, that many perfons of diftinftionlhe Scots*
were killed. However, the attack proved fuccefsful j
but the acquifition was of no great importance, as the
caftle ftill held out. Edward, in the mean time,
hearing of the lofs of the town, hurried back from
France to London. Here he ftaid but three days, and
marched northward to raife the fiege. He reached 145
Durham on the 23d of December 1355, where hefyEdward.
appointed all his military tenants to meet him on the
lit of January 1356. On the 14th of the fame month
he arrived before Berwick, which was inftantly re¬
taken ; but the Scots were allowed to depart for their
own country. The reduftion of this place produced
an extraordinary effeift: For Baliol now perceiving
that Edward meant not to eftablifh him on the throne
of Scotland, but to retain in his own poffcfilon as
many places of that country as he could, came at laft
to
SCO
Scotland, to the refoltTtton of giving up to the king of England
| ' "the whole of Scotland. This indeed was no more
than a form, hecaufe at that time he was not po(Felled
Baliol re- kingdom. However, the ceremony was per-
figns the formed at Roxburgh; and Baliol prefer)ted his crown,
kingdom of and fome earth and ftones, by way of inveftiture.
,!>j Scodand t0 Baliol in return was to have a revenue of zooo pounds
wa> . a - y e a r ; and, as Edward was at the head, of an ex-
[ 7039 ]
SCO
obtained his liberty in 1358; and Edward laid afide Scotland,
all hopes of ever fubduing Scotland- As for Baliol,
he was now funk in oblivion; and it is not known
what become of him, or when he died. 2SO
David, though now reftored to liberty, found him- ts emb.iraf-
felf greatly embarraffed with the payment of fuch afedbythe
large fum as had been ftipulated for his ranfom ; the of hisTan-
kingdom of Scotland being then in a moll miferable font.
cellent army, be had little doubt of being able to force and exhaufted fituation. After fending his queen.
the Scots to fubmit.
The affairs of Scotland were now in a very critical
fituation ; and it was necefiary to gain time. For this
reafon Edward was amufed with a negociation; and
to this he tbe more willingly liftened, as he was at that
time waiting for his fleet, from which he great expec¬
tations. A little time, however, difeovered the de-
k«ceit. The Scots plainly told Edward, that they would
die rather than fubmit to his demands; and he, in
return, threatened a mod dreadful revenge. His fleet
in the mean time arrived in the frith of Forth; the
mariners deftroyed and pillaged all that was within
their reach, without fparing even the facred edifices,
carrying off the ftatues of the bleffed virgin, loading
the monks with chains, and committing every thing
in thofe days called impiety*-and facrilege. Edward
had by this time marched as far as Haddington, but
was obliged to receive provifions all the way from his
fleet; for the Scots had defolated the Country through
!But is obli- which he pa.ffed. During his march his army was
ged to re- harraffed, and his foragers cut off, fo that be was re-
mnaccom- duced to dillrefs; and at laft, his fleet being totally
plilhingany deftroyed by a dorm, he was obliged to return to
thing. England without accompliftiing any thing.
In the mean time the prince of Wales, who had
been left by his father to carry on the war in France,
defeated and took prifoner John king of France at the
battle of PoiAiers. In this battle were 3000 Scots,
who had gone over as auxiliaries to the French mo¬
narch, and who fuffered extremely. However, the
fuccefs of Edward, inftead of rendering him haughty,
feemed to have a contrary effedl; and, by the media¬
tion of pope Innocent, a truce for two years was con¬
cluded with France, in which the Scots were compre-
I49 bended. During this interval, the ranfom of the king
David ob- of Scots was fettled at 100,000 marks to be paid in
tains his ten years; for which 20 hoftages were to be given as
formerly. In confi-quence of this treaty, David at laft
iWho
ja furious
iinvafion.
448
liberty.
and going into England himfelf, he could obtain no
greater favour than a refpite of a few months for the
payment of the fecond moiety; fo that he was at laft
conftrained to a(k afliftance from France. This could
fcarce be expected in the diftreffed fituation of that
kingdom ; however, it was at laft agreed, that 50,000
marks fliould be paid to Scotland, in cafe the Scots
would confent to renew th# war the following years.
Neither party, however, kept their word ; and David,
being ftill greatly diftreffed about the remainder of
his ranfom, at laft entered into a very extraordinary
negociation with Edward, by which he confented that
the king of England (hould be his fucceffor to the
throne of Scotland. But this negociation was defeated
through the invincible hatred which the Scots bore to
an Englifh governor. David then, being entirelyEnte*5jrnt0
unable to difeharge the remainder of his ranfom, was a new-
obliged to enter into a new treaty ; by which the treaty with
kingdom of Scotland became indebted to Edward the Edwar<J*
fum of 100,000 pounds Sterling, to be paid by equal
proportions within the fpace of 25 years, during which
there fliould be a truce between the two nations.
From this time we meet with little more of any mo¬
ment in the reign of king David. After the death of
his queen Johanna, the After of Edward, he married a
Scots woman, of mean birth, named Margaret Logie;
but by neither of his wives had he any children.
Queen Margaret he divorced, on what pretence is not
known ; however,Jhe left the kingdom, and complained
perfonally to the pope, who treated her as David's
lawful wife, and enjoined her hufband to receive her
as fuch under the moft fevere penalties. What effedl
thefe threat* had on the king, is not known ; but it
certain that Margaret never returned to Scotland ; and, an(j js
on the 22d of February 1371, David himfelf died,ceeded by
leaving the kingdom to his nephew Robert Steward, Robert
the firit of that family who fat on the throne of Scot-®tevvart*
land (a).
Some
(g) Concerning the origin of the Stewart family, we have the following account’by the Scots hiftorians.
Fleance, the ton of the celebrated Banquo, after his father’s murder by Macbeth, fled into Wales, where he
had a fon named Walter^ by a princefs of that country. After the reftoration of Malcolm Canmore, this
Walter returned to Scotland, where he was promoted to the high ftewardfhip, a dignity held by fervice, and
which entitled the poffeffor to all the privileges of a baron. Walter was now diftinguiflied from this office,
by the title of Walter the Stewart, which defeended to his pofterity; and Steward, afterwards Stewart, or
Stuart, became their furname.
On this account Lord Hailes has the following remarks. “ Our hiftorians have recorded the atchievements
of Walter the Stewart of Scotland in the reign of Malcolm III. He is laid to have been the father of Alan,
and the grandfather of that Walter who was indeed Stewart of Scotland in the reign of David I. and Mal¬
colm IV. It may perhaps be aferibed to ftrange prejudices, or to a fpirit of fcepticifm, when I declare, that
hitherto I have feen no evidence that fuch a perfon as Walter Stewart of Scotland, in the reign of Malcolm III.
did ever exift.
“ We are gravely told, ‘ That Walter the fon of Fleance, the fon of Banquho, Thane of Lochaber, ha¬
ving killed a man at the court of Griffith, prince of Wales, fought refuge with Edward the Confeffor;
‘ and having killed another man at Edward’s court, fought refuge with Alan the Red, earl of Britany;
« That, on the Norman invafion, he came to England with the earl of Britany, and fignalized himfelf at the
“ battls
SCO [ 7040 ] SCO
Scotland. Some authors tell us, that at the acceffion of bly of the States fet it afide, and it was refolved Scotland.
 Robert II. his title was difputed by William earl of that Robert fhouldbe crowned at Scone; and to take "
Douglas. If an fuch claim was preferred, an affem- away for the future all difputes concerning the fuccef-
fioh,
* battle of Haftings in 1066: That the earl of Britany, by his firfl wife Emma, daughter of Siward earl
‘ of Northumberland, had an only child Chriftina; and that he bellowed her in marriage on the young hero.”
This is the ftory, which, after various.improvements fince the days of Boece, has had the good fortune to ob¬
tain credit.
“ That Walter, before he had well attained to the age of manhood, fnould have flain two men in private
quarrels, is a circumflance improbable, yet poffible; and therefore I objefl not to it. But his alliance with
the earl of Britany cannot be fo eafily admitted.
“ Alan furnamed /e Roux, a younger fon of Eudo earl of Britany, was one of the gallant adventurers who
came over with William the Conqueror ; he had neither territories nor court. The hiftorians of Britany pofi-
tively aflert that he had no children. Befides, it is hard to fay, by what accident Alan le Roux Ihould have
become acquainted with Emma the daughter of Siward earl of Northumberland! I fuppofe that our hifto¬
rians invented this alliance, in order to ftrengthen the connection between Walter the Stewart and Mal¬
colm III.
“ According to one account, the genealogies of their families ftand thus:
Siward earl of Northumberland *.
__ !_
Emma=Alan earl of Britany. Another daughtemDuncan king of Scots.
Chriftina=Walter the Stewart. Malcolm III.
“ Thus Walter the Stewart and Malcolm III, were coufihs-german.
According to another account, the genealogy of their families ftands thus:
Siward earl of Northumberland. His fifter=wife of Duncan
I I
Emma=Alan Earl of Britany. Malcolm III.
Chriftina=Walter the Stewart.
*l Thus the mother of Walter the Stewart, and Malcolm III. were coufins-german.
“ It is faid, ‘ That Walter the Stewart had a fon, Alan, alfo Stewart of Scotland.’ The evidence of this
is to be found in a charter granted by earl Gofpatrick, and in another charter granted by his fon Waldeve
earlof March, at Dunbar. In them Alden, or Aldan Dapifer, is mentioned as a witnefs ; that is, fay our
antiquaries, Allan, the Jlcnuart of Scotland.
“ This is the fundamental propofition on which the genealogy of the houfe of Stewart, as it is commonly
underftood, may be faid to reft. It will be remarked, that this hypothefis takes it for granted, that Alden
ox Aldan, and Alan, are the fame; upon what authority, I know not. The Alden mentioned in the two
charters feems to have been thfe ftewart of earl Gofpatrick, and of earl Waldeve, not the ftewartof Scotland.
To the charter by earl Gofpatrick, there are eight witneffes : ‘ Andrew the arch-deacon ; Adam his bro-
‘ thpr ; Nigel the chaplain ; Ketel the fon of Dolphin ^ Ernald ; Alden the [Dapifer] ; Adam the
‘ fon of Alden ; Adam the fon of Gofpatrick.’ Is it poflible for credulity itfelf to believe, the Alden
placed fo low in fuch company, was the high feonart of Scotland, a man at leaft as honourable as Gofpatrick
himfelf ? I can have no doubt, that the witneffes to this charter were the dependents or houfehold-fervants of
earl Gofpatrick ; and that if we interpret Nigellus Capellanus to be Nigel the earl's chaplain, we muft interpret
Aldenus Dapifer to be Alden the earl's flenxsart.
“ To the charter granted by earl Waldeve,' there are nine witneffes. Alden Dapifer is the feventh in order.
There are only three among them who feem to have been landed men : ‘ Elias de Hadeftandena, (probably
Haffenden), William de Copland, and William de Hellebat, (q. Ellbottle) ; all the three are placed before
Alden Dapifer.
It has been remarked, * That in thofe days the title offlewart, or dapifer, was too high a title to be given
‘ tothe retainer of an earl.’ I anfwer, that the Saxon Chronicle, 1093, ^ay3> ‘ Morael of Boebbahurh
‘ was thaes eorles finuard' i. e. Morel of Bamborough was this earl’sJlcwart, or the ftewart of Robert earl
of Northumberland. Befides, to a charter granted by earl Gofpatrick the elder, Lambertus Dapifer is a
witnefs. If Lambertus Dapifer, in a charter of Gofpatrick the elder, implies Lambert the fenxiart of the family
of March, why fhould Aldenus Dapifer, in the charters of the fon and grandfon of Gofpatrick, imply the
flewart of Scotland ?
“ I
* There was a certain princefs of Denmark, who brought forth a fon to a bear. This fon was called Bern, and,
natural enough like, had ears like a bear, He was the father of Siward earl of Northumberland. Brompton,?. 945-
ap. Twifden.
SCO
fion, a particular adt was framed, by which the king-
dom was fecured to Robert and his heirs.
The new king being thus eftabliflied on the throne,
endeavoured to renew the war with the Englid), in
order to recover from them the town of Berwick, and
fome other places on the borders. In this, however,
he failed; and as 56,000 pounds of David’s ranfom
ftill remained unpaid, Robert bound himfelf to dif-
charge it at the rate of 4000 marks every midfummer.
He then propofed an alliance with France ; but the
the terms demanded by that kingdom being, that
Scotland fhould be obliged to make war with England
jj.jj whenever France fliould require it, Robert could not
by any means be induced to cdnfent to fuch a requi-
fition, which would have obliged him to break thro’
the moft folemn treaties, whenever the king of France
fhould think proper to break with England. A new
treaty therefore was entered into, by which it was
provided, that neither Scotland nor France fhould be
obliged to make war with England; and by another
clatife, that the difpenfation or authority even of the
pope himfelf, fhould never free the kings or kingdoms
of France and Scotland from the obligations they lay
under to affift one another, as often as required, in
oppofition to the kingdom of England. In cafe of a
competition for the crown of Scotland, the king of
France and his heirs were to take care that no Englilh
influence was ufed; but that the matter being by the
greateft and beft: part of the nation decided conform¬
ably to the laws and eftablifhments of Scotland,.he
fhould with all his power defend and affift the perfon
fo eftablifhed. Laftly, it was agreed, that no French¬
man fhould ever henceforth ferve for wages, or other-
F 7041 1
SCO
This lad article occafioned a recal of all the Scots Scotland,
from the Englifh armies, which Edward looked upon'
to be a prelude to an invafion. He accordingly iffued
writs for affembling all the militia in the north of Eng- War be
land. At this time an invincible hatred fubfided be-twjxt ti)e
tween the neighbouring people of both nations, which Scots and
extended not only through the lower ranks, but hadEng'hh
pervaded the higher claffes alfo. The inhabitants ofborderers'
the borders, indeed, paid very little regard to the or¬
ders of their refpe&ive fovereigns; fo that daily hofti-
lities were committed by them upon each other, when
there was peace between the fovereigns. The inha¬
bitants of thefe countries had eftabliflied with one ano¬
ther certain conventions, which have fince been col-
lefted, and go by the name of the Border-laws. The
families of Douglas and Percy, whofe eftates lay con¬
tiguous to one another, were at perpetual variance.
It had been common for the borderers of both king¬
doms, during a truce, to frequent each others fairs ;
and a fervant of the earl of March had been killed in
a fray at that of Roxburgh, which was ftill in the
hands of the Englifti. Juftice for this murder was
demanded from lord Percy ; but he flighted the com¬
plaint. On this the earl of March, with his brother
the earl of Moray, affembling their followers, entered
the next fair that was held in Roxburgh, plundered
and burnt the town, and killed all the Englifh who
fell into their hands. The Englifh borderers were
ordered to lay wafte the lands of the earl of March;
but, in their way thither, deftroyed the eftate of Sir
John Gordon, a man of great property in the fouth
of Scotland. Sir John in his turn invaded England,
from whence he drove off a large booty in cattle, and
wife, againft Scotland, nor any Scotfm an againft a number of prifoners. In his retreat he was attacked
France. by a body of frefh troops under Sir John Lifburn, at
Vol. IX. 39 M a
“ I believe that no defender of the common hypothefis will anfwer this obje&ion, by pretending that Lam-
lertut Dapifer was indeed Jlewart of Scotland. Such an anfwer would leave no room for Walter ftewart of
Scotland, who is held to have been a diftinguiflied perfonage in the reign of Malcolm III.
“ It is curious to fee upon what flight grounds our antiquaries have eftablifhed the connexion between Al-
denus Dapifer and the houfe of Stewart. Walterus filius Alani appears to have floufiflied in the reign of
David I. In the reign of Malcolm IV. he is termed Dapifer. Hence it has been rafhly concluded, that
Walterus Dapifer filius Alani was the Ion of that Aldenus Dapifer who is a witnefs to the charters of Gofpa-
tric and Waldeve. --
“ 1 perfuade myfelf, that Alden Dapifer, and Alen the father of Walter Stewart of Scotland, in the reign of
Malcolm IV. were different perfons; and that they had nothing in common but the Chrftian name, if indeed
they had that in common.
“ Some of my readers may demand, ‘ Who then was Alan the father of Walter, ftewart of Scotland in the
4 reign of Malcolm IV ?’
“ I can only anfwer this queftion by demanding, 4 Who was the father of Martach earl of Marre in the
4 reign of Malcolm III. ; of Gilchrift earl of Angus in the reign of Alexander I. ; of Fergus lord of Gal-
4 loway in the reign of Malcolm IV. ; or of Frifkinus de Moravia, anceftor of the family of Sutherland, in
c the reign of William the Lion ?’ -Or, to keep in the fuppofed line of the royal family of Stewart, 4 Who
‘ was the father of Banquho Thane of Lochaber ?’
44 Many anfwers may no doubt be made to this laft queftion. Kennedy fays, that the father of Banquho
was one of the feven fons of Core king of Munfter ; Sir George M‘Kenzie, Of Ferquhard, the fon of Ken¬
neth III; and Simpfon, The fon of Ferquhard Thane of Lochaber, the fon of Kenneth, the fon of Murdoch,
the fon of Doir, the fon of Eth king of Scotland.
44 It is remarkable, that Abercrombie’relates all thofe contradiftory ftories, without ever fufpefting the
natural inference arifing from them, 4 That if n^ble perfons are not fatisfied with a long pedigree, proved by
4 authentic inftruments, they muft believe in flattering and ignorant fi&ions ; and that if they fcorn to wait
4 for the dawn of record to enlighten their defeent, they mult bewilder themfelves in dark and fabulous ge-
4 nealogies.’
41 In the reign of David I. before the middle of the 12th century, the family of the Stewarts was opulent
and powerful. It may therefore have fubfifted for many ages previous to that time; but when, and what
was its commencement, wt cannot determine.”
SCO
Berwick
taken and
retaken.
Scotland, a place called Caram. An obftinate encounter fol
lowed. The Scots were five times repulfed ; but at
latl they renewed the charge with fuch fury, that they
made Lilburn, his brother, and feveral other perfons
of diftindlion, prifoners, together with all their furvi-
ving foldiers. On this lord Percy with 7000 men en¬
camped at Duns, in the foinh of Scotland ; but was
obliged to retire, probably for want of fubfiftence for
his army. In the mean time, Mufgrave, the gover¬
nor of Berwick, who had been ordered to join Percy
with a detachment from the garrifon, was on his march
intercepted, defeated, and taken prifoner by Sir John
Gordon ; after which the border war became general
on both fides. The iffue of thefe difturbances is but
little known ; however, in 1377, we find them raging
with more violence than ever. The fair of Roxburgh
was once more the feene of aftion, and the town was
again burnt down by the Scots. Lord Percy, who
was now earl of Northumberland, refolved to take fig-
nal vengeance. He ravaged the Scots borders, par¬
ticularly the earl of March’s eftate, for three days, at
the head of 10,000 men. Some time after this, the
Scots infurgents became powerful enough to furprife
Berwick; which, however, was quickly retaken by
the Englifh, who fmm after invaded Scotland. In
this expedition, however, they fucceeded fo ill, that
Percy thought proper to defift from-his expedition.
The Scots in the mean time began hoftilities by fea,
under one Mercer, an experienced failor ; but he had
the misfortune to be taken prifoner by the Englifh, with
all his fleet. In 1379, England was afflifted with a
dreadful plague, of which the Scots took advantage
to invade the country. The Englifh hiftorians tell us
that they behaved with the utmoft barbarity, killing
and plundering the defencelefs inhabitants without
mercy.
This predatory war continued, generally to the dif-
advantage of the Englifh, till the beginning of Novem¬
ber 1380, when a truce was concluded, to continue
for a year ; which, however, related only to the bor¬
ders. This truce, like the others, was but very in¬
differently obferved; fo that, in 1383, new negociations
were fet on foot: but, in 1384, the war was renewed
with greater fury than ever. In the fpring, the earls
of March and Douglas took the caflle of Lochma-
ben, and intercepted a rich convoy which the Englifh
were fending to Roxburgh; burnt to the ground the
caftle of Wark, and committed fuch devaflations in the
north of England, that feveral gentlemen offered to
refign their eftates to king Richard, becaufe they
were not able to defend them againft the Scots. The
Duke of Lancafter entered Scotland at the head of an
army ; but the inhabitants had removed every thing
valuable, fo that he marched on to Edinburgh with¬
out accomplifhing any thing of confequence. On his
return, he was harrafled by flying parties of Scots,
who deftroyed a confiderable number of his men.
This year alfo the French fent a body of auxiliaries
into Scotland. The earls of Northumberland and
Nottingham entered Scotland with an army of io,ooq
horfe and 6000 archers; but retired after having
committed fome devaftations in the fouthern counties.
The Scots revenged themfelves by laying wafte all the
northern part of England to the gates of Newcaftle.
Berwick was taken by the Scots, and foon after fur-
[ 7042 ]
SCO
rendered for the fum of 2000 marks. A truce was Scotland,
then, as ufual, concluded ; but in the mean time king
Robert was meditating a moft fevere blow againft the
Englifh.
The Duke of Burgundy having come to the poflef-
fion of the eftate of his father-in-law the earl of jnvafion of
Flanders, claimed the fovereignty of the town of Ghent; England
but they refufed to fubmit to him, and in this refufal Proje<^eL
were protedfed by king Richard II. of England. On
this the duke of Burgundy propofed to the French
court to invade England in concert with the Scots.
This being agreed to, a fleet was fitted out at Sluys;
on board of which John de Vienne, the French ad¬
miral, embarked, carrying alongft with him 50,000
pounds in gold, which the duke of Burgundy advanced
in order to be diftributed in Scotland, where the ad¬
miral arrived fafe with a confiderable reinforcement,
together with fupplies of all kinds of military ilores.
Two thoufand auxiliaries, of whom 500 were men-
at-arms; arrived with this fleet, and 400 fuits of
complete armour were brought alongft with them,
in order to be diftributed among the braveft of the
Scots.
The Scots were fora fhort time elated with the great But1c^Ilcs
attention which had been paid them by the French t0
king; but, in the mean time, the Flemings having
revolted, the French abandoned the Scots to fuftain
the whole weight of the Englifh refentment, that they
themfelves might employ their arms in Flanders.
King Richard took the field with a more numerous-
army than had ever been muftered in England before.
Hoftilities were begun by the Scots, who, according
to cuftom, invaded the northern parts of England, and
carried off a confiderable booty : however, in their
retreat, they were in the utmoft danger of being cut
off by the duke of Lancafter, who had been fent with
an army to intercept them. The Englifh army pro¬
ceeded northwards; but could accomplifh nothing, on
account of the country being defolated, till they came
to Edinburgh, which they laid in afhes. Being, how¬
ever, inceffantly harraffed by parties of the enemy,
they were obliged to retreat.
Nothing remarkable happened till the year 1378,
when, after a fhort truce, the war was renewed with
frefh fury. Northumberland and Weftmoreland were
ravaged by the earls of Fife and Douglas, and Lord
Nithfdale defeated a body of 3000 Englifh ; after
which he formed the plan of invading Ireland, the
inhabitants of which had of late been very a&ive
againft the Scots. In 1388, Douglas obtained per-
miffion to raife a body of forces for this invafion ; and
having landed in fafety, defeated the Irifh, plundered
the town of .Carlingford, and loaded fifteen fhips with
the booty. From thence the Scots failed to the ifie
of Man, which in like manner was plundered and laid
wafte; after which they returned with their booty to
Loch Rien in Scotland. 15%
Encouraged by this fuccefs, Robert determined to England L
proceed on a more enlarged plan. Having affembled Inva<ie<1
a parliament at Aberdeen, a double invafion of Eng-
land was refolved upon. Two armies were railed ; the oncet p
one, confifting of 25,000 men, commanded by the
earls of Mentieth and Fife, Douglas lord of Galloway,
and Alexander Lindfay ; the other army, confiding of
the like number} was commanded by the earls of
Dou-
SCO [ 7043 ] SCO
Douglas, March, Crawford, Moray, the lord high battle, and remain prifonera Hill.
Conilable of Scotland, and other perfons of diftinc-
The former entered Cumberland, and the lat
lion.
ter Northumberland, both which countries they laid
wafte, and both armies were to meet within ten miles
of Newcaftle. The Englilh were thrown into the
greateft confterbation. Newcalile was defended by
the earl of Northumberland, whofe age and infirmities
rendered him incapable of taking the field ; but his
place was abundantly fupplied by his two fons Henry
and Ralph, the former of whom is known in Englifh
hillory by the name of Hotfpur. The town was ga-
rifoued by the flower of theEnglifll nobility and gentry,
as well as the inhabitants of the adjacent countries,
who had fled thither for refuge. Douglas feie&ed
2000 foot and 300 horfemen out of the two armies,
and encamped on the north fide of the town, with a
view, according to the Scots hitiorians, of ftorming it
next day.' In the mean time he was challenged by
, Hotfpur to fight him hand to hand, with (harp ground
fpears, in fight of both armies.. Douglas accepted
the challenge, and Percy was unhorfed the firll en¬
counter, and obliged to take refuge within the port¬
cullis or gate of the town; from whence Douglas
brought off his antagonift’s lance, with a pennon af¬
fixed to it, and fwore in his hearing, that he would
carry it into Scotland. Next day Douglas attempted
to ftorm the town ; but being repulfed in the attack,
he decamped in the night. Percy, breathing furious
revenge, purfued and overtook the Scots at Otter-
burn. His arrival was quite unexpe&ed, fo that the
principal commanders of the Scottifh army were fit-
afio jng down to fupper unarmed. The foldiers, however,
Ouerburn were 'n^antly prepared for battle; but in the hurry
ncceffarily attending a furprife of this kind, Douglas
forgot to put on his cuirafs. Both leaders encouraged
their men by the moll animating fpeeches ; and both
parties waited for the rife of the moon, which hap¬
pened that night to be unufually bright. The battle
being joined on the moon’s firft appearance, the Scots
Began to give ground ; but, being rallied by Douglas,
who fought with a battle-ax, the Englilh, though
greatly fuperior in number, were totally routed. Twelve
*S5>
Single con
batTjet wef
earl Dou¬
glas and
Henry
Piercy.
This CflnditioH Scotland
being complied with, the Scots drew out their army
for battle. Their rear was fecured by mavflies, and
their flanks by large trees which they had felled. In
fhort, their appearance was fo formidable, that the
Englifh, dreading to encounter a refolute enemy fo
flrongly fecured, retired to Newcaftle, leaving the
Scots at liberty to continue their march to their own
country.
Robert being now opprefled with age, fo that he
could no longer endure the fatigues of government,
the adminiftration of affairs devolved upon his fecond
fon the earl of Fife ; for bis eldelt fon was by nature
indolent, and befides lame by an unlucky blow he had
received from a horfe. Early in the fpring of 1389,
he invaded England with fuccefs : but the fame year
a truce was concluded, to laft; from the 19th of Jane
1389 to the x6th of Auguft 1392 ; in which the al¬
lies of both crowns were included. This truce was
violently oppofed by the nobility, who fufpected their
king of being too much under French influence. Up¬
on this the court of France thought proper to fend
over ambafladors to perfuade the nobility to comply;
informing them, that in cafe of a refufal, they could
expett no afiiftance either of men or money from the
continent. With difficulty they prevailed, and peace
between England and Scotland was once more refto-
red. Scarce, however, was this truce finifhed, when
the peace of the nation was moft fcandaloufly violated
by Robert’s third fon the earl of Buchan. This
prince having a quarrel with the bifhop of Murray,
burnt down the fine cathedral of Elgin, which has
been called by hiftorians the lanthorn and ornament
of the north of Scotland. The king for this crime
caufed his fon to be imprifoned ; and a civil war would
have been the confequence5had it not been for the ve¬
neration which the Scots retained for their old king.
However, they did not'long enjoy, their beloved mo- Robert jr.
narch ; for he died on the 19th of April 1390, in the dies, and is
75th year of his age and the 19th of his reign. fucceeded
On the death of Robert II. the crown devolved
upon his eldeft fori John; but the name being thought
unlucky in Scotland, he changed it for that of Robert,
i6\ hundred were killed on the fpot; and 100 perfons of though he was ftill called by the commonalty Robert
The Englilh diftinftion, among whom, were the two Percies, were
and tarl’ n,ade prifoners by Keith marifchal of Scotland. On
Doughs t^ie of the Scots the greateft iofs was that of the
killed. brave earl Douglas, who was killed in confequence of
going to battle without his armour, as above related.
—It was this Angle combat between Douglas and
Piercy, and the fubfequent battle, which gave rife to
the celebrated ballad of Chevy Chace.
In the mean time the bifhop of Durham was march¬
ing towards Ncwcaftle with an army of 10,000 men ;
but was informed by the runaways of Percy’s defeat,
which happened on the 21ft of July 1388. In a coun¬
cil of war it was refolved to purfue the Scots, whom
they hoped eafily to vanquifli, as being wearied with
the battle of the preceding day, and laden with plun¬
der. The earl of Moray who commanded in chief,
having called a confuliation of his officers, refolved to
venture a battle. The prifoners were almoft as nu¬
merous as the whole Scots army ; however, the ge-
'John Fernzier. He had been married to Annibal, the
daughter of Sir John Drummond, anceftor to the noble
family of Perth ; and was crowned along with his con-
fort at Scone, on the 13th of Auguft 1390. He con¬
firmed the truce which had been entered into with
England, and renewed the league with France; but
the beginning of his reign was difturbed by the wars of jg-
the petty chieftains with each other. Duncan Stew- Rebellion
art, fon to Alexander earl of Buchan, v ho had died in of tllc 'arl
prifon for burning the cathedral of Elgin, aflrernblingof Buc aiu
his followers under pretence of revenging his fathei’s
death, laid wafte the county of Angus. Walter Ogil-
vy the (lieriff of Angus, attempting to repel the in¬
vaders, was killed, with his brother and 60 of their
followers. The king then gave a commiffion to the
earl of Crawford to fupprefs them; which he foon did,
and moft of them were either killed or executed. The
followers of the earl of Buchan were compofed of the i(j4
wildtft Highlapders, diftinguifhed by the title of Ca/-Account of
nerals required no more of them than their words of ferewe/, which anfwers to that of banditti. That inch ib? 6Vi/,
honour that they fliould continue inactive during the
a race of people exifted is certain from the records of^^1*
39 M 2 Scot-
SCO
r 7044 i
SCO
of the clan
Chattan
and clan
Kay.
Scotland. Scotland; but it is not eafy to determine how they ob¬
tained their fubfiftence, being void of the knowledge
of agriculture and of every civil art. There is feme
reafon to believe that many of them came from the
Weftern Ides; and‘that they or their anceftors had
emigrated from the eaftern parts of Ireland. The
lands they inhabited were never cultivated till towards
the middle of the laft century; and, according to the
mod authentic accounts, they lived entirely upon ani¬
mal-food.
The earl of Crawford’s fuccefs againft the followers
of Buchan encouraged Robert to intrufl him with a
i(j4 commiffion for fubduing other infurgents by whom the
Battle be- peace of the country was difturbed. The moft re-
tween the markable of thefe, were the Clan Cbattan and Clan
Kay. As both thefe tribes were numerous and brave,
Crawford was not without apprehenfions that they
might unite againft him as a common enemy, and de¬
feat him if he attempted to fupprefs them by force.
He propofed therefore that the two rival clans ftiould
each choofe 30 men, to determine their differences by
the fvvord, without being allowed the ufe of any other
weapon. The king and his nobility were to be fpec-
tators of the combat; the conquered clan were to be
pardoned for all their former offences, and the con¬
querors honoured with the royal favour. This pro-
pofal was readily accepted by both parties, and the
north inch of Perth was to be the feene of aftion.
But, upon muftering the combatants, it was found
that one of them, belonging to the clan Chattan, had
abfented himfelf. It was propofed to balance this dif¬
ference by withdrawing one of the combatants for the
clan Kay ; but not one of them could be prevailed on
to refign his place. At laft one Henry Wynd a fad-
dler, though no way conneiled with either party,
offered to fupply the place of him that was abfent, on
condition of his receiving a French crown of gold (a-
bout 7s. 6d. of our money); which was immediately
paid him. The combat then began with incredible
fury ; but at laft, through the fuperior valour and fkill
of Henry Wynd, viclory declared in favour of the clan
Chattan. Only ten of the conquerors, befides Wynd,
were left alive; and all of them defperately wounded.
Of the clan Kay only oheTemained ; and he having re¬
ceived no hurt, efcaped by fwimming acrofs the Tay.
While thefe internal broils were going on, the truce
which had lately been concluded with England was
fo ill obferved, that it became neceffary to enter into
frefh negociations. Thefe, like others which had
taken place before, had very little effetft. The bor¬
derers on both fides had been fo accuftomed to ra-
vage and plunder, that they could not live in quiet.
Title of K’ng Robert alfo was thought to be too much at
Duke intro-tached to the king of England. Pie had introduced
duced into the new title of duke^ which hebeftowed firft on the
Scotland. prJnce royal; but making an offer of that honour to
one of the heads of the Douglas family, it was rejected
with difdain. That powerful family had never loft
fight of an ancient claim they had upon the caftle of
Roxburgh, which was ftill in the poffeflion of the
Englift); and this year the fon of the earl of Douglas,
Sir William Stewart, and others, broke down the
bridge of Roxburgh, plundered the town, and de-
ftroyed the forage and corn there and in the neigh¬
bouring country. The Englifh applied for fatisfac-
tion; but obtained none, as the confufion which in- Scotland.
volved the kingdom bv the depofition of Richard II.
and the acceffion of Henry IV. prevented them from
having recourfe to arms, the only argument to which
the Scots patriots in thofe days would liften.
No fooner was the cataftrophe of Richard known
in Scotland, than they refolved to avail themfelves of it;
and invading the north parts of England, demolifhed
the caftle of Wark, and laid the neighbouring coun¬
try under contribution. The fituation of Henry’s
affairs did not admit of his referiting thil infult. He
contented himfelf with nominating his brother the
earl of Weftmoreland, to treat with the Scots about
a truce or peace ; or, if that could not be obtained, to
make a mutual agreement, that the towns of Dum¬
fries in Scotland, and Penrith in England, fhould be
free from hoftilities during the war. To this propofal
the Scots paid no regard ; and being encouraged by
the court of France, who refented the depofition of
Richard, they renewed their ravages in England. In
1400, the king of England called a parliament, in
order to confult on the moft proper means of repelling
the Scottifh invafions ; and in this he was greatly af-
fifted by the divifions of the Scots among themfelves.
The duke of Rothefay, the heir-apparent of the crown, Mercenary
was now grown up to man’s eftate, and it was thought behaviour ;
proper to provide a fuitable confort for him. The°^°^cr^4
king is faid to have fcandaloufly put up iiia fon’s1
‘ - and 0ffered him to the lady whofe ,
.ma^e.
marriage at audli
father could give the higheft price. The earl of March
was the higeft bidder; and advanced a confiderable
fum in ready money, on condition that his daughter
(hould become the royal bride. This fordid match
was oppofed by Douglas, who propofed his own
daughter the lady Margery. So degenerate was the
court of Scotland at this time, that neither the king
nor the duke of Rothefay oppofed this propofal of a
new match, becaufe it was to be purchafed with a
frefh fum ; and they even refufed to indemnify the
earl of March for the money he had already advanced.
As the duke of Albany fided with Douglas, a
council of the nobility was privately affembled, which
annulled the contraft of the lady Elizabeth Dunbar,
the earl of March’s daughter, in favour of the lady
Margery, daughter to the earl of Douglas ; but with¬
out taking any meafures for repaying the money to the
earl of March. The continuator of Fordun informs
us, that the earl of Douglas paid a larger fum for his
daughter’s fortune than that which had been advanced
by the earl of March, and that the earl of Douglas’s
daughter was married to the duke of Rothefay : that, 2<-7
before the marriage was celebrated, March demanded Earl of
that the money he had advanced fhould be reimburfed -Msrchrc*
but receiving an unfatisfa&ory anfwer, he declared,volts’
that as the king had not fulfilled his bargain, he
would bring unexpedled calamities upon the country.
Accordingly he fled into England, leaving his caftle
of Dunbar to the cuftody of his nephew Robert
Maithland, who foon after put it into the hands of
the earl of Douglas, called in biftory Archibald ths
Grim, from the fternnefs of his vifage.
As foon as Robert heard of the revolt of the earl
of March, he fent ambaffadors demanding back his
fubjeft ; but the requeft was difregarded. On the
other hand, the earl of March demaudeft repof-
feffioa
SCO [ 7045 ] SCO
Scotland, ftffion of the caftle of Dunbar, pleading, that he had
" committed no a£l of treafon, but had come to Eng¬
land under a fafe conduit from king Henry, on pur-
pofe to negociate his private affairs: but this requeft
was difregarded; upon which he fent for all his family
and followers to England, where they joined him in
afi8 great numbers. This produced a war between the two
Invafion of kingdoms. The earl of March, with Henry Percy
Scotland by furnamed Hotfpur,' invaded Scotland, penetrating as
Henry far as Haddington, and carrying off great numbers of
*>erC)r' the inhabitants into captivity. From thence they went
to Peebles, and then to I^inton, ravaging the coun¬
try all the way as they paffed along. They next be-
fieged the caltle of Hales, and took feveral of the
neighbouring forts: but Archibald the Grim, or ra¬
ther his fon, having raifed an army againft them,
they were ftruck with terror, and fled to Berwick,
to the gates of which they were purfued by the Scots.
At this time the Scottifh admiral, Sir Robert Logan,
was at fea with a fquadron ; but mifearried in an at¬
tempt he made upon fome Englilh (hips of war that
protefted their fleet when fifhing upon the coaft of
Scotland. After this the Englilh plundered the Ork¬
ney iflands ; which, though belonging to the crown
of Norway, were at that time governed, or rather
farmed, by Sinclair the Scots earl of Orkney and
Caithnefs.
All this time the earl of March continued under the
prote&ion of the king of England. He had received
repeated invitations to return to his allegiance : but
all of them being rejedted, he was proclaimed a traitor;
and the Scottilh governor made a formal demand of
him from king Henry. With this the latter not only
refufed to comply, but renewed his league with the
lord of the files. He pretended alfo, that at this
time he had intercepted fome letters from the Scot¬
tilh regency, which called him “ a traitor in the higheft
degree and he alleged this as a reafon why he pro-
tedled not only the earl of March, but the lord of the
ifles.
On the 25th of July 1400, the earl of March re¬
nounced his homage, fealty, and fervice, to the king
of Scotland, and transferred them to Henry by a for¬
mal indenture. For this the earl was rewarded with a
penfion of 500 merks Sterling and the manor of Clipe-
HetvryW ^one ‘n Sherwood foreft. Henry now began to re-
prejects thev'ive the claim of homage from the kings of Scotland,
conqmeft of and even to meditate the conqueft of the kingdom. He
•Scotland. {,a£j indeed many reafons to hope for fuccefs ; the prin¬
cipal of which were, the weaknefs of the Scottilh govern¬
ment, the divided Hate of the royal family, and the
diffenfions among the chief nobility. For this pur-
pofe he made great preparations both by fca and land;
but before he fet out on his journey, he received a
letter from the duke of Rothefay, full of reproaches
on account of the prefumptuous letters which Henry
had addreffed to Robert and his nobility. The let¬
ter was addrefled by the duke to his adverfary of
England, as the Scots had not yet recognized the title
of Henry to the crown of England. Towards the end
of it tl^e duke, according to the cuftom of the times,
defired Henry, in order to avoid the effufion of Chri-
ftian blood, to fight him in perfon with two, three, or an
hundred noblemen on a fide. But this challenge pro¬
duced no other anfwer from Henry than that “ he was
furprifed that the duke of Rothefay fhould confider Scotland!,
noble blood as not being ChriJUan, fince he defired the '
effufion of the one, and not of the other-” Henry
arrived at Leith on the very day in which he had
appointed the Scottilh nobility to meet him and
pay their homage, and conclude a peace between
the two crowns. In all probability, he expedted to
have been joined by great numbers of the difeon-
tented Scots; and he flattered the Englilh with a pro-
mife of raifing the power and glory of their coun¬
try to a higher pitch than it had ever known. Un¬
der this pretext, he feized upon the fum of 350,000
pounds in ready money, befides as much in plate and
jewels, which had been left by Richard in the royal
treafury. He raifed alfo vail contributions on the clergy
and nobility, and likewife on the principal towns and
cities. At laft, finding that neither his vaft prepara¬
tions, nor the interell of the earl of March, had
brought any of the Scots to his ftandard, he formed
the fiege of Edinburgh caftle, which was defended by
the duke of Rothefay, and, as fome fay, by the earl
of Douglas. The duke of Albany, brother to king
Robert, was then in the field with an army, and fent
a letter to king Henry, promifing, that if he would
remain where he was for fix days, he would give him
battle, and force him to raife the fiege, or lofe his
life. When this was wrote, the duke was at Cal-
der-muir ; and Henry was fo much pleafed with the
letter, that he prefented the herald who delivered it
with his upper garment and a chain of gold ; promi¬
fing, on his royal word, that he would remain where
he was until the appointed day. On this occafion, how¬
ever, the duke forfeited his honour; for he fuffered
fix days to elapfe without making any attempt on the
Englilh army.
Henry in the mean time pulhedon the fiege of E-
dinburgh caflle; but met with fuch a vigorous refin¬
ance from the duke of Rothefay,. that the hopes of re¬
ducing it were but fmall. At the fame time he was
informed that the Wellh were on the point of rebellion
under the famous chieftain named Owen Glendower. But, fails in-
He knew alfo that many of the Englilh were highly his attempt,
diffatisfied with his title to the crown ; and that he
owed his peaceable poffefi^on of it to the moderation
of the earl of March, who was the real heir to the un¬
fortunate Richard, but a nobleman of no ambition.
For thefe reafons he concluded it bed to raife the fiege
of Edinburgh, caftle, and to return to England. He
then agreed to a truce for fix weeks, but which was
afterwards prolonged, probably for a year, by the
commiffioners of the two crowns, who v^fcre met at
Kelfo.
In 1401, Scotland fuffered a great lofs by the
death of Walter Trail the archbilhop of St Andrew’s,,
a moll exemplary patriot and perfon of great in¬
fluence. Archibald Douglas the Grim had died fome
time before, and his lofs was now feverely felt; for
the king himfelf, naturally feeble, and now quite dif-
abled by his age and infirmities,, was fequeftered from
the world in fuch a manner, that we know not even
the place of his refidence during the laft invafion of
Scotland by the Englilh. This year alfo queen An-
nabella died, fo that none remained who might be
able to heal thofe divifions which prevailed among t^se
royal family. Robert duke of Albany, a man of great
ambiJ.
SCO [ 7046 i SCO
Scotland, ambition, was an enemy to the dake of Rothfay, the
" : heir-apparent to the crown; and endeavoured, for ob¬
vious reafons, to imprefs his father with a bad opinion
of him. This prince, however, appears to have been
chargeable with no mifdemeanour of any confequence,
excepting his having debauched, under promife of
marriage, the daughter of William Lindfay of Rofly.
But this is not fupported by any credible evidence ;
and, though it had been true, could never juftify the
horrid treatment he met with, and which we are now
itx about to relate.
Con (piracy Qne Ramorgny, a man of jhe vileft principles, but
'dnkeof 6 an aUen(^ant on l^e duke of Rothfay, had won his
Rothefay. confidence; and, perceiving how much he refent-
ed the conduit of his uncle the duke of Albany,
had the villany to fuggeft to the prince the dif-
patching him by aflaffination. The prince rejec¬
ted this infamous propofal with fuch horror and dif-
pleafure, that the villain, being afraid he would dif-
clofe it to the duke of Albany, informed the latter,
under the feal of the mod inviolable fecrecy, that the
prince intended to murder him ; upon which the duke,
and William Lindfay of RofFy, his affociate in the
treafon, refolved upon the prince’s death. By prafti-
fing upon the doating king, Lindfay and Ramorgny
obtained a writ dire^ed to the duke of Albany, im-
powering him to arred his fon, and to keep him un¬
der redraint, in order for his amendment. The fame
traitors had previoufly poffcffed the prince with an ap-
prehenfion that his life was in danger, and had per-
fuaded him to feize the cadle of St Andrew’s, and to
keep poficffion of it during the vacancy of that fee.
Robert had nominated one of his badard brethren,
who was then deacon of St Andrew’s, to that bilhop-
ric: but being a perfon no way fitted for fuch a dig¬
nity, he declined the honour, and the chapter refufed
to eledl any other during his lifetime; fo that the
prince had a profpett of pofleffing the cadle for fome
time. He was riding thither with a fmall attendance,
when he was arreded between the towns of Nidi and
Stratirum, (according to the continuator of Fordun),
and hurried to the very cadle of which he was prepa¬
ring to take pofleffion.
The duke of Albany, and the earl of Douglas, who
was likewife the prince’s enemy, were then ,at Culrofs,
waiting the event of their detedable confpiracy ; of
which they were no fooner informed, than they or¬
dered a drong body of ruffians to carry the royal cap¬
tive from the cadle of St Andrew’s; which they did,
after cloathing him in a ruflet cloak, mounting him
on a very forry horfe, and committing him to the cu-
dody of two execrable wretches, John Selkirk and
WhVis J°hn Wright, who were ordered by the duke of Al-
ftirved to bany to darve him to death. According to Bucha-
death. nan, his fate was for fome time prolonged by the com-
paffion of one of his keeper’s daughters, who thrud
thin oat-cakes through the ch nks of his prifon-walls,
and by a woman who, being a wet nurfe, found means
to convey part of her milk to him through a fmall
tube. Both thefe charitable females were dete&ed,
and put to death ; the. young lady’s inhuman father
being himfelf the profecutor. The prince himfelf
died a few days after, on Eader-eve, his hunger ha¬
ving impelled him to devour part of his own fleffi.
In.the mean time, Robert, being yet ignorant of
the murder of his fon, had renewed, or rather Con- ScotLtif?
fented to renew, hodilitics with England. On the — “
expiration of the truce, Henry had fent a commiffion
to the earls of Northumberland and Wedmoreland to
offer the Scots any terms they could reafonably defire;
but every offer of this kind being reje&ed, there was
a neceffity for renewing hodilities. The earl of March
had received another penfion from Henry, on condi¬
tion of his keeping on foot a certain number of light
troops to a& againd the Scots. This had been done ;
and fo effeCfually did thefe now annoy their enemies,
that the earl of Douglas was obliged to take the field
againd them. By dividing his men into fmall parties,
he repreffed the depredations of thefe invaders; and
Thomas Haliburton, the commander of one of the
Scottiffi parties, made incurfions into England as far
as Bamborough, from whence he returned with aeon- *73
fiderable booty. This encouraged another chieftain, A body ot
Patrick Hepburn, to make a fimilar attempt: but be- Scots
ing elated with his fuccefs, he remained too long in £^b^he
the enemy’s country ; fo that the earl of March had ^ °
time to fend a detachment to intercept him on his re¬
turn. This produced a defperate encounter, in which
Hepburn was killed ; the flower of the youth of Lo¬
thian, who had attended in this expedition, were cut off,
and fcarce a Angle Scotfman remained unwounded.
On the news of this difafter, the earl of Douglas
applied to the duke of Albany for affiftance. He
was immediately furnifhed with a confiderable army,
according to fome, confiding of 10,000 ; according to
others of 13,000; and according to the Engliffi hido-
rians, of 20,000 men. Murdoc, the fon of the
duke, attended the earl on this expedition, as did
Hfo the earls of Moray, Angus, Orkney, and many
others of the chief nobility, with 80 knights. The
Scots on this occafion conduced themfelves with
the fame imprudence they had done before. Having
penetrated too far into the country, they were inter- *74
cepted by the Englifh on their return, and obliged to T^e,artde*
engage at a place called Homeldon, under great dif- Homeldon,
advantages. The confeqnence was, that they were
utterly defeated, and almod the whole army either
killed or taken.
Henry Hotfpur, to whom this vidlory was chiefly
owing, refolving to purfue the advantage he had
gained, entered the fouthern parts of the kingdom,
and laid fiege to a caftle called Cocklawys, on CockJawys
the borders of Teviotdale. The caftle was for fome caftIe be-
time bravely defended: but at laft the SovernorfhfiijHijft,
entered into a treaty, by which it was agreed to , n21 »
deliver up the caftle, in cafe it was not relieved by
the king or governor in fix weeks ; during which time
no additional fortifications were to be made. But
while the Englilh were retiring, one of Percy’s fol-
diers pretended that the Scots had broke the capitula¬
tion, by introducing a mattock into the place. The
governor, hearing of this charge, offered to fight any
Engliffiman who fhould engage to make it good. A
champion was accordingly lingled out, but was de-
defeated by the Scotfman ; and the Englilh army re¬
tired according to agreement. The matter then being
debated in the Scottifti council, it was refolved to fend
relief to the caftle. Accordingly the duke of Albany,
witli a powerful army, fet out for the place ; but before
became there, certain news were received of the defeat
SCO
.Scotland, and death of Hotfpur, at Sbrewfbury, as related
~ der the article England, n° 182.
In the year 1404, king Henry, exceedingly de-
firous of a peace with Scotland, renewed his nego-
ciations for that purpofe. Thefe, however, not being
attended with fuccefs, hoftilities were ftill continued,
but without any remarkable tranfa&ion on either
fide. In the mean time, king Robert was informed
of the miferable fate of his eldeft fon the duke of Rothe-
fay ; but was unable to refent it by executing juftice
on inch a powerful murderer. After giving himfelf
17(5 up to grief, therefore, for fome time, he refolved to
The Scot- provide for thefafety of his fecond fon James, by fend-
tifti prince, ;ng him into France. This fcheme was not commu-
nicated to the duke of Albany; and the young prince
but is taken t0°k dipping with all imaginable fecrecy at the Bafs,
f 7°47 1
SCO
entered into a league with the lord of the Ifles, where Scotland,
a confiderable revolution then happened. Walter
Lefley had fuccetded to the eftate and honours of the
earl of Rofs, in right of his wife, who was the heir.
By that marriage,'he had a fon named Alexander who
fucceeded him ; and a daughter, Margaret, who was
married to the lord of the Ifles. This Alexander had
married one of the regent’s daughters; and dying
young, he left behind him an only daughter, Euphane,
who was deformed, and become a nun at North Ber¬
wick. Htr grandfather the regent procured from
her a refignation of the earldom of Rofs, 10 which
flie was undoubted heir, in favour of John earl of
Buchan, but in prejudice of Donald lord of the
ifles, who was fon to Margaret, fitter to the earl
Alexander, and confequently the neareft heir to the
by the Eng-under the care of the earl of Orkney. On his voyage eftate after the nun. Donald applied for redrefs;
he was taken by an Englifti privateer off Flamborough-
head, and brought before Henry. The Englifh mo¬
narch having examined the attendants of the prince,
they told him that they were carrying the prince to
France for his education. “ I underftand the French
tongue,” replied Henry, “ and your countrymen
but his fuit being reje&ed, he, with his brother John,
fled into England, where he was moft gracioufly
received by king Henry. According to the inftruc-
tions given him by the Englifh monarch, Donald re*
turned to his own dominions in the Ifles, where he
raifed an army, and paffing over into Rofslhire vio-
ought to have been kind enough to have trufted me lently feized on the eftate in difpute. In a ttiort time he
with their prince’s education.” He then committed found himfelf at the head of io,000 Highlanders; with
the prince and his attendants clofe prifoners to the
tower of London. The news of this difafter arrived
at the caftle of Rothefay in the ifle of Bute (the place
t77 of Robert’s refidence) while the king was at fupper.
Robert dies The news threw him into fuch an agony of grief, that
of grief. }ie died ;n tkree dayS> the 29th of March 1405, after
having reigned near 15 years.
By the death of Robert and the captivity of the
178 prince, all the power devolved upon the duke of Al-
The duke bany, who was appointed regent by a convention of
of Albany ^ ftates affembled at Scone. The allegiance of the
regent* people, however, to their captive prince could not be
fhaken ; fo that the regent was obliged to raife an
army for the purpofe of refeuing him. Henry fum-
moned all his military tenants, and made great pre¬
parations: but, having agreed to treat of a final peace
with Ireland and the lord of the Ifles, the regent laid
hold of this as a pretence for entering into a new ne-
gociation with the Englifh monarch; and a truce v/as
concluded for a year, during which time all differences
were to be fettled. In confequence of this agreement,.
Rothefay, king at arms, was appointed commiffary-
general for the king and kingdom of Scotland ; and
in that quality repaired to the court of England. At
the time when the prince of Scotland was taken, it
feems that there had been a truce, however ill ob-
ferved on both fides, fubfifting between the two na¬
tions. Rothefay produced the record of this truce,
which provided that the Scots fhould have a free na¬
vigation ; and in confequence of this he demanded
juftice of the captain and crew of the privateer who
whom he marched into the province of Moray, and
from thence to Strathbogie and Gariocb, which he
laid under contribution. Advancing towards Aber¬
deen, with a view to pay his troops with the plunder
of that city, which was then a place of confiderable
trade, he was met by the earl of Marr, whom the
regent had employed to command againft him, at a lgj>
village called Harlaw, in the neighbourhood of Aber- Battle of
deen. A fierce engagement enfued, in which great Harlmv,
numbers were killed on both fides, and the vi&ory
remained uncertain : but Donald, finding himfelf in
the mldft of an enemy’s country, where he could raife
no recruits,, began to retreat next day ; and the ttiat-
tered ftate of the royal army preventing him from be¬
ing purfued, he efcaped to his own dominions, where
in a fliort time he fubmitted and fwore allegiance to-
the crown of Scotland.
In the mean time Henry continued the war. with
Scotland, and refufed to renew the truce, though fre¬
quently folicited by the Scots. He had now, how- 281
ever, fuftained a great lofs by the defedion of the earl iMarch^re-f
of March, who had gone over to the Scots, though turns to his
the hiftorians have not informed us of his quarrel with.allegiance
the Englifh monarch. On his return to Scotland, hetoScot*an<5'
had been fully reconciled to the Douglas family, and
now ftrove to di.ftingui(h himfelf in the caufe of his
country. This, with the countenance which was
fhown the Scots by the court of France, a bull pu-
blifhed by the pope in their favour, and the vigorous
behaviour of the regent himfelf, contributed to reduce
Henry to reafon ; and we hear of no more hoftilities
had taken the prince. Henry ordered the matter to between the two nations till after the death of the^
179
be inquired into: but the Englifh brought their com¬
plaints as well as the Scots; and the claims of both
were fo intricate, that the examination fell to the
ground, but at the. fame time the truce was prolonged.
Englifh monarch, which happened in the year 1413.
In 1415, the truce being either broken or expired,
the Scots made great preparations for befieging Ber-
^ wick. The undertaking, however, came to nothing;
In the end of the year 1409, or the beginning of all that was done during the campaign being the
” burning of Penrith by the Scots, and of Dumfries
by the Englifh. Next year a truce was agreed upon,
He had, as we have feen, and a treaty entered into for the ranfom of king James;.
which.
Henry” ° J4IO» war was renewed with England, and Henry
igainfl prepared to ftrike a fatal blow which he bad long me-
-Scotland, dilated againft Scotland,
SCO t 7048 ] SCO
Scotland, which was fo far advanced, that the Engli/hkfng agreed
Hi to his viliting Scotland, provided he engaged to forfeit
Unfucceft- ioo,ooo pounds fterling in cafe of his failing to return
tlon**?6*1* ^ a Cfrt2*11 day. For reafons now unknown, this
Henry. treaty was broken off, and vaft preparations were
made fora new invafion of Scotland; which, however,
was executed with fo little fuccefs, that it became
known among the common people of Scotland by the
name of they«/i? raid, or the foolilh expedition.
In 1420 died Robert Duke of Albany, regent of
'Scotland, at the age of 80 ; and fueh was the venera¬
tion which the Scots had for his memory, that his
poll of regent was conferred upon his eldelt fon Mur-
doc, though a perfon no way qualified for that ftation.
The war with England was now difcontinued; but in
France' Henry met with the greateft oppofition from
the Scots auxiliaries, infomuch that at lad he pro¬
claimed all the Scots in the fervice of the Dauphin to
a8j be rebels againft their lawful fovereign, and threaten-
His cruelty eij to treat them as fuch wherever he found them. It
iu fiancetS was not ^e^ore ^ad an opportunity of putting
this menace in execution ; for the town and callle of
Melon being obliged through famine to capitulate,
one of the articles of capitulation was, that all the
Englifh and Scots in the place Ihould be refigned to
the abfolute difpofal of the king of England ; and, in
confequence of his refolution above-mentioned, caufed
twenty Scots foldiers who were found in the place to
be hanged as traitors. In 1421, Henry returned to
England, and with him James the Scots king. On
his arrival there, he was informed that the Scots, under
the earl of Douglas, had made an irruption into England,
where they had burned Newark, but had been forced
to return to their own country by a peltilence, though
a new invafion was daily expected. Inftread of refenting
this infult, Henry invited the earl of Douglas to a
conference at York ; in which the latter agreed to
ferve him during life, by fea and land, abroad or at
home, againft all living, except his own liege-lord
the king of Scotland, with 200 foot and as many horfe,
at’his own charges ; the king of England in the mean
time allowing an annual revenue of 2001. for paying
his expence in going to the army by fea or land.
At the fame time a new negociation wasfet on foot
for the ranfom of king James; but he did not obtain
his liberty till the year 1424. Henry V. was then
dead ; and none of his generals being able to fupply
„ *84, his place, the Englifn power in France began to de-
theHberty cline. They then became fenfible how neceffary it
of James, was to be at peace* with Scotland, in order to detach
fuch a formidable ally from the French intereft. James
was now highly careffed, and at his own liberty, with¬
in certain bounds. The Englifh even confulted him
about the manner of conducting the treaty for his ran¬
fom; and one Dougal Drummond, a prieft, was fent
with a fafe conduft for the bilhop of Glafgow, chan¬
cellor of Scotland, Dunbar earl of March, John
Montgomery of Ardroflan, Sir Patrick Dunbar of
Bele, Sir Robert Lavvder of Edrington, Sir William
Borthwic of Borthwic, and Sir John Forrefter of Cor-
llorphin, to have an interview, at Pomfret, with their
mafter the captive king of Scotland,and there to treat
of their common interefts. Moll of thofe noblemen
and gentlemen had before been nominated to treat
with the Englilh about their king’s return j and Dou¬
gal Drummond feems to have been a domeftic favou- Scotland.
rite with James. Hitherto the Scottifh king had been :  
allowed an annual revenue of 700 pounds: but while
he was making ready for his journey, his equipages
and attendants were increafed to thofe befitting a fo¬
vereign; and he received a prefent from the Englifh
treafury, of 1001. for his private expences. That he
might appear with a grandeur every way fuitable to
his dignity, at every ftage were provided relays of
horfes, and all manner of fifh, fiefh, and fowl, with
cooks and other fervants for furnifhing out the moft
fumptuous royal entertainment. In this meeting at
Pomfret, James adted as a kind of a mediator between
the Englifh and his own fubjeds, to whom he fully
laid himfelf open; but, in the mean time, the Eng¬
lifh regency iffued a commiffion for fettling the terms
upon which James was to be reftored, if he and his
commifiioners fliould lay a proper foundation for fuch.
a treaty. The Englifh commifiioners were the bi-
fhops of Durham and Worcefter, the earls of North¬
umberland and Weftmoreland, the lords Nevil, Corn-
wal, and Chaworth, with mafter John Wodeham, and
Robert Waterton. The inftrudions they received
form one of the moft curious paflages of this hiftory;
and we (hall here give them, as they are neceflary for
confirming all we have faid concerning the difpofitions
of the two courts at this jundure.
Firft, To make a faint oppofition to any private
conference between the king of Scotland and the
Scotch commifiioners.
Secondly, To demand that, before the faid king
fhall have his full libeety, the kingdom of Scotland
fhould pay to the Englifh government at leaft thirty-
fix thoufand pounds as an equivalent, at two thoufand
pounds a-year, for the entertainment of king James,
who was maintained by the court of England, and
not to abate any thing of that fum ; but if poffible to
get forty thoufand pounds.
Thirdly, That if the Scots fhould agree to the pay¬
ment of the faid fum, the Englifh commifiioners fhould
take fufficient fecurity and hoftages for the payment
of the fame; and that if they mould not (as there
was great reafon for believing they would) be fo far
mollified, by fuch eafy terms, as to offer to enter up¬
on a negociation for a final and perpetual peace be¬
tween the two people, that then the Englifh.fhould
propofe the fame, in the moft handfome manner they
could. Farther, that if fuch difficulties fhould arife
as might make it imprafticable immediately to con¬
clude fuch perpetual peace, that the Englifh ambaf-
fadors fhould, under pretence of paving a way for the
fame, propofe a long truce.
Fourthly, That in cafe the Englifh commifiioners
fhould fucceed in bringing the Scots to agree to the
faid truce, they fhould further urge, that they fhould
not fend to Charles of France, or to any of the enemies
of England, any fuccours by fea or land. Farther,
that the faid Engliflt commifiioners fhould employ their
utmoft endeavours to procure the recal of the troops
already furnifhed by the Scots to France. The Eng¬
lifh are commanded to infift very ftrenuoufly upon this
point, but with diferetion.
Fifthly, If the Scots fhould, as a further bond of
amity between the two nations, propofe a marriage
between their king and fome noblewoman of England,
1 the
S c
Scotland'. theEnglirti commiffioners
" the king of the Scots ia         7
noblewomen, and even thofe of the blood-royal, in
England ; and that if the king of the Scots fhall pleafe
to open his mind more freely on that head, the Eng-
liih ccmmiffioners (hall be very ready to enter upon
conferences thereupon.” But (continues the record)
in cafe the Scotch cowrmtfiioners filould make no men¬
tion of any fuch alliance by marriage, it will not ap¬
pear decent for the Engliih to mention the fame, be-
caufe the women of England, at lead the noblewomen,
are not u-fed to offer themfelves in marriage to men.
Sixthly, If there fhould be any mention made con¬
cerning reparation of damages, that the comm’.fTioners
fhould then proceed upon the fame as they (hould think
mod proper $ and that they fhould have power to of¬
fer fafe-condu& to as many of the Scots as fhould be
O [ 7049 ] SCO
are to make anfwer, “That Somerfet, who was fon to John of Gaunt duke of Scotland.
well acquainted with many Lancader by his fecond marriage; but he made his—  
people the compliment, not only of confulting their
opinion, but of concluding the match. The commif¬
fioners., after their agreement at York, proceeded to¬
wards London ; and Thomas Somerville of Carnwath,
with Walter Ogilvy, were added to their, number.
Being arrived at that capital, they ratified the former
articles, and undertook for their king, that he IhouUl
deliver his hoftagCs to the king of England’s officers,
in the city of Durham, before the lad day of the en-
fuing month of March : that he fhould alio deliver to
the faid officers four obligatory letters, for the whole
fum of forty thoufand pounds, from the four burghs
of Edinburgh, Perth, Dundee, and Aberdeen ; that
he fho.uld give his obligatory letter to the fame pur-
pofe, before removing from Durham, and ffiould re¬
demanded for to repair to the court of England. Thofe new the fame four days after his being arrived in his
indru&ions are dated at Wellminfter, July btl', 1423. own kingdom; that the hodages might be changed
Nothing definitive was concluded at this treaty, from time to time for others of the fame fortune and
but that another meeting fhould be held at York in- quality; that if any of them (hould die in England,
dead of Pomfret. This meeting accordingly took others fhould be fent thither in their room ; and that
place. The Engliffi commiffionevs were, Thomas while they continued to flay in England, they fhould
bifhop of Durham, chancellor of England, Philip live at their own charges. 183
bifhop of Wincbefter, Henry Percy earl of Nur- The marriage of James with the lady Joan Beau-JJarnage of
thumberland, and Mr John Wodeham. Thofe for fort, was,celebratedin the beginning of February 1424.kll’^Jaraes’
Scotland were William bifhop of Glafgow, George The young king of England prefented him with a'
earl of March, James Douglas of Balveny, his brother fuit of cloth of gold for the ceremony ; and the next
Patrick abbot of Cambufkenneth, John abbot of day he received a legal difeharge of 10,000 pounds,
Balmerino, Sir Patric Dumbar of Bele, Sir Robert to be deducted from the 40,000 at which his ranfom
Lawder of Edrington, Mr George Borthwic arch- was fixed, and which fum was given as the marriage-
deacon of Glafgow, and Patric Honfton canon of portion of the lady. The ceremony being performed,
Glafgow. On the tenth of September, after their the king and queen fet out for Durham, where the
meeting, they came to the following agreement : hoftages were waiting; and arrived at his own domi-
Firft, That the king of Scotland and his heirs, as nious, along with the earl of Northumberland and the
an equivalent for his entertainment while in England, chief of the northern nobility, who attended him with
fhould pay to the king of England and his heirs, at great pomp. On the 20th of April the fame year, he
the church of St Paul, by equal proper- was crowned at Scone; after which ceremony, he fol*
lowed the example praftifed by other fevereigns at that
time, of knighting feveral noblemen, and gentlemen.
During the dependence of the treaty for James’s
releafe, the Scots had emigrated to France in fuch
numbers, that no fewer than 15,000 of them now ap¬
peared in arms under the duke of Touraine ; but as
thehiftory of the war in that country has already been
ment of forty thonfand merks, the laft payment of given under the article France, we (hail take no far-
ten thoufand fhould be remitted, at the intreaty of the ther notice of it at prefent, but return to the affairs of
molt illuftrious prince Thomas duke of Exeter. Scotland. 2g<?
Thirdly, That the king of Scotland, before en- On his return James found himfelf in a difagreeable!?0 rc[orms
tering his own kingdom, fhould give fufficient hoftages fituation. The great maxim of the duke of AIbariy,^J^a g3^"*
for performance on his part. But, in regard that the when regent, had been to maintain himfelf in powerland.
Scots plenipotentiaries had no inftru&ions concerning by exempting the lower clafs of people from taxes of
hoftages, it was agreed, every kind. This plan had been continued by his fon
Fourthly, That the king of Scotland fhould be at Murdoch; but as the latter wasdeftitute of his father’s
Branfpath, or Durham, by the firft of March next, abilities, the people abufed their happinefs, and Scot-
where he fhould be attended by the nobles ofhis blood, land became fuch a feene of rapine, that no commoner
could fay he had a property in his own eftate. . The
Stewart family, on their acciffion to the crown of Scot¬
land, were peffeffed of a very confiderable patrimonial
eftate, independent of the (landing revenues of the
London,
tions, the fum of forty thoufand pounds tterling.
Secondly, That the firft payment, amounting to
the fum of ten thoufand merks, fhould be made fix’
months after the king of Scotland’s entering his own
kingdom ; that the like fum fhould be paid the next
year, and fo on during the fpace of fix years, when
the whole fum would be cleared ; unlefs, after pay-
and other fubjeds, in order to fix the number and qua¬
lity of the hoftages.
Fifthly, That, to cement and perpetuate the amity
of the two kingdoms, the governor of Scotland fbould
fend ambaftadors to London, with power to conclude crown, which confided chiefly of cuftoms, wards, and
a contract of marriage between the king of Scotland reliefs. The revenues of the paternal eftate-belonging
and fome lady of the firft quality in England. to James, had they been regularly tranfmitted to him,
James, it is probable, had already fixed his choice would have more than maintained him in a fplendour
upon the lady Joan, daughter to the late earl of equal to his dignity, while he was in England ; nor
Vox.. IX. 1 39 N would
SCO [ 7050 ] SCO
Scotland, would he in that cafe have had any occafion for an
" ' allowance frona the king of England. But as the
duke of Albany never intended that his nephew (hould
return, he parcelled out among his favourites the
edate of the Stewart family, in fuch a manner that
James upon his return found all his patrimonial reve¬
nues gone, and many of them in the hands of his beft
friends; fo that he had nothing to depend on for the
fupport of himfelf and his court, but the crown-reve¬
nues above-mentioned, and even fome of thefe had
been mortgaged during the late regency. This cir-
cumftance, of itfelf fufficiently difagreeable, was at¬
tended with two others, which tended to make it more
fo. The one was, that the hoftages which had been
left for the king’s ranfom in England, being all
of them perfons of the firlt rank, were attended by
their wives, families, children, and equipages, which ri¬
valled thofe of the fame rank in England, and drew a
great deal of ready money out of the nation. The
other circumftance arofe from the charge of the Scots
army in France; where Charles, who had never been
in a condition to fuport it, was now reduced to the
utmoft necefiity ; while the revenues of James bim-
felf were both fcanty and precarious. To remedy
thefe imconveniences, therefore, the king obtained
from his parliament an aft obliging the fheriifs of the
refpe&ive counties to inquire what lands and! eflates
had belonged to his anceftors David II. Robert II.
and Robert III.; and James formed a refolution of re-
fuming thefe lands wherever they could be difeovered,
iS? without regard to perfons or circumftances. On this
s,evera|°f occafion many of the mod illuftrious perfonages in the
*XgC”°ejIty kingdom were arrefted: the duke of Albany, his two
fons, and the earl of Lennox the duke’s father-in law,
were put to death, though their crimes are not fpeci-
fied by hidorians. Buchanan mentions a tradition,
that James barbaroufly fent to the countefs of Lennox
the heads of her father, hufband, and fons; for the fol¬
lowing more barbarous reafon, that in the bitternefs
of her grief die might drop fome expreffions tending
to involve others in the fame catadrophe. The coun¬
tefs, however, calmly fard, “ That, if the charges
againd the^riminals were proved, they deferved their
fate.”
James now proceeded with great fpirit to reform,the
abufes which had pervadedevery department of the date,
prote&ed and encouraged learningand learned men, and
even kept a diary in which he wrote down the -names
of all the learned men whom he thought deferving of
his encouragement. James himfelf wrote fome poetry ;
and in mufic was fuch an excellent compofer, that he
is with good reafon looked upon to have been the
father of Scots mufic, fo much admired for its elegant
fimplicity. He introduced organs into his chapels,
and a much better dyle of archite&ure into all build¬
ings whether civil or religious. Neither did he con¬
fine his cares to the fine arts, but encouraged and pro-
teCled thofe of all kinds which were ufeful to fociety ;
and, in Ihort, he did more towards the civilization
of his people than had been done by any of his prede-
qefibrs.
In the mean time the truce continued with England.
James, however, feemed nottohaveany inclinationtoen-
ter into a perpetual alliance with that kingdom. On the
contrary, in 1428, he entered into a treaty with.Eraacej
by which it was agreed, that a marriage fhould be con- Scotland,
eluded between the dauphin of France, afterwards ~
Lewis XI. and the young princefs of Scotland ; and
fo great was the neceffity of king Charles for troops at
that time, that he demanded only 6000 forces as a
portion for the princefs.
The reft of the reign of James was fpeitf in reform¬
ing abufes, curbing the authority of the great barons,
and recovering the royal eftates out of the hands of
ufurpers. In this, however, he ufed fo much feverity, 188
that he was at laft murdered, in the year 1437-
Ihe perpetrators of this murder were the earbof A-.
thol; Robert Grahame, who was conne&cd with the
earl, and who was difeontented on account of his lo-
fing the eftate of Strathern, which had been re-annexed
to the crown; and Robert, granchild and heir to the
earl of Athol, and one of the king’s domeftics. The
king had difmiffed his army, without even referving to
himielf a body-guard, and was at fupper in a Domini¬
can convent in the neighbourhood of Perth. Grahame
had for fome time been at the head of a gang of out¬
laws, and is faid to have brought a party of them to
Perth in the dead of the night, where he ported them
near the convent. Walter Straton, one of the king’s
cup-bearers, went to bring fome wine to the king while
at fupper; but perceiving armed men (landing in the
paflage, he gave the alarm, and was immediately
killed. Catharine Douglas, one of the queen’s maids
of honour,-ran to bolt the outer door; but the bar was
taken away by Robert Stuart, in order to facilitate
the entrance of the murderers. The lady thruft her
arm into the ftaple; but it was inftantly broken, and
the confpirators rufited in upon the king. Patric
Dunbar, brother to the ear! of March, was killed in at¬
tempting to defend his fovereign, and the queen re¬
ceived two wounds in attempting to interpole herfelf
betwixt her hufband and the daggers of the affafllns.
James defended himfelf as long as he could; but at
laft expired under the repeated ftrokes of his mur¬
derers, after having received 28 wounds. *89
- After the murder of James I. the crown devolved
upon his fon James II. at that time only feven years of james
age. A parliament was immediately called by theJ
queen-mother, at which the moft cruel punifhments
were decreed to the murderers of the late king. The
crime, no doubt, deferved an exemplary punifhment;
but the barbarities iaflidted on fome of thofe wretches
are (hocking to relate. Within lefs than fix weeks af¬
ter the death of the king, all the confpirators were
brought to Edinburgh, arraigned, condemned, and ex¬
ecuted. The meaner fort were hanged; but on the
earl of Athol and Robert Graham the moft cruel tor¬
ments were inflifled, fuch as pinching with hot irons,
diflocation of the joints, &c. The earl of Athol,
had, befides, a crown of red hot iron put on his
bead ; and was afterwards cut up alive, his heart
taken out, and thrown into a fire. In Ihort, fo:
dreadful were thefe punifhments, that iEneas Syl¬
vius, the pope’s nuncio, who beheld them, faid, that
he was at a lofs to determine whether the crime com¬
mitted by the regicides, or the punifhment inflidled
upon them, was the greateft.
As the late king had preferibed no form of a re¬
gency in cafe of his death, the fettlement of the go¬
vernment .became a matter of great difficulty as well.
at.
s c o
t 7®5« ]
SCO
Scotland, ns importance. Archibald earl of Donglas, who had
*"■ been created Duke of Touraine in France, was by far
the greateft fubjeA in the kingdom; but as he had not
been a favourite in the preceding reign, and the people
were nowdifgufted with regencies, he was not formally
appointed to the adminiftration, though, by his high
29o rank, he in faft enjoyed the fupreme power as long as
Supreme he lived; which, however, was but a fhort time. Hedied
v'cTd^ be*” ,hefameyear (!43^)5 and Sir Alexander Livingftone of
tween the Callendar was appointed to fiicceed him as governor
governor of the kingdom, that is, to have the executive power,
and chan- while William Chrichton, as chancellor, had the direc-
qellorof thet;on 0f the civil courts. This was a moft unfortunate
mg om. partjt;on 0f power for the public. The governor and
chancellor quarrelled: the latter took pofftffion of the
king’s perfon and the caftle of Edinburgh, to neither
of which he had any right; but the former had on his
fide the queen-mother, a woman of intrigue and fpirit.
Her fon was (hut up in the caftle of Edinburgh; and
in a fhprt time there was no appearance either of law
or government in Scotland. The governor’s edifts
were counteracted by thofe of the chancellor under the
king’s name, and thofe w'ho obeyed the chancellor
were puniftied by the governor; while the young earl of
Douglas, with his great following and dependents,
was a declared enemy of both parties, whom he equal-
251 ly fought to ddlroy.
mothcr'fcts clueen*mother demanded accefs to her fon,
her fon at which Crichton could find no pretext for denying her ;
liberty. and (he was accordingly admitted with a fmall train
into the caftle of Edinburgh. She played her part fo
well, and diffembled with fo much art, that the chan¬
cellor, imagining (he had become a convert to his
caufe, treated her with unbounded confidence, and
fuffered her at all hours to have free accefs to her
fon’s perfon. Pretending that fhe had vowed a pilgri¬
mage to the white church of Buchan, (he recommended
the care of her fon’s perfon, till her return, to the
chancellor, in the moft pathetic and afteftionate terms:
but, in the mean time, ftie fecretly fent him to Leith,
packed up in a cloaths-cheft ; and both (he and James
were received at Stirling by the governor, before the
efcape was known. As every thing had been managed
in concert with Livingfton, he immediately called to¬
gether his friends ; and laying before them the tyran¬
nical behaviour of the chancellor, it was refolved to
befiege him in the caftle of Edinburgh, the queen
promifing to open her own granaries for the ufe of
the army. The chancellor forefaw the ftorm that wps
likely to fall upon him, and fought to prevent it by
applying to the earl of Douglas. That haughty
nobleman anfwered him in the terms already mentioned,
and that he was preparing to exterminate both parties.
The fiege of Edinburgh caftle being formed, the
-chancellor demanded a parley, and to have a perfonal
interview with the governor ; which the latter, who
was no ftranger to the fentiments of Douglas, readily
agreed to. Common danger united them in a com¬
mon caufe ; and the chancellor refigning to the other
the cuftody of the caftle and the king’s perfon, with
the higheft profeffions of duty and loyalty, the two
competitors fwore an inviolable friendfhip for each
other. Next day, the king cemented their union, by
confirming both of them in their refpeftives charges.
The lawlefs example of the earl of Douglas en¬
couraged the other great landholders to gratify their Scotland,
private animofities, fometimes at the expence of their
honour as well as their humanity. A family-difference inteftine
happened between Sir Allan Stuart of Darnley, and broils.
Thomas Boyd of Kilmarnock ; but it was concluded
that both parties fhould come to a peaceable agree¬
ment at Polmaiftliorn, between Linlithgow and Fal¬
kirk, where Stuart was treacheroufly murdered by his
enemy. Stuart’s death was revenged by his brother.
Sir Alexander Stuart of Beilmouth, who challenged
Boyd to a pitched battle, the principals being at¬
tended by followings which carried the refenjblance
of fmall armies. The conflift was fierce and bloody,
each .party retiring in its turn, and charging with
frefh fury; but at laft vi6Wy declared itfelffor Stuart,
the braveft of Boyd’s attendants being cut off in the
field. About this time, the iflanders, under two of
their chieftains, Lauchlan Maclean and Murdoc Gib-
fon, notorious freebooters, invaded Scotland, and
ravaged the province of Lenox with fire and fword.
They were oppofed by John Colquhoun of Lufs,
whom they flew, feme fay treacheroufly, and o-
thers, in an engagement at Lochlomond, near Inch-
martin. After this, the robbers grew more out¬
rageous than ever, filling all the neighbouring coun¬
try not only with rapine, but murders of the aged,
infants, and the defencelefs of both fexes. At laft,
all the labouring hands in the kingdom being en¬
gaged in domeftic broils, none were left for agricul¬
ture ; and a dreadful famine enfued, which was at¬
tended, as ufual, by a peftilence. James was now
about ten years of age ; and the wifeft part of the
kingdom agreed, that the public diftrefles were owing
to a total difrefpeft of the royal authority. The
young earl of Douglas never had fewer than 1000,
and fometimes 2000 horfe in his train; fo that none
was found hardy enough to controul him. He pre¬
tended to be independent of the king and hi* courts
of law ; that he had a right of judicature upon his
own large eftates; and that he was entitled to the ex-
ercife of royal power. In confequence of this he
iffued his orders, gave proteftions to thieves and mur¬
derers, affe&ed to brave the king, made knights, and,
according to fome writers, even noblemen, of his own
dependents, with a power of fitting in parliament.
The queen-mother was not wholly blamelefs as to
thofe abufes. She had fallen in love with and married
Sir James Stuart, who was commonly called the Black
Knight of Lorn, brother to the lord of that title, and
a defeendent of the houfe of Darnley. Her affedion
for her hufband renewed her intrigues in the ftate; and
not finding a ready compliance in the governor, her
intereft inclined towards the party of the Douglafles.
The governor fought to ftrengthen his authority by
reftoring the exercife of the civil power, and the re¬
verence due to the perfon of the fovereign.
The condud of the lord Callendar was in other re-
fpeds not fo defenfible, either as to prudence or po- ^
licy. Upon ^the queen expreffing her incUnation that The queen-
her hufband might be admitted to fome part of the ad- mother and
miniftration, the governor tlirew both him and his bro-^j^u^
ther the lord Lorn into prifon, on a charge of un-prifoned.*
dutiful pradices againft the ftate, and abetting the
earl of Douglas in his enormities. The queen, taking
fire at her hufband’e imprifonment, was herfelf confi-
39 N 3 ned
SCO [ 7052 ] SCO
Scotland, ned an 8 mean apartment within the cattle of Stirling ;
and a convention-of the llatee was called, to judge ia
what manner file was to be proceeded againll. The
cate was unprecedented and tenders nor can we believe
the governor would have carried matters to fucb ex¬
tremity, had he not had ttrong evidences of her ille¬
gal behaviour. She was even obliged to diffemble her
refentment, by making an open profefiioo before the
Hates, that fhe was entirely innocent of her hufband’s
pratflices in time paft, and that fhe would for the fu¬
ture behave as a peaceable and dutiful fubjeflt to the
194 Jaws and the fovereign. Upon her making this pur-
But are relation (as Lindfay calls it), fine was reJeafed, as were
leafed. herhufband and his brother, being bailed by the.chan-
jcellor and the lord Gordon, who became fureties for
their good behaviour in the penalty of 4000 marks.
The governor is accufed, after this, of many arbitrary
and partial adls of power ; and indeed, if we coafider
his fituation, and the violence of the parties which
.then divided Scotland, it was next to impoffible, con-
(fiflently with his own fafety, to have exerted the vir-
lues either.of patriotifm or moderation,
The chancellor was inwardly vexed at the fmall re¬
gard which the governor paid to bis perfon and dig¬
nity, and fecretly iConnefted liimfelf with the queen-
mother j but in the mean time he remained at Edin¬
burgh. The king and his mother continued all this
time at Stirling; where the governor, on pretence of
confulting the public fafety, and that of the king’s
perfpn, maintained a ftrong guard, part of [which at¬
tended James in h.is juvenile exercifes and diverfions.
The queen-mother did not fail to reprefent this to
her fon as a restraint upon his liberty ; and obtained
•bis content to put himfelf into the chancellor’s hand?.
ips The latter, who was a man of a&ivity and courage,
The chan- knew well how to avail himfclf of this permifGon ; and
cellor gets crpffing the Forth in the dark with a ftrong body of
the king’s j>orf'ej they furrounded the king as he was hunting
hb hands rooming by break of day. It was eafy to per¬
ceive from the behaviour of James, that he was no
ftranger to the chancellor’s attempt ; but fome of the
king’s guard offering to difpute the ppfTeffion of his
perfon, Sir William Levingfton, the governor’s eldeft
fon, reftrained them, and fuffered the king to depart
quietly. This furprifal happened on a day when the
governor was abfent from Stirling; and the chancel¬
lor, to make fure of his royal acquifition, entered
Edinburgh at the head of 4000 horfe, where the king
and he were received by the citizens with loud accla¬
mations of joy.
The governor fhowed no emotion at what had hap¬
pened ; on the contrary, he invited the chancellor to
an interview, and fettled all differences with him in an
Z9S amicable manner. The young lord Douglas, hpw-
Rebellious ever, continued to brave both parties. As if he had
behaviour been a fovereign prince, he demanded by his ambaffa-
©fDoiMiu c’ors’ Malco'ro Fleming of Cumbernauld, and Allan
0l'2 as. Lawder, the invejliture of the fovereignty of Tou-
raine from Charles the feventh of France ; which be¬
ing readily granted him, ferved to increafe his pride
and infolence. The firft-fruit of the accommodation
between the two great officers of date was the holding
a parliament at Edinburgh, for redreffing the public
disorders occafioned by the earl of Douglas; and en¬
couragement was given for all perfons who had been
injured to ,make thei-r complaints. The numbers-which Scotland,
on that ocxa.IIoD reforlcd to Edinburgh were incre- " ■“*'
dible ; parents, children, and women, calling out for
vengeance for the murder of their relations, or the
plunder of their eftates; till, by the multiplicity of
their complaints, they became without remedy, none
being found bold enough to encounter the earl of
Douglas, or to endeavour to bring him to a fair trial.
The parties therefore were difmiffed without relief,
and it was refolved to proceed with the haughty earl
in a different manner. Eetters were written to him
by the governor and chancellor, and in the name of
the ftates, requefting him to appear with his friends
in parliament, and to take that lead in public affairs
to which they were intitled by their high rank and
great poffeffions. The manner in which thofe letters
were penned, made the thoughtkfs earl confider them
as a tribute due to his greatnefs, and as proceeding
from the inability of the government to continue the
adminiftration of public affairs without his countenance
and direction. Without dreaming that any man in
Scotland would be fo bold as to attack him, even Tingle
or unarmed, he anfwercd the letters of the chancellor
and governor, by affuring them that he intended to
fet out for Edinburgh : the chancellor, on pre¬
tence of doing him honour, but in reality to quiet his
fufpicions, met him while he was on his journey; and
inviting him to his caftle of Crichton, he there enter¬
tained him for fame days with the great eft magnifi¬
cence and appearance of hofpitality. The earl of
Douglas believed all the chancellor’s pro-feffians of
friendfhip, and even fharply checked the wifeft of his
followers, who coonfelled him not to depend too much
on appearances, or to truft his brother and himfelf
at the fame time in any place where the chancellor
had power. The latter had not only removed the
earl’s fufpicion, but had made him a kind of convert
to patriotifm, by painting to him the miferies of his
country, and the glory that muft redound to him and
his friends in removing them. It was in vain for his
attendants to remind him of his father’s maxim, never
to rifk himfelf and his brother at the fame time ; he
without hefitation, attended the chancellor to Edin¬
burgh ; and being admitted into the caftle, they dined
at the fame table with the king. Towards the end
of the entertainment, a bull’s head, the certain pre-js *ST
hide of immediate death, was ferved up. The carl
and his brother llarted to their feet, and endeavoured his brother,
to make their efcape ; but armed men rufhing in,
overpowered them, and tying their hands and thofe
of Sir Malcol.m Fleming with cords, they were car¬
ried to the hill and beheaded. The young king en¬
deavoured with tears to procure their pardon ; for
which he was feverely checked by his unrelenting
chancellor.
In 1443, the king being arrived at the age of 14,
declared himfelf out of the years of minority, and took
upon liimfelf the adminiftration of affairs. He ap¬
pears to have been a prince of great fpirit and refolu-
tion : and he had occafion for it. He had appointed
one Robert Sempil of Fulwood to be chief governor
of the caftle of Dumbarton ; but he was killed by one
Galbraeth (a noted partizan of the earl of Douglas),
who feized upon the government of the caftle. The
popularity of the family of Douglas having fomewhat
fubfided,
SCO [ 7053 ] SCO
Scotland, fufe/ided, and the young earl finding himfeif not fup-
ported by the chief branches of his family, he began to
think, now that the king vvas grown up, hisfafeft courfe
29g -would be to return to his duty. He accordingly repaired
.The young to the king at Stirling; and voluntarily throwing himfeif
earlfubmitsat his majefty’s feet, implored his pardon for all his
l t0 th.e king>tranigrei5ons, and fokmnly promifed that he would
ceived 7iitoever a^ter ^et a pattern of duty and loyalty to all the
‘ favour. reft of his fubjsdts. The king, finding that he infilled
on no terms but that of pardon, and that he had un¬
conditionally put himfeif into his power, not only
granted his requeft, but made him the partner of his
inmoft councils.
James had always difliked the murder of the earl of
Douglas and his brother ; and'fhs chancellor, percei¬
ving the afcendency which this earl was daily gaining
at court, thought it high time to provide for his own
fafety. He therefore refigned the great feal, and re¬
tired to the caftle of Edinburgh, thecuftotly of which
he pretended bad been granted to him by the late
king during his life, or till the prefent king (hould ar-
199 rive at the age of 21 : and prepared it for a fiege. The
Great di- iorcj Callendar, who knew himfeif equally obnoxious
! i^'seot^5 &s Crichton was to the earl of Douglas, and that he
I could not maintain his footing by himfeif, refigned
likewife all his polls, and retired to one of his own
boufes, but kept poffeffion of the caftle of Stirling.
As both that and the caftle of Edinburgh were royal
forts, the t wo lords were fummoned to fnrrender them;
but in dead of complying, they juftified their conduit by
the great power of their enemies, who fought their de-
ftruition, and who had been fo lately at the head of
robbers and out-laws; but promifed to furrender
tbemfelves to the king as foon as he was of lawful
age, (meaning, we fuppofe, either 18 or 21). This
anfwer being deemed contumacious, the chancellor and
the late governor, with hrs two fons Sir Alexander
and Sir James Levingfton, were proclaimed traitors
in a parliament which was fummoned on purpofe to be
held at Stirling. In another parliament held at Perth
the fame year, an aft paffed, that all the lands and
goods which had belonged to the late king fhould be
poffeffed by the prefent king to the time of his law¬
ful age, which is not fpecified. This aft vvas levelled
againft the late governor and chancellor, who were
accufed of having alienated to their own ufes, or to
thofepf their friends, a great part of the royal effefts and
jewels ; and their eftates being confifcated, the execu¬
tion of the fentence was committed to John Forrefter
of Corftorphin, and other adherents of the earl of
Douglas.
This fentence threw all the nation into a flame.
The caftle of Crichton was befieged ; and being fur-
rendered upon the king’s fummons and the difplay of
the royal banner, it was levelled with the ground.
It foon appeared that the governor and chancellor, the
latter efpecially,. had many friends; and in particular
Kennedy bifhop of St Andrew’s, nephew to James the
firft, who Tided with them from the dread and hatred
they bore to the earl of Donglas and his family.
Crichton thus foon found himfeif at the head of a body
of men ; and while Forrefter was carrying fire and
fword into his eftates and thofe of the late governor,
his own lands and thofe of the Douglafies were over¬
run. Cbrftorpkin, Abercorn, Blacknefs, and other
places, were plundered; and Crichton carried offfrom Scotland.
them more booty than he and his adherents had loft.—  
Particular mention is made of a fine breed of mares
which Douglas had loft on this occafion. That noble¬
man was fo much exafperated by the great damages
he had fuflained, that he engaged his friends the earl
of Crawford and Alexander Ogilvy of Innerquharity,
to lay wafte the lands of the bifhop of St Andrew’s,
whom he confidered as the chief fupport of the two
minifters. This prelate was not more confiderable by
his high birth, than he was venerable by his virtue
andfanftity; and had, from a principle of confcience,
oppofed the earl of Douglas and'his party. Being
confcious he had done nothing that was illegal, he firft
admoniihed the earl of Crawford and his coadjutor
to defift from deftroying his lands; but finding his ad¬
monitions ineffeftual, he laid the earl under an excom¬
munication.
That nobleman was almoft as formidable in the
northern, as the earl of Donglas had been in the
fouthern, parts of Scotland. The benediftine monks
of Aberbrothwic, who were pofleffed of great proper¬
ly, had chofen Alexander Lindfay, his eldeft fon, to
be the judge or bailiff of their temporalties ; as they
themfelves, by their profeffion, could not fit in civil or
criminal courts. Lindfay proved fo chargeable, by
the great number of his attendants, and his high man¬
ner of living, to the monks, that their chapter remo¬
ved him from his port, and fubftituted in his place A-
lexander Ogilvy of Innerquharity, guardian to his ne¬
phew John Ogilvy of Airley, who had an hereditary
claim upon the bailiwic. This, notwithftanding their
former intimacy, created an irreconcileabie difterence
between the two families. Each competitor ftrength-
ened himfeif by calling in the affiftance of his
friends; and the lord Gordon taking part with the
Ogilvies, to whom he was then paying a vifit, both
parties muftered their forces in the neighbourhood of
Aherbrothwic. The earl of Crawford, who was then
at Dundee, pofted from thence to Aberbrothwic, and
placing himfelf between the two armies, he demanded
to fpeak with Ogilvy-; but, before his requeft could
be granted, he was killed by a common foldier, who
was ignorant of his quality. His death exafperated his
friends, who immediately ruflied on their enemies; and
a bloody conflift enfued, which ended to the advan¬
tage of the Lindfays, that is, the earl of Crawford’s
parly. On that of the Ogilvies, were killed, Sir John
Oliphant of Aberdagy, John Forbes of Pitfligo, A-
lexandsr Barclay of Gartly, Robert Maxwel of Te-
ling, Duncan Campbell of Campbelfether, William
Gordon of Burrowfield, and others. With thofe gen¬
tlemen, about 500 of their followers are faid to have
fallen ; but Come accounts diminifli that number. In¬
nerquharity himfeif, in flying, was taken prifoner, and
carried to the carl of Crawford’s houfe at Finhaven,
where he died of his wounds; but thelofd Gordon (or,
as others call him, the earl of Huntley) efcaped by the
fwiftnefs of his horfe.
This battle feems to have let loofe the fury of civil
difeord all over the kingdom. No regard was paid to
magiftracy, and no refpeft had to any confiderajion but
that of clergy. The moft numerous, fierceft, and belt
allied family wreaked its vengeance on its foes, either
by force or treachery; and the enmity that aftuated
the
SCO [ 7054 ] SCO
Scotland, the parties, drowned in them every fentiment of ho*
 nour, and every feeling of humanity. The Lindfays,
fecretly ftrengthened and abetted by the earl of Dou-
.glas, made no other ufe of their viftory, than carrying
fire and fword through the eftates of their enemies;
and thus all the north of Scotland prefented fcenes of
murder and devaftation. Towards the weft, Robert
Boyd of Duchal, governor of Dumbarton, bafely fur-
prifed Sir James Stuart of Achmynto, and treated
his wife with fuch inhumanity, that (he expired in
three days, under her confinement in Dumbarton-
caftle. The caftle of Dunbar was taken by Patrick
Hepburn of Hales. Alexander Dunbar difpoflefled the
latter of his caftle of Hales; but it was retaken by the
partizans of the earl of Douglas, whofe tenants, par¬
ticularly thofe of Annandale, are faid to have behaved
at that time with peculiar fiercenefs and cruelty. At
laft, the gentlemen of the country, who were uncon-
.nedfted with thofe robbers and murderers, which hap¬
pened to be the cafe with many, (hut themfelves up in
their feveral houfes, each of which, in thofe days, was
a petty fortrefs, which they vi&ualled, and provided
in the beft manner they could for their own defence.
This wife refolution feems to have been the firft mea-
fure that compofed the public commotions.
The earl of Douglas, whofe power and influence at
.court (till continued, was fenfible that the clergy, with
the wifer and more difinterefted part of the kingdom,
confidered him as the fource of the dreadful calamities
which the nation fuffered ; and that James himfelf,
when better informed, would be of the fame opinion.
He therefore fought to avail himfelf of the jun&ure, by
forming fecret but ftrong connexions with the earls
of Crawford, Rofs, and other great noblemen, who
wanted to fee their feudal powers reftored to their full
vigour. The queen-dowager and her hufband made
little or no figure during this time of public confu-
fion: (he had retired to the caftle of Dunbar, while it
was in Hepburn’s pofltffion, where (he died foon after.
She left by her fecond hufband three fons ; John, who
in 1455 was made earl of Athol, by his uterine bro¬
ther the king; James, who under the next reign, in
1469, was created earl of Buchan ; and Andrew, who
afterwards became bifhop of Murray. As the earl of
Douglas was an enemy to the queen-dowager’s huf¬
band, the latter retired to England, where he obtain¬
ed a pafs to go abroad, with 20 in his train; but be¬
ing taken at fea by the Flemiftr pirates, he died in his
.confinement.
The great point between the king and Sir William
Crichton, whether the latter (hould give up the caftle
to his majefty, remained dill undecided ; and by the
advice and direXion of the earl of Douglas, who had
been created lord-lieutenant of the kingdom, it had
now fuffered a nine months fiege. Either the ftrength
of the caftle, or an opinion entertained by Douglas
that Crichton would be a valuable acquifition to his
party, procured better terms for [the latter than he
could otherwife have expeXed ; for he and his follow¬
ers were offered a full indemnity for all paft offences,
and a promife was made that he (hould be reftored not
only to the king’s favour, but to his former poft of
chancellor. He accepted of the conditions; but refu-
fed to aX in any public capacity till they were con¬
firmed by a parliapient, which was foqn after held at
Perth, and in which he was reftored to his eftate and Scotland,
honours. By this reconciliation between Douglas and   —
Crichton, the former was left at full liberty to profe-
cute bis vengeance againft the lord Callendar, the late
governor, bis friends and family. Their fate was de-
fervedly thought hard. The governor himfelf, Sir
James Dundas of Dundas, and Sir Robert Bruce of
Clackmannan, were forced to# fave their lives by the
lofs of their eftates; but even that could not procure
them their liberty, for they were fent prifoners to the
caftle of Dumbarton. The fate of Alexander, the go¬
vernor’s eldeft fon, and of two other gentlemen of his
name and family, was dill more lamentable ; for they
were condemned to lofe their heads. Thofe feverities
being infliXed after the king had in a manner re¬
admitted the fufferers into his favour, fwelled the public
outcry againft the earl of Douglas. We have in Lind-
fay an extraX of the fpeech which Alexander Living-
fion, one of the mod accomplifhed gentlemen of his
time, made upon the fcaffold, in which he complain¬
ed, with great bitternefs, of the cruel treatment hia
father, himfelf, and his friends, had undergone ; and
that be fuffered by a packed jury of his enemies.
The king being now about 18 years of age, it was
thought proper that a fuitable confort (hould be pro¬
vided for him ; and, after various confultations, Mary,
the daughter of Arnold duke of Gueldres, was chofen,
at the recommendation of Charles king of France,
though the marriage was not completed till fome time 300
after. This produced an immediate rupture with invafion of
England. The earls of Salifbury and Northumber- Scotland
land entered Scotland at the head of two feparate bo-
dies. The former burnt the town of Dumfries, as the
latter did that of Dunbar; while Sir John Douglas of
Balveny made reprifals by plnndering the county of
Cumberland, and burning Alnwic. Upon the return
of the Englifli armies to their own country, additional
levies were made, and a frefh invafion of Scotland was
refolved upon under the earl of Northumberland, who
had under him a lieutenant, whom the Scots of thofe
days, from the buftiinefs and colour of his beard, called
Magnus ’with the red mane. He was a foldier of for¬
tune, but an excellent officer, having been trained in
the French wars ; and he is faid to have demanded no
other recompence for his fervices from the Englidi
court, but that he (hould enjoy all he could conquer
in Scotland. The Scots, in the mean time, had raifed
an army commanded by George Douglas earl of Or¬
mond, and under him by Wallace of Craigie, with the
lords Maxwell and Johnfton. The Englifti having
paffed Solway Frith, ravaged all that part of the coun¬
try which belonged to the Scots ; but hearing that
the earl of Ormond’s army was approaching, called in
their parties, and took up a camp on the banks of the
river Sark. Their advanced guard was commanded by
Magnus; their centre by the earl of Northumber¬
land; and the rear, which was compofed of Welch,
by Sir John Pennington, an officer of courage and ex¬
perience. 30,
The Scots drew up in three divifionslikewife. Their The battle
right wing was commanded by Wallace, the centre by of Sal^'
the earl of Ormond, and their left wing by the lords
Maxwell and Johnfton. Before the battle joined, the
earl of Ormond harangued his men, and infpired them
with very high refentment at the treachery of the
Engliffi,
SCO
Scotland. Englifti, who, he faid, had broken the truce. The
* fignal for battle being given, the Scots under Wallace
rulhed forward upon their enemies: but, as ufual, were
received by fo terrible a difcharge from the Englifh
archers, that their impetuofity muft have been Hop¬
ped^ had not their brave leader Wallace put them in
mind, that their forefathers had always been defeated
in diftant fights by the Englifh, and that they ought
to trull to their fwords and fpears; commanding them
at the fame time to follow his example. They obeyed,
and broke in upon the Englifh commanded by Mag¬
nus, with fuch fury, as foon fixed the fortune of the
day on the fide of the Scots, their valour being fuit-
ably feconded by their other two divifions. The
flaughter (which was the more confiderable, as both
parties fought with the utmofl animofity) fell chiefly
upon the divifion commanded by Magnus, who was
killed, performing the part of a brave officer ; and all
his body guard, conlifting of picked foldiers, were cut
301 in pieces.
The £ng- The battle then became general: Sir John Pen-
Aefeatcd^ y nington’s divifion, with that under the earl of North¬
umberland, was likewife routed ; and the whole Eng¬
lifh army, ftruck by the lofs of their champion, fled
towards the Solway, where, the river being fwelled by
the tide, numbers of them were drowned. The lofs of
the Englifh in flain amounted to at lead 3000 men.
Among the prifoners were Sir John Pennington, Sir
Robert Harrington, and the earl of Northumber¬
land’s elded fon the lord Percy, who lofl his own
liberty in forwarding his father’s efcape. Of the Scots
about 600 were killed ; but none of note, excepting
the brave Wallace, who died three months after, of
the wounds he had received in this battle. The
booty that was made on this occafion is faid to have
been greater than any that had fallen to the Scots fince
the battle of Bannockburn.
The red of the hidoryof this reign confids almod en¬
tirely of a relation of the cabals and confpiracies of the
great men. The earl of Douglas had entered into a con-
I federacy with the earls of Crawford, Moray, and Rofs,
i(.Rebellion and appeared on all occafions with fuch a train of fol-
_of the earl lowers as bade defiance to royal power itfelf. This in-
IrLs^and f°lcnce was deteded by the wifer part of the nation ;
fijthers" and one Maclellan, who is called the Tutor of Bomby,
and was nephew to Sir Patrick Gray, captain of the
king’s guard, refufed to give any attendance upon the
earl, or to concur in his meafures, but remained at
home as a quiet fubjedt. Tliis inoffenfive behaviour
was by the earl confidered as treafon againd himfelf;
and violently feizing upon Macld'an’s houfe and per-
fon, he fent him clofe prifoner to the cadle of Douglas.
As Maclellan was a gentleman of great worth and re¬
putation, his uncle Gray applied tarnedly to James
in his favour; and fuch was that prince’s regard for
Maclellan, that he wrote and figned a letter for his
releafe, addreffed to the earl of Dbuglas. Upon Gray’s
delivering this letter to Douglas at his cadle, the lat¬
ter feemed to receive it with the highed refpedl, and
to treat Gray with the greated hofpitality, by invi¬
ting him to dinner ; but, in the mean time, he gave
private orders that Maclellan’s head fhould be druck
off, and his body expofed upon the green before the
cadle covered with a linen cloth. After dinner, the
earl told Gray, that he was ready to obey the king’s
SCO
commands; and conducting him to the green, he (hew- Scotland.
ed him the lifelefs trunk, which he faid Gray might '
difpofe of as he pleafed. Upon this, Gray mounted
bis horfe, and truded to his fwiftnefs for his own fafe-
ty; for he was purfued by the earl’s attendants to the
gates ofEdinburgh.
The confederacy againd James’s government was
now no longer a fecret. The lords Balveny and Ha¬
milton, with fuch a number of other barons and gen¬
tlemen, had acceded to it, that it was thought to be
more powerful than all the force the king could bring
into the field. Even Crichton advifed Junes to dif-
femble. The confederates entered into a folemn bond
and oath never to defert one another during life; and*
to make ufe of Drummond’s words, “ That injuries
done to any one of them (hould be done to them all,
and be a common quarrel; neither (hould they defid,
to their bed abilities, to revenge them : that they
(hould concur indifferently againd whatfoever perfons
within or without the realm, and fpend their lives,
lands, goods, and fortunes, in defence of their de¬
bates and differences wbatfoever.” All who did not
enter into this afibciation were treated as enemies to the
public ; their lands were dedroyed, their effeQs plun¬
dered, and they themfelves imprifoned or murdered.
Drummond fays, that Douglas was then able to bring
40,000 men into the field ; and that his intention was
to have placed the crown of Scotland upon his own
head. How far he might have been influenced by a
feene of the fame nature that was then palfing between
the houfes of York and Lancader in England, we
flial! not pretend to determine ; though it does notap-
pear that his intention was to wear the crown himfelf,
but to render it defpicable upon his fovereign’s head.
It is rather evident, from his behaviour, that he did
not affedl royalty ; for when James invited him to a
conference in the cadle of Stirling, he offered to com¬
ply provided he had a fafe-condudt. This condition
plainly implied, that he had no reliance upon the late
a£l of parliament, which declared the proclamation of
the king’s peace to be a fufficient fecurity for life and
fortune to all his fubjedts ; and there is no denying
that the fafe-conduA was expedited in the form and
manner required.
This being obtained, the earl began his march t6-
wards Stirling with his ufual great following ; and ar- ^
rived there on Shrove-Tuefday. He was received by il1tcpjc v
the king as if he had been the bed of his friends, as between
well as the greated of his fubjeSs, and admitted to h>ng Janies-
fup with his majedy in the cadle, while his attendantsea!i'
were difperfed in the town, little fufpeAing the cats- gj,s>
drophe that followed. The entertainment being over,
the king told the earl with amair of franknefs, That
as he was now of age, he was refolved to be the fa¬
ther of all his people, and to take the government in¬
to his own hands; that his lorddiip, therefore, had no
reafon to be under any apprehenfions from his old ene- ^
mies, Callendar and Crichton; that there was no oc¬
cafion to form any confederacies, as the law was ready
to proteA him ; and that he was welcome to the prin¬
cipal dire A ion of affairs under the crown, and to the
fird place in the royal confidence ; nay, that all for¬
mer offences done by himfelf and his friends (hould be
pardoned and forgot.”
This fpeech was the very reverfe of what the earl
off
C 7°55 l
SCO [ 7056 ] SCO
Scotland, of Douglas aimed at. It rendered him, indeed, the
" firft fubjedl of the kingdom ; but ftill he was controul-
able by the civil law. In fhort, upon the king’s pe¬
remptorily putting the queftion to him, he not only
refuftd to diffolve the confederacy, but upbraided the
king for his governmeut. This produced a paffionate
rejoinder on the part of James ; but the earl repre-
fented that he was under a fafe-condu&, and that the
nature of his confederacy was fuch, that it could not
,0y be broken but by the common confent of all con-
The king cerned. The king infilled upon his felting the ex¬
kills him ample ; and the earl continuing more and more obfli-
own hand nate’ Jarnes w‘t*1 ^’s dagger ; and armed
men rulhing into the room, finifhed the flaughter.
After the death of the earl of Douglas, the confederacy
came to nothing. The infurgents excufed themfelves as
being too weak for fuch an enterprize ; and were con-
tentedwith trailing the fafe conduft at ahorfe’s tail, and
proclaiming, by trumpets and horns, the king a perju¬
red traitor. They proceeded no farther; and each de¬
parted to his own habitation, after agreeing to af-
femble with frelh forces about the beginning of April.
James loft no time in improving this Ihort refpite ; and
found the nation in general much better difpofed in
his favour than he had reafon to expedt. The into¬
lerable oppreffions of the great barons made his fub-
je&s efteem the civil, far preferable to the feudal, fub-
jeftion : and even the DouglafTes were divided among
themfelves; for the earl of Angus and Sir John Dou¬
glas of Dalkeith were among the moft forward of the
royalifts. James at the fame time wrote letters to
the earl of Huntley, and to all the noblemen of his
kingdom who were no parties in the confederacy, be-
fides the ecclefiaftics, who remained firmly attached to
his prerogative. Before the effeft of thofe letters
could be known, the infurgents had returned to Stir¬
ling, (where James ftill wifely kept himfelf upon the
defenfive); repeated their infolences, and the oppro¬
brious treatment of his fafe-conduft ; and at laft they
plundered the town, and laid it in allies. Being ftill
unable to take the caftle, partly through their own di-
vifions, and partly through the diverfity of the opera¬
tions they were obliged to fupply, they left Sirtling,
and deftroyed the eftate of Sir John Douglas of Dal¬
keith, whom they confidered as a double traitor, be-
caufe he was a Douglas and a good fubjeft. They
then befieged his caftle: but it was fo bravely defend¬
ed by Patrick Coekburn, a gentleman of the family of
Dangton, that they raifed the fiege ; which gave the
royal party farther leifure for humbling them.
All this time the unhappy country was fufferfng the
moft cruel devaftations; for matters were now come
to fuch extremity, that every man muft be a royalift
or a rebel. The king was obliged to keep on the de¬
fenfive ; and though he had ventured to leave the caftle
of Stirling, he was in no condition to face the rebels
'< in the field. They were in poffefiion of all the ftrong
pafl’es, by which his friends were to march to his af-
fiftaqce ; and he even confulted with his attendants on
the means of efeaping to France, where he was fure
of an hofpitable reception. He was diverted from that
refolution by bilhop Kennedy and the earl of Angus,
who was himfelf a Douglas, and prevailed upon to
wait for the event of the earl of Huntley’s attempts
for his fervice. This nobleman, who was defceaded
from the Seatons, hnt by marriage inherited the great Scotland,
eftates of the Gordons in the north, had raifed an ar-
my for James, to whofe family he and his anceftors,
by the Gordons as well as the Seatons, had been al¬
ways remarkably devoted. James was not miftakcn
in the high opinion he had of Huntley; and in the
mean time he iffued circular letters to the chief eccle¬
fiaftics and bodies-politic of his kingdom, fetting forth
the neceffity he was under to proceed as he had done,
and his readinefs to proteft all his loyal fubje&s in
their rights and privileges againft the power of the
Douglaffes and their rebellious adherents. Before
thofe letters could have any effeft, the rebels had plun¬
dered the defencelefs boufes and eftates of all who were
not in their confederacy, and had proceeded with a
fury that turned to the prejudice of their caufe.
The indignation which the public had conceived
againft the king,' for the violation of his fafe-conduft,
began now to fubfide ; and the behaviour of his ene¬
mies in fome tneafure juftified what had happened,
or at leaft made the people fufpedl that James would
not have proceeded as he did without the ftrongeft
provocation. The forces he had affembled being un¬
able, as yet, to a£l offenfively, he refolved to wait for
the earl of Huntley, who by this time was at the
head of a conliderable army, and had begun his march
fouthward?. He had been joined by the Forbefes,
Ogilvies, Leflies, Grants, Irvings, and other rela¬
tions and dependents of his family; but having ad- 3015
vanced as far as Brechin, he was oppofed by the earl Battle of
of Crawford, the chief ally of the earl of Douglas,
who commanded the people of Angus, and all-the ad- rebe|s are
herents of the rebels in the neighbouring counties, defeated,
headed by foreign officers. The two armies joining
battle on the 18th of May, viftory was for fome time
in fufpence ; till one Colofs of Bonnymoon, on whom
Crawford had great dependence, but whom he had
imprudently difobliged, came over to the royalifts with
the divifion he commanded, which was the beft armed
part of Crawford’s army, confifting of battle-axes,
broad-fwords, and long fpears. His defeQion fixed
the fortune of the day for the earl of Huntley, as it
left the centre flank of Crawford’s army entirely ex-
pofed to the royalifts. He himfelf loft one of his bro¬
thers ; and fled with another, Sir John Lindfay, to
his houfe at Finhaven, where it is reported that he
broke out into the following ejaculation : “ That he
would be content to remain feven years in hell, to
have, in fo timely a feafon, done the king his mailer
that fervice the earl of Huntley had performed, and
carry that applaufe and thanks he was to receive from
him.”
No author informs us of the lofs of men on either
fide, though all agree that it was very (confiderable
upon the whole. The earl of Huntley, particularly,
loft two brothers, William and Henry; and we are
told, that, to indemnify him for his good fervices, as
well as for the rewards and prefents he had made in
lands and privileges to his faithful followers, the king
beftowed upon him the lands of Badenoch and Loch-
aber- . ; . .307 1
The battle of Brechin was not immediately decifiveThe re!>eli<
in favour of the king, but proved fo in its confequen- lion Cup- •<
ces. The earl of Moray, a Douglas likewife, tookPre^e^» i ■
advantage of Huntley’s abfence to ravage and harrafs
the
SCO [ 7057 ] SCO
Scotland, the eftates of all the royalifts in the north ; but Hunt- ceiving that the earl of Douglas’s obftinacy had cooled Scotland.
— ley returning from Brechin with his viftorious army, fome other lords of the confederacy, and had put an ~ : r
drove his enemy into his own county of Moray, and end to all hopes of a treaty, he refolved to make a ^
afterwards expelled him even from thence. James merit of breaking the confederacy, by being the firft gro|en by.
was now encouraged, by the advice of his kinfman to fubmit. James having arrived in Angus, was con-the earl of
Kennedy bifhop of St Andrew’s, to whofe firmnefs tinuing his march through the country, when the earl.Crawford.
and prudence he was under great obligations, to pro- and fome of his chief followers fell on their knees be-
ceed againft the rebels in a legal manner, by bolding fore him on the road, bare-headed and bare-footed,
a parliament at Edinburgh, to which the confederated Their dreary looks, their fuppliant poftures, and the
lords werefummoned; and upon their non-compearance,
they were folemnly declared traitors. This proceed-
. ing feemed -to make the rebellion rage more fiercely
Aflbciation than ever; and at laft, the confederates, in fail, dif-
againft the owned their allegiance to James. The earls of Dou-
king by the g]aS) Crawford, Ormond, Moray, the lord Balveny,
earisof^ Sir James Hamilton, and others, figned with their
Crawford own hands public manifeftos, which were palled on
&c. the doors of the principal churches, importing, “ That
they were refolved never to obey command or charge,
nor anfwer citation for the time coming; becaufe the
king, fo far from being a juft mailer, was a blood-
fucker, a murderer, a tranfgrefibr of hofpitality, and
a furprifer of the innocent.” It does not appear, that
thofe and the like atrocious proceedings did any fer-
vice to the caufe of the confederates. The earl of
Huntley continued vidlorious in the north ; where he
and his followers, in revenge of the earl of Moray’s
having burnt his caftle of Huntley, ravaged or feized
all that nobleman’s great eftate north of the Spey.
When he came to the town of Forres, he burnt one
fide of the town, becaufe it belonged to the earl, and
fpared the other, becaufe it was the property of his
own friends. James thought himfelf, from the beha¬
viour of the earl of Douglas and his adherents, now
warranted to come to extremities; and marching into
Annandale, he carried fire and fword through all the
eftates of the Douglaffes there. The earl of Craw¬
ford, on the other hand, having now recruited his
ftrength, deftroyed the lands of all the people of An¬
gus and elfewhere, who had abandoned him at the
battle of Brechin ; though there is reafon to believe,
that he had already fecretly refolved to throw himfelf
upon jhe king’s mercy.
Nothing but the moft obftinate pride and inveteracy
could have prevented the earl of Douglas, at this time,
from taking the advice of his friends, by returning to
his duty ; in which cafe, James had given fufficient
intimations that he might expert pardon. He co¬
loured his contumacy with the fpecious pretext, that
his brother’s fate, and thofe of his two kinfmen, fuf-
ficiently inftru&ed him never to trod James or his mi-
nifters; that he had gone too far to think now of re¬
ceding; and that kings, when once offended, as James
had been, never pardoned in good earneft. Such is
the chief reafoning, with others of lefs confequence,
which Drummond has put into the mouth of Douglas
at this time. James, after his expedition into Annan¬
dale, found the feafon too far advanced to continue
his operations ; and, returning to Edinburgh, he
marched northwards to Angus, to reduce the earl of
Crawford, who was the fecond rebel of power in the
kingdom. That nobleman had hitherto deferred throw¬
ing himfelf at the king’s feet, and had refumed his
arms, in the manner related, only in, hopes of himfelf
and his party obtaining better terms from James. Per-
Vol. IX. 1
tears which ftreamed abundantly from the earl, were
expreffive of the moft abjeft contrition; which was
followed by a penitential fpeech made by the earl, ac¬
knowledging his crimes, and imploring forgivencfs-
James was then attended by his chief counfellors,
particularly biftiop Kennedy, who, he refolved, fhould
have fome fhare in the favour he meant to extend to
the earl. He allied their advice; which proving to be^-j^h® re_
on the merciful fide, James promifed to the earl andce;ve(tinto
his followers reftitution of all their eftates and honours, favour,
and full pardon for all that had paffed. The earl, as
a grateful retribution of this favour, before the king
left Angus, joined him with a noble troop of his friends
and followers; and, attending him to the north, was
extremely a&ive in fuppreffing all the remains of the
rebellion there. sn
The fubmiflion of the earl of Crawford was followed Earl E*011*
by that of the earl of Douglas ; which, however, con‘
tinued only for a ftiort time. This powerful nobleman rebjis agaja
foon refumed his rebellious praftices; and, in the year
1454, raifed an army to fight againft the king. The
king erefted his ftandard at St Andrews; marched
from thence to Falkland; and ordered all the forces of
Fife, Angus, and Strathern, with thofe of the northern
parts, to rendezvous by a certain day at Stirling; which
they did to the number of 30,000. Douglas aflembled
his forces, which amounted to 40,000, fome fay 60,000
men, on the fouth fide of the river Carron, about half¬
way between Stirling and Abercorn. However, not-
withftanding this fuperiority of force, the earl did not
think it proper to fight his fovereign. Bifhop Kennedy,
the prelate of St Andrew’s, had advifed the king to
divide his enemies by offering them pardon feparately;
and fo good an effeft had this, that in a few days the
earl found himfelf deferted by all his numerous army,
excepting about 100 of his neareft friends and dome-
ftics, with whom he retired towards England. His
friends had indeed advifed him to come to a battle im¬
mediately; but the earl, for reafons now unknown, re-
fufed it. However, in his journey fouth wards, he raifed
a confiderable body of forces, confifting of his own
tenants, of outlaws, robbers, and borderers, with
whom he renewed his depredations on the loyal fub-
je£s of the king. He was oppofed by the earl of
Angus, who, though of the name of Douglas, con-
tinued firm in the royal caufe. An engagement en- He is ea-
fued at Ancram-muir.; where Douglas was entirely de- tirely de¬
feated, and he himfelf with great difficulty efcaped tofeate<E
an adjacent wood. What his fate was after this battle,
does not appear; but it is certain that his eftates were
afterwards forfeited to the king.
The reft of the reign of James II. was fpent in tna-King Ja. II..
king proper regulations for the good of his people. In killed by
1460, he was killed at the fiege of Roxburgh caftle, by accident,
the burfting of a cannon, to which he was too near
when it was difcharged. This fiege he had upder-
39 O taken
SCO [ 7058 ] SCO
Scotland, taken'in favour of the queen of England, who, after lo-
— ling feveral battles, and being reduced to diftrefs, was
obliged to apply to James for relief. The nobility
who were prefent concealed his death, for fear of dif-
couraging the foldisrs; and in a few hours after, the
3I+ queen appeared in the camp, and prefented her young
James III. fon, James III. as their king.
James III. was not quite feven years of age at his
acceffion to the crown. The adminiftration naturally
devolved on his mother: who pufhed the fiege of Rox¬
burgh cattle with fo much vigour, that the garrifon
was obliged to capitulate in a few days; after which
j the army ravaged the country, and took and difmantled
Marriage- the callle of Wark.—In 1466, negociations were be-
treaty with gUry for a marriage between the young king and Mar-
o^Den"-^^aret Prince^s Denmark; and, in 1468, the fol-
wark. lowing conditions were ftipulated. t. That the an-
nualrent hitherto paidforrthe northern Idea of Orkney
and Shetland Ihould be for ever remitted and extin-
goifhed. 2. That king Chriftiern, then king of Den¬
mark, Ihould give 60,000 florins of gold for his daugh¬
ter’s portion, whereof 10,000 (hould be paid before
her departure from Denmark; and that the iflands of
Orkney fhould be made over to the crown of Scot¬
land, by way of pledge for the remainder; with this
exprefs provifo, that they fhould return to that of
Norway after conrplete payment of the whole fum. 3.
That king James fhould, in cafe of his dying before
the faid Margaret his fpoufe, leave her in pofleffion of
the palace of Linlithgow and caftle of Down in Men-
teith, with all their appurtenances, and the third part
of the ordinary revenues of the crown, to be enjoyed by
her during life, in cafe (he fhould choofe to rdide in
Scotland. 4. But if fhe rather chofe to return to
' Denmark, that in lieu of the faid liferent, palace, and
caftle, fhe fhould accept of 120,000 florins of the Rhine;
from which fum the 50,000 due for the remainder of
her portion being deduced and allowed, the iflands of
Orkney fhould be re-annexed to the crown of Nor¬
way as before.
When thefe articles were agreed upon, Chriftiern
found himfelf unable to fulfil his part of them. Be¬
ing at that time engaged in an unfuccefsful war
with Sweden, he tould not advance the 10,000 flo¬
rins which he had promifed to pay down as part of
bis daughter's fortune. He was therefore obliged to
apply to the plenipotentiaries to accept of 200©, and to
5l(5 take a farther mortgage of the ifles of Shetland for the
Difgrace ofother 8000. The Scottifh plenipotentiaries, of whom
the earl of Boyd earl of Arran was one, gratified him in his re-
Arran s fa- qUe^ . ancj concefijon j8 thought to have proved
fatal to the earl. Certain it is, that his father was
beheaded for treafonable praftices alleged to have
been committed long before, and for which he produ¬
ced a parliamentary indemnity to no purpofe : the
earl himfelf was divorced from his wife the king’s
filler, and obliged to live in perpetual exile, while thfc
countefs was married to another.
3*7 In 1476, thofe misfortunes began to come on James
of James’s which afterwards terminated in his ruin. He had
misfortunes made his brother, the duke of Albany, governor of
Berwick ; and had entrufted him with very extenfive
powers upon the borders, where a violent propenfity
for the feudal law ftill continued. The Humes and
the Hepburns, then the moft powerful fubjedts in thofe
parts, could not brook the duke of Albany’s greatnefs, Scotland,
efpecially after he had forced them, by virtue of |
a late a£l, to part with fome of the eftates which
bad been inconfiderately granted them in this and the 3Ig
preceding reign. The pretended fcience of judicial Is infatua- ]
aftrology, by which James happened to be incre- ted with thej
dibly infatuated, was the eafieft as well as moft effec- '
tual engine that could work their purpofes. One**
Andrew, an infamous impoftor in that art, had been
brought over from Flanders by James ; and he and
Scbevcz, then arcbbifhop of St Andrew’s, concurred
in perfuading James that the Scotch lion was to be
devoured by his own whelps ; a prediflion that, to a
prince of James’s turn, amounted to a certainty.
The condition to which James reduced himfelf by
his belief in judicial aftrology, was truly deplorable.
The princes upon the continent were fmit with the
fame infatuation ; and the wretches who befieged his
perfon had no fafety but by continuing the delufion
in his mind. According to Lindfay, Cochran, who
had fome knowledge of archite&ure, and had been in¬
troduced to James as a mafter-mafon, privately pro¬
cured an old woman, who pretended to be a witch,
and who heightened his terrors by declaring that his 3r!J jj
brothers intended to murder him. James believed her ; Death of
and the unguarded manner in which the earl of Mar the king’s j
treated his weaknefs, exafperated hfm fo much, that
the earl giving a farther loofe to his tongue in railingcar 0 ar*
againft his brother’s unworthy favourites, was arrefted,
and committed to the caftle of Craig Miller; from
whence he was brought to the Canongate, a fuburb of
Edinburgh, where he fuffered death. ,
The duke of Albany was at the caftle of Dunbar Dukeof i
when his brother the earl of Mar’s tragedy was a&ed ; Albany ar-4
and James could not be eafy without having him like- relied, but;
wife in his power. In hopes of furprifing him, hedcaPcs’ j
marched to Dunbar; but the duke, being apprised of
his coming, fled to Berwick, and ordered his caftle of
Dunbar to be furrendered to the lord Evendale, tho’
not before the garrifon had provided themfelves with
boats and fmall veflels, in which they efcaped to
England. He ventured to come to Edinburgh ;
where James was fo well ferved with fpies, that he
was feized, and committed clofe prifoner to the caftle,
with orders that he ftiould fpeak with none but in the
prefence of his keepers. The duke had probably
fufpedled and provided againft thisdifagreeable event;
for we are told that he had agents, who every day
repaired to the caftle, as if they had come from court,
and reported the ftate of matters between him and the
king, while his keepers were prefent, in fo favourable
a light, that they made no doubt of his foon regain¬
ing his liberty and being re-admitted to his brother’s
favour. The fecming negociation, at laft, went fo
profperoufly on, that the duke gave his keepers a
kind of a farewell entertainment, previous to his ob¬
taining a formal deliverance; and they drank fo im¬
moderately, that being intoxicated, they gave him an
opportunity of efcaping over the caftle-wall, by con¬
verting the fheets of his bed into a *ope. Whoever
know-s the fituation of that fortrefs, muft be amazed
at the boldnefs of this attempt; and we are told that
the duke’s valet, the only domeftic he was allowed to
have, making the experiment before his matter, broke
his neck: upon which the duke, lengthening the
l rope,.
!•
■(Scotland*
f 3i *
[Cochran,
Ithe kind’s
great favou
and put to
< death.
SCO
rope, Aid down unhurt; and carrying his fervant
" on his back to a place of fafety, he went on board a
a (hip which his friends had provided, and efcaped to
France.
In 1482, the king began to feel the bad confe-
quences of taking into his favour men of worthlefs
chara&ers, which feems to have been one of this prince’s
pernicious foibles. His great favourite at this time was
one Cochran, whom he raifed to the dignity of earl
"of Marr. All hiftorians agree that this man made a
moft infamous ufe of his power. He obtained at laft
a liberty of coinage, which he abufed fo much as to
endanger an infurre&ion among the poor people ; for
he iflued a bafe coin, called black-maney by the common
people, which they refufed to take in payments. This
favourite’s Ikill in architefture had firil introduced
him to James ; but he maintained his power by other
arts: for, knowing that his mafter’s predominant
paflion was the love of money, he procured it by
the meaneft end moft oppreffive methods. James,
however, was inclined to have relieved his people by
calling in Cochran’s money; but he was diverted from
that refolution, by confidering that it would be agree¬
able to his old nobility. Befides Cochran, James had
other favourites whofe profefiions rendered them ftjll
lefs worthy of the royal countenance ; James Horn-
mil a taylor, Leonard a blackfmith, Torfifan a dan-
cing-mafter, and fome others. The favour fhown
to thefe men gave fo much offence to the nobility,
that, after fome deliberation, they refolved.to remove
the king, with fome of his leaft exceptionable do-
meftics (but without offering any violence to his per-
fon) to the caftle of Edinburgh ; but to hang all his
worthlefs favourites over Lawder-bridge, the common
place of execution. Their deliberation was not kept
fo fecret as not to come to the ears of the favourites ;
who fufpeiting the worft, wakened James before day¬
break, and informed him of the meeting. He ordered
Cochran to repair to it, and to bring him an account
of its proceedings (a). According to Lindfay, who
feems to have had very minute information as to this
1 event, Cochran rudely knocked at the door of the
church, juft after the affembly had finifhed their eon-
fultation; and upon Sir Robert Douglas of Loch-
levin (who was appointed to watch the door) inform¬
ing them that the earl of Mar demanded admittance,
the earl of Angus ordered the door to be thrown open;
and rufhing upon Cochran, he pulled a maffy gold
chain from his neck, faying, that a rope would be¬
come him better; while Sir Robert Douglas ftripped
him of a coftly blowing-horn he wore by his fide, as
was the manner of the times, telling him he had been
too long the hunter of mifchicf. Cochran, with
[ 7059 1
SCO
aftonifhment, aflced them whether they were in jeft or Scotland,
earneft ; but they foon convinced him they were in ~ ~
earntft, by pinioning dovjn his ariqs with a common
halter till he (hould be carried to execution. 3,3
The earl of Angus, with fome of the chief lords, Withothers
attended by a detachment of troops, then repaired tooftI,ek'nS s
the king’s tent, where they feized his other favourites, vourites'
Thomas Prefton, Sir William Rogers, James Horn*-
mil, William Torfifan, and Leonard ; and upbraided
James himfelf, in very rude terms, withhismifconduA in
government, and even in private life, in not only be¬
ing counfelled by the above minions, but for keep¬
ing company with a lady, who was called the Daify.
We know of no refiftance made by James. He on¬
ly interceded for the fafety of a young gentleman,
one John Ramfay of Balmain. Cochran, with his
other worthlefs favourites, were hanged over Lawder- 314
bridge before his eyes; and he himfelf was conduc-L11185. C0Ii>
ted, under an eafy reftraint, to the caftle of Edin- In the
. ’ , J ’ caltle of
bufgh* . Edinburgh.
James, though confined, behaved with great fpirit;
and even refufed to pardon thofe who had confiped
him, or who had any hand in the execution of Lawder.
At laft, however, he was relieved by the duke ofRei;3e^d |)y
Albany, who, at the queen’s defire, undertook to de-the duke of
liver her hufband from confinement. This he accom- Albany,
pliftied, as fome fay, by fuprifing the caftle of Edin¬
burgh ; though, according to others, the gates were
opened, upon a formal requifition made for that pur-
pofe by two heralds at arms. After he had obtained
his liberty, the king repaired to the abbey of Holy-
rood-houfe with his brother, who now aded as his
firft minifter. All the lords who were near the capital
came to pay him their compliments ; but James was
fo much exafperated at what had happened, that he
committed 16 of them prifoners to the caftle of
Edinburgh. After his releafe, James granted a patent
to the citizens of Edinburgh, and enlarged their pri-
vileges. _ # 32J
In 1487, James finkhed fome fecret negociat ions Secret ne-
in which he had engaged with Henry king of Eng-S!^:)iations
land fome time. The principal articles agreed on^vii^of
between the two monarchs were, That king James’s England,
fecond fon Ihould marry Catherine the third daughter
of Edward IV. and fitter to the princefs. Elizabeth,
now queen of England; and that James himfelf, who
was now a widower, fiiould marry queen Elizabeth.
A third marriage was alfo to be concluded between
the duke of Rothfay and another daughter of Edward
IV. That in order to thefe treaties, and for ending
all controverfies concerning the town ofBerwick, which
the king of Scotland detired fo much to poffefs, a con-
grefs Ihould be held the enfuing year.
39 Ov2 But
(a) Lindfay’s defeription of this upftart’s magnificence is very particular, and may fqrve to give the reader an
•idea of the finery of that age. “ Cochran, “ fays he,” the earl of Mar, came from the king to the council, (which
council was holden in the kirk of Lawder for the time) who was well accompanied with a band of men of war, to
the number of 300 light axes, all clad in white livery, and black bends thereon, that they might be known for
Cochran the earl of Mar’s men. Himfelf was clad in a riding-pie of black velvet, with a great chain of gold about
his neck, to the value of 500 crowns; and four blowing horns, with both the ends of gold and filk, fet with pre-'
cions ftones. His horn was tipped with fine gold at every end, and a precipus ftone, called a beryl, hanging in the
midft. This Cochran had his heumont borne before him, overgilt with gold;, fo were all the reft of his horns; and
all his pailions (pavilions or tents) were of fine canvas of filk, and the cords thereof fine .twined filk; and the chains
upon his pallions were double overgilt with gold.”
SCO [ 4460 ] SCO
Scotland. Bot in the mean time a mod powerful confederacy
' 31s was formed againtl the king; the origin of which
A powerful was as follows. James was a great patron of archi-
c ".federacy te£ure ; and being pleafed with the fituation of Stir-
agaUift the *‘nf? he refolved to give it all the embellilh^
king. ments which that art could beftow; and about this
time he made it the chief place of his refidence. He
railed within it a hall, which at that time was deemed
a noble itru&ure ; and a college, which he called
the chapel-royal. This college was endowed with an
archdean who was a bifhop, a fubdean, a treafurer,
a chanter and fubchanter, with a double fet of other
officers ufually belonging to fuch inftitutions. The
expences neceffary for maintaining thefe were confider-
ablc, and the king had refolved to affign th^revenues
of the rich priory of Coldingham for that purpofe.
Tin's priory had been generally held by one of the
name of Hume ; and that family, through length of
time, confidered it as their property: they there¬
fore tirongly oppofed the king’s intention. The dif-
pute feems to have lafted fome years: for the former •
parliament had palled a vote, annexing the priory to
the king’s-chapel-royal ; and the parliament of this
317 year bad paffed a llatute, ftri&ly prohibiting all per-
Owing to afons, fpiritual and temporal, to attempt any thing,
quarrelwithdire&ly or indire&ly, contrary or prejudicial to the
the family unjon an(j annexation. The Humes refented their
0 ume' being dripped of fo gainful a revenue, the lofsof which
affefted mod of the gentlemen of that name ; and
they united themfelves with the Hepburns, another
powerful clan in that neighbourhood, under the lord
Hales. An affociation was foon formed ; by which
both families engaged to dand by each other, and not
to fuffer any prior to be received for Coldingham, if
he was not of one of their furnames. The lords Gray
and Drummond foon joined the affociation; as did
many other noblemen and gentlemen, who had their
particular caufes of difcontent. Their agents gave
out, that the king was grafping at arbitrary power ;
that he had acquired his popularity by deep hypocri-
fy ; and that he was refolved to be fignally revenged
upon all who had any hand in the execution at Law-
der. The earl of Angus, who was the foul of the
confederacy, advifed the confpirators to apply to the
old earl of Douglas to head them : but that nobleman
was now dead to all ambition, and inltead of encou-
raging the confpirators, he pathetically exhorted them
to break off all their rebellious connexions, and return
to their duty; expreffing the mod fincere contrition
for his own pad conduX. Finding he could not pre¬
vail with them, he wrote to all the numerous friends
and defcendants of his family; and particularly to
Douglas of Cavers, fheriff of Teviotdale, diffuading
them from entering into the confpiracy; and fome of
his original letters to that effeX are faid to be dill ex-
318 tant. That great man furvived this application but a
Extinction ffiort time: for he died without iflue at Lindores, on
°/°4ieo!\ the 15th of April 1488; and in him ended the fird
0/the fa-vS branch of that noble and illudrious houfe. He was
mily of remarkable for being the mod learned of all the Scots
Douglas, nobility, and for the comelinefs of his perfon.
James appears to have been no dranger to the pro¬
ceedings of the confpirators : but though he dreaded
them, he depended upon the proteXion of the law, as
they did upon his pufiilanimity. His degeneracy in
this refpeX is remarkable. Defcended from a race Scotland.,
of heroes, he was the fird of his family who had been “
branded with cowardice. But his conduX at this time
fully judifies the charge. Indead of vigoroully fup-
porting the execution of the laws in his own perfon, mous beha-
he fhut himfelf up in his beloved cadle of Stirling, and viour of
raifed a body-guard ; the command of which he gave James*
to the lord Bothwel, mader of his houfehold. He
likewife iffued a proclamation, forbidding any perfon
in arms to approach the court ; and Bothwel had a
warrant to fee the fame put into execution. Though
the king’s proceedings in all this wereperfeXly agree-
able to law, yet they were given out by his enemies as
fo many indications of his averfion to the nobility, and
ferved only to induce them to parade, armed, about
the country in more numerous bodies.
The connexions entered into by James with Henry
alarmed the confpirators, and made them refolve to
drike the great blow before James could avail himfelf
of an alliance that feemed to place him above all op-
pofnion either abroad or at home. The acquifition
of Berwick to the crown of Scotland, which was look¬
ed upon to be as good as concluded ; the marriage of
the duke of Rothefay with the daughter of the dowager
and fider to the confort-queen of England ; and,
above all, the driX harmony which reigned between
James and the dates of his kingdom, rendered the
confpirators in a manner defperate. Befides the earl
of Angus, the earls of Argyie and Lenox favoured
the confpirators; for when the whole of James’s con¬
vention with England is confidered, and compared with
after-events, nothing can be more plain, than that the-
fuccefs of the confpirators was owing to his Englilh
connexions; and that they made ufe of them to af¬
firm, that Scotland was foot) to become a province of
England, and that James intended to govern his fub-
jeXs by an Englifh force. Thofe fpecious allegations
did the confpirators great fervice, and inlined many,
even of the moderate party, to their caufe. They foon
took the field, appointed their rendezvoufes, and all
the fouth of Scotland was in arms. James continued
to rely upon the authority of his parliament ; and fum-
moned, in the terms of law, the infurgents to anfwer
at the proper tribunals for their repe.v.ed breaches of
the peace. The confpirators, far from paying any 31®
regard to his citations, tore them in pieces, buffeted ^c(;tea^ c!e"!
and otherwife maltreated the meffengers, and fet the t[ie COn{pi-
laws of their country at open defiance. Even north ofrators.
the Forth, the heads of the houfes of Gray and Drum¬
mond fpread the fpirit of difaffeXion through the po¬
pulous counties of Fife and Angus; but the counties
north of the Grampians continued firm in their duty.
The duke of Rothefay was then a promifing youth
about fifteen years of age; and the fubjeXing the
kingdom of Scotland to that of England being the
chief, if not the only, caufe urged by the rebels for
their appearing in arms, they naturally threw their
eyes upon that prince, as his appearance at their head
would give (Length and fanXion to their caufe ; and
ini this they were not deceived. James, in the mean
time, finding the inhabitants of the fouthern provinces
were either engaged in the rebellion, or at beft obfer-
ved a cold neutrality, embarked on board of a vtffel
which was then lying in the frith of Forth, and pafled
to thq north of that river, not finding it fafe to go by
SCO [ 7061 ] SCO
Scotland, land to Stirling. Arriving at the caftle, he gave or-
ders that the duke of Rothefay (as forefeeing what af-
The duke terwards happened) fhould be put under the care of one
of Rothefay gcjj^w 0f gauc}1;e> whom he had made its governor,
confine- charging him not to fuffer the prince upon any ac-
tnexit. count to depart out of the fort. The rebels giving
out that James had fled to Flanders, plundered his
equipages and baggage before they palled the Forth;
and they there found a large fum of money, which
331 proved to be of the utmoft confequence to their affairs.
Succeft of They then furprifed the caftle of Dunbar, and plun-
she rebels, dered the houfes of every man to the fouth of the
Forth whom they fufpe&ed to be a royaliit.
James was all this time making a progrefs, and
holding courts of juftice, iu the north, where the
great families were entirely devoted to his fervice, par¬
ticularly the earls of Huntley, Errol, and Marlhal.
Every day brought him frelh alarms from the fouth,
which left him no farther room either for delay or de¬
liberation. The confpirators, notwithftanding the
promifing appearance of their affairs, found, that in a
Ihort time their caufe muft languiih, and their num¬
bers dwindle, unlefs they were furnilhed with frelh
pretexts, and headed by a perfon of the greateft au¬
thority. While they were deliberating who that per¬
fon Ihould be, the earl of Angus boldly propofed the
duke of Rothefay ; 'and an immediate application was
made to Schaw the young prince’s governor, who fe-
Tliey^are cretly favoured their caufe, and was prevailed upon
headed by by a confiderable fum of money to put the prince in-
the duke ofto their hands, and to declare for the rebels.
Rothefay. James having ordered all the force in the north to
affcmble, hurried to Perth (then called St John’s
town), where he appointed the rendezvous of his ar¬
my, which amounted to 30,000 men. Among the
other noblemen who attended him, was the famous
lord David Lindfay of the Byres, (an officer of great
courage and experience, having long ferved in foreign
countries), who headed 3000 foot and icoo horfe,
moftly raffed in Fifelhire. Upon his approaching the
king’s perfon, he prefented him with a horfe of re¬
markable fpirit and beauty, and informed his majefty,
that he might truft his life to his agility and fure-
footednefs. The lord Ruthven, who was Iheriff of
Strathern, and anceftor (if we miftake not) to the un¬
fortunate earls of Gowry, joined James at the head of
334 3000 well-armed men. The whole army being affem-
James af- bled, James proceeded to Stirling; but he was afto-
fembles his nifhed, when he was not only denied entrance into the
army. caftle,' but faw the guns pointed againft his perfon,
and underftood, for the firlt time, that his fon was at
the head of the rebels. Schaw pretended that the duke
of Rothefay had been ca’ried off againft his will: but
the king’s anfwer was, “ Fye, traitor, thou haft de¬
ceived me ; and if I live, I fhall be revenged on thee,
' and thou (halt be rewarded as thou haft ferved.” James
lay that night in the town of Stirling, where he was
joined by all his army ; and underftanding that the re¬
bels were advancing, he formed his line of battle.
The earl of Athol his uncle, who was trufted by both
parties, propofed an accommodation : which was ac¬
cordingly effeded, if we are to believe Abercromby
and other biftorians; but we know not the terms, for
none are mentioned on either fide. James is.faid to
have failed on his part; but had there been any grounds
for fuch a charge fcgainft him, there can fcarc'ely be a Scotland,
doubt that the rebels would have publifhed them.
That a treaty was entered into, is paft difpute ; and
the earl of Athol furrendered himfelf as a hoftage
into the hands of the rebels.
James was fenfible of the advantage which public
clamour gave to his enemies ; and he applied to the
kings of France and England, and the pope, for their
interpofition. His holinefs named Adrian de Caftello
for his nuncio on that occafion; and the two kings
threatened to raife troops for the fervice of James.
He, by a fatality not uncommon to weak princes, left
the ftrong caftle of Edinburgh, where he might have
been in fafety till his friends, who had difperfed
themielves upon the faith of the late negociation,
could be re-affembled ; and croffing the Forth, he
made another attempt to be admitted into the caftle of
Stirling ; but was difappointed, and informed that the
rebels were at Torwood in the neighbourhood, and
ready to give him battle. He was in poffeffion of the
caftle of Blacknefs ; his admiral, Wood, commanded
the Forth ; and his loyal fubjefts in the north were
upon their march to join him. Hawthornden fays,
that the rebels had made a ffiow of difmiffing their
troops, that they might draw James into the field;
and that while he remained at Blacknefs, he was at¬
tended by the earls of Montrofe, Glencairn, and the
lords Maxwell and Ruthven. To give his northern 335
troops time to join him, he propofed a negpeiation ; Is required
but that was foon at an end, upon the rebels peremp- ^lsthte rc~
torily requiring him to refign his crown to his fon, ^'^
that is, to themfelves. crown.
Tne rebels had been inured to war. They confifted
chiefly of borderers, well armed and difeiplined; in
which they had the advantage of the king’s Lowland
fubjefls, who had not been accuftomed to arms. What
the numbers on both fides were, does not clearly ap¬
pear ; but it is probable, that the forces of James were
fuperior to the rebels. They were then at Falkirk j
but they foon paffed the Carron, encamped above
the bridge near Torwood, and made fuch difpofitions
as rendered a battle unavoidable, unlefs James would
have difperfed his army, and gone on board Wood’s
fhios: but he did not know himfelf, andrcfolved on a
battle. He was encamped at a fmall brook, named Comes to a
Sauchie-burn, near the fame fpot of ground where the battle with,
great Bruce had defeated the Englifh under Edwardt^em'
the fecond. The earl of Menteith, the lords Arefkine,
Graham, Riithven, and Maxwel, commanded the fit ft
line of the king’s army. The fecond was commanded
by the earl of Glencairn, who was at the head of the
Weftland and Highland men. The earl of Crawford,
with the lord Boyd and Lindfay of Byres, command¬
ed the rear, wherein the king’s main (Length con¬
fifted, and where he himfelf appeared in perfon, com¬
pletely armed, and mounted upon the fine horfe which
had been prefented to him by Lindfay.
The firft line of the royalifts obliged that of the
rebels to give way; but the latter being fupported by
the Anandale men aud borderers, the iirft and fecond
line of the king’s army were beat back to the third. 33y
The little courage James poffeffed had forfaken him at Abandons
the firft onfet; and he had put fpurs to his horfe, in-h>sarmy,.
tending to gain the banks of the Forth, and to go onandffies"
board one of Wood’s (hips. In paffing through th$
village
SCO [ 7062 ] SCO
Scotland, village of Bannockburn, a woman who was filling her
pitcher at the brook, frightened at the fight of a man
in armour galloping full fpeed, left it behind her; and
338 the horfe taking fright, the king was thfown to the
Is thrown ground, and carried, bruifed and maimed, by a miller
from his an(j his wjfe ;nt0 their hovel. He immediately called
murdered ^or a Pr‘e^ t0 make his confefiion; and the ruftics de¬
manding his name and rank, “ I was (faid he incau-
tioufly) your king this morning.” The woman, over¬
come with aftonidiment, clapped her hands, and run¬
ning to the door called for a pried to confefs the king.
“ I am a pried (faid one palling by), lead me to his
majedy.” Being introduced into the hovel, he faw
the king covered with a coarfe cloth ; and kneeling by
him, he alked James whether he thought he could re¬
cover if properly attended by phyficians ? James an-
fwering in the affirmative, the villain pulled out a dag¬
ger and dabbed him to the heart. Such is the dark
account we are able to give of this prince’s unhappy
end. The name of the perfon who murdered him is
faid to have been Sir Andrw Borthwic, a pried, one of
the pope’s knights. Some pretend that the lord Gray,
and others that Robert Stirling of Keir, was the re¬
gicide; and even Buchanan (the tenor of whofe hi-
ftory is a judification of this murder), is uncertain as to
the name of the perfon who gave him the fatal blow.
It is probable that the royalids lod the battle thro’
the cowardice of James. Even after his flight his
troops fought bravely ; but they were damped on re¬
ceiving the certain accounts of his death. The prince,
^oung as he was, had an idea of the unnatural part he
was afling, and before the battle he had given a drift
charge for the fafciy of his father’s perfon. Upon
hearing that he had retired from the field, he fent
orders that none Ihould purfue him; but they were in-
effeftual, the rebels being fenfible that they could have
have no fafety but in the king’s death. When that
was certified, hodilities feemed to ceafe ; nor Were
the royalids purfued. The number of (lain on both
Tides is uncertain ; but it mud have been confiderable,
as the earl of Glencairn, the lords Sempil, Erflcine,
and Ruthven, and other gentlemen of great eminence,
‘Grief'of hisare mentioned. As to the duke of Rothefay, who was
4bn for his now king, he appeared inconfolable when he heard*of
his father’s death ; but the rebels endeavoured to ef¬
face his grief, by the profufion of honours they paid
him when he.was recognized as king.
The remorfe and anguifh of the young king, on re-
flefting upon the unnatural part .he had afted, was in-
expreffible; and the noblemen who had been engaged
in the rebellion became apprehenfive for their own fafe-
ty. The catadrophe of the unfortunate James III.
however, was not yet become public; and it was
thought by many that he had gone aboard fome of
the (hips belonging to the Scottifh admiral Sir Andrew
Wood. James, willing to indulge hope as long as it
was poffible, defired an interview with the admiral ;
but the latter refufed to come on (hore, unlefs he had
fufficient hollages for his fafety. Thefe being delivered,
T bMeha Sir Andrew waited upon the king at Leith. He had
viourVf Shagain ant^ aga‘n> ^7 meffages, affured him that he knew
Andrew nothing of the late king ; and he had even offered to
Wood. allow his (hips to be fearched : yet fuch was the an¬
xiety of the new king, that he could not be latisfied till
he had examined him in perfon. Young James had
been long a ftranger to his father, fo that he could not Scotland.
have diftinguifhed him eafily from others. When Wood  —
therefore entered the'room, being ftruck with his noble
appearance he aflced him, “Are you my father?” 44 I
am not,” replied Wood, burfting into tears ; “ but I
was your father’s true fervant, and while I live I
(hall be the determined enemy of his murderers.” This
did not fatisfy the lords, who demanded whether he
knew where the king was. The admiral replied, that
he knew not; and upon their queftioning him concern¬
ing his manoeuvres on the day of battle, when his boats
were feen plying backwards and forwards, he told
them, that he and his brother had determined to affifl
the king in perfon ; but all they could do was to fave
fome of the royalifts in their (hips. “ I would to God,
(fays he) my king was there fafely, for I would de¬
fend and keep him (kaithlefs from all the traitors who
have cruelly murdered him : for I think to fee the day
to behold them hanged and drawn for their demerits.”
This fpirited declaration, and the freedom with which
it was delivered, ftruck the guilty part of the council
with difmay ; but the fear of facrificing the hoftages
procured Wood his freedom, and he was fuffered to
depart to his (hips. When he came on board, he found
his brother preparing to hang the two lords who had
been left as hoftages; which would certainly have been
their fate, had the admiral been longer detained.
Wood had fcarcely reached his (hips, when the lords,
calling the inhabitants of Leith together, offered them
a large premium if they would fit out a fufficient force
to deftroy that bold pirate and his crew, as they call¬
ed Wood; but the townfmen, who, it feems, did not
nfiuch care for the fervice, replied, that Wood’s (hips
were a match for any ten (hips that could be fitted
out in Scotland. The council then removed to Edin¬
burgh, where James IV. was crowned on the 24th of
June (487. # 34I
In the month of Oftoberthis year, the nobility ajidTheregi-
others who had been prefent at the king’s coronation,ci(1esaf:-
converted themfelves into a parliament, and paffed an^em,^lea
aft by which they were indemnified for their rebel-par iamen ’
lion againft their late fovereign; after which, they or¬
dered the aft to be exemplified under* the great feal of
Scotland, that it might be producible in their juftifi-
cation if called for by any foreign prince. They next
proceeded to the arduous ta(k of vindicating their re¬
bellion in the eyes of the public ; and fo far did they
gain upon the king by the force of flattery, that he
confented to fummon the lords who had taken part
with his father, before the parliament, to anfwer for
their conduft. In confequence of this, no fewer than
28 lords were cited to appear at Edinburgh in the
fpace of 40 days. The firft upon the lift was the Tria3! of lord
David Lindfay, whofe form of arraignment was asDavjci
follows. “ Lord David Lindfay of the Byres, anfwer Lindfay of
for the cruel coming againft the king at Bannockburn Byr«*
with his father, giving him counfel to have devoured
the king’s grace here prefent; and, to that effeft, gave
him a (word and a good borfe, to fortify him againd
his fon. Your anfwer hereto.”—Lord Lindfay was
remarkable for the bluntnefs of his converfation and
the freedom of his fentiments; and being irritated by
this charge, he delivered himfelf in fuch a manner con¬
cerning the treafon of the rebellious lords, as abaftied
the bolded of his accufers. As they were unable to
anfwer
SCO [ 7063 ] SCO
Scotland, snfwer him, all they could do was to prefs him to
throw himfelf upon the king’s clemency; which he re-
fufed, as being guilty of no crime. His brother, Pa¬
trick Lindfay, undertook to be his advocate, and apo¬
logized upon his knees for the roughnefs of his beha¬
viour, and at lad obferved an informality in the pro¬
ceedings of the court; in confequence of which Lind-
343 fey was releafed, upon entering into recognizance to
Who is im-appear again at an appointed day: however, he was
prifoned. afterwards fent prifoner by the king’s order, for a
whole twelvemonth, to the callle of Rothefay in the Ifle
of Bute.
The regicides now endeavoured to gain the public
favour by affefling a drift adminiftration of judice.
The new The king was advifed to make a progrefs round the
parliament kingdom attended by his council and judges; while,
affefts po- in the mean time, certain noblemen and gentle-
pu amy. men were app0inteci to exercife judice, and to fup-
prefs all kinds of diforders in their own lands and
in thofe adjoining to them, till the king came to the
age of. 2t. The memory of the late king was branded
in the mod opprobrious manner. AH judices, fneriffs,
and dewards, who were pofleded of heritable offices,
but who had taken up arms for the late king, were ei¬
ther deprived of them for three years, or rendered in¬
capable of enjoying them for ever after. All the young
nobility who had been difinherited by their fathers for
taking arms againd the late king, were, by aft of par¬
liament, redored to their feveral fucceffions in the
mod ample manner. At lad, in order to give a kind
of proof to the world that they intended euly to re-
fettle the date of the nation, without prejudice to the
lower ranks of fubjefts, who did no more than follow
the examples of their fuperiors, it was etiafted, 41 That
all goods and effefts taken from burgeffes, merchants,
and thofe who had only perfonal edates, or, as they
are called, unianded men, fince the battle of Stirling,
were not only to be redored, but the owners were to
be indemnified for their lodes, and their perfons, if in
cudody, were to be fet at liberty. Churchmen, who
were taken in arms, were to be delivered over to their
ordinances, to be dealt with by them according to
law.’’ The cadle of Dunbar was ordered to be de-
molidied; and feme datutes were enafted in favour of
commerce, and for the exclufion of foreigners.
Thefe lad afts were palled with a view to recom-
pence the boroughs, who had been very aftive in their
oppofition to the late king. However, the lords, be-
g4j fore they diffolved their parliament, thought it ne-
Afl relativeceffary to give fome public tedimony of their difap-
to the proving the late king’s conneftion with England. It
king s mar- was therefore enafted, “ That as the king was now of
° ’ an age to marry a noble princefs, and defended
of a noble and <worfiipful houfe, an honourable embaf-
fy dlould be fent to the realms of France, Brittany,
Spain, and other places, in order to conclude the mat¬
ter.” This embaffy was to be very fplendid. It was
toconfid of a btfhop, an earl,, or lord of parliament, a
fecretary,who wasgenerallya clergyman, anda knight.
They were to be attended by 50 horfemen ; 5000 1.
was to be allowed them for the difeharge of their em-
baffy, and they were empowered to renew the ancient
league between France and Scotland ; and in the mean
time a herald, or, as he was called, a trufty fquire,
was fent abroad to vifu the feveral courts of Europe,
in order to find out a proper match for the king. One Scotland,;
confiderable obdacle, however, lay in the way of "
this embaily. The pope had laid under an interdift They are
all thofe who had appeared in arms againft the late 0PPoftd hy
king; and the party who now governed Scotland weret*iePoi5C’
looked upon by all the powers of Europe as rebels
and murderers. The embafly was therefore fui'pended
for a confiderable time; for it was not till the year
1491 that the pope could be prevailed upon to
take off the interdift, upon the molt humble fubmif-
fions and profeffions of repentance made by the guilty
parties.
In the mean time, the many good qualities which
difeovered themfelves in the young king began to con¬
ciliate the affeftions of his people to him. Being
confidered, however, as little better than a prifoner
in the hands of his father’s murderers, feveral of the 343
nobility made ufe of that as a pretence for taking arms. Attempts
The moft forward of thefe was the earl of Lenox, j°cr^e"j8e(,
who with 2000 men atttempted to furprife the town jamesHU
of Stirling; but, being betrayed by one of his own
men, he was taken unawares, defeated, and the caftle o£
Dunbarton, of which he was the keeper, taken by the
oppofite party. In the north, the earls of Huntley
and Marfhal, with the lord Forbes, complained that
they had been deceived, and declared their refolution
to revenge the late king’s death. Lord Forbes ha¬
ving procured the bloody fhirt of the murdered prince,
difplayed it on the point of a lance, as a banner under
which all loyal fubjefts fhould lift themfelves. How¬
ever, after the defeat of Lenox, the northern chieftains
found themfelves incapable of marching fouthwards,
and were therefore obliged to abandon their enterprife.
The caufe of the murdered king was next undertaken Henry VH.
by Henry VII. of England, who made an offer to feuds five
Sir Andrew Wood of five (hips to revenge it. The ad-
miral accepted the propofal; but the Englilh beha- p0fepUr"
ving as pirates, and plundering indiferiminately all
who came in their way, he thought proper to feparate
himfelf from them, yet without offering to attack or
oppofe them. Upon this, James was advifed to fend Who aft
for the admiral, to offer him a pardon, and a comraif- piratically,
fion to aft againft the Englifti freebooters. Wood 2C* ali
cepted of the king’s offer; and being well pfovided'^^^^
with ammunition and artillery, he, with two (hips only, Wood,
attacked the five Englilh veffels, all of which he took,
and brought their crews prifoners to Leith, for which
he was nobly rewarded by his majefty.
This conduft of Wood was highly refented by the-
king of England, who immediately vowed revenge.
The Seotti(h admiral’s (hips had been fitted out for
commerce as well as war, and Henry commanded his
bed fea-officer Sir Stephen Bull, to intercept him °n sir sfepheiH
his return from Flanders, whither he had gone upon a Bull fent
commercial voyage. Wood had no more than two againft the
(hips with him: the Englifti admiral had three; andai1'
thofe much larger, and carrying a greater weight ofmira"
metal, than the Scottifti veffels. The Engliftv took
their ftation at the ifland of May in the mouth of the
Frith of Forth, and, having come unawares upon
their enemies, fired.two guns as a fignal for their fur¬
rendering themfelves. The Scottifti commander encou¬
raged his men as well as he could; and finding them
determined taftand by him to the laft, began the en¬
gagement in fight of numberlefa fpeftators who ap-
jj.eas£d;
SCO
Scotland, peared on both Tides of the river. The fight conti-
nued all that day, and was renewed with redoubled
fury in the morning; but in the mean time the ebb¬
tide and a fouth wind had carried both fquadrons to
the mouth of the Tay. Here the Englifh fought
under great difadvantages, by reafon of the fand-
banks; and before they could get clear pf them, all
3jj the three were obliged to fubmit to the Scots, who
But is taken carried them to Dundee. Wood treated his prifoners
with all hiswjt;h great humanity; and having afterwards prefent-
ed them to king James, the latter difmifled them not
only without ranfom, but with prefents to the officers
and crews, and a letter to king Henry. To this
Henry returned a polite anfwer, a truce was concluded,
and alldifferences for the prefent were accommodated.
James all this time had continued to difplay fuch
moderation in his government, and appeared to have
the advantage of his fubjefls fo much at heart, that
they., became gradually well-affe£led to his govern¬
ment, and in 1490 all parties were fully reconciled.
We may from thence date the commencement of the
reign of James IV. ; and the next year the happinefs
of his kingdom was completed, by taking off the Pope’s
interdict, and giving the king abfolution for the hand
he had in his father’s death.
Tranquillity being thus reftored, the negotiations
concerning the king’s marriage began to take place,
but met with feveral interruptions. In 1493, Hen¬
ry VII. propofed a match between the king of
Scotland and his coufin the princefs Catharine.
[ 7o64 ]
SCO
One of the great ends which Henry had in view in Scotland.
promoting this marriage, was to detach James from the *
Frenchintereft: nofooner, therefore, was the treaty fign-
ed,than he wrote tohisfon-in-law to thispurpofe ; who,
however, politely declined to break with his ancient
ally. On the 16th of June, the royal bride fet out Mag^_
from Richmond in Surry, in company with her fa-cence of the
ther, who gave her the convoy as far as Collewefton, royal nup-
the refidence of his mother the countefs of Richmond.tials'
After paffing fome days there, the king refigned his
daughter to the care of the earls of Surry and Nor¬
thumberland, who proceeded with her to the borders
of Scotland. Here a number of the company were
permitted to take their leave; but thofe who remained
ftill made a royal appearance. At Lamberton-church
they were met by James, attended by a numerous train
of his nobility and officers of ftate. From Lamberton
they proceeded to Dalkeith, and next day to Edin¬
burgh ; where the nuptials were celebrated with the
greateft fplendour. On this occafion, it is faid, that the
Scots furpaffed all their guefts in extravagance and
luxury: which mull have been owing to the great in-
tercourfe and commerce which James and his fubjedts
maintained with foreign courts and countries.
After the celebration of the nuptials, James appears
to have enjoyed a tranquillity unknown almoll to any
of his predeceffors; and began to make a confi-
derable figure among the European potentates. But comes a
the magnificence of his court and embaffies, his li-powerful
berality to ftraogers and to learned men, his co{llymonarc^•
James was too much attached to France to be fond of edifices, and, above all, the large fums he laid out in
Englilh connedtions, and probably thought this match
below his dignity ; in confequence of which the pro-
Marda^e- P0^ was ^ea^d with contempt. However, notwith
fhip-building, had now brought him into fome diffi¬
culties ; and he fo far attended to the advice and ex¬
ample of his father-in-law, that he fupplied his necef-
treaty With Handing this ill fuccefs, Henry made another offer of fities by reviving dormant penal laws, particularly
England, alliance with James ; and, in 1495, propofed a mar- "  J “  Jn': J -,J u-
riage betwixt him and his eldett daughter Margaret.
This propofal was accepted: but the match feems not
to have been at all agreeable to James; for, at the very
time in which he was negociating the marriage, he
not only protedled Perkin'Warbeck, the. avowed ene¬
my and pretender to the crown of Henry, but invaded
England on bis account. This condudt was highly
refented by the Englilh parliament; but Henry him-
felf forgave even this grqfs infult, and the marriage
negociations were once more refumed. The bride was
nomoretban tenyearsandfixmonthsold; and being only
the fourth degree of blood from James, it was neceffary
to procure a difpenfation from the pope. This being
obtained, a treaty of perpetual peace was concluded
A perpetual between the two nations, on the ill of July 1503,
peace with being the firll that had taken place for 170 years,
that nation. fince the peace of Northampton concluded between
Robert I. and Edward III.
th regard to wardlhips and old titles of eftates, by
which he raifed large fums. Though he did this with¬
out affembling his parliament, yet he found agents
whojuftified thofe proceedings, in the fame manner as
Empfon and Dudley did thofe of Henry, under the
fanftion of law. At laft, however, touched with the
fufferings of his fubjefts, he ordered all profecutions
to be Hopped. He even went farther : for, fenfible of
the detellation into which his father-in law’s avarice
had brought himfelf and his adminiHration, he ordered
the minillers who had advifed him to thofe fhameftil
courfes to be imprifoned ; and fome of them, who
probably had exceeded their commiffion, adlually died
in their confinement. 3j5
About this time, James applied himfelf, with incre- Applies
dible affiduity, to building Ihips ; one pf which, thehimfclfto
in the world (b). He worked with his own hands in
building it; and it is plain, from his condudl, that he
was
(b) Of this fhip we have the following account by Lindfay of Pitfcottie. t£ In the fame year, the king of Scot¬
land bigged a great (hip, called Mk Great Michael, which was the greateftlhip, and of moft ftrength, that ever
failed in England or France. For this ffiip was of fo great ftature, and took fo much timber, that, except Falkland,
fhe wafted all the woods in Fife, which was oak-wood, by all timber that was gotten out of Norway ; for file was
fo ftrong, and of fo great length and.breadth, (all the wrights of Scotland, yea, and many other ftrangers, were at
her device, by the king’s commandment, who wrought very bufily in her : but it was a year and day ere fhe was
complete) ; to wit, fhe was twelve-fcore foot of length, and thirty-fix foot within the fides. She was ten foot thick
in the wall, outted jefts of oak in her wall, and boards on every fide, fo ftark and fo thick, that no cannon could go
through her. This great fhip cumbered Scotland to get her to the fea. From that time that fhe was afloat, and
her marts and fails complete, with tows and anchors effeiring thereto, fhe was counted to the king to be thirty thou-
fand pounds of expences, by her artillery, W'hich was very great and coftly to the king, by all the reft of her orders ;
to wit, flie bare many cannons, fix on every fide, with three great baffils, two behind in her dock, and one. before,
with
affairs.
SCO
Scotland, was afpiring to be a maritime power, ia whiqh he was
~ encouraged by the excellent feamen which Scotland
then produced. The firft efiay of his arms by fea
was in favour of his kinfman John king of Denmark.
This prince was brother to Margaret queen of Scot¬
land; and had partly been called to the throne of Swe¬
den, and partly pofieffed it by force. He was oppo-
fed by the adminiftrator, Store, whom he pardoned after
he was crowned. Store, however, renewing his rebel¬
lion, and the Norwegians revolting at the fame time,
John found himfelf under fuch difficulties, that he
was forced to return to Denmark ; but he left his
queen in pofleffion of the caftle of Stockholm, which
ffie bravely defended againft Store and the Swedes.
This heroic princefs became a great favourite with
James; and feveral letters that pafled between them
are ftill extant. The king of Denmark, next to the
French monarch, was the favourite ally of James;
who, early in his reign, had compromifed fome dif¬
ferences between them. It likewife appears, from the
hiftories of the north, that, both James and his father
had given great affiftance to his Daniffi majefty in re¬
ducing the Norwegians ; and he refolved to become a
party io the war againft the Swedes, and the Lubec-
kers who affifted them, if the former continued in
their revolt. Previous to this, he fent an ambaffador
to offer his mediation between John and his fubje&s.
I’he mediation was accordingly accepted of, and the
negociations were opened at Calmar. The deputies
of Sweden not attending, John prevailed with thofe
of Denmark apd Norway to pronounce fentence of
forfeiture againft Sture and all his adherents. In the
mean time, the fiege of the caftle of Stockholm was
fo warmly prefied, that the garrifon was diminifhed to
a handful, and thofe deftitute of all kind of provi-
fions; fo that the brave queen was forced to capitu¬
late, and to furrender up the fortrefs, on condition of
her being fuffered to depart for Denmark ; but the
capitulation was perfidioufly broken by Sture, and
ffie was confined in a monaftery.
James It was on this occafion that James refolved to em-
aflifts Den-pi0y j,js marltime power. He wrote a letter, con-
gahifl^Swe- ce*ve^ *n ftronKeft terms, to the archbiffiop of Up-
den. t^ie primate of Sweden, exhorting him to employ
all his authority in favour of the king; and another
letter to the Lubeckers, threatening to declare war
againft. them, as well as the Swedes, if they jointly
continued to affift the rebels. According to Hol-
linffied, James, in confequcnce of king John’s ap¬
plication, gave the command of an army of 10,000
men to the earl of Arran, who replaced John upon
his throne. Though this does not ftrictly appear to
be truth, yet it is certain, that, had it not been for
James, John muft have funk under the weight of his
enemies. Sture, whofe arms had made a great pro-
Vol. IX. 1
SCO
grefs, hearing that a confiderable armament was fit- Scotland,
ting out in Scotland, and knowing that James had pre-'
vailed with the French king to affift John likewife,
agreed 4o releafe the queen, and to wait upon her to
the frontiers of Denmark; where he died. By this
time, James’s armament, which was commanded by
the earl of Arran, had fet fail ; but perceiving that
all matters were adjufted between John and the Swedes,
the ffitps returned foonei-than James expected, “ which
(fays he, in a very polite letter he wrote to the queen
upon the occafion) they durft not have done, had they
not brought him an account that her Daniffi majefty
was in perfe£t health and fafety.” The feverity of
John having occafioned a freffi revolt, James again
fent a fquadron to his affiftance, which appeared be¬
fore Stockholm, and obliged the Lubeckers to con¬
clude a new treaty. gjg
James, having thus honourably difeharged his en- ^haftifes
gagements with his uncle the king of Denmark, turn*
ed his attention towards the Flemings and Hollanders, Hollanders,
who had infulted his flag, on account of the affiftance
he had afforded the duke of Gueldres, as well as from
motives of rapacioufnefs, which diftinguiffied thofe
traders, who are faid not only to have plundered the
Scots ffiips, but to have thrown their crews overboard
to conceal their villany. James gave the command
of a fquadron to Barton ; who put to fea, and, without
any ceremony, treated all the Dutch and Flemiffi tra¬
ders who fell into his hands, as pirates, and fent their
heads in hogffieads to James. Soon after, Barton re¬
turned to Scotland, and brought with him a number
of rich prizes, which rendered his reputation as a Tea¬
man famous all over Europe.—James was then fo much
refpefted upon the continent, that we know of no re-
fentment ftiown either by the court of Spain, whofe
fubje&s thofe Netherlanders were, or of any other pow¬
er in Europe, for this vigorous proceeding.
The peace with England continued all the time ofCanfe of
Henry the VII. nor did his fon Henry VIII. tho’^V3^®1
be had not the fame reafon as his ffither to keep well'l'En£'‘
with the Scots, for fome time ffiow any difpofition to an^’
break with them. A breach, however, did very foon take
place,which was never afterwards thoroughly made up,
on the following occafion.
About 30 years before, one John Barton, (a rela¬
tion, probably, to the famous Barton), commanded a
trading veffel, which was taken by two Portuguefe
fea-captains in the port of Sluys; and the captain,
with feveral Scotchmen, were killed in endeavouring
to defend their property. The aftion was efteemed
cowardly as well as piratical, becaufe it was done under
the protedlion of a large Portuguefe fquadron. The
ffiip and the remaining part of the crew, with the
cargo, were carried to Portugal, from whence no
redrefs could be obtained; and James III. grant-
39 P ed
t 7°% 1
with three hundred ffiot of fmall artillery, that is to fay, myand and battret-falcon, and quarter-falcon, flings, pe-
ftelent ferpetens, and doubie-dogs, with hagtor and calvering, cors-bows and hand-bows. She had three hundred
mariners to fail her ; ffie had fix fcore of gunners to ufe her artillery; and had a thoufand men of war, by her cap¬
tain, ffiippers, and quarter-mafters.
“ When this ffiip paft to the fea, and was lying in the road, the king gart fhoot a cannon at her, to effay her if
ffie was wight; but I heard fay, it deared her not, and did her little Ikaith. And if any man believe that this de-
feription of the ffiip be not of verity, as we have written, let him pafs to the gate of Tillibardin, and there, afore
the fame, ye vyill fee the length and breadth of her, planted with hawthorn, by the wright that helped to make her.
As for other properties of her. Sir Andrew Wood is icy author, who was quarter-matter of her; and Robert Bar-
,tyne, who was matter-ffiipper.”
SCO [ 7066 ] SCO
Scotland, ed letters' of marque to John and Robert Bartons,
heirs to the Barton who had been murdered. Up¬
on the accelfion of James IV. to the crown of
Scotland, the letters of marque were recalled, and a
friendly correfpondence was entered into between
James and his Portuguefe majefty. No redrefs, how¬
ever, was to be had from the latter; and Robert
Barton being made a prifoner, and his fnip a prize,
he was detained in Zealand, till James procured his
deliverance, by applying in his favour to the emperor
Maximilian. Sir Andrew Barton took part in the
quarrel ; and having obtained a like letter of marque,
he made dreadful depredations on the Portuguefe trade,
and, according to Englilh authors, he plundered
many Englifh fiiips, on pretence of their carrying
Portuguefe property, and to have made the naviga¬
tion of the narrow feas dangerous to Engliflimen.
The court of London received daily complaints of
Barton’s depredations; but Henry being at this time
very averfe to quarrel with James, the complainants
were heard with great coldnefs at his council-hoards
The earl of Surry had then two fans, gallant noble¬
men ; and he declared to Henry’s face, that while he
had an eftate that could furnilh out a fhip, or a foil
who was capable of commanding one, the narrow
feas fnould not be infefled. Henry could not dif-
courage this generous offer; and letters of marque
were accordingly granted to the two young noblemen,
Sir Thomas and Sir Edward Howard. The prizes
that Barton had taken had rendered his fhips immenfe-
ly rich, confequently they were heavy laden, and un¬
fit for fighting ; while we may eafily fuppofe, that the
fhips of the Howards were clean, and of a fuperior
force in every refpedt to thofe of Barton. After en¬
countering a great deal of foul weather, Sir Thomas
Howard came up with the Lyon, which was com¬
manded by Sir Andrew Barton in perfon; and Sir
Edward fell in with the Unicorn, Barton’s other fhip.
The event was fuch as might be expe&ed from the
inequality of the match. Sir Andrew Barton was
killed while he was animating, with his whittle, his
men to holdout to the latt ; and both the Scotch fhips
being taken, were carried in triumph toLondon, with
their crews prifoners.
James could never forgive Henry for the lofs of his
brave ofilcer. He fent to demand fatisfadfion ; but all
the anfwer he received was, that Barton and his crews
were lawlefs pirates, and that what had been done
againft them ought never to have been refented
amongft fovereign princes. James aflerted, that Bar¬
ton was no pirate, becaufe he bore his commiffion ;
and that he ought to have been convi&ed of piratical
a&s before he was treated as being guilty of them.
Plenry intimated to James, that he was willing to ac¬
commodate the affair by way of negociation ; but
James thought himfelf affronted by the propofal.
Tames re- Various negociations took place concerning this
Lives to in-and other affairs, till the year 1513; when James,
vade Eng- though he had for fome time before been fully refolved
land. upon a war with England, thought it highly neceffary
that it fhould have the fan&ion of his parliament,
which he affembled for that purpofe. The young no¬
bility, beftdes their knowing the fentiments of James,
had been won over by the French ; and the majority
oithem, as well as of the clergy (which was pretty
extraordinary, as James was, in effedt, to fight againft Scotland.
the pope and his allies) were keen for a war with  ~
England. The old connfellors, on the other hand,
who faw the flom ifhing ftate of Scotland, arifing from
a long peace and their commerce, which was protec¬
ted by a fleet, dreaded the ruinous confeqnences of a
war. The queen naturally headed this party ; and fhe
was joined by the earl of Angus and the wifeft part
of the nobility. Their arguments made no impreffion
upon James. He had received a prefent from Lewis
of four fhips laden with wine and flour, and two fhips
of war completely equipped, one of them carrying 34
pieces of brafs ordnance. He promifed to the French
queen, upon his honour, that he would take the field
againft the Englifli ; and fhe had fent him a frefh
letter, gently reproaching him for want of gallan¬
try, and for not being fo good as his word. In
firort, the reafonings of the wifeft and belt part of the
nobility were over-ruled, and the expedition againft
England was refolved on.
The earl of Hume, who was chamberlain of Scot-The Scots
land, was, at this jundlure, at the head of yoco or defeated,
8000 men, with whom he committed prodigious de-
vattations on the Englifh borders. Henry’s queen,
Catharineyrf Spain, whom he had left regent of his
dominions, iffued a commiffion of array, dire&ed to
Sir Thomas Lovel, knight of the garter, for affem-
hling the militia of the counties of Nottingham,
Derby, Warwick, Leicefter, Stafford, Rutland, North¬
ampton, and Lincoln. The management of the
war, however, was chiefly committed to the earl of
Surry, who affembled the militia of Chefter, Lan-
cafter, Northumberland, Weftmoreland, Cumberland,
and the bifhopric of Durham. The earl of Hume
had by this time laid great part of Northumber¬
land watte; and his men were returning home laden
with booty. The earl of Surry, refolving to intercept
them, ordered Sir William Buhner to form an ambulli
with 1000 archers, at a place called Brocmhoufe, ex¬
tremely convenient for that purpofe, by which the
Scots mutt pafs. As the latter expe&cd nothing of
that kind, Bulmer executed his orders with great fuc-
cefs. The archers affaulted the Scots all at once, and
made fo good ufe of their arrows, that their main body
was put to flight, 500 were killed, and 400 taken,
with the lord Hume’s ttandard, which he left on the
field of battle ; the greateft part of the plunder being
recovered at the fame time. The commonalty of Scot¬
land termed this expedition of the lord Hume’s the
III road. 5(Jl
James was more exafperated than ever by this de-The queen
feat, and continued his preparations for invading ei'tleavoi,,s
England with additional vigour. His queen did
that became a wife and prudent wife to divert him hi^defign."1
from his fatal purpofe. She endeavoured to work up- ^
on his fuperftition, by recounting to him her ominous
dreams and boding apprehenfions. James treating
thefe as mere iilufions and fi&ions of the brain, fhe
had recourfe to other arts. While James was waiting
at Linlithgow for the airival of his army from the
north and the Highlands, he affifted one afternoon at 3®3
the vefpers in the church of St Michael. Being placed t^mp ape’ar3.
in one of the canon’s feats, a venerable, comely man of to^inv.
about 52 jears of age, entered, dreffed in a long garment
of an az;ure colour, and girded round with a towel or
foil,
, SCO f 7067 1 SCO
. roll of- linen, his forehead bald, and his yellow locks ordered the landholders of the neighbouring counties Scotland.
- hanging down his (boulders ; in (hort, he was dieflcd to certify to him in writing what number of men
and formed to appear like St Andrew, the apoille each could furnifb, charging them to be ready at an
of Scotland, as he is rcprefented in painting and fculp- hour’s warning ; and he laid his plan fo, as not to
ture. The church being crowded, this perfonage, bring his army into the field till James bad advan-
with fome difficulty, made his way to the king’s feat; ced fo far into England, as to render it very difficult
and leaning over it, he fpoke to the following purpofe : for him to retire without a general battle. This pre-
“ Sir, (faid he), I am fent hither to intreat you for caution affifted the lady Ford (as (he is called) in per-
this time to delay your expedition, and to proceed no fuading James that there was no danger in the delay,
farther in your intended journey : for if you do, you becaufe the Engliffi had not the face of an army in the
(hall not profper in your enterprife, nor any of your field.
followers. I am further charged to warn you, if ye In the mean time, the earl of Surry ordered the go*
be fo refraftory as to go forward, not to ufe the ac- vernors of Berwick and Norham, the two ftrongeft
quaintance, company, or counfd of women, as ye places on the frontiers of England, to prepare for a
tender your honour, life, and eftate.” After deliver- vigorous refiftance in cafe they were attacked ; and
ing thofe words, he retired through the crowd, and diredtd them to certify how long they could hold out,
was no more feen, though, when the fervice was ended, in hopes, that if they made a refolute defence, James
James earneftly inquired after him. would march on, and leave them in his rear. The go-
That this fcene was afted, feems to be pad difpnte ; vernor of Norham’s anfwer was, that his caftle was
for Sir David Ltndfay, who was then a young man, fo well provided, as to leave him no doubt, in cafe of
and prefent in the church, reported it both to Bucba- a fiege, to be able to defend it till king Henry (hould ^
nan and Lindfay the hiftorian. It is, however, equally return from abroad, and relieve it in perfon. James,The'scois
certain, that the whole was a contrivance of the queen, however, befieged it on the 25th of Auguft, and bat-take the
to whofe other affildions the ftings of jealoufy were tered it fo furioufly, that he took it by capitulationof
now added. In one of the Scotch inroads into Eng- the fixth day after. James then proceeded to the caftle^
-s land, one Heron, the proprietor of the caftle of Ford, of Etal, belonging to the family of Manners (now \yal-’k..
“had been taken prifoner, and fent to Scotland ; where duke of Rutland) ; which he took and demoliffied like-
he was detained on a charge of murder, of which he wife, as healfo did Wark, and arrived before the caftle
feems to have been innocent. The Engliffi hiftorians Ford. The Scotch army is generally allowed to have
mention this as having paffed after James entered Eng- confifted of at lead 50,000 men when it pafied the
land: but from the latter part of the fuppofed phan- Tweed. At this time it was encamped on the heights
tom’s fpeecli, it is probable that it happened before ; of Cheviot, in the heart of a country naturally barren,
and that Heron’s wife and beautiful daughter had and now defolate through the precautions taken by the
been for Tome time foliciting James for his deliver- Engliffi general. Being obliged to extend theirquar-
ance. Be that as it may, it is too probable that James ters for the benefit of fubfiftence, the mercenary part
was fmitten with the charms of the daughter; and that of them had acquired a confiderable plunder, with
her mother, who was a moft artful woman, knew how which, as ufual, they retired to their own country, as
to avail herfelf of the conqueft. Pretending that (he many more did for want of fubfiftence. The earl of
had intereft enough to procure the releafe of the lord Surry knew their fituation, and ordered the rendezvous
Johnfton and Alexander Home, who were prifoners in of his army, firft at Newcaftle, and then near Norham,
England, (he was permitted by James to keep a con- having certain intelligence of the vatt defertions daily
ftant correfpondence with the earl of Surry, to whom happening in the Scotch army, which-had reduced it
(he is faid to have betrayed all James’s fecrets and mea- greatly. The wetnefs of the feafon rendered his march,
fares. The rendezvous of James’s army was at the efpecially that of the artillery, extremely difficult ; but
Burrow-moor, to which James repaired ; and having being joined by feveral perfons of gteat diftin&ion, he
-given orders for the march of his artillery, he lodged marched on the 3d of September to Alnwic, where he
at the abbey of Holyrood-houfe. While he was there, was reinforced by 5000 hardy veteran troops, fent from
another attempt was made to divert him from his -the Engliffi army on the continent, under the com-
purpofe of invading England: but James, deaf to mandofhis fon the lord-admiral of England; fothat
all the folicitations and inventions of his queen, mu- the Engliffi authors admit his army to have confifted
ftered his army ; and on the 22d of Auguft he of 26,000 men, all completely armed and provided
paffed the Tweed, encamping that night near the banks for the field. James having, in the manifeftowhich
of the Twiffd. On’ his arrival at Twiffelhangh on he difperfed on bis entering England, given the death
the 14th, he called an affembly of his lords together, of Barton as one of the caufes of his invafion, the
and made a"declaration, that the heirs of all fuch as lord-admiral had prevailed with Henry to fend him
ffiould die in the army, or be killed by the enemy du- upon this fervice ; and he informed James by a letter,
ring his (lay in England, ffiould have their wards, re- that he intended to juftify the death of that pirate in
lief, and marriages of the king ; who, upon that ac- the front of the Engliffi army .
count, difpenfed with their age. This is faid to have By this time the army of James was, by defertion .
been the crifrs of that prince’s fate. Abandoned to and other’caufcs, reduced to lefs than half its tiuni-gU(jsVeve-
his paffion for,his Engliffi miftrefs, (he prevailed with bers ; but the chief misfortune attending it was hisral of'lus
him, at her mother’s inftigation, to trifle away his own condufl. His indolence and inaflivity, joined-to nobiliiv.
time for fome days ; during which interval, thejunc- the fcandalous examples of his amours, at fuch a fea-
tion of the Engliffi army was formed. The earl of fon, had difgufted fevera! of his greateft men and bed
Surry, the Engliffi general, was then at Pomfret: but friendsj and fome of them more than fufpe&ed a cor-
x 39 P- 2 re-
SCO [ 7068 ] SCO
Scotland, refpondeace between the Englifh lady and the earl of
~~ ’ Surry. James was deaf to all their remonftrances ;
and the earl of Angus declared, that he was refolved
to return home, as he forefaw that the ruin of the ar¬
my was inevitable through the obftinacy of James.
He accordingly withdrew to Scotland, but left behind
him his two fons. The lord Hume' and the earl of
Huntley were likewife difcontented. The former had
brought his men into the field ; but, according to fome
Scotch hiftorians, with a defign rather to betray than
to ferve James : but Huntley, though he difliked his
mailer’s condudl, remained firmly attached to his per-
fon.
The defeftion or backwardnefs of thofe great men
feemed to make no impreflion upon James. He had
chofen a ftrong camp in the neighbourhood of Ford,
on the fide of a mountain called Floddon-hil! ; and he
Encamps was ^eParatec^ from the Englifh army by the river Till,
in an ad- This advantageous fitualion put the earl of Surry un-
•vantageous der great difficulties ; for it rendered the Scotch army
fituation. inacceffible, as it was fortified by artillery, and was
now well fupplied with provifions by the change of its
fituation. The earl drew up a manifello, with which
he charged Rouge Croix herald, who was attended by
a trumpet. It contained fome propofals for an ex¬
change of prifoners, which feems to have been calcu¬
lated to give the lady Ford the more credit with James;
but concluded with reproaches for his perfidious inva-
fion of England, and a defiance to James to fight him
in a general battle. The herald was farther charged
with a verbal commiffion to acquaint James, that the
earl of Surry had ifTued orders that no quarter fhould
be given to any of the Scotch army but the king himfelf.
A council of war was called on this occafion ; in
which the earl of Huntley and others made ftrong re-
monftrances againft a general engagement. They
Ihewed how fatal it muft be to Scotland, fhould it prove
unfuccefsful ; and that the wifeft courfe James could
follow was to return home, where, if he was purfued
by the enemy, he could fight to great advantage.
The earl of Huntley, however, added, that his opi¬
nion fhould be determined by that of the king and
council : and that he was equally ready to lhare in his
majefty’s danger as his glory.
Huntley and the other noblemen were oppofed by
the French ambaflador, who reprefented a retreat as
353 difgraceful to the nobility of Scotland and the arms of
Refolves James ; and ufed many romantic arguments of the
contfai-1’ tof3me k'n<b which but too well fuited with the king’s
to the opi- difpofition. According to Drummond, the council
nion of all were of opinion, that the king fhould immediately be-
bis officers, fiege Berwick ; but be that as it will, the majority of
them were certainly of opinion, that it was beneath the
dignity of James to fight the earl of Surry at that
nobleman’s requifition, and that James could lofe no
honour by returning home. Patrick lord Lindfay of
Byres, mentioned on a former occafion, and who was
prefident of the council, exprefied himfelf fo ftrongly
on that head, that James, in a paffion, is faid by the
biftorian Lindfay to have fworn, that if ever he lived
to return to Scotland, he would hang that nobleman
at his own gate. He ordered Rouge Croix to be
called in ; and after treating him with great polite-
nef?,.. he fent a meflage to the earl of Surry by one of
his own heralds (Illay), importing, that he would Scotland,
give the Englifh battle on the Friday following; and' ’
that had he received fuch a mefiage from the earl even
in his own caftle of Edinburgh, he would have left
that, and all other bufinefs, to have Fought him. With
this meffage, a fmall manifefto, in vindication of
James’s conduft, was fent by the fame herald.
The earl of Surry, who was then fo infirm that he
was carried about in a fedan or chariot, had forefcen
that James would return an anfwer by one of his own
heralds ; but, unwilling that he fhould obtain any
knowledge of the fituation of the Englifh camp, he
ordered proper perfons to receive him at two miles di-
ftance, where fcon after he attended himfelf in perfon.
Iflay executed his commiffion without paying much
refpeft to the perfon of the Englifh general; who dif-
miffed him, after beftowing great compliments upon
the honour and courage of James. The earl then or-
.dered his army to march in the line of battle towards
Wolierhaugh. There he was joined by Rouge Croix,
herald, who gave him an account of the ftrong fitua¬
tion of the Scottifli camp ; but the advanced pofts of
the Englifh army were then within three miles of their
enemies, and the earl of Surry found his difficulties
daily increafing. The roads were broken up, the
fwelling of the rivers cut him off from the neceftary
communications for fupplying his army, and nothing
but a battle could fave him either from being difband-
ed or deftroyed.
James feems to have fo far regarded the advice of
his wifeft counfdlors, as not to abandon his ftrong fi¬
tuation. They endeavoured to perfuade him, that it
was a fufficient guard to his honour, if he did not de¬
cline the battle on the day appointed ; and that his en¬
gagement did not bind him to fight upon difadvan-
tageous ground. The Scots, at the fame time, knew
of their enemy’s diftrefles ; and, as Drummond ele¬
gantly exprefles it, they remonftrated to their kin^,
that he lacked nothing but patience to be vidlorious. His |^pra«
The Scots thus lying on the defenfive, the earl of<ientcon.
Surry again fent Rouge Croix to inform James thalduft.
he was ready to give him battle. James was fenfibly
nettled at this tacit imputation upon his honour, and
perhaps was inwardly vexed for having followed the
wife advice of his noblemen. It is certain, from the
beft authorities, that he negledled the neceflary pre¬
cautions for guarding the pafiages of the Till, which
the Englifh crofted, partly at a place where it was
fordable, and partly at a bridge. We are told, not
without a great appearance of probability, that while
the Englifh were palling the bridge, Borthwick, ma¬
iler of the Scotch artillery, fell upon his knees, and
begged permiffion from James to point his cannon
againft the bridge ; but that James anfwered him in
a paffion, that it muft be at the peril of his (Borth-
wick’s) head, and that he was refolved to fee all his
enemies that day on the plain before him in a body.
The earl of Surry, after palling the Till, took poflef-
fion of Braxton, which lay to the right of the Scotch
camp ; and by that fituation he cut off the communi¬
cation of his enemies with the Tweed, and command¬
ed the Till below Eton-caftle. The Scotch generals
faw themfelves now in danger of being reduced to the
fame ftraits in which their enemies had been involved
two.,
SCO [ 7069 ] SCO
Scotland, two days before, and their country open to an inva- their artillery and b6ws. The Highlanders, as iifual, Scotland.
lion of the Englifh array. James bad fecret intelli- impatient to come to a clofe fight, and to (hare in the
gence that this was far from being the intention of the honour of the day, which they now thought their own,
Englifh general; and imagining that the latter’s in¬
tention was to take poffeffion of a ftrong camp upon a
hill between him and the Tweed, which would give
the Englifh a farther command of the country, he re-
folved to be before-hand with the earl, and gave orders
for making large fires of green wood, that the fmoke
might cover his march along the height, to take ad¬
vantage of that eminence. But while this ftratagem
concealed his march from the Englifb, their move¬
ments were concealed from him; for when he came
to the brow of the height over which he had marched,
he found the enemy drawn up in order of battle on
the plain, but fo clofe to the height where he was,
that his artillery, on which his great dependence was,
muft overfhoot them.
Account of A battle was now not only unavoidable, but the
the battle of only means of faving the Scotch army, which was
flodden. probably far from being a difagreeabie circumftance
to James. His perfon was fo dear to his troops, that
many of them drefled themfelves as nearly as they could
in the fame coats of armour and with the fame di¬
ll inSions that James wore that day. His generals
had earneftly defired him to retire to a place of fafety,
where his perfon would be fecure in all events : but he
obftinately refufed to follow their advice ; and on the
ninth of September, early in the morning, difpofitions
ruffled down the declivity with their broad-fwords,
but without order or difcipline, and before the reft of
the army, particularly the divifion under lord Hume,
advanced to fupport them. Their impetuofity, how¬
ever, made a confiderabje imprefiion upon the main
battle of the Englifh; and the king bringing up the
earl of Bothwel’s referve, the battle became general
and doubtful: but by this time the lord-admiral,
having again formed his men, came to the afliftance of
his father, and charged the divifion under the earls of
Crawford and Montrofe, who were marching up to
fupport the Highlanders, among whom the king and
his attendants were now fighting on foot; while Stan¬
ley, making a circuit round the hill, attacked the
Highlanders in the rear. Crawford and Montrofe, not
being feconded, according to the Scotch.hiftorians, by
the Humes, were routed ; and thus all that part of
the Scotch army which was engaged under their king,,
was completely furrounded by the divifion of the Eng¬
lifh under Surry, Stanley, and the lord-admiral. In
this terrible fituation, James a&ed with a coolnefs not
common to his temper. He drew up his men in a cir¬
cular form, and their valour more than once opened
the ranks of the Englifh, or obliged them to ftand
aloof, and again have recourfe to their bows and ar¬
tillery. The chief of the Scotch nobility made frefh
were ordered for the line of battle. The command of attempts to prevail with James to make his efcape
the van was allotted to the earl of Huntley ; the earls
of Lenox and Argyle commanded the Highlanders
under James, who, fome fay, ferved only as a volun¬
teer ; and the earls of Crawford and Montrofe led the
body of referve. The earl of Surry gave the com¬
mand of his van to his fon, the lord-admiral; his right
wing was commanded by his other fon, Sir Edward
Howard ; and his left by Sir Marmaduke Conftable.
while it was practicable ; but he obftinately continued
the fight; and thereby became accefibry to his own
ruin, and that of his troops, whom the Englifh would 37T
gladly have fuffered to retreat. He faw the earls of The Scots
Montrofe, Crawford, Argyle, and Lenox, fall by hisdefeated,
fide, with the braveft of his men lying dead on the ^
fpot; and darknefs now coming on, he himfelf waskin^ 1 e *'
killed by an unknown hand. The Englifh were igno-
The rear was commanded by the earl himfelf, lord rant of the victory they had gained; and had adually
Dacres, and Sir Edward Stanley. Under thofe leaders retreated from the field of battle, with a delign of re*
ferved the flower of all the nobility and gentry then in newing it next morning.
England. Other writers give different accounts of This difafter was evidently owing to the romantic
the difpofition of the Englifh army, but they may be difpofition of the king himfelf, and to the want of dif-
reconciled by the different forms into which the battle
was thrown before it was decided. The lord Hume
is mentioned as ferving under the earls of Crawford
and Montrofe, and Hepburn earl of Bothwel in the
rear.
The firft motion of the Englifli army was by the
lord-admiral, who fuddenly wheeled to the right, and
feized a pafs at Milford, where he planted his artillery
fo as to command the moft floping part pf the afcent
where the Scots were drawn up; and itdid great exe¬
cution. The Scots had not forefeen this manoeuvre ;
and it put them into fuch diforder, that the earl of lofs of the Englifh at 5000,. and that of the Scots
Huntley found it nectflary to attack the lord-admiral; at 10,000.
cipline among many of his foldiers; though fome writers
have afcribed it to the treachery of lord Hume.
Many of James’s domeftics knew and mourned over
his body; and it appeared that he had received two
mortal wounds, one through the trunk with an arrow,
and the other on the head with a bill. His coat of
armour was prefented to queen Catharine, who in¬
formed her hufband, then in France, of the vi&ory
over the Scots. The lofs on both fides, in this en¬
gagement, is far from being afcertained ; though
Polydore Virgil, who lived at the time, mentions the
which he did with fo much fury, that he drove him
from his poft ; and the confluence muft have been
After the death of king James IV. the adminiftra-Th
tion devolved on the queen-dowager; but fhe being big dowager af-
fatal to the Englifh, had not his precipitate retreat with a pofthumous child,, and unable to bear the weight fumes the
been covered by fome fquadronsof horfe under the.lord
Dacres, which gave the lord-admiral an opportunity
of rallying and new-forming his 1
of public bufinefs, accepted of Beaton archbifhop ofgovem-
Glafgow. and chancellor of Scotland, with the earls of ment•
Surry now found it neceffary to advance to the front,
fo that the Englifh army formed one continued line,
The earl of Huntly, Angus, and Arran, to affift her in the af¬
fairs of government. Soon after her hufband’s death, r.37j
„ , fhe had wrote an affe&ing letter to her brother the ^to f
which galled the Sects, with perpetual difcharges of king of England, informing him of her pregnancy,
i'ettrug
The Scot-
tilh affairs
in great
confufion.
SCO [ 7070 ] SCO
fetting forth the deplorable Rate of the kingdom, with ing fupported by the clan of his own name and by the Scotland,
“her own condition, and imploring his friendfliip and Humes, made fo formidable a head againft his rivals, —
protedlion for herfelf and her infant fon. This letter that none could be found daring enough to publifli
feems never to have been communicated by Henry to the papal bull in favour of Forman. The friends of the
his council; but he anfwered it, and informed his latter, however, having intimated to the earl of Hume,
filter, that if the Scots would have peace, they fhould that his credit at the court of Rome could eafily pro-
have peace, and war if they chpfe it. “ He added cure the rich abbey of Coldingham for his younger
(according to Drummond), that her hufband had brother, the earl put himfelf at the head of his fol-
fallen by his own indifcreet rafhnefs, and foolifh kind- lowers, and, notwithilanding all the oppofition given
nefs to France ; that he regretted his death as his by the Hepburns, be proclaimed the pope’s bull over
ally, and Ihould be willing to prohibit all hoftility the crofs of Edinburgh. This daring adtion plainly
againft the country of Scotland during the minority proved that the earl of Hume had more power than
of her fon. For a remedy of prefent evils, one year’s the queen-regent herfelf; but Hepburn’s refolution,
truce and a day longer was yielded unto ; in which and the greatnefs of his friends, obliged Forman to
time he had leifure to profecute his deligns againft to agree to a compromife. Hepburn was advanced
France, without fear of being difturbed or diverted to the fee of Moray, without accounting for the re-
by the incuffions and inrods of the Scots upon his venues of the archbilhopric, which he had received
borders.” , during its vacancy; and he gave Forman a prefent of
Thus far Drummond: but though Henry might three thoufand crowns, to be divided among his friends
grant this time to his filter’s intreaty, yet it certainly and followers.
did not become a national meafure; for it appears by In April 1514, the poftbumous fon of whom the
a letter dated two years after, from the Scots council queen had been delivered in Stirling caftle, was by 3?J
to the king of France, publiflied by Rymer, that the the bifhop of Caithnefs baptized Alexander. .On the The queen
Scots never had defired a truce. So far from that, 6th of Auguft this year (he was married to the earl of dowag6*-
the French influence, joined to a defire of revenge, re- Angus; than which nothing could be accounted more
maintd fo ftrong in the kingdom, that after the meet- impolitic. She had neither confulted her brother AngUSi
ing of the parliament, fome of the members were fo nor the ftates of Scotland in the match ; and by her
violent as to propofe a renewal of the war. This mo- having accepted of a hufband, fhe in faft refigned all
lion was indeed over-rpled by the more moderate part claim to the regency under the late king’s will,
of the aflembly: but they could not be brought to The Douglafles did not difpute her having divefted
make any advances towards Henry for a peace; and herfelf of the regency: but they affirmed, that the
every day was now big with public calamity, which ftates might lawfully reinftate her in it; and that the
feems to have gathered ftrength during the queen’s in- peaceof thekingdomrequired it, as it was theonly mea-
lying. The archbiftiopric of St Andrew’s being va- fure that could preferve the happy tranquillity which
cant, it was offered by univerfaf confent to Elphinfton then fubfifted between Scotland and England. The
bifhop of Aberdeen ; but being now old and infirm, earl of Hume put himfelf at the head of the oppofition
he declined it. Three competitors for that high dig- to this pfopofal. He knew that he had enemies, and
nity then appeared. The firft was Gawin Douglas, he dreaded that the farther aggrandizement of Angus
who was then abbot of Aberbrothwic, to which he muft weaken his intereft on the borders. He was
was prefented by the queen upon her recovery (ha- joined by a number of the young nobility, who, tho’
ving been brought to bed of a fon) the very day be- otherwife divided, united againft Angus. In fhort,
fore her marriage with his nephew the earl of Angus; the general opinion was, that the Douglaffes were al¬
and upon the death of bifhop Elphinfton in November ready too great; and that, fhould the queen be rein¬
following, fhe prefented him likewife to the arch- ftated in the regency, they muft be abfolute within the
bifhopric of St Andrew’s. The fecond competitor kingdom, and engrofs all places of power and profit,
was John Hepburn, prior of St Andrew’s; a bold, It was added by the earl of Hume, that he had, out
avaricious, reftlefs, but fhrewd and fenfible prieft. By of refpeft to the late king’s memory, fubmitted to the
bis office he had received the rents of the fee during queen’s government; and that, now fhe had made a
its vacancy; and having prevailed with the canons, on voluntary abdication of it by her marriage, it ought
pretence of ancient priveleges, to eleft him archbifhop, not to be renewed. 37iS
without regard to the nomination either of the queen After fome deliberations, the duke of Albany was The duke
or pope, he drove Douglas’s fervants from the caftle chofen regent. He was a man pofieffed of all the qua-of Albany
of St Andrew’s, of which they had taken pofleffion. lilies requifite for a good governor; nor did he de-cho|i:n re*
The third and moft powerful competitor was Forman ceive the expectations of the public. On his arrival at “en ‘
bifhop of Moray in Scotland, and archbifhop of Glafgow, he took upon him the titles of earl of March,
Bourges in France, a dignity to which he had been Marr, Garioch, lord of Annandale, and of the ifle of
raifed for his public fervices. He had in his intereft Man, regent and protedor of the kingdom of Scotland,
not only the duke of Albany (fon to the traitor duke) On his arrival at Edinburgh he was received in form
firft prince of the blood, but alfo the court of Rome it- by the three eftates of the kingdom, and the queen had
felf; and having received the pope’s bull and nomina- methim at fome diftance from the town. The parlia-
tion to the dignity, he was conlidered by the Scotch ment then refumed its felTion, and the three eftates
clergy in general, and by the principal tenants and took an oath of obedience, till the king, then an in¬
dependents upon the fee, as the legal archbifhop. fant of four years old, fhould arrive at the years of
The preference given to Forman difcouraged Doug- maturity,
las from purfuing his pretenfions j but Hepburn, be- The firfl; thing at which the regent aimed, was the
Scotland-
57 7
Hepburns
becomes his
378
‘He at-
[deftroy the
learl of
[Hu me.
|i
:
i
.
SCO [ 7071 ] SCO
conciliating the differences amongft the various con- Scots} was affigned ; and the queen-mother was left at Scotland,
tending families in the kingdom; at the fame time that liberty to refide where ffie pleafed. 379
he fuppreffed fome daring robbers, one of whom is The ear! of Hume, finding his fchemes thus abor- Who is
faid to have had no fewer than 800 attendants in his live, retired to his own eftate ; from whence he wasdnvfmmto
infamous profeffion. So great was his love of good foon after drawn, and obliged to fly into England, by -nSan
order and decency, that he punifhed the lord Drum- the earls of Arran and Lenox. The queen-mother
mond with the lofs of his eftate for having llruck Lyon retired to a monaftery at Coldftream ; and meffengers
king at arms, whole perfon, as the firft herald in Scot- were difpatched to the court of England, to know
land, ought to have been held facred Nay, it was how Henry would have his filter difpofed of. He.
at the earneft folicitation of Lyon himfelf, and many ordered the lord Dacres, his warden of the marches, to
of the chief nobility, that a greater punifhment was attend her to Harbottle-caftle in Northumberland ;
not inflicted. However, the forfeiture was afterwards and here fhe was delivered of her daughter the Lady
remitted; but not before Drummond had, upon his Mary Douglas, mother to Henry lord Darnley,father
knees, acknowledged his offence, and fubmitted him- to James I. of England. The regent difpatched am-
felf before Lyon. baffadors to Henry, in order to vindicate his own con-
The regent had not been long in office before he duft. He likewife fent to affure the queen that flic had
took into favour Hepburn the prior of St Andrew’s, nothing to fear in Scotland; and to invite her to return
whom he confuhed for information concerning the thither, where Ihe fhould at all times be admitted to fee 3g0
ftate of Scotland. Hepburn acquainted him with herchildren. This offer, however, Ihe declined; and ftt The queen-
all the feuds and animofities which raged among out for London, where (Ire was affeftionately received goes to
the great families of Scotland, their ferocious charac- and entertained by her brother. But in the mean •linS'an<i,
ter, and barbarous behaviour to their enemies. Here- time many diforders were committed throughout the
prefented the civil power as too weak to curb thefe kingdom by the party of the queen-mother; tho’, by.
potent chieftains; and gave it as his opinion that the the interpofition of archbifliop Forman, they were at
regent’s adminiftration ought to be fupported by fo- prefent terminated without bloodlhed, and fome of the.
reign arms, meaning thofe of France. principal offenders were perfuaded to return to their
Hepburn is faid alfo to have gained an afeen- duty. Among thefe was the carl of Angus himfelf,
dency over the regent by means of large firms of the queen’s hulband; which when king Henry heard,
money laid out among his domeftics, by a fawn- he exclaimed, “ That the earl, by deferting his wife,mjtsto the
ing and plaufible addrefs, and by vvell-diredled flat- had adled like a Scot.,, Lord Hume refufed to fur-regent,
teries; and he employed this afcendency to deftroy render himfelf, or to accept of the regent’s terms ; and
thofe who were obnoxious to himfelf. The earl was of confequence declared a traitor, and his eftate
of Hume, as being the firft fubjedt in rank and au- confifcated. All this time he had been infefting the
thority, became obnoxious to the rege-nt, through the borders at the head of a lawlefs banditti; and now he
infinuations of Hepburn ; and as that nobleman had began to commit fuch devaftations, that the regent
frequent occafion to be at court in virtue of his office found it neceffary to march againft him at the head of
of chamberlain, be foon perceived that neither he 1000 difeiplined troops. Hume being obliged to lay
nor his friends were welcome guefts there. Alarmed down his arms, was frnt prifoner to Edinburgh caftle;.
for his own fafety, he refolved to form a party alongft: where the regent very unaccountably committed hitn
with the queen-mother and her new hulband againft to the charge of his brother-in-law the earl of Ar-
the regent. This was by no means a difficult talk; for ran. Hume eafily found means to gain over this near
the queen naturally imagined that her new hulband relation to his own party; and both of them, in the'
ought to have had fome lhare in the government; and month of Oflober 1515, efcaped to the borders, where Rebellion,
the earl of Angus readily concurred in the fcheme. they foon renewed hoftilities. Both the earls were and com-
In the mean time, the regent was making a prog refs • now proclaimed traitors, but Hume was allowed fif- motions in-
through Scotland,_ where bloody feuds were raging teen days to furrender .himfelf. This Ihort interval the
among the nobles : but before any remedy could be regent employed in quafhing the rebellion, for whichP 2
applied to thefe diforders, he was informed of the purpofe the parliament had allowed, him 15,000 men.
fchemes laid by the queen-mother and her party ; and He befieged the caltle of Hamilton, the earl of Ar-
that Ihe had refolved to fly into England with her rail’s chief feat, which was in no condition of de-
two infants. On this he inftantly returned to Edin- fence : but be was prevailed upon by Arran’s mother,
burgh ; and, as no time was to be loft, fet out at mid- daughter to James IT. and aunt to the regent him-
night that very night, and furprifed the caftle of Stir- ftlf, to forbear further hoftilities, and even to par-
ling, where he found the queen-mother and her two don her fon, provided he fhould return to his duty. Ar-
iofants. ran accordingly fubmitted; but the public tranquillity
The regent, after this bold ftep, took care to (how was not by that means reftored. An affociation, ■ t
that the care of the royal infants was his chief ftudy. the head of which was the earl of Moray, the king’s
As he himfelf was nearly allied to the crown, in order natural brother, had been formed againft the earl of
to remove all fufpicions and calumnies on that account, Huntley. That nobleman was too well attended to
he committed the care of the king and his brother to fear any danger by day; but his enemies found means-
three noblemen of the moft unexceptionable charadfers to introduce fome armed troops in the night-time in-
in the kingdom, but of whom we now know the name to Edinburgh. On this a fierce fkirmifh enfued, in
only of one, viz. the earl of Lenox. They were ap- which fome were killed on both fides ; but farther
pointed to attend the princes by turns; to whom alfo bloodlhed was prevented by the regent, who confined-
a guard, confifting partly of French and partly of all the lords in prifon till he had brought about a ge»-'
SCO.
SCO
[ 7072 ]
Scotland, neral veconciHafcion. One Hay, who had been very back the king to the caftle of Edinburgh, where Scotland.
’ a&ive in ftirring up the quarrels, was banilhed to all further accefs was denied to his mother. In
France; and only the earl of Hume now continued in fliort, the behaviour of this favourite was on all oc-
arms. cafions fo haughty and violent, that he rendered himfelf
In 1516 died the young duke of Rothefay: an event univerfally odious; and was at laft murdered, with all his
which brought the regent one degree nearer the crown, attendants, in his way to Dunfe, where he propofed to
fo that he was declared heir in cafe of the demife of hold a court of juftice.—His death was very little re¬
young James. Negociations were then entered into gretted; yet his murderers were profecuted with the
about prolonging the truce which at that time fubfifted utmoft feverity, and feveral perfons of diftinftion de-
with England; but Henry infilling upon a removal dared rebels on that account.
of the regent from his place, they were for the prefent Mean while the regent was treated with high marks
dropped. Finding, however, that he could neither of diftindlion in France. The king Ihowed him the
prevail on the parliament as a body to difmifs the re- greateft refpeft, promifed to affift in eftablilhing his
gent, nor form a party of any confequence againft authority in Scotland, and folemnly confirmed the an-
him, he at laft confented to a prolongation of the cient league between the two kingdoms. Soon after,
3g3 truce for a year. the earl of Lenox arrived from France, with affu-
The earl of In 1517, the affairs of the regent requiring his pre- ranees of prote&ion and afiiftance from the king, who
Hume put fence in France, he refolved, before his departure, to was highly pleafed at the zeal of the governors in pu-
to.death. rernove the earl of Hume, who, as we have feen, alone nifhing D’ Arcy’s murderers; and 500 foldiers arrived
continued to difturb the public tranquillity. Under with him to reinforce the garrifons, efpecially that of
pretence of fettling feme differences which ftill remain- Dunbar. 38;
ed with England, he called a convention the nobility; All this time the queen-mother continued at Edin-The queen
and fent fpecial letters to the earl of Hume and his burgh, employing herfelf in attempts to procure a d^o^ce^her
brother to attend, on account of their great knowledge vorce from her hufband, under pretence of his having i^foand.
in Englilh affairs. Both of them imprudently obeyed been previoufly contrafted to another. The affairs of
the fummons, and were feized and executed as foon as the kingdom again began to fall into confufion, and
they arrived at Edinburgh. But whatever occafion many murders and commotions happened in different
there might be for this feverity, it loft the jaffedlions of parts of the country. The earl of Arran had the chief
.the people to fuch a degree, that the regent could direction in the ftate; but the earl of Angus, not-
fcarce get the place filled up which lord Hume had withftanding the difference with his wife, had ftill
poffeffed. That of lord warden of the marches he at great intereft, and waited every opportunity to oppofe 385
laft gave to his French favourite La Beaute, called by him. This emulation produced an encounter at Edin-Skirmilh
hifiorians Sir Anthony D’Arcy. The poll of lord burgh; in which viftory declared for Angus, and 72 followers^
chamberlain was given to lord Fleming. Soon after of the routed party were killed. This Ikirmifh was earj of
this the regent levied an army, on pretence of repreffmg fought on the 30th of April 1519, and has been Arran and
fome difturbances on the borders. Thefe being fpeedily known in Scots hiftory by the name of Cleanfe tbsA-ngws.
quelled, he feized on his return upon the earl of Lenox, Caufeway.
and forced him to deliver up his caftle of Dumbarton; On the 19th of November 1521 the regent returned
The regent not choofing to leave it, during his intended abfence in from France. He found the kingdom in great difor-
goesm France, in the cuftody of a nobleman of fufpefted fi- der. The earl of Angus domineered in the field, but
France, and delity ; and from fimilar motives he afterwards took him his antagonifts outvoted his party in the parliament,
the queen a]ong with him on his departure for the continent. He The queen-mother, who had fixed her affections on a
Scotland. t^en Procured himfelf to be nominated ambaffador to third hufbsnd, hated all parties almoft equally; but
France, in which character he left the kingdom; ha- joined the duke of Albany, in hopes of his depriving
ving committed the government to the archbilhops of the other two of their power. This happened accor-
St Andrew’s and Glafgow, the earls of Arran, An- ding to her expectation; and ftie was with the regent
gus, Huntley, and Argyle, with the warden D’Arcy, when he made a kind of triumphal entry into Edin-
on whom was his chief dependence. burgh,' attended by a number of perfftns of the firft
On the departure of the regent, the queen-mother rank.—The earl of Angus was now fnmmoned to ap-
left the‘Englilh court; and arrived with a noble re- pear as a criminal; but his wife interceded for him,
tinue at Berwick, on purpofe to vifit her fon. Here not out of any remains of affeCtion, but becaufe he
Ihe was received by her hulband ; for whom Ihe had gave her no oppofitionin the procefs of divorce which
contracted an invincible averfion, either on account of was depending between them.—In the mean time, 387
his infidelities to her bed, or becaufe he had deferted Henry VIII. of England, perceiving that the Scots War vvIjh
her in the manner already related. However, Ihe fup- were entirely devoted to the French interdl, fent a let-En£an "
preffed her refentment for the prefent, and accompanied ter full of accufations againft the regent, and threats
him to Edinburgh. Here, in confequence of the pro- againft the whole nation if they did not renounce
pofals made by the regent, Ihe demanded accefs to her that alliance. No regard being paid to thefe requifi-
fon; but was refufed by D’Arcy. Lord Erlliine, how- tions, lord Dacres was ordered to proclaim upon the
ever, who was one of thofe to whom the care of the borders, that the Scots muft Hand to their peril if they
young king was committed, conveyed him to the caftle did not fall in with his meafures by the firft of March
of Craigmillar, (where D’Arcy had nojurifdiCtion,) on 1522. This producing no effeCt, Henry feized the ef-
pretence that the plague was in Edinburgh; and there feCts of all the Scots refiding in England, and banilhcd
the queen was admitted: but this gave fuch offence to them his dominions, after marking them, according to
D’ Arcy, that Lord Erlkine was obliged to carry bifiiop Lefley, with a crofs, to diftinguifh them from
• ' his
SCO [ 7073 ] SCO
Scotland, his dther fubjefts. A war was the unavoidable con- AH this time the eavl of Surry had been carrying Scotland.
fequence of thefe proceedings; and, on the 30th of on the moft cruel and deftruaive war againft Scotland; 
April,; the earl of Shrewlbury, Henry’s fteward of infomuch that, according to cardinal Wolfey, “ thereCrut;1 deva-
the houfehold, and knight of the garter, was appointed was left neither houfe, fortrefs, village, tree, cattle, ftations of
j.._ chief of the army that was to jtft a- corn, nor other fuccour for man,” in the countries of{^ Ens'
Tweedale and March. The regent’s return did not
immediately put a flop to thefe devaftations ; for the .
inteftine. divifions in Scotland prevented him from
taking the field. His party was weakened by his
commander in chief of the army that was to a£t a-
gainft the Scots; and in the mean time lord Dacres
made an inroad as far as Kelfo, plundering and burn-
388 *ng wherever he came.
The Scots The regent ordered his army to rendezvous at Rof-
retufetoin- ]i0 ; but the Scots, remembering the difafler at Flod-
vade Eng- an extreme averfion to the war, and
an ‘ even told the regent to his face, that though they
would defend tbemfelves in cafe they were attacked,
they would not engage in a French quarrel. The re¬
gent remonllrated, but without efFeft; and as the mal¬
contents continued obftinate, he was in danger of be¬
ing left byhimfelf, when the queen-mother.interpofed,
and prevailed upon lord Dacres to agree to a confe¬
rence, the event of which was a renewal of the nego-
ciations for peace.
The3regent rertc‘nt> perceiving, by the difgrace of this ex-
goes to* pedition, that he had loll his former popularity, de-
France for termined to revenge himfelf; and therefore told thofe
affiftance. whom he could trud, "that he was about to return to
France, from whence he fhould bring fuch a force by
fea and land, as fhould render it unneceffary for him to
afk leave of the Scots any more to invade England,
long abfence, and the queen-mother had been very
a&ive in firengthening the Englifh intereft. A parlia¬
ment was called in 1523, where it was debated whe¬
ther peace or war with England fhould be refolved on;
andthe determinations of this parliament were evidently
on the word fide of the queditin. Henry was at this Henry of-
time fo well difpofed to cultivate a friendfhip with,er* Pe^ce>
Scotland, that hi offered to James his elded fider Mary
in marriage; but the Scots, animated by the appearancereJ C
of their French auxiliaries, and corrupted by their gold,
reje£ted all terms, and refolved upon war. However,
when the army was affembled, and had advanced to the
borders, he found the fame difficulty he had formerly
experienced ; for they flatly refufed to enter Eng¬
land. With great difficulty he prevailed upon part
of the army to pafs the Tweed; but not meeting with
fuccefs, he was obliged to return to Scotland, which
at this time was divided into four faftior ~
„ One of
Accordingly he embarked for France on the 25th of thefe were headed by the regent, another by the
Oftober, but publicly gave out that he would return queen, a third by the earl of Arran, and a fourth by
the enfuing Augufl. the earl of Angus, who had lived as an exile under
On the regent’s arrival in France, he made a de- Henry’s protection. Had it been poffible for the
mand of 10,000 foot and 5000 horfe for carrying on earl of Angus and his wife to have been reconciled to
the war againlt England; but the fituation of king each other, it would have been much for the intereft The duke
Francis did not then allow him to fpare fo many at of the kingdom; but all the art even of cardinal Wol-of Albany
once, though he was daily fending over ftiips with fey could not efftCl this. At laft, the duke of Al-r^§nsllis
s;)0 men, ammunition, and money, for the French garrifons bany, finding all parties united againft him, refigned gCnCte re*
The Eng- in Scotland. At laft it was publicly known in Eng- his office of regent of Scotland. On the 14th of May
li(h refolvc land, that the regent was about to return with a ftrong that year, he went on board one of his own (hips for
to mterceptfl,^ ancj ^000 0f tjie beft troops in France; upon France, from whence he never returned to Scotland.
lm’ which Henry determined, if poffible, to intercept He did not indeed make a formal abdication of his
him. Sir William Fitz-Williams, with 36 large fhips, government. So far from that, he requefted the no-
was ordered to block up the French fquadron in the bility, whom he convened for that purpofe, to enter
harbour of Finhead; Sir Anthony Foyntz cruized with into no alliance with England during his abfence,
another in the weftern feas, as Sir Chriftopher Dow and which he faid would continue ,no longer than the fii ft
Sir Henry Shireburn did in the northern with a third of September following; to make no alteration in the
fquadron. The duke of Albany, being unable to government ; and to keep the king at Stirling,
cope with Fitz-Williams, was obliged to fet out from The nobility, who were impatient for the abfence
another port with twelve fhips, having fome troops on of the regent, readily promifed whatever he required,
board. They fell in with Fitz-Williams’s fquadron ; but without any intention of performing it: nor in-
two of their (hips were funk, and the reft driven deed was it in their power to comply ; for it had been
back to Dieppe. Fitz-Williams then made a defcent previoufly determined that James himfelf fhould now
at Treport, where he burnt 18 French fnips, and take the adminiftration into his own hands. Ac-
returned to his ftation off Finhead. By this time the cording to Buchanan, the regent had no fooner re-
Frcnch had given the duke fuch a reinforcement as turned to France than Scotland relapfed into all the
made him an overmatch for the Englifh admiral, had miferies of anarchy. The queen-dowager had the
the men been equally good ; but the regent had no management of public affairs, but her power was
dependence upon French failors when put in.competi- limited. The earl of Arran, apprehending danger
He outwits ‘i00 t^ie Englifh. Inftead of coming to an en- from the Englifh, entered into the views of the French
them; and gagement, therefore,as foon as Fitz-Williams appeared, party. The queen-mother’s diflike to her hufband
lands'in he difembarked his foldiers, as if he had intended to continued as great as ever, which prevented an union
Scotland, delay his expedition for that year; but a ftorm foon among thofe who were in the Englifh intereft ; and ,
arifing, which obliged the Engltfh fleet to return to Wolfey took that opportunity of rcflofing the earl of
the Downs, the regent took that opportunity of re- Angus to all his importance in Scotland. The queen
imbarking his men, and, failing by the weftern coafts, mother, therefore, had no other way left to keep berfelf
arrived fafe in Scotland. in power, but to bring James himfelf into a&ioa. On
Vol. IX. I 39 lhe
SCO [ 7074 ] SCO
Scotland, the 29th of July, therefore, he removed from Stirling removed to the cafile of Edinburgh. Being now un* Scotland,
to the abbey of Holyrood-houfe ; where he took upon der the neceflity of convening a parliament, it was re-
J<nies takeshimfelf the exercife of government, by convoking the
noon him- nobility, and obliging them to fwear allegiance to his
felf the go perfon a fecond time. The truce with England was
now prolonged, and the queen’s party'carried all be-
folved to hold it within the cattle; which, being an
unconftitutional meafure, gave a great handle to the
earl of Arran and his party to complain of the inno- 400
vation. They began with remonftrances; but finding Who is be-
now prolonged, ana the queen s party carriea an oe- vauon. iney organ wun remoniirances, our iniunig
fore them. On the very day on which the laft truce them ineffectual, they formed a blockade of the catt'e|ed^<J)
s figned with England, the earl of Angus entered
Scotland. He had been invited from his exile in
France into England, where he was careffed by Henry,
The earl ofw^10 difregarded all his fitter’s intreaties to fend him
Angus re- back to France, and now refolved to fupport him in
tmns to Scotland. Yet, though his declared intention in fend-
Scotiand. ingp the ear] to Scotland was, that the latter might
balance the French party there, the king enjoined
him to fue, in the molt humble manner, for a reconci¬
liation with his wife, and to co-operate with the earl
of Arran, who now a£ted as prime minifter, as long
as he fiiould oppofe the French party. On his return,
however, he found himfelf excluded from all fhare in
with 2000 n
the town by means of trenches. As no provifions
could thus be got into the caftle, the queen ordered
fome of the cannon to be turned againtt the town,
in order to force the citizens to break the block¬
ade. Several fhot were fired: but when all things
appeared ready for a civil war, matters were com*
promifed, though in fuch an imperfect manner as
left very little room to hope for perfedt tranquillity.
It was agreed, that the king fhould remove out of the
caftle of Edinburgh to the palace of Holyroodhoufe ;
from whence he fhould repair with all poffible magni¬
ficence to his parliament, in the houfe where it 1
the government, but foon found means to form a ftrong commonly held ; and there a finifhing hand was to be
party in oppofition to Arran. In the mean time am-
baffadors were fent to the court of England, in order to
treat of a perpetual peace between the two nations.
At the fame time a match was propofed between the
young king of Scotland and Henry’s daughter. This
had originally been a fcheme of Henry himfelf; but
put to all differences. This agreement waa figned on
the 25th of February 1526. The parliament accord- Miin-iagf!0f
ingly met, and th.e king’s marriage with the princefs James-with
of England was confirmed: but no mention was made an Englifh
of the king’s being fent for his education into that Prlinc'?(sre~
country; on the contrary,, he was committed to the care<0lVe oru
peace with tjje emperor Charles V. had refolved to outbid him, of eight lords of parliament. Thefe were to have the
^ an ’ by offering James a princefs of his own family, with
an immenfe treafure. The ambaffadors arrived at
London on the 19th of December, and found Henry
very much difpofed both to the peace and to the match.
Commiffioners were appointed to treat of both ; but
they were inftrufled to demand by way of preliminary,
that the Scots fhould abfolutely renounce their league
with France, and that James fhould be fent for edu¬
cation to England till he fhould be of a proper age
for marriage. The Scottilh commiffioners declared,
that they had no inftruftions on thefe points: but one
of them, the earl of Caffils, offered to return to
Scotland, and bring a definitive anfwer from the three
ftates; and in the mean time the truce was prolonged
to the 15th of May J525. On his arrival at Edin-
The^earl ^ouni^ ‘h6 earl of Angus the leading man in
Angus parliament; by whofe influence it was determined that
cuftody of the king’s perfon, every one his month
fucceffively, and the whole to {land for the govern¬
ment of the ftate; yet with this limitation, “ that
the king, by their counfel, fhould not ordain or deter¬
mine any thing in great affairs to which the queen, as
princefs and dowager, did not give herconfent.” This
partition of power, by giving the queen a negative in
all public matters, foon threw every thing into confu-
fion. The earl of Angus, by leading the king into
various feenes of pleafure and diffipation, fo gained
the afcendency over him, that he became in a man¬
ner totally guided by him. The queen-mother, per¬
ceiving that fbe could not have accefs toherfon, with¬
out at the fame time being in company with her huf- 4°l
band, whom (lie hated, retired fuddenly with her do-the hands'*
meftics to Stirling. Thus the king was left under the0f tire earl
foie tuition of the earl of Angus, who made a very of Angus,
the Scots fhould renounce their league with France, bad ufe of his power ; engroffing into his own hands.
and fubflitute in place of it a fimilar league with
England; and that the king fbould be brought up at
or thofe of his friends, all the places of honour or pro¬
fit. The archbifhop of St Andrew’s having now
the Englifh court till he was of an age proper for joined the queen’s party, advifed her to make a for-
marriage: but at the fame time they required of mal demand upon her hufband, that the order of go-
Henry to break off all engagements with Charles V.
who was the bitter enemy of Francis, and at that time
vernment which had been fettled lafl parliament fhould
take place, and that under a penalty he fhould fet
detained him prifoner. To this the Englifh monarch the king at liberty. To this the earl anfwered by
returned but a cold anfwer, being then engaged in a kind of manifefto drawn up by his brother ; in which
number of treaties with the emperor, among which one he declared, that “ the earl of Angus having been fa
was concerning the marriage of the princefs Mary with highly favoured by his good uncle the king of Eng-
his imperial majefty hitnfelf; however, before Caffils land, and that James himfelf being under great obli¬
gations to him, that neither the queen nor the other
lords need be in any pain about him, as he chofe to
returned, a truce of two years and a half was conclu¬
ded between England and Scotland.
Is oppofed But now the queen-mother, though fhe had always fpend his time with the earl of Angus rather than
by the been a warm advocate for an alliance between the two with any lord in the kingdom.” James himfelf, 40j
queen- nations, yet difliked the means of bringing it about, however, had difeernment fufficient to perceive, that, Attempts
mother, She faw her hufband’s party increafing every day notwithftanding all {he fair pretences of the earltc! recovet‘
in power; fo that now fhe had no other refource than ” ' ‘ * ...... t...
in keeping poffeflion of the king’s perfon, whom (he
of Angus, he was in fa£l no better than his prifoner; ^ ^berty,
and refolved to attempt the recovery of his liberty.
' The
SCO [ 7075 ] SCO
Scatland. The earls of Argyle and Arran had for fonve time re-
tired from court, where they had no (hare in the ad-
miniftration, and were living on their own eftates ;
hut the earl of Lenox diflembled his fentiments fo
well, that he was neither fufpe&ed by the earl of An¬
gus, nor any of the Douglas family, who were his
partifans. The king being gained upon by his infi-
nuating behaviour, opened his mind to him, and
requefted his affiltance againft his treacherous keep¬
ers. At the fame time he fent letters to his mo¬
ther, and the heads of her party, by fome of his do-
tneftics whom Lenox had pointed out, intreating them
to remove him from the earl, and not fuffer him any
longer to remain under his imperious jurifdi&ion ; ad¬
ding, that if this could not be done by any other means,
they fliould ufe force of arms.
On receiving this letter, the queen and her party
afiembled their forces at Stirling, and without lofs of
time began their march for Edinburgh. Angus, on
the other hand, prepared to give them a warm recep¬
tion, but at the fame time to carry along with him
the king. This refolution being made known to the
queen-mother, (he was fo much concerned for the
404 fafety of her fon, that the whole party difbanded them-
{S r!?'** fe‘ve*» and thus the authority of the earl of Angus
c * feemed to be more eftablifhed than ever. Nothing in¬
deed was now wanting to render him defpotic but the
poflefiion of the great feal, which the archbifhop of
St Andrew’s had carried with him to Dunfermline.
As no deed of any confequence could be executed
without this, he prevailed upon the king to demand
it by a fpecial meflage; in confequence of which, the
40J archbilhop was obliged to give it up. About this
The queen- time the divorce which had been fo long in agitation
mother di- between the queen-mother and the earl of Angus, ac-
hurband^ tua^y t00^ P*ace * which, no doubt, increafed the dif-
like of James to his confinement, while the imprudence
of Angus gave every day frelh matter of difguft. As
Angus knew that he had no firm fupport but in the at¬
tachment of his ^followers to his perfon, he fuffered
themtorob and plundertheeftatesof his opponentswith-
out mercy. Thefe, again, did not fail to make reprifals;
fo that, towards the end of the year 1526, there was
fcarce any appearance of civil government in Scotland.
Thus the court became almoft totally deferted ; every
nobleman being obliged to go home to defend his own
eftate. Even Angus himfelf (hared in the common
calamity, and hence was frequently obliged to leave
the king to the cuftody of Lenox. To this noble¬
man the king now made the moft grievous complaints,
and charged him to contrive fome plan for his efcape.
Th^baron Lenox accordingly recommended to him the ba-
of Buc- ron of Buccleugh, who was very powerful in the
cleugb at- fouthern parts, and a violent enemy to Angus and the
tempts to w[1Q]e fam;iy 0f Douglas. To him he gave orders to
king^but is foment the diforders in the fouthern parts to fuch a
defeated, degree as to require the king’s jjerfoual prefence to
compofe them. Buccleugh was then t6 attack the
party, and take the king by force from the Douglaf-
fes. This fcheme was put in execution, but Buccleugh
had the misfortune to be defeated ; fo that the attempt
proved abortive, and James found hitnfelf in a worfe
fituation than ever. After this attempt, however, as
the earl of Angus could not but know that Lenox had
been acceflbry to it, the former behaved towardsjiira
with fuch vifible indifference, that Lenox openly de* Scotland,
dared againlt him, and. advifed the king to make up
friendfhip with the archbiihop of St Andrew’s in or¬
der to effed his liberty. This was accordingly done;
but the intereft of the archbilhop and Lenox was over¬
balanced by that of Arran and the Hamilton family,
whom the earl of 4.ngus now drew over to his party.
However, the earl of Lenox, having received powers
from the king for that purpofe, fuddeniy retired from _
court; and publilhed a manifefto, inviting all loyal fub- Another at-
jeSs to afiift him in delivering the king from confine-tempt by
ment. In confequence of this he was foon joined by ^enox*
a numerous army, with whom he advanced towards
Edinburgh. Angus did not fail to affemble his adhe¬
rents; and fent orders to the inhabitants of Edinburgh
to take the field, with the king at their head. The
citizens immediately got themfelves under arms; but
James pretending to be indifpofed, Sir George Dou¬
glas, brother to the earl of Angus, made him the
following fpeech : “ Sir, rather than our enemies
fhould take you from us, we will lay hold of your per¬
fon ; and Ihould you be torn in pieces in the ftruggle,
we will carry off part of your body.” Upon this
fpeech, which James never forgot, he mounted his horfe
and fet forward to Linlithgow, but with a very flow
pace; infomuch that Sir George Douglas, afraid of
not coming in time to fuccour his brother, made ufe
of many indecent expreffions and adlions topulh James
on to the field of battle. Three expreffes arrived from
the earl of Angus; the firft informing his brother that
he was about to engage with a fuperior army ; the
fecond, that Angus was engaged with a divifion of
Lenox’s army, commanded by the earl of Glencairn ;
and that Lenox himfelf was engaged with the Hamil-
tons. The third informed him that Lenox, if not
aftually defeated, was on the point of being fo. Upon
receiving this lalt news, James haftened to the field of\yho°i*de¬
battle, that he might fave Lenox, and put an end tOfeated and
the bloodlhed. But he came too late : for the royal killed,
party was already defeated with great (laughter; and
Lenox himfelf, after being wounded and taken prifo-
ner, was murdered by Sir James Hamilton.
On the night of the battle, the king was removed
to Linlithgow; and though he was under the greateft
grief for the fate of Lenox, the behavioyr of the
Douglaffes ftruck him with fuch terror that he
diffembled his fentiments. The eatl of Angus led his
vi&orious troops into Fife, in hopes of furprifing the 409
queen and the archbifitop of St Andrew’s. The queen, The queen-
on the news of his approach, fled, with her new huf-mother and
band Henry Stuart brother to lord Evandale, to Edin-arc^l>l(l10P
burgh, where they were admitted into the caftle. The°^Scd
archbifliop fled to the mountains, where he was obli-
ged to keep cattle as a (hepherd. Angus, after having
plundered the caftle of St Andrews and the abbey of
Dunfermline, returned in triumph to Edinburgh, where
he prepared to befiege the caftle; but the queen, heart¬
ing that her fon was among the number of the be-
fiegers, ordered the gates of the caftle to be thrown
open, and furrendered herfelf and berhufband prifoners
to James, who was advifed to confine them to the
caftle.—After thefe repeated fucccffes, the earl of
Angus eftabliflied a kind of court of juftice, in which
he profecuted thofe who had oppoied him, among
whom was the earl of Caffils. He was offered by Sir
39 ^>,2 James
SCO [ 7076 ] SCO
Scotland. James Hamilton, natural fon to the earl of Arran, the
4i0” fame who had murdered Lenox, an indemnity if he
Trial and vvould own himfelf a vafial of that houfe ; but this con-
murder of dition was rejected. Being called to his trial, and ac-
Cafllh °f cu^e<^ having taken arms againft the king, a gentle¬
man of his name and family, who was his advocate,
denied the charge, and offered to produce a letter un¬
der James’s own hand, defiring him to affift in deliver¬
ing him from his gaolers. This ftriking evidence con¬
founded the profecutor fo much, that the earl was ac¬
quitted; but on his return home he was way-laid
and murdered by one Hugh Campbell, at the inftiga-
tion of Sir James Hamilton.
Dating thefe tranfa&ions in the fouth, many of the
Highland clans were perpetrating the moll horrid
fcenes of rapine and murder, which in fome places
reigned alfo in the Lowlands. The flate of the bor¬
ders was little better than that of the Highlands ; but
it engaged the attention of Angus more, as he had
great intereft in thefe parts. Marching, therefore, a-
gainlt the banditti which infefted thefe parts, he foon
reduced them to reafon. His power feemed now to
411 be firmly eftablifhed, infomuch that the archbifhop of
James St Andrew’s began to treat with Sir George Douglas,
from'his to w^om 0ffered lucrative leafes and other emolu-
eonfine- menfs if he would intercede with the regent, as Angus
aient. was called, in his favour. This was readily agreed to;
and the arehbifhop was allowed to return in fafety to
his palace about the fame time that Angus returned
from his expedition againft the borderers. Nothing
was then feen at court but feftivities of every kind, in
which the queen-mother, who was now relieved from
herconfincment, partook; and file was afterwards fuffer-
ed to depart to the caftle of Stirling ; which Angus, not
attending to its value, had negle&ed to fecure. In the
mean time the archbifhop invited the Douglaffes to
fpend fome days with him at his caftle; which they ac¬
cordingly did, and carried the king along with them.
Here James diffembled fo well, and feemed to be fo
enamoured of his new way of life, that Angus thought
there could be no danger in leaving him in the hands
of his friends till he fhould return to Lothian to fettle
fome publicas well as private affairs. Having takenleave
of the king, he left him in thecuftodyof his uncle Archi¬
bald, his brother Sir George, and one James Douglas of
Parkhead, who was captain of the guards that watched
his majefty on presence of doing him honour. The
earl was no fooner gone than the archbifhop fent an in¬
vitation to Sir George Douglas, defiring him to come
to St Andrew’s, and there put the laft hand to the
leafes, and finifh the bargains that had been fpoken
of between them. This was fo plaufible, that he
immediately fet out for St Andrew’s ; while his uncle
the treafurer went to Dundee, where he had an
amour. James thinking this to be the beft oppor¬
tunity that ever prefented to him for an efcape, re-
folved to avail himfelf of it at all events; and found
means, by a private meffage, to apprize his mqther of
his defign. It was then the feafon for hunting and diver-
fion, which James often followed in the park of Falk¬
land ; and calling for his forrefter, he told him, that as
the weather was fine, he intended to kill a flag next
morning, ordering him at the fame lime to fummon
all the gentlemen in the neighbourhood to attend him
with their beft dogs. He then called for his chief Scotland,
domeftics, and commanded them to get his fupper *
early, becaufe he intended to be in the field by day¬
break ; and he talked with the captain of his guard of
nothing but the excellent fport lie expedled to have
next morning. In the mean time, he had engaged
two young men, the one a page of his own, the other
John Hart, a helper about his {tables, to attend him
in his flight, and to provide him with the drefs of a
groom for a difguife. Having formally taken leave of
bis attendants, charging them to be ready early in the
morning, and being left alone, he Hole foftly out of
hia bed-chamber, went to the (table unperceived by the
guards, dreffed himfelf in his difguife; and he and his
companions mounting the three beft horfes there,
galloped to Stirling-caftle; into which, by the queen’s
appointment, he was admitted foon after day-break.
He commanded all the gates to be fecured ; and the
queen having previoufly prepared every thing for a
vigorous defence, orders were given that none fhould
be admitted into the caftle. without the king’s per-
mifiiou.
About an hour after the king efcaped from Falk¬
land, Sir George Douglas returned ; and being af-
fured that his Majefty wasafleep, he went to-bed. It
appears, that James had been feen and known in his
flight; for in -the morning the bailiff of Abernethy
came poft-hafte to inform Sir George that the king
had paffed Stirling bridge. They had, however, fome
glimmering hope that the king might be gone to
Bambrigh : but that furmife was foon found to be
falfe; and an exprefs was difpatched, informing An¬
gus of all that had happened. The earl quickly re¬
paired to Falkland, where he and his friends came to
a refolution of going to Stirling, and demanding accefs
to the king.
James by this time had iffued letters to the earls of 4rt
of Huntley, Argyle, Athol, Gtencairn, Menteith, He prepares
Rothes, and Egliuton ; the lords Graham, Levingtton, revenge
Lindfay Sinclair, Ruthven, Drummond, Evandale,
Maxwell, and Semple. Before all of them could arrive
at Stirling, the earl of Angus and his friends were upon
their journey to the fame place ; but were flopped by
a herald at arms, commanding them on their alle¬
giance not to approach within fix miles of the king’s
refidence. This order having fufficiently intimated
what they were to expect, the earl deliberated with
his party how to proceed. Some of them were for
marching on and taking the caftle by furprife ; but
that was found to be impradicable, efpecially as they
had no artillery. The earl and his brother therefore
refolved to make a (hew of fubmiffion to the king’s
order; and they accordingly went to Linlithgow. By
this time all the nobility already mentioned, and many
others, had affembled at Stirling; and James, calling
them to council, inveighed againft the tyranny of the
Douglaffes with an,acrimony that fufficiently difeovered
what pain it muft have given him when he was obliged
to bear it in filence. He concluded his fpeech with
thefe words: “ Therefore I defire, my lords* that I
may be fatisfied of the faid earl, his kin, and friends.
For I vow that Scotland fhall not hold us both, while
I be revenged on him and his.”
The refult of the council’s deliberation was, that
pro-
Scotland.
difappoint-
cd in their
defigns.
414
They' are
degraded
and for¬
feited.
SCO [70;
proclamation fiiould be made, renewing the order for
'the Douglafles not to approach the court, and divett¬
ing the earl of Angus and his brother of all their public
employments. In the mean time, fuch was the mo¬
deration of the affembly, that by their advice James
ordered the earl to retire to the north1 of the Spey till
his pleafure ftiould be known ; but his brother was
commanded to furrenderhimfelf a prifoner in the cattle
of Edinburgh, to take his trial in a very full parlia¬
ment, (ail the members being fummoned to attend),
to be held in that city next September. The earl
and his brother confidered their compliance with thofe
conditions as a prelude to their deftru&ion ; and re-
folved to juftify their treafons by ftill greater exceffes,
in furprifing the town of Edinburgh, and holding it
againit the king and parliament, before the latter
could aflemblc. Hittorians have not done that juftice
to the proceedings of the royal party on this occafion
which they deferve. The management of the king’s
efcape, his reception into Stirling, the fortifying that
cattle, and the ready obedience of his great nobility,
fome of whom attended him with their followers before
they received any furamonfes for that purpofe, are
proofs of wife and fpirited deliberations. Their con-
du& at this time, was equally confident with the fame
plan of forefight.
s It was naturally to be fuppofed that the DouglafTes,
• who remained aflembled in a numerous body, would
make the attempt already mentioned; but the royalifts
had the precaution to difpatch the. lord Maxwell and
the baron of Lochinvar, with a body of troops, to
take poffefiion of the town, till James could arrive
with 2000 forces to their relief. Maxwell and Loch¬
invar made fuch difpatch, that they were in poffefiion
of the town when the Douglaffes appeared before it,
and repulfed them; while a moft tenibte {form had
fcattered the troops under James before he could come
to their affiftance, fo effedfually, that, being left al-
moft without attendants, his perfon might have been
taken by the fmalleft party of the enemy. Upon the
retreat of the Douglaffes from Edinburgh, the parlia¬
ment met ; and none of them appearing in purfuance
of their furntnons, the earl of Angus, his brother
Sir George Douglas, his uncle Archibald Douglas,
and Alexander Drummond of Carnock, with fome of
their chief dependents, were inclined and forfeited for
the following offences: “ The affembling of the
king’s lieges, with intention to have aflaiied his per¬
fon ; the detaining of the king againft his will and
pleafure, and contrary to the articles agreed upon, for
the fpace of two years and more ; all which time
the king was in fear and danger of his life.” We
know of no advocate for the earl and his friends but
one Banantyne, who had the courage to plead their
caufe againft thofe heinous charges; and fo exafpera-
ted were both the king and parliament againft them,
that the fornfer fwore he never would forgive them,
and the latter that they never would intercede for their
pardon. Thus it was not deemed fufficient fimply to
declare their refolutions; but the folemnity of oaths
was added, with an intention to difeourage the
king of England from continuing the vigorous ap¬
plications he was every day making, by letters and
otherwife, for the pardon of Angus ; and to fhut ou,t
all hopes of that kind, James created his mother’s
77 1 S C O
third hufband (to whom fhe had been married for fome Scotland,
time) lord Methven, and gave him the direction of '
his artillery.
The difgrace and forfeiture of the Douglafles ha¬
ving created many vacancies in the ftate, Gavin Dun¬
bar, archbifhop of Glafgow, and tutor to the king,
was nominated lord chancellor, though but indiffer¬
ently qualified fora poft that ought to have been filled
by an able ftatefman ; and Robert Carncrofs, a per¬
fon (fays Buchanan) more -eminent for wealth than
virtue, was made treafurer: but this laft was foon after
difplaced, being fufpe&ed of favouring the Douglaffes;
and Robert Barton, one of the king’s favourites, 4I-
was appointed to fucceed him. The Douglaffes ftili They ra-
ftill kept their arms; and being joined by a great^a2et*lc
number of outlaws and robbers in the fouth, they ra- ™ttser"
vaged all the lands of their enemies, carrying their de-
valiations to the very gates of Edinburgh. A com-
miffion of lieutenancy was offered to the earl of Both-
well to aft againft thofe rebels : but he declining it,
it was accepted by the earl of Argyle and lord Hume,
who did great fervice in prote&ing the country from
the outlaws. Several villages, however, in the neigh*
bourhood of Edinburgh were burnt; and all the pro-
vifions the Douglaffes could find were carried off to-
their cattle of Tantallon, which now ferved as their
head-quarters, and was threatened with a fiege.
It is remarkable, that the cattle of Dunbar re¬
mained ftill in the hands of the duke of Albany’s gar-
rifon, who recognized no mafter but him. The place
was well ftpred with artillery of all kinds ; and lying
in the neighbourhood of Tantallon, it was eafy to
tranfpOrt them to the fiege : but James thought he
had no right to make ufe of them without the con-
fent of one Maurice, governor of the cattle. Having
fummoned, by proclamation, the inhabitants of Fife,
Angus, Strathern, Stirlingfhire, Lothian, Merfe, and
Tcviotdale, to be ready to compear at Edinburgh on
the 10th of December, with 40 days vi&uals, to afiift:
in the fiege, he fent three noblemen to borrow artil¬
lery from Maurice, and to remain as pledges for the
fafe redelivery of the fame ; and the feveral pieces re¬
quired were accordingly fent him. This delicacy is
the more remarkable, as we are told that the duke of ^
Albany had given orders that every thing in his cattle jamcs ;s
fhould be at the king’s fervice. However unanimousdifappomt*
the parliament might appear againft the Douglaffes,''1 in h,so
yet James w-as but ill fecondtd in this attempt. fchenie of.
unfortunate, if feverely proceeded againft, generally °
find friends; and the enemies of,pthe Douglaffes had
impoliticajly rendered it treafonable for any perfon to
fhelter or protect the earl of Angus, his kinfmen, or
followers. This proceeding, in a country where the
Douglaffes had fo many conne&ions, carried with it
an appearance of cruelty and a thirft of revenge, efpe-
cialiy as James had cbofen fuch a feafon of the year for
carrying on the fiege. In fhort, after battering the
place for fome days, and lofing one Falconer, his chief
engineer, the king was obliged to abandon his enter-
prife, or rather to turn the fiege into a blockade, with
no great credit to his firft effay in the^field. Some
hiftorians intimate, that Angus found means to cor¬
rupt the other engineers: but we find, that before
this time, a negociation was going forward between
James and the king of England; the nature of which
proven
SCO [ 7078 ] SCO
Scotland, proves that the former was now rendered more pla-
cable was towards the Douglafles, and was the true
reafon why the fiege was fufpended.
The truce between Scotland and England was now
near expiring; and Henry, under colour of that, gave
a commiffion to the prior of Durham, Thomas Mag¬
nus, Sir Anthony Ughtred captain of the town and
caftle of Berwick, William Frankelyn chancellor of
Durham, and Sir Thomas Tempeft. James feems to
have been in no hafte to enter upon this negociation,
becaufe he underftood that the Englilh contmiffioners
were privately inflru&ed to infill upon the Douglafles
The Dou- being reltored to their eftates and dignities. England
glafles ob- was at that time the principal ally of Francis againft
tama fecurctjie emperor. an(j th!3 gave a handle for Franc'is to
England, interpofe fo far in favour of the Douglaffes, that he
0 brought James to confent to a preliminary negociation
for their obtaining at leaft a fecure retreat in England.
This was at lall complied with.
James being now delivered from all dread of the
Douglafles, and under no controul from any party,
^i8 Ihewed excellent difpofitions for government. Find-
James re- ing that the borderers were by no means pleafed with
duces the the late treaty, and that they were renewing their de¬
borderers. predations, he refolved to ftrike at the root of an evil
which had fo long proved difgraceful and dangerous
to his anceftors, by giving no quarter to the chiefs of
thefe robbers, whofe principal refldence was in Liddef-
daie. This was the more neceflary, as their daring
attempts had exafperated the Englilh fo much, that
they had adlually burnt a town in Teviotdale ; and
they had killed one Robert Kerr, a man of fome con-
fequence. Two of the chiefs of the Scots borderers
were Cockburn of Kenderlaw, and Adam Scot, com¬
monly called king of the thieves. Both of them were
barons; and had been fo inured to the praftice, that
they thought there was no crime in robbing : they
therefore appeared publicly in Edinburgh; where James
ordered them to be apprehended, tried, and hanged. He
next proceeded with great firmnefs againft many noble¬
men and principal gentlemen, who were only fufpefled of
being difafle&ed to the late peace. All of them had
behaved with great loyalty, and fome of them had
done him the moft important fervices. Of this num¬
ber were the earl of Hume, the lord Maxwell, with
the barons of Buccleugh, Farniherft, Polwart, John-
fton, and Mark Kerr. Though we know nothing par¬
ticularly of what was laid to the charge of thofe noble¬
men and gentlemen, yet fo zealous was James for the
impartial adminiilration of juftice, that he ordered
them all, with many other chief gentlemen of the bor¬
ders, to be fent to prifun ; where they lay till they en¬
tered into recognizances themfelves, and found bail for
their good behaviour.
Of all the party of the Douglafles, none of any
cote, excepting Alexander Drummond of Carnock,
was fuffered to return home, at the earned requeft of
the ambafl'adors and the treafurer Barton. This lenity
was of very little confequencc ; for James having ap¬
pointed the earl of Murray to be foie warden of the
Scotch marches, with power to treat with the earl of
Northumberland, their conferences had broken off on
account of frdh violences happening every day ; and
fome information he had received from them, had pre¬
vailed with James to imprifon the noblemen and gentle>
men we have already mentioned. He now refolved to Scotland
attempt in perfon what his predeceflbrs and he had fo ~
often failed in by their deputies. As he was known
to be violently addi&ed to hunting, he fummoned his
nobility, even by north the Forth, to attend him with
their horfes and dogs; which they did in fuch num¬
bers, that his hunting retinue confifted of above 8000
perfons, two-thirds of whom were well armed. This
preparation gave no fufpicion to the borderers, as
great hunting-matches in thofe days commonly con¬
fifted of fome thoufands; and James having fet out
upon his diverfion, is faid to have killed 540 deer.
Among the other gentlemen who had been fummoned
to attend him, was John Armftrong of Gilnockhall.
He was the head of a numerous clan, who lived with 419 |
great pomp and fplendour upon the contributions un-^an*f
der which they laid the Englifli on the borders. Hean™cdr°”jf’ II
was himfelf always attended by twenty-fix gentlemen ber, with as !;a
on horfeback, well mounted and armed, as his body-°f his fol- L
guards. Having received the king’s invitation, he'owcrs*
was fond of difplaying his magnificence to his fove-
- reign ; and attiring himfelf and his guard more pom-
poufly than common, they prefented themfelves before
James, from whom they expedled fome particular mark
of diftinction for their fervices againft the Englifli,
and for the remarkable prote&ion they had always gi¬
ven to their countrymen the Scots. On’their firft ap¬
pearance, James, not knowing who he was, returned
Armftrong’s falute, imagining him to be fome great
nobleman ; but upon hearing his name, he ordered him
and his followers to be immediately apprehended, and
fentenced them to be hanged upon the ipot. It is faid
that James, turning to his attendants, allied them,
pointing at Armftrong, “ What does that knave want,
that a king Ihould have, but a crown and a fword of
honour ?” Armftrong begged hard for his life ; and
offered to ferve the king in the field with forty horfe-
men, befides making him large prefents of jewels and
money, with many other tempting offers. Finding
the king inexorable, “ Fool that I am (faid he) to
look for warm water under ice, by alking grace of a
gracelefs face ;” and then he and his followers fubmit-
ted to their fate. Thofe jnd fome other executions
of the fame kind reftored peace to the borders.
Hitherto we have confidered only the civil tranfa&ions 440
of Scotland ; but now religion comes to be a principal Account of S
affair in the hiftory of the country. The opinions 0f^at;^°r* |
Luther had been propagated in Britain foon after his
preaching in 1517. They had for fome years infen-
fibly gained ground ; and, at the time the contentions
began between James and his nobility, were become
formidable to the eftabliflied religion. We have feen
how James efcaped from the hands of his nobles by
means of the archbilhop of St Andrew’s. To the cler¬
gy, therefore, he was naturally favourable; and as
they of necelfity oppofed the reformation, James be-W!ly1jamej t
came a zealous perfecutor of the reformed. On the favoured
other hand, the nobility having already oppofed the the clergy. I
king and clergy in civil affairs, did fo likewife in thofe
of religion. The clergy finding themfelves unequal in
argument, had recourfe to more violent methods. Ri¬
gorous inquifitions were made after heretics, and fires
were every where prepared for them. 4i3
The firft perfon who was called upon to fuffer for Martyrdom
the reformed religion was Patrick Hamilton, abbot of^amlkoL 1
Feme.
Scotland. Feme. At an early period of life he had been ap-
‘pointed to this abbacy; and having imbibed a favour¬
able idea of the do&rines of Luther, he had travelled
into Germany, where, becoming acquainted with the
moft eminent reformers, he was fully confirmed in their
opinions. Upon his return to Scotland, he ventured to
expofe the corruptions of the church, and to infift on
the advantages of the tenets which he had embraced.
A conduft fo bold, and the avidity with which his
difcouifes were received by the people, gave an alarm
to the clergy. Under the pretence of a religious and
friendly conference, lie was feduced to St Andrew’s
by Alexander Campbell, a dominican friar, who was
inftru&ed to remonftrate with him on the fubjeft of
the reformation. The converfations they held, only
ferved to eftablilh the abbot more firmly in his fenti-
ments, and to inflame his zea! to propagate them.
The archbifhop of St Andrew’s, the archbifliop of
Glafgow, and other, dignitaries of the church, confti-
tuting a court, called him to appear before them.
The abbot neither loft his courage, nor renounced
his opinions. He was convi&ed, accordingly, of he¬
retical pravity, delivered over to the fecular arm, and
executed in theyear 1527 (a). This reformer had not
attained the 24th year of his age. His youth, his
virtue, his magnanimity, and his fufferings, all ope¬
rated in his favour with the people. To Alexander
Campbell, who infulted him at the (lake, he objedied
his ticachery, and cited him to anfwer for his beha¬
viour before the judgment-feat of Chrift. And this
perfecutor, a few days after, being feized with a
frenzy, and dying in that condition, it was believed
with the greater fincerity and confidence, that Mr
Hamilton was an innocent man and a true martyr,
Excites ge- A deed fo affe&ing, from its novelty and in its
neral indig-circumftances, excited throughout the kingdom an
cation, univerfal curiofity and indignation. Minute and par¬
ticular inquiries were made into the tenets of Mr Ha¬
milton. Converts to the new opinions were multiply,
ing in every quarter, and a partiality to them began
to prevail even among the Romifli clergy themfelves.
Alexander Seton, the king’s confeflbr, took the li¬
berty to inveigh againft the errors and abufes of Po¬
pery ; to negledf, in his difeourfes, all mention of
purgatory, and pilgrimages, and faints; and to re¬
commend the doftrines of the reformed. What he
taught was impugned; and his boldnefs rifing with
contradi&ion, he defended warmly his opinions, and
even ventured to affirm, that in Scotland there were
no true and faithful bifhops, if a judgment of men in
this ftation is to be formed from the virtues which St
Paul has required of them. A farcafm fo juft, and fo
daring, inflamed the whole body of the prelacy with
refentment. They ftudied tocompafs his deftru&ion;
and, as Mr Seton had given offence to the king, whom
he had exhorted to a greater purity of life, they flat¬
tered themfelves with the hope of conducing him to
the ftake; but, being apprehenfive of danger, he
made his efcape into England.
In 1533, Henry Foreft, a Benediftine friar, who Scotland,
difeovered a propenfity to the reformed dodfrines, was
not fo fortunate. After having been imprifoned forHen^y4Fo.
fome time in the tower of St Andrews, he was refi burnt,
brought to his trial, condemned, and led out to the
flames. He had faid, that Mr Hamilton was a pioufr
man, and a martyr; and that the tenets for which he
fuffered might be vindicated. This guilt was aggra-
vated by the difeovery that friar Foreft was in poffef-
fion of a New Teftamcnt in the Englifh language j
for the priefts efteemeda careful attention totheferip-
tures to be an infallible fymptom ofherefy. A cruelty
fo repugnant to the common fenfe and feelings of
mankind, while it pleafed the infolent pride of the ec-
clefiaftics, was deftroying their importance, andexci-
ting a general difpofition in the people to adopt in the
fulleft latitude the principles and fentiments of the re¬
formed.
The following year, James Beaton archbifhop of
St Andrews, though remarkable for prudence and
moderation, was overawed by his nephew and coadju¬
tor David Beaton, and by the clergy. In his own
perfon, or by commiffions granted by him, perfecu-
tions were carried on with violence. Many were dri¬
ven into banilhment, and many were forced to ac¬
knowledge what they did not believe. The more ftre-
nuous and refolute were delivered over to punilhment.
Among thefe were two private gentlemen, Norman 4i>
Gourlay and David Straton. They were tried atAsa,fo
Holyroodhoufe, before the bifhop of Rofs ; and refu- ^'gtrfton
fing to recant, were condemned. King James, who
was prefent, appeared exceedingly felicitous that they
ihould pafsfrom their confeffion ; and David Straton,
upon being adjudged to the fire, having begged for his
mercy, was about to receive it, when the priefts
proudly pronounced, that the grace of the fovereign
could not be extended to a criminal whom their law
and determination had doomed to fufter.
A few years after, the bifhopa having affembled at
Edinburgh, two Dominican friars, Kiilor and Beve- 41S
rage, with Sir Duncan Sympfon a prieft, Robert For. With feve-
relter a gentleman of Stirling, and Thomas Forreftra olhers*
vicar of Dolour in Perthftiire, were condemned to be
confuraed in the fame fire.
At Giafgow, a fimilar feene was a£ted in 1539,
HieronymusRuffela gray-friar, anda young gentleman
of the name of Kennedy, were accufed of herefy before
the bifiiop of that fee. Ruffel, when brought to the
ftake, difplaying a deliberate demeanor, reafoned
gravely with his accufers, and was only anfwered with
reproaches. Mr Kennedy, who was not yet 18 years
of age, feemed difpofed to difavow his opinions, and
to fink under the weight of a cruel afflidlion ; but the
exhortation and example of Ruflel awakening his cou¬
rage, his mind affumed a firmnefs and conftancy, his
countenance became cheerful, and he exclaimed with
a joyful voice, “ Now, I defy thee, Death ; I praife
my God, I am ready.”
James Beaton, the archbifliop of St Andrews, hap¬
pening.
(a) His tenets were of the following import, and are enumerated in the fentence pronounced againft: him. “ Man
hath no free-will. Man is in fin fo long as he livetb. Children, incontinent after their baptifme, are finners. All Chri-
ftians, that be worthle to be called Chriftians, do know that they are in grace. No man is juftified by works, but
by faith only. Good works make not a good man, but a good man doth make good works. And faith, hope, and
charity, are fo knit, that he that hath the one, hath the reft ; and he that wanteth the one of them, wanteth the
reft.” Keith,. Hift. of the Church and State of Scotland, Appendix, p, 3.
SCO [ 7080 ] SCO
Scotland, pentng to die about this time, the ambition of David
Beaton, his coadjutor, was gratified in the ftilleft
Prcunotion manner* He had been created a cardinal of the Ro¬
of cardinal man church, and he was now advanced into the pof-
Beaton. feffion of the primacy of Scotland. No Scottifh eccle-
fiaftic had been ever Invefled with greater authority ;
and the reformers had every thing to fear from fo for¬
midable an enemy. The natural violence of his tem¬
per had fixed itfelf in an overbearing infolence, from
the fuccefs which had attended him. His youth had
4^8 been palled in fcenes of policy and intrigue, which,
radr*11" vv^e ^ey communicated to him addrefs and the
ra er' knowledge of men, corrupted altogether the fimpli-
city and candour of his mind. He was dark, defign-
ing, and artificial. No principles of jullice were any
bar to his fchemes. His heart did not open to any im-
prtffions of pity. His ruling paffion was an inordinate
love of power ; and the fupport of his confequence
depending alone upon the church of Rome, he was
animated to maintain its fuperftitions with the warmed
zeal. He feemed to take a delight in perfidioufnefs
and diflimulation : he had no religion ; and he was
•ftained with an inhuman cruelty, and the mod open
profligacy of manners. In connexion with thefe de¬
fers, he poffefled a perfevering obdinacy in pur-
fuing his meafures, the ability to perceive and to
praftife all the arts which were neceflary to advance
them, and the allurements of odentation and prodi-
gality.
He was fcarcely inveded in the primacy, when he
exhibited an example of his tade for magnificence,
and of his averfion to the reformed. He proceeded to
St Andrews with an uncommon pomp and parade.
The earls of Huntley, Arran, Marifchal, and Mon-
trofe, with the lords Fleming, Lindfey, Erfkine, and
Seton, did the honour to attend upon him; and
there appeared in his train, Gavin archbifhopof Glaf-
gow and lord high chancellor, four bifhops, fix ab¬
bots, a great many private gentlemen, and a vad mul¬
titude of the inferior clergy. In the cathedral-church
of St Andrews, from a throne erefted by his com¬
mand, he harangued concerning the date of religion and
the church, to this company, and to a crowd of other
auditors. He lamented the increafe of heretics; he
infided upon their audacity and contempt of order;
he faid, that even in the court of the fovereign too
much attention was (hown to them; and he urged the
ftrong neceflity of afting againd them with the greated
rigour. He informed this affembly, that he had cited Scotland.
Sir John Borthwick to appear before it, for maintain- 
ing tenets of faith hodile to the church, and for dif-sir j^n
perfing heretical books ; and he defired that he might Borthwick
be affilted in bringing him to judice. The articles of impeached,
his accufation (b) were read againd Sir John Borth-
vvick; who neither appeared in his own perfon, nor by
any agent or deputy. He was found, notwithdand-
ing, to be guilty ; and the cardinal, with a folemnity
calculated to drike with awe and terror, pronounced
fentence againd him. His goods and edate werecon-
fifcated ; a painted reprefentation of him was burned
publicly, in teftimonyof the malediftion of the church,
and as a memorial of his obdinacy and condemnation.
It was ordained, that in the event of his being appre¬
hended, he (houid fuffer as a heretic, without hope of
grace or mercy. All Chridians, whether men or wo¬
men, and of whatever degree or condition, were pro¬
hibited from affording him any harbour or fudenance.
It was declared, that every office of humanity, com¬
fort, and folacement, extended to him, diould be con-
fidered as criminal, and be puniftied with confifcations
and forfeitures. ^
Sir John Borthwick, having been apprifed of his He fifes in¬
danger, fled into England ; where he was kindly re<- to England,
ceived by Henry VIII. who employed him in nego-
ciations with the Proteflant princes of Germany. Car¬
dinal Beaton perceived with concern that this ad of
fevdrity did not terrify the people. New deftdions
from the church were announced to him. Andrew
Cunningham fon to the mafler of Glencairn, James
Hamilton brother to Patrick Hamilton the martyr,
and the celebrated George' Buchanan the hiftorian,
were imprifoned upon fufpicions of herefy ; and, if
they had not found the means to efcape, mull have
died at the flake. In this declining condition of Po¬
pery, the cardinal held many mournful confultations
with the bifttops. All their intrigues and wifdom
were employed to devife methods to fupport them-
felves. The projeft of an inquifitorial court was con¬
ceived, and exhibited a diftant view of the extirpa¬
tion of heretics. To ered this tribunal, they allured
James V. with the hopes of the confifcation and fpoils,
which might enrich him, from the perfecution and
punifhment of the reformed. He yielded himfelf to
their folicitations, and gave them the fandion of his
authority.
A formal commiffion was granted, conftituting a
court
(b) They are preferved by archbilhop Spotifvvood, and difplay great liberality of mind, in a period when philofo-
phy may be faid to have been unknown in Scotland. They are thus detailed by this judicious writer.
1. “ That he held the pope to have no greater authority over Chriftians, than any other bifliop or prelate had.
2. “ That indulgences and pardons granted by the pope were of no force nor effed, but devifed to abufe peoplej
ann deceive poor ignorant fouls.
3. “ That bifiiops, prieft$, and other clergymen, may lawfully marry.
4. “ That the herefies, commonly called hertfies of England, and their new liturgy, were commendable, and to
be embraced of all Chriftians.
5. “ That the people of Scotland are blinded by their clergy, and profeffed not the true faith.
6. “ That churchmen ought not to enjoy temporaltids.
7. “ That the king ought to convert the rents of the church into other pious ufes.
8. c‘ That the church of Scotland ought to be governed after the manner of the Engliih.
9. “ That the canons and decrees of the church were of no force, as being contrary to the law of God.
10. “ That the orders of the friars and monks ihouldbe aboliihed, as had been done in England.
11. “ That he did openly call the yo\>ef>noniac, for that he fold fpiritual things.
12. “ That he did read heretical books, and the New Teftament in Englifli, and fome other treatifes written by
Mekmtfhon, Oecolampadius, and Erafmus, which he gave likewife unto others.
13. “ The laft and greateft point was, that be reflifetl acknowledge the authority of the p.om?.n fee, or be fub-
jedt thereunto.” Hift, of the Church, p. 70.
SCO [ 7081 ] SCO
Scotland, court of inquiry after heretics, and nominating for its authority of the heritable jurifdiftions was almoft ex- Scotland.
~ ‘ prefident Sir James Hamilton of Fennard, natural bro- dufive of all law: for though the king might prefide ~ “
43» ther to the earl of Arran. The ofEcious afliduity of in them,yer he feldom did; and appeals before the coun-Jamesregu-
HamUton l^‘s man» his ambition, and his third of blood, were cil were difagreeable and expenltve. The i/iftitution oflates tlie
appointed acceptable in a high degree to the clergy ; and to this the lords of articles, threw too much weight into their f0,“fts of
a kind of bad eminence their recommendation had promoted him. fcale, as nobufinefscould be tranfa&ed in parliament but^U ‘lce‘
inquifitor. Upon the flighted fufpicion he was allowed to call any what they allowed of and prepared; and it was always
perfon before him, to fcrutinize into his creed, and in the power of the crown to diredt them as the king
to abfolve or to condemn him. A tribunal fo dreadful
could not have found a direftor more fuited to it. He
was in hade to fill the prifons of the kingdom with
culprits, and was marking down in lids the names of
all thofe to whom herefy was imputed by popular re¬
port, and whom the arts of malicious men had repre-
fented as the objeds of corre&ion and punifhment.
But, while he was brooding over mifchief, and mul¬
tiplying in fancy the triumphs of bis wickednefs, an
unexpeded turn of affairs prefented him in the light of
43* a criminal, and conduded him to the fcaffold.
Projefts ^ 'j’hg brother 0f Mr Hamilton the martyr, to avoid
Patrick Ha-Per^ecut'on» ^een obliged to go info banifhment;
milton's but, by the interedfion of his friends, he was permit-
brother. ted to return for a (hort time to his own country, that
he might regulate the affairs of his family. He was
conneded with Sir James Hamilton; and, trading to
the ties of blood, ventured to prolong his day beyond
the period allotted to him. This trefpafs was trivial.
Sir James Hamilton, being willing to give a fignal
example of feverity, and by this means to ingratiate
himfelf the more with the priedhood, took the refo-
lution to make his own relation the fird vidim of his
power. Mr Hamilton, attentive to his perfonal fecu-
rity, and not unacquainted with the mod private ma¬
chinations of this inquifitor, difpatched his fon to the
433 k'ng> wh° wa3 about to pafs the Forth in a barge,
By whom and intreated him to provide for his fafety, as Sir
- James Hamilton had confpired with the houfe of Dou-
pleafed. The true fource of the public grievances, in
matters of property, lay in the difregard (hown to the
excellent ads which had paffed during the reigns of the
three fird James’s, and which had not been fufliciently
fupported in the late reigns. The evil had gathered
drength during the minority of James V.; and fre re- OrHn^of
folved to edablifh a danding jury for all matters of law the court of
and equity, (for, properly fpeaking, the court of fef- feffion.
fion in Scotland is no other), with a prefident, who was
to be the mouth of the affembly. On the 13th of
May, this year, as we find by a curious manufeript in
the Bjiti/h mufeum, the lords of the articles laid be¬
fore the parliament the propofition for indituting this
court, in the following words: “ Item, anent (con¬
cerning) the fecond artickel concerning the order of
judice; becaufe our fovereign lord is maid defirous to
have an permanent order of judicc for the univerfal of
all his liege ; and therefore tendis to inditute an col¬
lege of cunning and wife men for doing and admini-
dration of judice in all civil adfions :• and therefore
thinke to be chofen certain perfons maid convenient
and qualified yair (there), to the number of fifteen
perfons, half fpiritual, half temporal, with an prefi¬
dent.’
In the year 1533, hodilities were recommenced with
England; but after fome flight incurfions on both
fides, a truce again took place. The mod remark- 437
able tranfa&ions of thefe years, however, next to theNegocia-
eligious perfecutions already mentioned, were the ne-*i.onsfort}’e
fed of trea- glas to affafiinate him. James V. being at variance gociations for the king’s marriage. Indeed, there is IIlir'
*°n’ with the houfe of Douglas, had reafons of fufpicion,
and was difpofed to believe every thing that is mod
flagitious of Sir James Hamilton. He inftru&ed the
young gentleman to go with expedition to Edinburgh,
and to open the matter to the privy-council; and that
he might be treated with the greater refpeQ, he fur-
niflied him with the ring which he was accudomed to
fend to them upon thofe important occafions which re¬
quired their addrefs and aftivity. Sir James Hamil¬
ton was apprehended and imprifoned. An accufation
of having devifed and attempted the king’s death at
different times, was preferred againd him. His de¬
fence appeared to be weak and unfatisfaftory. A jury,
which confided of men of rank and character, pro-
r , nounced him guilty ; and, being condemned to fuffer
andexecu- death of a traitor, he lod his head, and the quar-
tcd. ters of his body were expofed upon the gates of the
city of Edinburgh. The clergy, who could not pre¬
vent his trial and execution, regretted his death, but
did not think of appointing a fucctffor to him in their
court of inquifition.
In other refpedts, however, James (hewed great con¬
cern for the welfare of bis people. Being diffatisfied with
theordinary adminiitration ofjuftice, he bad recourfe to
the parliament of Baris for a model of the like inftitu-
tion in Scotland. Great objedions lay to juries in ci¬
vil matters, and to ambulatory courts of juftice. The
vVol. IX. I
fcarce any monarch mentioned in hiftory who feems
to have had a greater variety of choices, or who was
more difficult to be pleafed. The fituation of affairs
on the continent of Europe had rendered Scotland a
kingdom of great confequence, as holding the balance
between France, England, and the emperor of Ger¬
many; and each of the rival powers endeavoured to
gain the favour of James by giving him a wife.—In
1534, king Francis offered him his daughter; and the
match was ftrongly recommended by the duke of Al¬
bany, who was ftill living in France, and ferved James 4-3
with great fidelity. The fame year the Imperial am- Offers of
baffador arrived in Scotland, and prefented, in the1^66111?11"
name of his mafter, the order of the golden fleece tb*™^ Cl,r
James, who had already been invefted with that
of St Michael by Francis, At the fame time he of¬
fered him his choice of three princefles; Mary of Au-
ftria, the emperor’s fifter, and widow of Lewis king
of Hungary ; Mary of Portugal, the daughter of
his fifter Eleonara of Auftria ; or Mary of Eng¬
land, the daughter of Catharine and Henry. Another
condition, however, was annexed to this propofal,
viz. that, to fupprefs the herefies of the time, a
council (hould be held for ^obviating the calami¬
ties which threatened the Chriftian religion, Thofe
propofals would have met with a more ready ac¬
ceptance from Jamee, had not his clergy, at this
39 R time
of Ger¬
many*
SCO [ 7082
Scotland, time, been difgufle'l with Charles, for allowing too
■ “great a latitude to the Proteftants of Germany.
439 James, in his anfwer, returned the emperor his ac-
Which are knowledgm.ents, in the mod; polite terms, for the
]
SCO
byfp'end‘d ah'ancc3 he had offered him. He touched
thing to Henry ; for he not only infifted upon having Scotland,
this lady for his wife, but threw out fome menaces
againft Francis, becaufe he would not comply with
this unjuftifiable requeft. In January 1538, file was
married to James, and efcorted to Scotland by the
the propofal of the council as being a meafure rather to admiral of France with a confiderable fquadron ; both
be wilhed for than hoped, becaufe it ought to be free James and Francis being fufpicious that Henry would
and holy, and upon the model of the firft councils ; make fome attempt to intercept the royal bride. But
its members confiding of the mod charitable, quiet, nothing of this kind happened, and /he landed fafely
and difintereded part of the clergy. He faid, that if at Fifenefs; from whence die was condu&ed to the
fuch a council could be obtained, he would willingly king at St Andrew'
fend ecelefiaftics to it; but if not, that every prince
ought reform the errors of dodtrine, and the faults
of the clergy, within his own dominions- He be¬
wailed the obdinate condudl of his uncle in his divorce
and marriage ; and offered his bed offices for effedfing
a reconciliation between him and the emperor, wifh-
ing that all the princes of Chridendom would unite
their "arms againd their common enemy the Turks.
He hinted, veryjudly, that his Imperial majedy had
offered more than he could perform, becaufe his cou-
fin, Mary of F.ngland, was not at his difpofa). The
ambaffador replied, that his mailer, if perfuafions
failed, would compel Henry by force of arms to re-
fign her. James anfwered this ridiculous declaration
by obferving, that the emperor then would be guilty
of a breach of all laws both divine and human ; that
it would be impolitic to give a preference to any of
the three princeffes, all of them being fo illudrious and
deferving; but, to fhow how much he valued an al¬
liance with his Imperial majedy, he would become a
fuppliant to that prince for his niece, daughter to
Chriftiern king of Denmark, to become his bride. The
ambaffador’s anfwer to this unexpe&ed requed was,
that fhe was already betrothed to the count palatine,
and that before that time the marriage was probably
confummated.
But whether the Imperial ambaffador had any right
to offer the Englifh princefs or not, it is agreed by
But while James appeared thus to be giving him-
felf up to the pleafures of love, he was in other
refpedls fhowiug himfelf a bloody tyrant. Some cruel exe-
differences fubfided between the families of Gor-cution of
don and Forbes in the north. The heir of the houfe,lie Jlc'Irof
lad-mentioned had been educated in a loofe diffipated^p’*^,®
manner, and kept company with a worthlefs fellow
named Strahan. Having refufed this favourite fome-
thing he had afked, the latter attached himfelf to Gor¬
don earl pf Huntley, who, it is faid, afilded him in
forming a charge of treafon againd Forbes. He was
accufed of intending to redore the Douglafles to their
forfeited edates and honours; which improbable dory
being fupported by fome venal evidences, the unhappy
young man was condemned and executed as a traitor..
The king could not but fee the injudice of this execu¬
tion ; and, in order to make fome amends for it, ba-
nilhed Strahan the kingdom. The following execu¬
tion, which happened a few days after, was much
more inhuman infomuch that it would have dained
the annals even of the mod defpotic tyrants. The
earl of Angus, finding that he could not regain
the favour of the king, had recourfe to the me¬
thod ufual in thofe day?, viz. committing depreda- 444
tions on the borders. This crime was fufficient with And of the
James to occafion the death of his innocent filler, the llo.wa8fef,1 __
dowager-lady of Glamis. She had been courted °
one Lyon, whom fhe had rejected in favour of a gentle¬
man of the name of Campbell. Lyon, exafperated at
a defign of poifoning the king in order to redore An¬
gus. The parties were all remarkable for the quiet
and innocent lives they led ; and even this circumdance
was by their diabolical accufer turned to their preju-
modhidorians, that he w’as offered either Mary or Eli'
zabeth by their father Henry himfelf. To Mary of his repulfe, found means of admittance to James,
440 Bourbon, the daughter of the duke of Vendofme, he whom he filled with the greated terrors on account of
He marries !s fold j0 [)ave been contra&ed ; but for fome reafons. the pra&ices of the family of Angus; and at lad
France’s 0f°r °^Kr thefe matches were broken off; and the charged the lady, her hufband, and an old pried, with
daughter, king at lad went to France, where he married Mag¬
dalen the elded daughter of Francis. The nuptials
were celebrated at Paris in the year 1537, with great
magnificence; and among other things ferved up by y
way of defert at the marriage-fead, were a number of dice, by reprefenting it as the cffe& of cunning or
covered cups filled with pieces of gold and gold-dud, caution. In this reign an accufation of treafon was
the native product of Scotland, which James didri- always followed by condemnation. However, the
buted among the gueds. This gold was found in the evidence againd the lady appeared fo abfurd and con-
mines of Crawford-moor, which were then worked by tradiftory, that fome of the judges were for dropping
the Germans. In the beginning of May the royal the profecution, and others for recommending her cafe
pair embarked for Leith, under convoy of four large to the king: but the majority prevailed to have it de-
/hips of war, and landed on the 28th of the fame termined by a jury, who brought her in guilty ; and
Who dies month. The joy of the Scots was inexpreffible, but /he was condemned to be burnt alive in the Cadle-hill
feon after, it was of/hort continuance ; for the young queen died of Edinburgh. The defence /he made would have
of a fever on the 22d of July the fame year. done honour to the ableft orator, and undeniably
King James did not long remain a widower; for the proved her innocence ; but though it was reported to
4+lr fame year he fent Beaton abbot of Arbroath, to treat James, it was fo far from mitigating her fentence, that 44?
J mes ri- of his fecond marriage with a French lady, Mary of. it was aggravated by her hu/band being obliged to be-P”'11
valed by Guile, duchefs-dowager of Longueville. In this he hold her execution. The unhappy hu/band himfelf
a'fecond "n was r*va^e^ ^7 ^‘s uncle Henry VIII. but not before endeavoured to make his way over the caftle-wall of
marriage. James had been contra&ed to her. But this was no- Edinburgh 5, but the rope proving too /hort, he was
da/hed
SCO [ 7083 ] SCO
Scotland, dafhed in pieces: and lord Glamis her fon, though
" but a child, was iroprifoned during the remainder of
this reign. The old prieft, though put to the tor¬
ture, confefled nothing, and was freed. Lyon, like
the other accufer already mentioned, was banifhed the
44(j kingdom.
The king Whether thefe and other cruelties had affe&ed the
I feized with king’s confcience, or whether his brain had been
di ft raft ion £ouc^e(^ by the diftraftions of the different parties, is
vunknown; but it is certain, that, in the year 1540, he
began to live retired : his palace appeared like the
cloiflered retreat of monks ; his fleep was haunted by
the moll frightful dreams, which he conftrned into
apparitions; and the body of Sir James Hamilton,
whofe execution has already been mentioned, feemed
continually prefent to his eyes. Perhaps the lofs of
his two fons, who died on the fame day that Sir James
was executed, might have contributed to bring this
man more remarkably to his remembrance. No doubt,
it added to the gloom of his mind; and he now faw
his court abandoned by almoft all his nobility.
At laft James was in fome degree roufed from his
447 Ina&ion, by the preparations made againft him by his
1 Hoftilides uncle Henry VIII. of England. Some differences had
I commence already taken place ; to accommodate which, Henry
I Scotland defired a conference with James at York. But
I and Eng- this the latter, by the advice of his parliament, had
laud* declined. The confequence was a rupture between the
two courts, and the Englifh had taken 20 of the Scots
trading veffels. Henry threatened to revive the anti¬
quated claim of the Englilh fuperiority over Scotland,
and had given orders for a formidable invafion of the
Scotch borders. He complained that James had
ufurped his title of Defender of the Faith, to which
he had added the word Chriftian, implying that Hen¬
ry was an infidel: but the kings of Scotland had,
fome time before, been complimented by the papal
fee with that title. James, on the other hand, threw
his eyes towards Ireland, the north part of which was
a&ually peopled with inhabitants who owned no fove-
reign but the king of Scotland, and who offered to
ferve James againft: the Englilh ; fome of their chiefs
having aftually repaired to Scotland, and done ho¬
mage to James. Henry had, about this time, de-
The fove- clared himfelf king of Ireland, of which he was before
t reignty of only ftyled the lord; and James roundly afferted, that
Ireland he had a preferable claim to at lead one half of that
ifland, which had been peopled by the fubje&s of Scot-
I 01 in^S,land. Though the Scotch hiftorians-of this reign take
very little notice of this incident, yet James appears
to have been very tenacious of his title ; and that
there was a vaft intercourfe carried on between the
fubje&s of Scotland and the northern Irilh, who una-
nimoufly acknowledged James for their natural fove-
reign. Indeed, this was the only ground of quarrel
that the king, with the leaft fhadow of juftice, could
allege againft Henry.
His parliament being met, many public-fpirited ails
I) An^ftof were > an^ before the affembly was diffolved,
* indemnity t^e members renewed the afts againft leafing-making;
| for crimes by which is meant the mifreprefenting the king to his
committed nobles, or the nobles to their king: and James, to
' during the difmifs them in good humour, paffed an act of free
■ norfty. ^ grace for all crimes committed in his minority ; the
earl of Angus, and Sir George and Sir Archibald Scotland.
Douglas, being excepted.  *
Henry, after cutting off the head of his wife Ca¬
tharine Howard, married and divorced the princefs
Anne of Cleves, and found himfelf either deferted or
diftrufted by all the princes on the continent, Prote-
ftant as well as Roman Catholid James and his clergy
relied greatly bn this public odium incurred by Henry 5
but the emperor having again quarrelled with Francis, 4i0
left Henry, whofe dominions they had threatened Prepara-
jointly to invade, at liberty to continue his prepara-tions ^ *
tions againft the Scots. Pie fir ft ordered his fleet, Hen'y*
then the moft formidable of any in the world, to make
frefh defeents upon Scotland. At the fame time, he
appointed a very confiderable army to rendezvous up¬
on the borders, under the command of Sir Robert
Bowes, one of his wardens, the earl of Augus, and
his two brothers Sir George and Sir Archibald Dou¬
glas. James was every day expedling fupplies of mo¬
ney, arms, and other neceffaries from Francis ; but
thefe not arriving, he reaffembled his parliament on
the 14th of March, which gratified him in all his de¬
mands. Many excellent regulations were made for
the internal government, peace, and fecurity of the
kingdom, and againft the exportation of money in-
ftead of merchandife. A&s were paffed for fortifying
and embellilhing the town of Edinburgh, and for bet¬
ter fupplying the fubje&s with wine and all the other
neceffaries of life. The royal revenue was increafed
by many additional eftates; and the laft hand was put
to one of the beft plans for a national militia that per¬
haps ever appeared. As yet, excepting in the difap-
pointment which Henry met with from his nephew in
not meeting him at York, he had no grounds for com¬
mencing hoftilities. But it is here proper to obferve, 4JT
that the queen-mother was then dead; and confe-Death of
quently the connexion between James and Henry was the queen-
weakened. Whatever her private charadler might have mother*
been, {he was certainly a happy inftrument of pre¬
venting bloodflied between the two kingdoms. She
was buried with royal honours at Perth.
James, to all appearance, was at this time in a moft:
deiirable fituation. His domain, by forfeitures and
otherwife, far exceeded that of any of his predecefibrs.
He could command the purfes of his clergy ; he had
large fums of ready money in his exchequer ; his forts
were well ftored and fortified ; and he was now daily
receiving remittances of money, arms, and ammuni¬
tion from France. All this fliow of happinefs was only
in appearance; for the affedtions of his nobility, and the affec-
the wifer part of his fubje&s, were now alienated from tions of his
him more than ever, by the exceffive attachment he
fhewedto bigotry and perfecution.
He had nominated the earl of Huntley to command
his army on the borders, confiding of 10,000 men ;
and his lieutenant-general was Sir Walter Lindfay of
Torphichen, who had feen a great deal of foreign fer-
vice, and was efteemed an excellent officer. Huntley
acquitted himfelf admirably well in his commiflion ;
and was fo well ferved by his fpies, as to have certain
intelligence that the Enghfli intended to furprife and
burn Jedburgh and Kelfo. The Englifh army under
Sir Robert Bowes and the Douglaffes, with other
northern Englifhmen, continued itill upon the bor-
39 R 2 ders •,
SCO [ 7084 ] SCO
Scotland, ders; and one of the refolutioria the Scotch nobility frequent confultations; and in one of them, they re- Scotland;
and gentry had come to, was not to attack them on folved to renew the fcene that had been afted at Law- 
their own ground, nor to aft offenfively, unlefs their der bridge under James III. by banging alf his grand- 456
enemies invaded Scotland. Huntley being informed fon’s evil counfellors. The Scots hiftorians fay, that Confpiracy
that the Englifli had advanced, on the 24th of Auguft, this refolution was not executed, becaufe the nobility f
to a place called Haldanrig, and that they had deftroyed could not agree about the viftims that were to be fa- vourites a*
great part of the Scotch and debateable lands, refol- crificed ; and that the king, who was then encamped
ved to engage them : and the Englifh were aftonifhtd, with his army at Fallamoor, having intelligence of
4S3 when at day-break they faw the Scotch army drawn their confultation, removed haftily to Edinburgh ;
The Eng- up in order of battle. Neither party could now re- from whence he fent orders for his army to advance,
• ed'b^the1 tieat w't^out > and Torphichen, who led the and give battle to the duke of Norfolk, who appears
earl of ^ van> of 2000 of the bed troops of Scot- as yet not to have entered the Scotch borders. The
Huntley, land, charged the Engliih fo furioufly, that Huntley anfwer of the nobility was, that they were determined
gained a complete and an eafy viftory. Above 200 not to attack the duke upon Englilh ground ; but that
of the Englilh were killed, and 600 taken prifoners ; if he invaded Scotland, they knew their duty. The
among whom were their general Sir Robert Bowes, earl of Huntley, who commanded the van of the Scotch
Sir William Mowbray, and about 60 of the molt dif- army, confiding of 10,000 men, was of the fame opt-
tinguilhed northern barons; the earl of Angus efca- nion : but no fooner did Norfolk pals the Tweed,
ping by the fwiftnefs of his horfe. The lofs of the than he harrafled the Englilh army, cut off their fora-
Scots was inconfiderable. ging parties, and didreffed them in fuch a manner, 4J7
In the mean while, the duke of Norfolk having that the duke agreed once more to a conference forT|’eE",2'
raifed a great army, had orders to march northwards, peace ; which was managed, on the part of the Scots,
and to difperfe a manifedd, complaining of James for by the bifiiop of Orkney and Sir James Learmouth ;
having difappointed him of the interview at York, and but nothing was concluded. The Englilh general,
reviving the ridiculous claim of his own and his an- finding it now impoffible on many accounts to profe-
cedors fuperiority over the kingdom of Scotland. It cute his invafion, repaffed the Tweed ; and was har-
was plain, from the words of this manifedo,. that raffed in his march by the earl of Huntley, who defid-
Henry was dill placable towards James; and that he ed from the purfuit the moment his enemies gained
would eafily have dropt that claim, if his nephew Englifh ground.
would have made any perfonal advances towards a re? James, whofearmy at this time amounted to aboveThe4^ts
conciliation. 30,000 men, 'continued dill at Edinburgh, from refufe to *
The condition of James was now deplorable. The whence he fent frequent meffages to order his nobility purfue.
few faithful counfellors he had about him, fuch as and generals to follow the duke of Norfolk into Eng-
Kirkaldy of Grange, who was then lord treafurer, land ; but they were difregarded. James was flat-
plainly intimated, that he could have no dependence tered, that now he had it in his power to be revenged
4S4 upon his nobles, as he was devoted to the clergy ; for all the indignities that had been offered by England
©iftraflion anc] James, fometimes, in a fit of diftraftion, would to Scotland. In this he was encouraged by the French
james. draw his dagger upon the cardinal and other eccle- ambaffador, and the high opinion he had of his own
fiaftics, when they came to him with frefh propofi- troops. About the beginning of November, became
tions of murder and proferiptions, and drive them out to a refolution of reaffembling his army, which was
of his prefence. But he had no conflancy of mind; difbanded upon the duke of Norfolk’s retreat. This
and he certainly put into his pocket a bloody fcroll projeft appeared fo feafible and fo promifing, that fe-
that had been brought him by his priefts, beginning veral of the nobility are faid to have fallen in with it,
with the earl of Arran, the firft fubjeft of the king • particularly the lord Maxwell, the earls of Arran,
dam. In one of his cooler moments, he appointed Caffils, and Glencairn, with the lords Fleming, Somer-
the lord Erfkine, and fome others of his nobility, to ville, and Erflcine: others reprefented, but in vain,
make a frefh tentative for gaining time ; and Henry that the arms of Scotland had already gained fuffi-
even condefcended to order the duke of Norfolk, (who cient honour, by obliging the powerful army of the
was then advanced as far as York), the lord privy Englifh, with their mofl experienced general at their
feal, the bifhop of Durham, and others, to treat with head, to make a fhameful retreat before a handful;
him. The conferences were fhort and unfuccefsful. that the force of Scotland was inferior to that of Eng-
The duke bitterly complained, that the Scots fought land ; and that an honourable peace was ftill prafti-
only to amufe him till the feafon for aftion was over, cable. It was faid, in reply to thofe confiderations.
In fhort, he confidered both them and Learmoutb, that the ftate of the quarrel was now greatly altered ;
who was ordered to attend him, as fo many fpies, and that Henry had in his manifefto declared his intention
The duke treated them accordingly. It was the 21ft of Ofto- to enflave their country ; that he treated the nobility
of Norfolk ber before he entered the eaft borders of Scotland, as his vaffals; that the duke of Norfolk had been
land^wlth^ ■^ccorc^n8 to t^ie ^cotc^ hiftorians, his army confided guilty of burning the dwellings of the defencelefs in-
formidable 40>ooo men > but the Englifh have fixed it at habitants, by laying above twenty villages and towns
army. 20,000. in afhes ; and that no Scotchman, who was not cor- 459
James affefted to complain of this invafion as being rupted by Henry’s gold, would oppofe the king’s Rutat
unprovoked ; but he loft no time in preparing to repel will. The laft, perhaps, was the chief argument thatf011^111 to
the danger. The fituation of his nobility, who were prevailed on the lord Maxwell, a nobleman of great
preffed by a foreign invafion on the one hand, and honour and courage, to agree to carry the war into
domeftic tyrants oa the other, induced them to hold England by Solway, provided.he was at the head of
10,000.
SCO
460
Lord Max¬
well fuper-
icdcd in
the com¬
mand by
Oliver Sin¬
clair.
4<!i
The Scots
ftamefuliy
defeated at
Solway
Mofs.
10,000 men. It was at laft agreed, that the earl of Ar-
'ran and the cardinal fhould openly raife men, as if they
intended to enter the eaft marches, where they were
to make only a feint, while the lord Maxwell was to
make the real attempt upon the weft. Private letters
were every where circulated to raife the men who were
to ferve under the lord Maxwell ; among whom were
the earls of Caflils and Glencairn, the lords Fleming,
Somerville, Erfkine, and many other perfons of great
conlideration. James, who never was fufpe&ed for
want of courage, probably would have put himfelf at
the head of this expedition, had he not been dilfuaded
from it by his priefts and minions, who reminded him
of the confultations at Fallamoor, and the other trea-
fonable praftices of the nobility. They added, that
molt of them being corrupted by the Englifh gold, be
could not be too much on his guard. He was at laft
perfuaded to repair to the caftle of Lochmaben or
Carlaverock, and there to wait the iffue of the inroad.
It was probably at this place that James was pre¬
vailed on to come to the fatal refolution of appointing
one Oliver Sinclair, a fon of the houfe of Roflin, and
a favourite minion at court, to command the army in
chief ; and his commiffion was made out accordingly.
On the 23d of November, the Scots began their march
at midnight; and having pafled the Efk, all the ad¬
jacent villages were feen in flames by the break of day.
Sir Thomas Wharton, the Engliflv warden of thofe
marches, the baftard Dacres, and Mufgrave, haftily
raifed a few troops, the whole not exceeding 500 men,
and drew them up upon an advantageous ground ;
when Sinclair, ordering the royal banner to be difplay-
ed, and being mounted on the fhoulders of two tall
men, produced and read his commiftion. It is impof-
fible to imagine the confternation into which the Scots
were thrown upon thia occafion ; and their leaders fet-
ting the example, the whole army declared, (accor¬
ding to the Scotch authors), that they would rather
furrender themfevles prifoners to the Englilh, than fub-
mit to be commanded by fuch a general. In an in-
ftant, all order in the Scotch army was broken down ;
horfe and foot, foldiers and fcullions, noblemen and
peafants, were intermingled. It was eafy for the Eng¬
lilh general to perceive this confufion, and perhaps to
guefs at its caufe. A hundred of his light horfe hap¬
pened to advance : they met no refiftance : the nobles
were the firft who furrendered themfelves prifoners;
and the reft of the Englifh advancing, they obtained
a bloodlefs vi&ory ; for even the women and the boys
made prifoners of Scotch foldiers, and few or none
were killed. The lord Herbert relates the circumftan-
ces of this ftiameful affair with fome immaterial differ-
[ 7o85 1
SCO
burgh, he was feized'with an additional dejedlion of Scotland*
mind, which brought him to his grave. In fuch a
fituation, every peccant circumftance of his former
life wounded his confcience; and he at laft funk in¬
to a fullen melancholy, which admitted of no confola-
tion. From Carlaverock he removed to Falkland ;
and was fometimes heard to exprefs himfclf as if he
thought that the whole_body of his nobility were in a
confpiracy againft his perfon and diginity. The pre¬
fence of the few attendants who were admitted into
hi* chamber, and who were the wicked inftruments of
his mifconduft, feemed to aggravate his fufferings ;
and he either could not or would not take any fu-
ftenance. His death being now inevitable, Beaton ap¬
proached his bed-fide with a paper, to which he is-
faid to have direded the king’s hand, pretending
that it was his laft will. On the t8th of December,
while James was in this deplorable ftate, a meffenger
came from Linlithgow, with an account that his queen
was brought to bed of a daughter ; and the laft words
be was diftinftly heard to fay, were, “ It will end as it
began : the crown came by a woman, and it will go
with one; manymiferies approach this poor kingdom ;
king Henry will either mafter it by arms, or win it
by marriage.” He then turned his face to the wall,
and in broken ejaculations pronounced the word Sel-
’way-mofj, and fome faint expreffions alluding to the
difgrace he fuffered. In this ftate he languifhed for
fome days j for it is certain he did not furvive the
13th. 4^5
JamesV. was fucceededby In's infant daughter Mary, \$ rucceed—
whofe birth we have already mentioned. James haded by Me-
taken no fteps for the fecurity of his kingdom, fo thatr>'-
ambitious men had now another opportunity of throw¬
ing the public affairs into confufion. The fituation
of Scotland indeed at this time was very critical.
Many of the nobility were prifoners in England, and Critjcai A*
thofe who remained at home were fadious and turbu- 0
lent. The nation was difpirited by an unfuccefsful
war. Commotions were daily excited on account o£
religion, and Henry VIII. had formed a defign of
adding Scotland to his other dominions. By a tefta-
mentary deed which cardinal Beaton had forged in the
name of his fovereign, he was appointed tutor to the
queen and governor of the realm, and three of the
principal nobility were named to ad as his coun-
fellors iu the adminiflration. The nobility and the
people, however, calling in queftion the authenticity
of this deed, which he could not eftablifh, the cardi¬
nal was degraded from the dignity he had affumed ; 4<j£
and the eftates of the kingdom advanced into the re-Earl of Ar-
gency James Hamilton, earl of Arran, whom theyrai? aP'
turlrrprt hp mtltlprl tn this diftindinn. as the fecond ^0,n e
4(51
James V.
dies of
grief.
ences ; but agrees with the Scotch authorities upon judged to be entitled to this diftindion, as the fecond
the whole. He mentions, however, no more than perfon of the kingdom, and the neareft heir, after
8oo common foldiers having been made prifoners. The Mary, to the crown.
chief of the prifoners were the earls of Caflils and The difgrace of cardinal Beaton might have proved
Glencairn, the lords Maxwell, Fleming, Somerville, ' the deftrudion of his party, if the earl of Arran had
Oiiphant, and Gray, with above 200 gentlemen be- been endowed with vigour of mind and ability. But
ficJes. his views were circumfcribed ; and be did not compen-
James was then at Carlaverock, which is about fate for this defed by any firmnefs of purpofe. HeHischaras-
twelve milesdiftant from the place ofadion, deprefled was too indolent to gain partizans, and too irrefolute ter.
in his fpirits, and anxious about the event of the expe- to fix them. Slight difficulties filled him with em-
dition, which is to this day called the Raid of Solway- barraffment, and great ones overpowered him. His
mof. When the news came to his ears, and that the enemies, applying themfelves to the timidity of his dif-
tarl of Arran and the cardinal were returned to Edin- pofujon, betrayed him into weakaeffes; and the efteem
which.
SCO [ 7086 ] SCO
tongue.
Scotland, which his gentlenefs had procured him in private life,
■ was lod in the contempt attending his public conduft,
which was feeble, fluftuating, and inconfiftent.
He be-7 ^ie attachment which the regent was known to
comes po- proftfs for the reformed religion, drew to him the
pular on love of the people; his high birth, and the mildnefs
account of Gf his virtues, conciiitated their refpeft; and from the
ment'm the c‘1‘cum^ancc’ t^at ^'3 name was at t‘ie ^eac^
reforma- roll °f heretics which the clergy had prefented to the
tion. late king, a fentiment of tendernefs was mingled with
his popularity. His condud correfponded, at firft,
with the imprtflions entertained in his favour. Thomas
Ouillame and John Rough, two celebrated preachers,
were invited to live in his houfe; and he permitted
them to declaim openly againll the errors of the
church of Rome. They attacked and expofed the
fupremacy of the pope, the worfhip of images, and
the invocation of faints. Cardinal Beaton and the
prelates were infinitely difcontented, and indefatigably
adive to defend the eftablifhed dodrines.
This public fandion afforded to the reformation
was of little confequence, however, when compared
4(.g with a meafure which was foon after adopted by Ro-
The peoplebert lord Maxwel. He propofed, that the liberty of
permitted reading the feriptures in the vulgar tongue fhould be
to read the permitted to the people ; and that, for the future, no
inthe’j'r65 heretical guilt fhould in inferred againft any perfon
for having them in his poflefiion, or for making ufe of
them. The regent and the three eftates acknowleged
the propriety of this propofal. Gavin Dunbar arch-
bifhop of Glafgow, and chancellor of Scotland, pro-
tefted, indeed, for himfelf and for the church, that no
ad on this fubjed fhould pafs and be effedual, till a
provincial council of all the clergy of the kingdom
fhould confider and determine, whether there was a
necefiity that the people fhould confult and ftudy the
feriptures in the vulgar tongue. But his proteflation
being difregarded, the bill of the lord Maxwel was
carried into a law, and the regent made it generally
known by a proclamation.
From this period, copies of the Bible were import¬
ed in great numbers from England ; and men, allured
by an appeal fo flattering to their reafon, were proud
to recover from the fupine ignorance in which they
bad been kept by an artful priefthood. To read be¬
came a common accomplifhment ; and books were
multiplied in every quarter, which difclofed the pride,
the tyranny, and the abfurdities of the Romifh church
and fuperftitions.
Henry VIII. The death of James V. proved very favourable to
propofes the ambitious defigns of Henry. He now propofed
to unite thean „njon 0f the two kingdoms by the marriage of his
by'tLe'mar- Edward VI, with Mary the young queen of Scot-
riageof Ed- land. To promote this, he releafed the noblemen who
ward VI. had been taken prifoners at Solway, after having en-
with Mary. gagec] them on oath, not only to concur in promoting
the alliance, but to endeavour to procure him the
charge and cudody of the young queen, with the
government of her kingdom, and the pofieffion of her
callles. The earl of Angus and his brother, who
had been fifteen years in exile, accompanied them to
Scotland, and brought letters from Henry recomend¬
ing them to the reftitution of their honours and eftates.
The regent was inclined to favour the demands of per-
fons of fuch eminent ftation; but though the ftates
were inclined to the marriage, they refufed to permit Scotland,
the removal of the queen into England, and treated I '
with contempt the idea of giving the government of
Scotland and the care of the cattles to the king
of England. Sir Ralph Sadler, the Englifh am-
baffador, exerted all his endeavours to induce the
regent to comply with the requifitions of his mafter ;
but all his intrigues were unfuccefsful ; and Henry, He de¬
perceiving that he muft depart from fuch extrava- parts from
gant conditions, at laft authorifed the commiflionersfom<: °f ll!s
to content to treaties of amity and marriage, onpropoas’
the moft favourable terms that could be procured.
In confequence of thefe powers given to the com-
miffioners, it was agreed that a firm peace and alli¬
ance fiiould take place between the two nations, and
that they fhould mutually defend and proteft one
another in cafe of an invafion. The queen was to re¬
main within her own dominions till fhe was ten years
of age ; and Henry was not to claim any fhare in the
government. Six nobles, or their apparent heirs, were
to be furrendered to him in fecurity for the convey¬
ance of the young queen into England, and for her
marriage with princp Edward, as foon as fhe was ten
years of age. It was alfo ftipulated, that though the
queen fiiould have iflue by Edward, Scotland fhould
retain not only its name, but its laws and liberties.
Thefe conditions, however advantageous to Scot- Thifregent
land, yet did not give entire fatisfa&ion. Cardinal oppofed by
Beaton, who had been imprifoned on pretence of cardinal
treafonable fchemes, and was now releafed from hi3Bcaton'
confinement by the influence of the queen-dowager,
took all opportunities of exclaiming againft; the alli¬
ance, as tending to deftroy the independency of the
kingdom. He pointed out to the churchmen the
dangers which arofe from the prevalence of herefy,
and urged them to unanimity and zeal. Awakening
all their fears and felfifhnefs, they granted him a large
fum of money with which he might gain partizans ;
the friars were inftru&ed to preach againft the treaties
with England ; and fanatical men were inftrufted to
difplay their rage in offering indignities .to Sir Ralph
Sadler.
Cardinal Beaton was not the only antagonift the re-fe-
gent had to deal with. The earls of Argyle, Hunt-veral noble-
ley, Bothwel, and Murray, concurred in the oppofi- men.
tion; and having colle&ed fome troops, and pofleffed
themfelves of the queen’s perfon, they affumed all the
authority. They were joined by the earl of Lenox,
who was made to hope that he might efpoufe the queen-
dowager and obtain the regency. He was alfo in¬
clined to oppofe the earl of Arran, from an ancient
quarrel which had fubfifted between their two fami¬
lies ; and from a claim he had to fuperfede him, not
only in the enjoyment of his perfonal eftates, but in the
fucceffion to the crown. The regent, alarmed at fuch
a powerful combination againft: him, inclined to at¬
tend to fome advances which were made him by the
queen-dowager and cardinal. To refufe to confirm 47 j
the treaties, after he had brought them to a condu- con-
lion, was, however, a ftep fo repugnant to probity,^
that he could not be prevailed upon to adopt it. Hej^fy
therefore, in a folemn manner, ratified them in the marriage
abbey-church of Holyrood-houfe, and commanded the with Eng-
great feal of Scotland to be appended to them. Thelan<1,
fame day he went to St Andrew’s, and iflued a man¬
date
SCO [ 7087 ] SCO
Scotland, date to the cardinal, requiring him t6 return to his al- of the queen-dowager. But the indignation with Sew land,
which the treachery of the cardinal had inflamed the  
” legiance. To this the prelate refufed to pay any at¬
tention, or to move from his caftle ; upon which the
regent denounced him a rebel, and threatened to com¬
pel him to fubrniffion by military force. But in a
few days after, the pufillanfmous regent meeting with
Beaton, forfook the interell of Henry VIII. and 1
He aban¬
dons the
tereft'^and braced that of the queen-dowager and of France,
renounces Being in hafte alfo to reconcile himfelf to the church
the Prote- of Rome, he renounced publicly, at Stirling, the opi-
ftant reli- niong 0f the reformed, and received abfolution from
^‘0II‘ the hands of the cardinal'.
By this mean-fpirited conduft the regent expofed
himfelf to univerfal contempt, while cardinal Beaton
ufurped the whole authority. The earl of Lenox,
finding that he had no hopes of fuccefs in his fuit to
the queen-dowager, engaged in negociations with
Henry, to place himfelf at the head of , the Scottifh
lords who were in the Englifh intereft, and to aflert
47s the caufe of the reformation. The confequence of all
Henry’s this was a rupture with England. Henry not only
violent pro-cldayecl to ratify the treaties on his part, but ordered levying a lonmuauic army, wuu wmeu nc uucaicucu
ce mgs. ^jj ^ Scottifh (hips in the harbours of England to be the deftruclion of the regent and the cardinal, offering
earl of Lenox, precipitated him into immediate adion,
and defeated the intention of this artifice. In the ho- 4??
fliie fituation of his mind towards Scotland, an oppor-
tunity of commencing hoftilities had prefented itfelf. (,y the lat-
Five (hips had arrived in the Clyde from France, load-ter.
ed with warlike ftores, and having on board the pa¬
triarch of Venice, Peter Contareni, legate from Paul III.
with La Broffe, and James Mefnaige, ambafladors from
France ; and 30,000 crowns, which were to be em¬
ployed in {Lengthening the French fad ion, and to be
diftributed by the queen-dowager and the cardinal.
Prevailing with ihe commanders of thefc vefl'tls, who
conceived him to be the faft friend of their monarch,
he fecured this money for his own ufe, and depofited
the military ftores in his caftle of Dumbarton, under
the care of George Stirling the deputy-governor, who
at this time was entirely in his interefts.
By the fuccefsful application of this wealth, the earl
of Lenpx called forth the full exertion of his party in
levying a formidable army, with which he threatened
taken and confifcated. This violent proceeding in¬
flamed the national difgufts againft the Englifh alliance;
and the party of the cardinal and queen-dowager thus
obtained an increafe of popularity. Henry himfelf,
however, was fo much accuftomed to a£\s of outrage
and violence, that he feemed to think the ftep he had
juft now taken a matter of no moment ; and there'
them battle in the fields between Leith and Edinburgh.
The regent, not being in a condition to accept the
challenge of his rival, had recourfe to negociation. 4go
Cardinal Beaton and the earl of Huntley propofed terms Lenox fuf-
of amity, and exerted themfeives with fo much addrefs, fers himfelf
that the earl of Lenox, lofing the opportunity of cha-
ft lung his enemies, confented to an accommodation,^,^”5 ‘
fore he demanded that the hoftages, in terms of the and indulged anew the hope of obtaining the queen-
A — A   C ...... r —   . G. .... I Gill V. ^ .J - 1 ,-1 A ^ L T Ji ^ 1 m a X—l , C o »- <Vl ^ •'W l 1 -I G
treaty of marriage, fliould ftill be delivered up to him.
But the cardinal and regent informed his ambaffador,
Sir Ralph Sadler, that from their own authority they
could not command any of the nobles to be committed
to him as hoftages ; and that the offenfive drain of
behaviour afiumed by the Englifh monarch, might
have altered the fentiments of the Scottifti parliament
with regard to a meafure of fuch importance. After
4,5 much altercation, the conferences were broken off;
The nego- gnd as the lords who were releafed from captivity had
ciations promifed to return prifoners to England, it now re-
broken o . w[th them to fulfil their promife. None of
them, however, had the courage to do fo, excepting
the earl of Caffils ; and Henry, being ftruck with his
punftilious fenfe of honour, difmified him loaded with
prefents.
Cardinal Beaton being thus in poiTeflion of power,
SThifnueen to0^ meafures 10 Rcure it. The folemnity of the co¬
ronation of the young queen was celebrated at Stirling.
dowager in marriage. His army was difmifted, and
he threw himfelf at the feet of his miftrefs, by whom
he was, in appearance, favourably received : but many
of his friends were feduced from him under different
pretences ; and at laft, apprehending his total ruin from ^
fome fecret enterprife, he fled to Glafgow, ai)d for-;s 0,
tified himfelf in that city. The regent, coiledling an bilged to
army, marched againft him ; and having defeated his Ay'-
friend the earl of Glencairn in a bloody encounter,
was able to reduce the place of ftrength in which he
confided, in this ebb of his fortune, the earl of Lenox
had no hope but from England.
The revolution produced in the political ftate of
Scotland by the arts of cardinal Beaton, while it de¬
feated the intrigues of Henry VIII. pointed all its
ftrength againft the progrefs of the reformation. Af¬
ter abandoning his old friends, thfe regent, in connec¬
tion with the cardinal, was ambitious to undo all the
fervices he had rendered to them. The three e^atesAi]itnce
A council was chofen to diredf and affift the regent in annulled the treaties of amity and marriage, and cm-with pratl,
 . — rr • _ r   powered commiffioners to conclude an alliance with concluded,
France. The regent difcharg'ed the two preachersand die
Guillame and Rough, whom he had invited to imPugn pe°feecutcL
the doctrines of the church. -He drove back into Eng¬
land many pious perfons, whofe zeal had brought them
to Scotland, to explain and advance the new opinions.
He careffed with particular refpeA the legate whom
the pope had fent to difeourage the marriage of the
young queen with the prince of Wales, and to pro¬
mife his affiftance againft the enterpriCesof Henry VIIL
He procured an a£t of parliament to be paffed for the
perfecution of heretics; and, upon the foundation of
this authority, the moft rigorous proceedings were
the greater affairs of ftate, at the head of which
the queen-dowager. John Hamilton, the abbot of
Paifley, who had acquired an afcendency over the re¬
gent, was alfo promoted to the privy feal, and made
treafurer of the kingdom ; and cardinal Beaton, upon
the requeft of the regent and the three eftates, accepted
the office of lord high chancellor.
— 478 ^ After the flatteries and the hopes with which the
■tween'car- ear^ k20021 had been amufed, the cardinal had rea-
ifdinaiBea- fon to dread the utmoft warmth of his refentment. He
pon and the had therefore written to Francis I. giving a detail of
j|^ of d-,e* the critical fituation of affairs in Scotland, and intreat¬
ing him to recal to France the earl of Lenox, who was
bow interefted to oppofe the iuHuence and operations concerted againft the reformed; when the arms of
sco i 7088 t sco
Scotland. England, roufingthe apprehenfions of the nation, gave
’ the fulleft employment to the regent and his counfel-
483 lors.
Lenox en- in the rage and anguilh of difappointed ambition,
fhfeEnglifhthe earl °f Lenox made an offer to affift the views of
intereft. the king of England ; who, treating him as an ally,
engaged, in the event of fuccefs, to give him in mar¬
riage his niece the lady Margaret Douglas, and to in¬
vert him in the regency of Scotland. To eftablifh the
reformation in Scotland, to acquire the fuperiority
over it to HenryVIII. and to effe&uate the marriage
of the prince of Wales with the queen of Scots, were
484 the great objects of theft confederacy.
An EnglKh Henry, though engaged in a war with France,
tersScot- which required all his military force, could not refill
land. the earlietl opportunity in his power to execute his
vengeance againft Scotland. Edward Seymour earl
of Hartford was appointed to command 10,000 men ;
who were embarked at Tinmouth, aboard a fleet of
200 {Hips, under the direction of Sir John Dudley
Hrd Lifle. This army was landed without oppofition
near Leith ; and the earl of Hartford made it known
to Sir Adam Otterburn, the provoft of Edinburgh,
that bis commiffion empowered him to lay the coun¬
try wafte and defolate, unlefs the regent fhould deliver
up the young queen to the king of England. It was
anfvvered, that every extremity of diftrefs would be
endured, before the Scottifh nation would fubmit to
fo ignominious a demand. Six thoufand horfe from
4Sj Berwick, under the lord Evers, now joined the carl of
Who com- Hartford. Leith and Edinburgh, after a feeble refift-
mit cruel ance, yielded to the Englifh commander; who aban-
fions^and ^one^ t^em t0 P'^age> anc* t^len fet fire to them. A
then fud- crue^ devaftation enfued in the furrounding villages
denly re- and country, and an immenfe booty was conveyed on
•tire. board the Englifh fleet. But,- while an extreme ter¬
ror was every where excited, the earl of Hartford re-
imbarked a part of his troops, and ordered the re¬
mainder to march with expedition to the frontiers of
England.
The regent, aflifted by cardinal Beaton and the
earls of Huntley, Argyle, Bothwell, and Murray,
was aftive, in the mean time, to collect an army, and
to provide for the fecurity of the kingdom. He felt,
therefore, the greateft furprife on being relieved fo
unexpeftedly from the moft imminent hazard ; and an
expedition, conduced with fo little difeernment, did
not advance the meafures of Henry VIII. To accom¬
plish the marriage of the young queen with the prince
of Wales, to poflefs himfelf of her perfon, or to at-
-chieve a conqueft over Scotland, were all cireumftances
apparently within the reach of the Englifh commander :
and yet, in the moment of vidlory, he neglefted to
profecute his advantages ; and having inflamed the
animofities of the Scottifh nation, by a difplay of
the paflions and cruelty of his mafler, left them to
recover from their difafter, and to improve in their
refources.
The earl of Lenox, taking the opportunity of the
Englifh fleet, went to confult with Henry VIII. upon
111 fuccefs the defperate ftate of his affairs. He renewed his en-
of the carl gagements with this monarch; and received in mar-
ef Lenox. r;age the lady Margaret Douglas, with poffeffions in
England. Soon after, he arrived in the frith of Clyde,
with 18 fhips and 600 foldiers, that he might ftcure
the caftle of Dunbarton, and employ himfelf in com* Scotland,
mitting fpoil and devattation. But George Stirling, “
to whom the caftle was intrufted refufed to furren-
der it ; and even obliged him to reimbark his troops.
After engaging in a few petty incurfions and fkirmifhes,
he returned to England. 487
In 1544, Henry confented to a truce ; and Scot-A‘T'jf ,
land, after having fufftred the miferies of war, was fub-
je&ed to the horrors of perfecution. The regent had land,
procured an ail of parliament for the perfecution of
the reformed ; and the cardinal, to draw to himfelf an
additional fplendour and power, had obtained from the
pope the dignity of legate a latere. A vifitation of his
own diocefe appeared to him the moft proper method
of commencing the propofed extirpation of herefy;
and he carried with him in his train the regent, and
many perfons of diftin&ion, to affift in his judicatories,
and to fhare in his difgrace. gs
In the town of Perth, a great many perfons were Many cruel
accufed and condemned. The moft. trifling offences executions
were regarded as atrocious crimes, and made the fub- on account
jefts of profecution and punifhment, Robert Lamb°f rel1'
was hanged for affirming that the invocations of faints^101'*
had no merit tofave. William Anderfon, James Rey¬
nold, and James Finlayfon, fuffered the fame death,
for having abufed an image of St Francis, by putting
horns upon his head. James Hunter, having kept
their company, was found to be equally guilty, and
punifhed in the fame manner. Helen Stirke, having
refufed, when in labour, to invoke the affiftance of the
Virgin, was drowned in a pool of water. Many of
the burgefles of Perth, being fufpedled of herefy, were
fent into banifhment ; and the lord Ruthven, the pro¬
voft, was upon the fame account difmiffed from his
office.
The cardinal was ftrenuous in perfecuting herefy in
other parts of his diocefe. But the difeontents and
clamour attending the executions of men of inferior fta-
tion were now loft in the fame of the martyrdom of 489
George Wifhart; a perfon who, while he was refpec- j^Geor ^
table by his birth, was highly eminent from the opi- \\rjfhart.
nion entertained of his capacity and endowments.
The hiftorians of the Proteftant perfuafion have fpo-
ken of this reformer in terms of the higheft admira¬
tion. They extol his learning as extenfive, infill on
the extreme candour of his difpofition, and aferibe to
him the utmoft purity of morals. But while the {train
of their panegyric is expofed to fufpicion from its ex-
cefs, they have ventured to impute to him the fpirit
of prophecy ; fo that we mull neceffarily receive their
euloginms with fome abatement. It may be fulficient
to affirm, that Mr Wifhart was the moft eminent
preacher who had hitherto appeared in Scotland. He
was certainly cultivated by refle&ion and ftudy, and
he was amply poffeffed of thofe abilities and qualifica¬
tions which awaken and agitate the paffions of the
people. His miniftry had been attended with the
moft flattering fuccefs : and his courage to encounter
danger grew with his reputation. The day before he
was apprehended, he faid to John Knox, who attend¬
ed him ; “ I am weary of the world, fince I perceive
that men are weary of God.” He had already recon¬
ciled himfelf to that terrible death which awaited him.
He was found in the houfe of Cockbur'n of Ormifton,
in Eaft Lothian ; who refufing to deliver him to the
SCO [ 7089 ] SCO
Stotland. fervants of the regent, the earl of Bothwell, the fhe-
" ^ riff of the county, required that he fhould be intrufted
to his care, and promifed that no injury fhould be
done to him. But the authority of the regent and his
counfellors obliged the earl to furrender his charge.
He was conveyed to the cardinal’s caftle at St An¬
drew’s, and his trial was hurried on with precipita¬
tion. The cardinal and the clergy proceeding in it
without the concurrence of the fecujar power, adjud¬
ged him to be burnt alive. In the circumftances of
his execution, there appears a deliberate and moil bar¬
barous cruelty. When led out'to the flake, he was met
by priefts, who, mocking his condition, called upon
him to pray to the virgin, that fjie might intercede
with her Son for mercy to him. “ Forbear to tempt
me, my brethren,” was his mild reply to them. A
black coat of linen was put upon him by one execu¬
tioner, and bags of powder were fattened to his body
by another. Some pieces of ordnance were pointed
to the place of execution. He fpoke to the fpefta-
tors, intreating them to remember that he was to die
for the true gofpel of Chrift. Fire was communica¬
ted to the faggots. From a balcony in a tower of his
caftle, which was hung with tapeftry, the cardinal
and the prelates, reclining upon rich cufhions, beheld
the inhuman feene. Thisinfolent triumph, more than
all his afflidtions, affedked the magnanimity of the fuf-
ferer. He exclaimed, that the enemy, who fo proudly
folaced himfelf, would perifh in a few days, and be expo-
fed ignominioufly in the place which he now occupied.
Cardinal Beaton took a pleafure in receiving the
congratulations of the clergy upon a deed, which, it
was thought, would fill the enemies of the church with
terror. But the indignation of the people was more
excited than their fears. All ranks of men were dif-
gufted with an exercife of power which defpifed every
boundary of moderation and juftice. The predidion
4>0 of Mr Wifhart, fuggefted by the general odium which
Cardinal attended the cardinal, was confidered by the difciples
Beaton af- of this martyr as the effufion of a prophet; and per-
faflinated. }japS gave OCCafion to the affafiination that fol¬
lowed. Their complaints were attended to by Nor¬
man Lefly, the eldeft fon of the earl of Rothes, whom
the cardinal had treated with indignity, though he had
profited by his fervices. He confented to be their
leader. The cardinal was in his caftle at St Andrew’s,
which he was fortifying after the ftrongeft falhion of
that age. The confpirators, at different times, early
in the morning, entered into it. The gates were fe-
cured ; and appointing a guard, that no intimation of
their proceedings might go to the cardinal, they dif-
miffed from the caftle all his workmen feparately, to
the number of too, and all his domeftics, who amount¬
ed to no fewer than 50 perfons. The eldeft fon of the
earl of Arran, whom he kept as an hoftage for his fa¬
ther’s behaviour, was alone detained by them. The
prelate, alarmed with their noife, looked from his win¬
dow, and was informed that his caftle was taken by
Norman Lefly. It was in vain that he endeavoured to
fecure the door of his chamber by bolts and chetts.
The confpirators brought fire, and were ready to ap¬
ply it, when, admitting them into his prefence, he im¬
plored their mercy. Two of them ftruck him haftily
with their fwords. But James Melvil, rebuking their
Vol. IX»
paffion, told them, that this work and judgment of Scotland.
God, though fecret, ought to be done with gravity. —
He reminded the cardinal, in general terms, of the
enormity of his fins, and reproached him in a more
particular manner with the death of Mr Wifliart. He
fwore, that no hopes of his riches, no dread of his
power, and no hatred to his perfon, were any motives
which a&uated him ; but that he was moved to accom-
plifli his deftruftion, by the obftinacy and zeal mani-
fefted by him againft Chrift Jefus and his holy gofpel.
Waiting for no anfwer to his harangue, he thruft the
cardinal three times through the body with his dagger,
on the 29th of May 1546.
The rumour that the caftle was taken, giving an
alarm to the inhabitants of St Andrew’s, they came
in crowds to gratify their curiofity, and to offer their
afliftance, according to the fentiments they entertained.
The adherents and dependents of the cardinal were
clamorous to fee him; and the confpirators, carrying
his dead body to the very place from which he had
beheld the fufferings of Mr Wifliart, expofed it to their
vicw* . 491
The truce, in the mean time, which had been con- Treaty of
eluded with England was frequently interrupted ; but peace be-
no memorable battles were fought. Mutual depreda- jwejn EnS*
tionskept alive the hoftile fpirit of the two kingdoms; p”an’ce an(j
and while the regent was making military prepara-Scotland,
tions, which gave the promife of important events, a
treaty of peace was finiftied between England and
France, in which Francis L took care to comprehend
the Scottifli nation. In this treaty it was ftipulated
by Henry, that he was not to wage war againft Scot¬
land, unlefs he Ihould be provoked by new and juft
caufes of hoftility.
But the murderers of cardinal Beaton, apprehenfiveof
their fafety,haddifpatchedmeffengers into England, with
applications to Henry for affiftance ; and beingjoined
by more than 120 of their friends, they took the re-
folution of keeping the caftle, and of defending them-
felves. Henry, notwithftanding his treaty with France,
refolved to embrace this opportunity of augmenting
the difturbances of Scotland. He battened to collect
troops; and the regent and his counfellors preffed
France for fupplies in men and money, and military
ftores and artillery.
The high places which the cardinal occupied were
filled up immediately upon his death. John Hamil- proceed-
ton abbot of Paifley was defied archbifhop of St ii>gS againft
Andrew's, and George earl of Huntley was promoted the murder-
■to be chancellor. By thefe officers the regent wa*
■urged to proceed with vigour againft the confpirators;
and it was a matter of the greateft anxiety to him to
recover his eldeft fon, whom they detained in cuftody.
The clergy bad, in the moft folemn manner, pronoun¬
ced them to be accurfed; and agreed to furnifh, for
four months, a monthly fubfidy of 30001. to defray the
expence of reducing them to obedience. The queen-
dowager and the French faftion were eager, at the fame
time, to concur in avenging the affaflination of a man
to whofe counfels and ferviecs they were fo greatly in¬
debted. And that no dangerous ufe might be made
of the eldeft fon of the earl of Arran, who, after his
father, was the heir of the monarchy, an afi of par¬
liament was paffed, excluding him from iris birthright
39 S while
SCO [ 7090 ] SCO
Scotland, while he remained in the poffefiion of the enemies of Knox, were fent to the galleys. The caftle itfelf was Scotland.
" his country, and fubftituting his brothers in his place, razed to the ground.
according to their feniority. The dark politics of The fame year, 1547, Scotland was invaded by an Scotland
Henry fuggefted the neceffity of this expedient; and Englilh army under the duke of Somerfet, who had
in its meaning and tendency there may be remarked been chofen proteftor of England during the minority1 e 1 *
49j the fpirit and greatnefs of a free people. of Edward VI, The defrgn of this iinvafion was to
CafUeof A powerful army laid fiege to the caftle of St An- oblige the Scots to comply with the fcheme of Hen-
StAndrewsdrew’®, and continued their operations during four ry VIII. and conclude a marriage between Edward
fcdicgcd. months ; but no fuccefs attended the affailants. The and the young queen of Scotland. The Englifh army
fortifications were ftrong; and a communication with confifted of 18,000 men ; befides which the protedlor
the belieged was open by fea to the king of England, had a fleet of 60 fail, one half of w hich were fhips of
who fupplted them with arms and proviiions. The war, and the others confifted of veflels laden with pro-
garrifon received his pay, and the principal confpira- vifions and military ftores. On the other hand, the
tors had penfions from him. In return for his gene- regent oppofed him with an army of 40,000 men.
rofity, they were engaged to promote the marriage of Before the commencement of hoftilitie&, however, the
his fon with the young queen ; to advance the refor- duke of Somerfet addrefled a letter or manifeflo to the
in at ion ; and to keep in cuftody the eldeft fon of the government; in which he prcffed the marriage with
regent. Negociation fucceeded to hoftility ; and as fuch powerful argument?, and fo clearly fhowed the
the regent expefted affiftance from France, and the benefits which would refult from it to both nations,
confpirators had the profpeA of fupport from an Eng- that the regent and his party, who were averfe to
lifh army, both parties were difpofed to gain time, peace, thought proper to fupprefs it, and to circulate
A treaty was entered into and tranfafted; in which a report that the Englilh had come to force away the
the regent engaged to procure from Rome an abfolu- queen, and to reduce the kingdom to a ftate of de-
tion to the confpirators, and to obtain to them from pendence- All hopes of an accommodation being thus
the three eftates an exemption from profecutions of removed, the Englifh army advanced in order to give
every kind. Upon the part of the befieged, it was battle to the Scots. They found the latter ported in
{Updated, that when thefe conditions were fulfilled, the moft advantageous fituation, around the villages of
the caftle Ihould be furrendered, and the regent's fon Muffelburgh, Inverefk, and Monckton ; fo that he
be delivered up to him. In the mean time Hen. VIII. could not force them to an a6tion, at the fame time
Death^of ’ an^ a ^ew wee^s a^ter> Francisl. alfo paid his debt that he found himfelf in danger of having his commu-
HenryVIII.to nature- But the former, before his death,, had nication with his fliips cut off, which would have to-
andFran- recommended the profecution of the Scottilh war; tally deprived his army of the means of fubfiftence.
“s I. and Henry II. the fucceffor of Francis,, was eager to In this dangerous fituation he had again recourfe to
fhow his attention to the ancient ally of his nation, negociation, and offered terms Hill more favourable
When the abfolution arrived from Rome, the confpi- than before. He now declared himfelf ready to retire
rators refufed to confider it as valid ; and an expreffion into England, and to make ample compenfation for
ufed by the pope* implying an abfurdity, furniihed an the injuries committed by his army, if the Scottifh go-
apology for their condudf. They knew that the coun- vernment would promife that the queen fhould not be
fellors of Edward VI. were making vigorous prepara- contrafted to a foreign prince, but fhould be kept at
tions to invade Scotland ; they were confident of their home till fhe was of age to choofe a hufband for her-
prefent ability to defend themfelves; and the advo- felf, with the confent of the nobility. Thefe concef-
cates for the reformation encouraged them with hopes lions increafed the confidence of the regent fo much,
and with flattery; that, without taking advantage of the ftrength of his
The favourers of the reformation, in the mean time, fituation, he refolved to come to a general engage-
adopting the intolerant maxims of the Roman Catho- ment. The prote&or moved towards Pinkey, a gen- Battle of
lies, were highly pleafed with the affaflination of Bea- tleman’s houfe to the eaftward of Muffelburgh; andPinkey.
ton ; and many of them congratulated the confpira- the regent conceiving that he meant to rake refuge in
tors upon what they called their godly deed and en- bis fleet, changed the ftrong ground in which he was
terprife. John Rough, who had formerly been chap- encamped. He commanded his army to pals the river
45* kin to the regent, entered the caftle and joined them. Elk, and to approach the Englilh forces, which were
he^ins^o°X ^ t*1‘s t*me a*f° J°^n Knox began to diftinguilh him- polled on the middle part of Fafide-hill. The earl of
diftinguilh felf in an eminent manner, both by his fuccefs in ar- Angus led on the van ; the main body of the battle
himfelf. gument, and the unbounded freedom of his difeourfe; marched under the regent ; and the earl of Huntley
while the Roman clergy, every where defeated and commanded in the rear. It was the regent’s intention
alhamed, implored the afliftance of the regent and his to feize the top of the hill. The lord Grey, to de¬
council, who allured them that the laws againft he- feat this purpofe, charged the earl of Angus, at the
reties fhould be put in execution. head of the Englilh cavalry. They were received up-
in the mean time the caftle of St Andrew’s being on the points of the Scottilh fpears, which were longi
49<S
Caftle of
St An-
invefted by a fleet of 16 fail under admiral Strozzi than the lances of the Englilh horfemen, and put to
drew’s ta- from France, was obliged to capitulate. Honourable flight. The earl of Warwick, more fuccefsful with
i,en.
conditions were granted to the confpirators ; but after his command of infantry, advanced to the attack,
being conveyed to France, they were cruelly ufed, The ordnance from the fleet aflifted his operations;
from the hatred entertained by the Catholics againft and a brifk fire from the Englilh artillery, which was
the Proteftants. Many were confined in prifons ; and planted on a rifing-ground, ferred Hill more to inti-
•thers, among whom, fays Dr Stewart, was John midate the Scottilh foldiery. The remaining troops
 "   ~ “ undsr.
I
SCO t 7091 ] SCO
Scotland, nndef tlie proteftor were moving flowly, and in the
~ beft order, to take a (hare in the engagement. The
earl of Angus was not well fupported by the regent
and the earl of Huntley. A panic fpread itfelf thro’
the Scottifh army. It fled in different ways, prefent-
ing a fcene of the greateft havoc and confufion. Few
perifhed in the fight; but the chafe continuing in one
499 direftion to Edinburgh, and in another to Dalkeith,
The Sects with the utmoft fury, a prodigious daughter was made,
w'ith^reat t^e C0nCluer0rs not amount to 500
laughter. men > ^ut Io,ooo foldiers perifhed on the fide of the
° vanquifhed. A multitude of prifoners were taken ;
and among thefe the earl of Huntley, the lord high
chancellor.
Amidft the confirmation of this decifive vi&ory,
the duke of Somerfet had a full opportunity of effec¬
tuating the marriage and union projefted by Hen¬
ry VIII. and on the fubjed of which fuch fond anxiety
was entertained by the Englifh nation. But the ca¬
bal® of his enemies threatening his deftru&ion at home,
Dukeof to the neceffities of his private ambition,
Somerfet ancl marched back into England. He took precau-
returns to tions, however, to fecure an entry into Scotland, both
England, by fea and land. A garrifon of 200 men was placed
in the ifle of St Columba in the Forth, and two (hips
of war were left as a guard to it. A garrifon was alfo
ftationed in the caftleof Broughty, which was fituated
in the mouth of the Tay. When he palled through
the Merfe and Teviotdale, the leading men of thefe
counties repaired to him ; and taking an oath of alle¬
giance to king Edward, furrendered their places of
ftrength. Some of thefe he demolifhed, and toothers
he added new fortifications. Hume caftle was garri-
foned with 200 men, and intruded to Sir Edward
Dudley; and he pofted 300 foldiers, with 200 pio¬
neers, in the caftle of Roxburgh, under the command
of Sir Ralph Bulmer.
The only refource of the regent now was the hope
of afliftance from France. The young queen was
lodged in the caftle of Dunbarton, under the care of
the lords Erfkine and Livingftone; and ambaffadors
J0I were fent to Henry II. of France, acquainting him
Fartherfuc- with the difafter at Pinkey, and imploring his affif-
cefles of the tance. The regent had afked permiflion from the
Enghlh. proteaor to treat of peace, and the earl of Warwick
was appointed to wait for them at Berwick; but none
were ever fent on the part of Scotland. It was not
long therefore before hoftilities were recommenced by
the Englifh. Lord Gray led an army into Scotland,
fortified the town of Haddington, took the caftles of
Ycfter and Dalkeith, laid wafte the Merfe, and the
counties of Eaft and Mid Lothian. On the other
hand, in June 1548, Monfieur de Deffe, a French
officer of great reputation, landed at Leith with 6000
foldiers and a formidable train of artillery.
In the mean time the regent was in difgrace on ac¬
count of the difafter at Pinkey; and the queen-dowager
being difpofed to fuperfede his authority, attempt¬
ed to improve this circumftance to her own advantage.
As (he perceived that her power and intereft could beft
be fupported by France, fhe refolved to enter into the
ftrifteft alliance with that kingdom. It had been
propofed that the dauphin of France fhould marry the
q;ueen of Scotland ; and this propofal now met with
many partizans, the hoftilfties of the Englifh having
loft a great number of friends to the caufe of that Scotland,
country. It was refolved to fend the queen immedi-——1
ately to France, which would remove the caufe of the
prefent contentions, and her fubfequent marriage with
the dauphin would in the fulleft manner confirm the
friendfhip betwixt the two nations. The French
government alfo entered deeply into the fcheme ; and
in order to promote it, made prefents of great value to
many of the Scottifh nobility. The regent himfelf
was gained over by a penfion of 12,000 livres, and
the title of duke of Chattellerault. Monfieur de Joa
Villegagnon, who commanded four galleys in the hsr- The queen
hour of Leith, making a feint as if he intended toftntt°
proceed inftantlyto France, tacked about to the north,France*
and, failing round the ifles, received the queen at
Dunbarton; whence he conveyed her to France, and
delivered her to her uncles the princes of Lorraine, in
the month of July 1548.
Thefe tranfa&ions did not put an end to the military
operations. The fiege of Haddington had been un¬
dertaken as foon as the French auxiliaries arrived, and
was now condufted with vigour. To reinforce the
garrifon, 1500 horfe advanced from Berwick ; but an
ambufeade being laid for them, they were intercepted,
and almoft totally deftroyed. Another body of Eng- lift meet
lifh troops, however, which amounted only to 300with feverid
perfons, was more fuccefsful. Eluding the vigilance c^cc^s*
of the Scot® and the French, they were able to enter
Haddington, and to fupply the befieged with ammu¬
nition and provifions. The lord Seymour, high ad¬
miral of England, made a defeent upon Fife with
a 200 men, and fome piece® of artillery; but was driven
back to his fhips with great flaughter, by James
Stuart, natural brother to the young queen, who op-
pofed him at the head of the militia of the county.
A fecond defeent was made by him at Montrofe ; but
being equally unfuccefsful there, he was obliged to
leave Scotland without performing any important or
memorable atchievement.
Having colledled an army of 17000 men, and add¬
ing to it 3000 German Proteftants, the protedtor put
it under the dire&ion of the earl of Shrewfbury. Up¬
on the approach of the Englifh, Defle, though he had
been reinforced with 15,000 Scots, thought it pru¬
dent to retreat, and to hazard a decifive battle. He
raifed the fiege of Haddington, and marched to
Edinburgh. The earl of Shrewfbury did not follow
him to force an engagement; jealoufies had arifen be- Qu/r^is
tween the Scots and the French. The infolence and between tlie
vanity of the latter, encouraged by their fuperior fkill Scots and
in military arts, had offended the quick and impatientFrencil*
fpirit of the former. The fretfulnefs of the Scots was
augmented by the calamities infeparable from war;
and after the conveyance of the young queen to France,
the efficacious and peculiar advantage conferred upon
that kingdom by this tranfadtion was fully underftood,
and appeared to them to be highly disgraceful and
impolitic. In this ftate of their humour, Deffe found
not at Edinburgh the reception he expefted. The
quartering of his foldiers produced difputes, which
ended in an infurredlion -of the inhabitant*. The
French fired among the citizens. Several perfons of
diftin&ion fell, and among thefe were the provoft of
Edinburgh and his fon. The national difeontents and
inquietudes were driven, by this event, to the moft
39 S 2 dan-
SCO [ 7092 ] SCO
Scotland, dangerous extremity ; and Deffe, who was a man of
*" ability, thought of giving employment to his troeps,
and of flattering the people by the fplendour of fome
joy martial exploit.
Unfuccefs- The earl of Shrewfbury, after fupplying Hadding-
ful attempt ton with troops, provifions, and military ftores, retired
on Had-) with his army into England. Its garrifon, in the en-
k ' joyment of fecurity, and unfufpicious of danger, might
be furprifed and overpowered. Marching in the night,
Defle reached this important poll; and deftroying a
fort of obfervation, prepared to llorm the main gates
of the city, when the garrifon took the alarm. A
French deferter pointing a double cannon to the thickeft
ranks of the aflailants, the fhot was incredibly de-
ilruftive, and threw them into confufion. In the
height of their confternation, a vigorous fally was
made by the befieged. Defic renewed the afiault in
the morning, and was again difcomfited. He now
so5 turned his arms againft Broughty caftie; and, though
Defle the unable to reduce it, he yet recovered the neighbouring
French ge- town of Dundee, which had fallen into the pofleflion
jieral gains Qf t}je enemy. Hume callle was retaken by ftratagem.
^n^advafl‘Deffe entered Jedburgh, and put its garrifon to the
afies‘ fword. Encouraged by this fuccefs, he ravaged the
Englifh borders in different incurfions, and obtained
feveral petty vidleries. Leith, which from a fmall
village had grown into a town, was fortified by him ;
and the ifland of Inchkeith, which is nearly oppofite
to that harbour, being occupied by Englilh troops,
he undertook to expel them, and made them prifoners
after a brilk encounter.
His activity and valour could not, however, com-
pefe the difcontents of the Scottifh nation; and the
queen dowager having written to Henry II. to recall
him, he was fueceeded in his command by Monfieur
de Thermes, who was accompained into Scotland by
Monluc bifhop of Valence, a perfon highly efteemed for
his addrefs and ability. This ecclefiaftic was defigned
to fuppiy the lofs of cardinal Beaton, and to difcharge
the office of lord high chancellor of Scotland. But the
jealoufies of the nation increafing, and the queen-dow¬
ager herfelf fufpefting his ambition and turbulence, he
attained not this dignity, and foon returned to his own
country.
Farth/rfuc- ■^>e Th«rme9 brought with him from France a re-
cdTes of the inforcement of 1000 foot, 2000 horfe, and 100 men-
French. at-armSi He erefted a fort at Aberlady, to diftref*
the garrifon of Haddington, and to intercept it* fup-
plies of provifion. At Coldingham he deftroyed a
troop of Spaniards in the Englilh pay. Faft-caltle
was regained by furprife. Dittradions in the Eng-
lifii court, did not permit the prote&or to ad vigo-
roufly in the war. The earl of Warwick was diverted
from marching an army into Scotland. An infedious
di(temper had broke out in the garrifon at Hadding¬
ton ; and an apprehenfion prevailed, that it could not
hold out for any length of time' againft the Scots.
The earl of Rutland, therefore, with a body of troops,
entered the town; and after fetting fire to it, conduc¬
ted the garrifon and artillery to Berwick. The re¬
gent, in the poffeffion of Haddington, was folicitous
to recover the other places which were yet in the
Jf,8 power of the Englifti. De Thermes laid fiege to
Peaeecon- Bronghty caftie, and took it. He then befieged Law-
duded. der ; and the ganifon was about to futrender at dif-
cretion, when the news arrived that a peace was con- Scotland,
eluded between France, England, and Scotland. ‘
By this treaty Henry II. obtained the reftitution
of Boulogne and its dependencies, which had been
taken from him by the king of England, and for
which he paid 400,000 crowns. No oppofition was
to be given to the marriage of the queen of Scotland
with the dauphin ; the fortreffes of Lawder and Dou¬
glas were to be reftored to the Scots, and the Englifh
were to deftroy the caftles of Roxburgh and Eymouth. J0?
After the ratification of the articles, the queen-dowager The queen,
embarked with Leon Strozzi for France, attended by dowager
many of the nobility. Having arrived there, fhe com- 8oes tc>
municated to the king her defign of affuming the go-,j^emesT^
vernment of Scotland, and he promifed to affift hergainftthe
to the utmoftof his power. But the jealoufy which regent,
prevailed between the Scotch and French rendered the
accomplifhment of this defign very difficult. To re¬
move the regent by an aft of power, might endanger
the fcheme altogether; but it might be poffible to per-
fuade him to refign his office voluntarily. For this
purpofe intrigues were immediately commenced ; and
indeed the regent himfelf contributed to promote their
fchemes by bis violent perfecution of the reformed.
The peace was hardly proclaimed, when he provoked yio
the public refentment by an aftion of fanguinary info- AdamWa!-
lence. Adam Wallace, a man of Ample manners, but l^c fullers
of great zeal for the reformation, was accufed of he- °" a<jf0.uni
refy, and brought to trial in the church of the Black0 rei£lon*
Friars at Edinburgh. In the prefence of the regent,
the earls of Angus, Huntley, Glencairn, and other
perfons of drftinftion and rank, he was charged with
preaching without any authority of law, with bapti¬
zing one of bis own children, and with denying the
doftrine of purgatory ; and it was ftrenuoufly objefted
to him, that he accounted prayers to the faints and the
dead to be an ufelefs fuperftition, that he had pro¬
nounced the mafs to be an idolatrous fervice, and that
he had affirmed that the bread and wine in the facra-
ment of the altar, after the words of the confecration,
do not change their nature, but continue to be bread
and wine. Thefe offences were efteemed too terrible to
admit of any pardon. The earl of Glencairn alone
protefted againft his puniffiment. The pious fufferer
bore with refignation the contumelious rnfults of the
clergy ; and by his courage and patience at the (take
gave a fanftion to the opinions he had embraced. ^
Other afts of atrocity and violence ftained the ad- other i»-
miniftration of the regent. In his own palace, Wil-ftances of
liam Crichton, a man of family and reputation, waaregent's
affaffinated by the lord Semple. No attempt was made
to punith the murderer. His daughter was the con- {plce>
cubine of the archbiffiop of St Andrew’s, and her tears
and intreaties were more powerful than juftice. John
Melvil, a perfon refpeftable by his birth and his for¬
tune, had written to an Engliffi gentleman, recom¬
mending to his care a friend who at that time was a
captive in England. This letter contained no improper
information in matters of ftate, and no fufpicion of
any crime againft Melvil could be inferred from it.
Yet the regent brought him to trial upon a charge of
high treafon ; and, for an aft of humanity and friend-
Ihip, he was condemned to lofe his head. The eftate
of Melvil, forfeited to his family, was given to David
the youngeft fon of the regent.
Amidft
SCO
[ 7°93 ]
SCO
Scotland. Amidft the pleafures and amufements of the French
court, the queen-dowager was not inattentive to
Schemes of the fcheme of ambition which fhe had projected,
the queen- The earls of Huntley and Sutherland, Marifchal
obtarnYhe* arl^ Caffilis, with the lord Maxwell, and other per-
regency. f°n3 °f eminence who had accompanied her to
France, were gained over to her interefts. Robert
Carnegie of Kinnaird, David Panter bifliop of Rofs,
and Gavin Hamilton commendator of Kilwinning,
being alfo at this time in that kingdom, and having
the greateft weight with the regent, were treated with
a moft. punctilious refpeft. Henry declared to them
his earned wifh that the queen-dowager might attain
the government of Scotland. In cafe the regent fliould
confent to this meafure, he expreffed a firm intention
that no detriment fhould happen to his confequence
and affairs; and he defired them to inform him, that
he had already confirmed his title of of Cbatel-
lerault, had advanced his fon to be captain of the Scots
gendarmes in France, and was ready to tender other
marks of favour to his family and relations. Upon
this bufinefs, and with this meffage, Mr Carnegie was
difpatched to Scotland ; and a few days fifter, he was
followed by the bifhop of Rofs. The bilhop being a
man of eloquence and authority, obtained, tho’ with
great difficulty, a promife from the regent to refign
his high office ; and for this fervice he received, as a
She^cturnsi'ecompence, an abbey in Poitou. The queen-dowager,
to Scotland, full of hopes, prepared to return to Scotland.
The queen-dowager now prepared to return to
Scotland, and in her way thither made ufe of a fafe-
condudt obtained from Edward VI. by the king of
France. The Englifh monarch, however, had not
yet forgot the beautiful queen of Scotland ; and did
not faH to urge his fuperiority of claim to her over the
dauphin. The queen-dowager did not ferioufly enter
upon the bufinefs; only in general terms complained
of the hoftilities committed by the Englifh; and two
days after this ccmverfation, (he proceeded towards
Scotland, where Ibe was conducted by the earl of
Bothwel, lord Hume, and fbme other noblemen, to
Edinburgh, amidft the acclamations of the people.
She had not long been returned to the capital, when
the bad conduft of the regent afforded her an oppor¬
tunity of exerting her influence and addrefs to the ad-
Rap^acUy vantage of her project. The regent having propofed
and inju- a judicial circuit through the kingdom, under pretence
fliceef the of repreffing crimes and diforders, molefted the people
regent. piun(J[er and rapine. Great fines were levied for
offences pretended as well as real; and the Proteftants
in particular feemed to be the objefts of his difplea-
fure and feverity. In his progrefs he was accompa¬
nied by the queen-dowager ; and, as fhe affedted to
behave in a manner diredtly oppofite, the moft dif-
agreeable comparifons were made between her and the
regent. The bifhop of Rofs, to whom he had pro-
mifed to refign his office, did not fail to put him in
mind of his engagements; but he had now altered his
mind, and wifhed Hill to continue in power. His
He refi ns rdblutf°n» however, failed him on the firft intimation
his office" of a parliamentary inquiry into the errors of his ad-
which is gi-miniftration. An agreement with the queen-dowager
to the tjjen place ; and it was ftipulated, that he fhould
fucceed to the throne upon the death of the queen
dowager.
without iffue ; Jhat his fon fhould enjoy the command Scotland,
of the gendarmes; that no inquiry fnould be made in-
to his expenditure of the royal treafures; that no fcru-
tiny into his government fhould take place; and that
he fhould enjoy in the nroft ample manner his duchy
and his penfion. Thefe articles were ratified at an
affmbly of parliament, and the queen-dowager was
formally invefted with the regency.
Mary of Lorraine, the new regent, though fhe had
with great difficulty attained the fummit of her wifhes,
feemed to be much lefs verfant in the arts of govern¬
ment than of intrigue. She was fcarce fettled in her gh/renjg,.,.
new office when fixe rendered herfelf unpopular in twolierfe'.f im-
refpe&s ; one was by her too great attachment topopuhu*
France, and the other by her perfecution of the re¬
formed religion. She was entirely guided by the
councils of her brothers the duke of Guife and the
cardinal of Lorraine; and paid by far too much atten- ^
tion to M. d’Oyfel the French ambaffador, whom they
recommended to her as an able and faithful minifter.
Several high offices were filled with Frenchmen, which
excited in the higheft degree the refentment of the
Scottifh nobility; and the commonalty were inftantly
prejudiced againft her by the partiality fhe fliowed to
the Papifts. At firft, however, fhe enafted many fa-
lutarylaws; and while fhe made a progrefs herftlf
through the fouthern provinces of the kingdom to
hold judiciary courts, fhe endeavoured to introduce
order and law into the weftern countries and ifles; firft
by the earl of Huntley, and afterwards by the earls
of Argyle and Athole, to whom fhe granted commif- JJ7
fions for this purpofe with effeflual powers. In ano-Attempt*
ther improvement,, which the queen-regent attempted in vain to
by the advice of her French council, fhe found herfelf
oppofed by her own people. It was propofed that^ ,ng
the poffeffions of every proprietor of land in the king-
dom fliould be valued and entered into regifters ; and
that a proportional payment fhould be made by each.
The application of this fund was to maintain a regular
and (landing body of fotdiers. This guard or army,
it was urged, being at all times in readinefs to march,
againft an enemy, would proteft effedlualiy the fron¬
tiers ; and there would no longer be any neceffity for
the nobles to be continually in motion on every ru¬
mour of hoftility or incurfion from Englifh invaders.
No art, however, or argument, could recommend thefe
meafures. A perpetual tax and a (landing army were
conceived to be the genuine charaftwiftics of defpo-
tifm. All ranks of men confidered themfelves to be
infulted and abided ; and 300 tenants of the crown Af-
fembling at Edinburgh, and giving way to their in¬
dignation, fent their remonttrances to the queen-
regent in fuch ftrong and expreffive language, as in¬
duced her to abandon the fcheme. Yet even thus the
attempt fhe had made left an impreffion in the minds
of the people. They fufpetfted her to be a fecret
enemy to their government and liberties ; and they
were convinced that Henry II. was engaging her iu
refinements and artifices, that he might reduce Scot¬
land to be a province of France.
While an alarm about their civil rights was fprea^'joh^Knrx-
ing itfdf among the people, the Proteftants were rifingencai!raiTCS
daily in their fpirit and in their hopes. John Knox (a), the reform-
whofe courage had been confirmed by misfortunes, ef-'-
cha-
(a) When he was fent to France, (fays Dr Stewart) with the confpirators againft cardinal Beaton, he was con¬
fined to the galleys; but had obtained his liberty in the latter end of the year
SCO [
Scotland, and whofe talents had improved by exercife, w
~ this time making a progrefs through Scotland. The
chara&eriftic peculiarities of Poptry were the favourite
topics of his declamation and cenfure. He treated the
mafs, in particular, with the moft fovereign contempt,
reprefenting it as a remnant of idolatry. Many of the
nobility and gentry afforded him countenance and pro¬
tection. They invited him to preach at their houfes,
and they partook with him in the ordinances of religion
after the reformed method. Religious focieties and af-
fembfies were held publicly, in defiance of the Papifts;
and celebrated preachers were courted with affiduity
and bribes, to refide and officiate in particular diftrids
and towns. The clergy cited him to appear before
them at Edinburgh, in the church of the Black-friars.
On the appointed day he prefented himfelf, with a nu¬
merous attendance of gentlemen, who were determined
to exert themfelves in his behalf. The priefthood did
not choofe to proceed in his profecution ; and Mr
Knox, encouraged by this fymptom of their fear, took
the refolution to explain and inculcate his dodrines
repeatedly and openly in the capital city of Scotland-
In 1556, the earl of Glencairn allured the earl Marif-
j,p chal to hear the exhortations of this celebrated preacher;
Writes an and they were fo much affeded with his reafonings and
offenfive rhetoric, that they requefted him to addrefs the queen-
letter to regent upon the fubjed of the reformation of religion.
gent."12' I11 compliance with this requeft, he wrote a letter in
very difagreeable terms ; and the earl of Glencairn
delivered it with his own hand, in the expedation that
fome advantage might in this manner be obtained for
the reformed. But the queen-regent was no lefs of¬
fended with the freedom of the nobleman than the
preacher; and, after perufing the paper, fhe gave it to
James Beaton archbifhop of Glafgow, with an expref-
fion of difdain, “ Here, my lord, is a pafquil.”
sto Amidft thefe occupations, Mr Knox received an
Geneva* invitation to take the charge of the Engliffi congrega-
and is burnt tion Geneva ; which he accepted. The clergy cal-
in effigy, led upon him, in his abfence, to appear before them,
condemned him to death as a heretic, and ordered him
51J -to be burned in effigy.
Progrefs of The injurious treatment of Mr Knox did not in the
the refor- leaft obftrud the progrefs of the reformation. De¬
ntation, fertions were made from Popery in every town and
village; and even many members of the church, both
fecular and regular, were forward to embrace the new
principles, and to atone for their paft miftakes by the
bittereft railleries againft the corruptions and the folly
of the Romiffi faith. The prielts were treated in all
places with ridicule and contempt. The images, cru¬
cifixes, and relics, which ferved to roufe the decaying
fervours of fuperftition, were ftolen from the churches,
and trampled under foot. The bifhops implored the
affiftance of the queen-regent. Citations were given
to the preachers to appear in their defence. They
obeyed; but with fuch a formidable retinue, that it
was with difficulty flic was permitted to apologife for
her conduft. James Chalmers of Gaitgirth, preffiug
forward from the crowd, addreffed himfelf to her :
“ We vow to God, that the devices of the prelates
fhall not be carried into execution. We are oppreffed
to maintain them in their idlenefs. They feek to un¬
do and murder our preachers and us ; and we are de-
7094 ] SCO
multitude, applauding his fpeech, put their hands to Scotland.
their daggers.
A u ufty meffenger was difpatchcd to Geneva, in¬
viting John Knox to return to his own country. But
in the infancy of their connexion, the Proteftants be-
ing apprehenfive of one another, uncertain in their
counfels, or being deferted by perfons upon whom they
had relied, it appeared to them that they had adopted
this meafure without a due preparation ; and, by op-
pofue difpatches, Mr Knox was requefted to delay his
journey for fome time.
To this zealous reformer their unfteadinefs was a
matter of ferious afflidtion; and in the anfwer he tranf-
mitted to their letters, he rebuked them with feverity;
but amidft this corre&ion he intreated-them not to
faint under their purpofes, from apprehenfiona of dan¬
ger, which, he faid, was to feparate themfelves from
the favour of God, and to provoke his vengeance. To
particular perfons he wrote other addreffes ; and to all sxt.
of them the greateft attention was paid. In 1557, aThefirft
formal bond of agreement, which obtained the appel- covenant,
lation of tfe fir/1 Covenant^ was entered into, and all
the more eminent perfons who favoured the reforma¬
tion were invited to fubferibe it. The earls of Argyle,
Glencairn, and Morton, with the lord Lorn, and John
Erlkine of Dun, led the way, by giving it the Sanc¬
tion of their names. All the fubferibers to this deed,
renouncing the fuperftitions and idolatry of the church
of Rome, promifed to apply continually their whole
power and wealth, and even to give up their lives, to
forward and eftabliffi the word of God. They di-
ftinguiffied the reformed, by calling them the Congre¬
gation of Chrift; and by the opprobrious title of the
Congregation of Satan, they peculiarized the favourers
of Popery. «
After the leaders of the reformation had fubferibed j0hn Knox
the firft covenant, they addeffed letters to John Knox, and Calvin
urging in the ftrongeft terms his return to Scotland ; invited int*
and that their hopes of his affiftance might not be dif- Scotland,
appointed, they fent an addrefs to John Calvin, the
celebrated reformer, begging him to join his com¬
mands to their intreaties. The archbilhop of St An¬
drew’s, who perceived the rifing ftorm, was in a dif¬
ficult fituation. A powerful combination threatened
ruin to the church; and he had feparated himfelf from
the politics of the queen-regent. The zeal of the Ro¬
man Catholics pointed out ftrong meafures to him;
and his difpofitions were pacific. The clergy were
offended with his remiffnefs and negleA of duty. The
reformers detefted his loofenefs of principles, and were
fhocked with the diffolute depravity of his life and con-
verfation. He refolved to try the force of addrefs, and
did not fucceed. He then refolved to be fevere, and
was ftill more unfuccefsful.
The earl of Argyle was the moft powerful of theTll/a*cj1.
reformed leaders. To allure him from his party, thebifliop of
archbiftiop of St Andrew’s employed the agency ofStAndrew’s
Sir David Hamilton. But the kindnefs he affedted,
and the advices he beftowed, were no compliment to du‘ce
the underftanding of this nobleman; and his threats earl of Ar-
were regarded with fcorn. The reformers, in Head of gyle,
lofing their courage, felt a feutiment of exultation and
triumph ; and the earl of Argyle happening to die
about this time, he not only maintained the new doc-
termiged to fubmit no longer to this wickedncf8.,, The trines in his laft moments, but intreated his fon to feek
. - for
SCO f 7095 ] SCO
Scotland, for honour in promoting the public preaching of the
gofpel, and Jefus Chrift, and in the utter ruin of fu-
pcrftition and idolatry.
It was determined by the archbiihop and the pre¬
lates, that this difappointment fttould be fucceeded
by a furious perfecution of the reformed. Wal-
SIS ter Mill, a prieft, had neglefled to officiate at the al-
Walter Mill tar ; and having been long under the fufpicion of he-
executcd on refy, was carried to St Andrew’s, committed to pri-
rdioi'on °f anc^ accu^ec^ before the archbiffiop and his fuffra-
i>10n' gran*. He was in an extreme old age; and he had
ftruggled all his life with poverty. He funk not, how¬
ever, under the hardnefs of his fate. To the articles
of his accufation he replied with fignal recolle&ion and
fortitude. The firmnefs of his mind, in the emaciated
ftate of his body, excited admiration. The infults of
his enemies, and their contempt, ferved to difcoverhis
fuperiority over them. When the clergy declared
him a heretic, no temporal judge could be found to
condemn him to the fire. He was refpited to ano¬
ther day ; and fo great fympathy prevailed for his
misfortunes, that it was neceflary to allure one of the
archbifhop’s domeftics to fupply the place of the civil
power, and to pronounce the fentence of condemna¬
tion. When brought to the flake, the refolution of
this fufferer did not forfake him. He praifed God,
that he had been called to feal up the truth with his
life ; and he conjured the people, as they would e-
fcape eternal death, not to be overcome by the errors
and the artifices of monks and priefts, abbots and bi-
ffiops.
The barbarity of this execution affe&ed the refor¬
mers with inexpreffible horror. Snbfcriptions for mu*
ftrTthcir- tua^ ^c^ence were taken. The leaders of the reforma¬
tion, difperfing their emiflaries to every quarter, en¬
couraged the vehemence of the multitude. The co¬
venant to eftablilh a new form of religion extended far
and wide. The (harp point of the fword, not the
calm exertions of inquiry, was to decide the difputes
of theology.
When the leaders of the reformation were apprifed
of the ardent zeal of the people, and confidered the
great number of fubfcriptions which had been collec¬
ted in the different counties of the kingdom, they af-
fembled to deliberate concerning the fteps to be pur-
fued. It was refolved, accordingly, that a public and
common Application of the whole body of the Prote-
ftants (hould be prefented to the queen-regent; which,
after complaining of the injuries they bad fuffered,
(hould require her to beftow upon them her fupport
and affiftance, and urge her to proceed in the work of
a reformation. To explain their full meaning, a fche-
dule, containing particular demands, was at the fame
time to be prefented to her fcrutxny. To Sir James
Sandilands of Calder they committed the important
charge of their manifefto and articles of reformation ;
and in appointing him to this commiffion, they con-
fulted the refpeft which was due both to the govern¬
ment and to themfelves. His charafter was in the
higheft eftimation. His fervices to his country were
numerous ; his integrity and honour were fuperior to
all fufpicion ; and his age and experience gave him
authority and reverence.
The petition or Application of the Proteftants was
The Pro-
teftant:
rights.
Petiiioi
queen-i
gent.
expreffed in ftrong but refpeflful terms. They told Scotland,
the queen-regent, that though they had been provo-
ked by great injuries, they had yet, during a long pe¬
riod, abftained from affembling themfelves, and from
making known to her their complaints. Baniffiment,
confifcation of goods, and death in its moft cruel
(hape, were evils with which the reformed had been
affli&ed; and they were dill expofed to thefe dread¬
ful calamities. Compelled by their fufferings, they
prefumed to a(k a remedy againft the tyranny of the
prelates and the eftate ecclefiaftical. They hadufurped
an unlimited domination over the minds of men. W hat-
ever they commanded, though without any fandtion
from the word of God, muft be obeyed. Whatever
they difeharged, though from their own authority
only, muft be avoided. All arguments and remonftran-
ces were equally fruitlefs and vain. The fire, the fag¬
got, and the fword, were the weapons with which the
church enforced and vindicated her mandates. By
thefe,-of late years, many of their brethren had fallerv;
and upon this account they were troubled and wound¬
ed in their confciences. For, conceiving themfelves to
be a part of that power which God had eftablifhed in
this kingdom, it was their duty to have defended
them, or to have concurred with them in an open
avowal of their common religion. They now take the
opportunity to make this avowal. They break a fi-
lence which may be; mifinterpreted into a juftification
of the cruelties of their enemies. And difdaining all
farther diffimulation in matters which concern the
glory of God, their prefent happinefs, and their fu¬
ture falvation, they demand, that the original purity
of the Chriftian religion (hall be reftored; and that the
government (hall be fo improved, as to afford to them
a fecurity in their perfons, their opinions, and their
property.
With this petition, or Application, of the Prote¬
ftants, Sir James Sandilands prefented their fchedule
of demands, or the preliminary articles of the refor¬
mation. They were in the fpirit of their Application,
and of the following tenor. ^3,
I. It (hall be lawful to the reformed to perufe the Articles of
feriptures in the vulgar tongue; and to employ al-therefor-
fo their native language in prayer publicly and in pri. mation,
vate.
II. It (hall be permitted to any perfon qualified by
knowledge, to interpret and explain the difficult paf-
fages in the feriptures.
III. The eledion of minifters (hall take place ac¬
cording to the rules of the primitive church; and thofe
who eled (hall inquire diligently into the lives and
dodrines of. the perfons whom they admit to the cle¬
rical office.
IV. The holy facrament of baptifm (hall be celebra¬
ted in the vulgar tongue, that its inftitution and na¬
ture may be the more generally underftood.
V. The holy facrament of the Lord’s Apper (hall
likewife be adminiftered in the vulgar tongue; and in
this communion, as well as in the ceremonial of bap¬
tifm, a becoming refped (hall be paid to the plain in¬
ftitution of Chrift JeAs.
VI. The wicked and licentious lives of the bintops-
and eftate ecclefiaftical (hall be reformed; and. if they
difeharge not the duties of true and faithful pallors*.
they;
SCO [ 7096 ] SCO
Scotland, they (hall be compelled to defift from their miniftry
  and funflions.
TheProte- The queen-regent now found it neceflary to flatter
Hants flat- the Proteftants. She aflured them by Sir James San-
tered Sy the^;]3n(]g} their orator or commiflioner, that everything
pent'' H'* ^ey could legally defire (hould be granted to them ;
and that, in the mean time, they might, without mo-
leflation, employ the vulgar tongue in their prayers
and religious exercifes. But, upon the pretence that
no encouragement might be given to tumults and riot,
flie requefled that they would hold no public aflem-
blies in Edinburgh or Leith. The Congregation, for
this name was now affumed by the Proteftants, were
tranfported with thefe tender proofs of her regard ;
and while they fought to advance ftill higher in her
efteem by the inofienfive quietnefs of their carriage,
they were encouraged in the undertaking they had
begun, and to accomplifh the work of the reforma¬
tion.
Nor to the clergy, who at this time were holding a
'provincial council at Edinburgh, did the Congrega¬
tion fcruple to communicate the articles of the intend¬
ed reformation. The clergy received their demands
They3 offer a ft°rm rage» which died away in an innocent
to difpute debility. Upon recovering from their paflions, they
with the offered to fubmit the controverfy between them and
atormih ^ reformed to a public deputation. The congrega-
c er^' tion did not refufe this mode of trial; and defired, as
their only conditions, that the fcriptures might be
confidered as the ftandards of orthodoxy and truth,
and that thofe of their brethren who were in exile and
under perfecution might be permitted to aflift them,
Thefe requefts, though reafonable in a high degree,
were not complied with; and the church would allow
no rule of right but the canon law and its own councils.
Terms of reconciliation were then offered on the part
of the eftatc ecclefiaftical. It held out to the Prote¬
ftants the liberty of praying and adminiftcring the
facraments in the vulgar tongue, if they would pay
reverence to the mafs, acknowledge purgatory, invoke
the faints, and admit of petitions for the dead. To
conditions fo ineffeftual and abfurd the Congrega¬
tion did not deign to return any anfwer.
The meeting of the parliament approached. The
parties in contention were agitated with anxieties, ap-
prehenfions, and hopes. An expedtation of a firm
and open afliftance from the queen-regent, gave cou¬
rage to the reformed ; and, from the parliamentary
influence of their friends in the greater and the leffer
baronage, they expedled the moft important fervices.
531 They drew up with eagernefs the articles which they
Hdniriicles^^1^ t0 ke ,nto a ^aw » anc^ as fpbit and
toVhequeen^en^e tbeir tranfaftions are to be gathered in the
regent. Completed manner from the papers which were framed
by themftlves, it is proper to attend to them with a
pundtilious txa&nefs. Their petitions were few and
* explicit.
I. They could not, in confequence of principles
which they had embraced from a conviction of their
truth, participate in the Romilh religion. It was
therefore their defire, that all the adts of parliament,
giving authority to the church to proceed againft them
as heretics, fliould be abrogated ; or, at lead, that
.their power (hould be fufpended till the difputes which
had arifen were determined and brought to a conclu* Scotland,
lion.
II. They did not mean that all men (hould be at
liberty to profefs what religion they pleafed, without
the control of authority. They confented that all
tranfgreffors in matters of faith (hould be carried be¬
fore the temporal judge. But it was their wi(h that
the clergy (hould have only the power to accufe; and
they thought it conformable to juftice, that a copy of
the criminal charge (hould be lodged with the party
upon trial, and that a competent time (hould be al¬
lowed him to defend himfelf.
III. They infifted, that every defence confident
with law (hould be permitted to the party accufed ;
and that objeftions to witneffes, founded in truth and
reafon, (hould operate to his favour.
IV. They defired that the party accufed ftiould
have permiffion to interpret and explain his own opi¬
nions ; and that his declaration (hould carry a greater
evidence than the depofition of anywitnefs; as no per*
fon ought to be puniftied for religion, who is not ob-
ftinate in a wicked or damnable tenet.
V. In fine, they urged, that no Proteftant fliould be
condemned for herefy, without being convitf ed, by the
word of God, of the want of that faith which is necef-
fary to falvation.
The Congregation prefented thefe articles to the
queen-regent, expe&ing that (he would not only pro-
pofe them to the three eftates affembled in parliament,
but employ all her influence to recommend them.
But finding themfelves difappointed, they began to
fufpeft her fincerity ; and they were fenfible that their
petitions, though they (hould be carried in parliament,
could not pafs into a law without her confent. They
therefore abftained from prefenting them ; but as
their complaints and defires were fully known in par¬
liament, they ordered a folemn declaration to be read
there in their behalf, add demanded that it (hould be
inferted in the records of the nation. In this declara¬
tion, after exprefling their regret for having been dif¬
appointed in their fchemeof reformation, they proteft- profefta.
ed, that no blame fliould be imputed to them for con-gainft her
tinning in their religion, which they believed to be proceedings
founded in the word of God ; that no danger of life,
and no political pains, fliould be incurred by them, for
difregarding ftatutes which fupport idolatry, and for
violating rites which are of human invention ; and
that, if infurredions and tumults (hould difturb the
realm, from the diverfity of religious opinions, and if
abufes fliould be corredled by violence, ail the guilt,
difotder, and inconvenience thence arifing, inftead of
being applied to them, fliould be aferibed to thofe
folely who had refufed a timely redrefs of wrongs, and
who had dtfpifed petitions prefented with the humi¬
lity of faithful fubjeds, and for the purpofes of efta-
blifhing the commandments of God, and a moft juft
and falutary reformation.
The three eftates received this formidable proteft
with attention and refped ; but the intention of infert-
ing it in the national records was abandoned by the
Congregation, upon a formal promifefrom the queen-
regent, that all the matters in controverfy (hould fpee-
dily be brought by her to a fortunate iffue.
While the Proteftants were thus making the moft
vigo-
SCO [ 7097 ] SCO
Scotland, vigorous exertions in behalf of their fpiritual liberties,
the queen-regent, in order to eflabliih herfelf the more
effeftually, ufed every effort to promote the marriage
of her daughter with the dauphin of France. In 1557,
commiflioners were appointed to negociate this mar¬
riage ; but while thefe negociations were going on,
court of France afted in the moft perfidious man-
Perfidious ner* The king and the princes of Lorraine, abufing
conduit of the confidence repofed in them by the queen of Scot-
the courtofjand, and taking advantage of her youth and inexpe-
France. r;enCe, engaged her privately to fign three extraordi¬
nary deeds or inftruments. By the firft fhe conveyed
the kingdom of Scotland to the king of France and
his heirs, in the default of children of her own body.
By the fecond /he affigned him, if/lie ftiould die with¬
out children, the poffefiion of Scotland, till he fiiould
receive a million of pieces of gold, or be amply re-
compenced for the fums expended by him in the edu¬
cation of the queen of Scotland in France. By the
third (he confirmed both thefe grants in an exprefs de¬
claration, that they contained the pure and genuine
fentiments of her mind; and that any papers which
might be obtained, either before or after her marriage,
by means of the Scottilh parliament, (hould be invalid,
; Marriage of and of no force nor efficacy. On the 24th of April,
the queen the nuptials were celebrated; and the dauphin, Francis,
I ofSeots was allowed to affume the title of king of Scotland.
| ^ ofThe French court demanded for him the crown and
France. other enfigns of royalty belonging to Scotland ; but
the commiffioners had no power to comply with their
requeft. It was then defired, that when they return¬
ed home, they fiitmld ufe all their influence to procure
the crown-matrimonial of Scotland for the dauphin.
This alfo was refufed ; the court of France was dif-
gufted ; and four of the commiffioners died, it was
fuppofed of poifon, given them by the princes of
Lorraine* This fubjefl, however, was preffed, on
the return of the furviving commiffioners, by the king
of France himfeif, the queen of Scotland, and the
queen-regent. The Proteftants alfo joined their in-
tereft, hoping by that means to gain over the queen
and queen-regent to their party ; fo that an aft of
He obtains parliament was at length paffed, by which the crown-
the crown matrimonial was given to the dauphin during the time
I of Scotland, 0f his marriage with queen Mary; but without any
Icertain^re Preju^‘ce to ^ liberties of the kingdom, to the heirs
Iflriftions.' her body, or to the order of fucceffion. With fo
many reftraints, it is difficult to fee the advantages
which could accrue from this gift fo earneftly fought
after; and it is very probable that the ufurpations of
France in confequence of it would have been produc¬
tive of many difturbances; but thefe were prevented by
the death of Francis in December 1560.
But before this event took place, Scotland was, by
the intrigues of France, involved in confufion on ano¬
ther account. After the death of Mary queen of
England, and daughter to Henry VIII. the prin-
535 cefs of Guife infifted on the claim of Mary queen of
^The queen Scots to the crown of England, in preference to
cfairnTthe t^at ^ T,lizabeth, whom they looked upon as ille-
Vrown of gitimate. This claim was fupported by the king of
England. France, who prevailed with the queen of Scots herfelf
to affume the title of queen of England, and to ftamp
money under that charafter. The arms of England
Vol. IX. 1
were quartered with thofe of France and Scotland ; Scotland,
and employed as ornaments for plate and furniture of- “
Mary and the dauphin. Thus was laid the foundation Which lays
of an irreconcileable quarrel between Elizabeth and the foiuida-
Mary ; and to this in fome meafure are we to afcribe11”” ^4
the inveteracy with which the former perfecuted the ^,4£[;za.
unhappy queen of Scotland at every time /he had itbeth.
in her power.
But while they imprudently excited a quarrel with
England, they yet more imprudently quarrelled alfo
with the majority of the people of Scotland. As
Elizabeth profeffed the Proteftant religion, it was eafily
forefeen, that the Congregation, or body of the reform¬
ed in Scotland, would never confent to aft againft her i,3
in favour of a Popi/h power; and as they could not Scheme to'
be gained, it was refolved to deftroy them at once,de/lroy all
by putting to death all their leaders. The queen-
regent gave intimation of her defign to re-e(tablifhtefjant
Popery, by proclaiming a folemn obfervance of Eafter, party in
receiving the facrament according to the Romi/h com- Scotland,
munion herfelf, and commanding all/'her houfehold to
receive it in the fame manner. She next expreffed
herfelf in a contemptuous manner againft the reformed,
affirmed that they had infulted the royal dignity, and
declared her intention of reftoring it to its ancient
luftre. The preachers of the Congregation were next
cited to appear at Sirling, to anfwer the charges which
might be brought againft them. Alexander earl of
Glencairn, and Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudon, were
deputed to admoni/h her not to perfecute the preachers,
unlefs they had been obnoxious by circulating errone¬
ous doftrines, or difturbing the peace of government.
The queen-regent in a paffion told them, that theTreacher-
preachers /hould all be bani/hed Scotland, though ous beha-
their doftrines were as found as thofe of St Paul.^”1^ .
The deputies urged her former kind behaviour antl regentr""
promifes; but the queen-regent anfwered, that “ the
promifes of princes ought not to be exafted with ri¬
gour, and that they were binding only when fubfer-
vient to their conveniency and pleafure.” To this
they replied, that in fuch a cafe they could not look up¬
on her as their fovereign, and muft renounce their
allegiance as fubjefts.
Soon after this tranfaftion, the queen-regent received-Pro^.
the news that the reformation war, cftabli/hed in Perth, ings againft
Lord Ruthven the provoft of the city was fummoned the Prote-
to anfwer for this innovation ; but his reply was, that ftalUs-
he had no dominion over the minds and confciences of
men. The provoft of Dundee, being ordered to ap¬
prehend an eminent preacher named Paul Methven,
fent him intelligence of the order, that he might pro¬
vide for his fafety. The proclamation for obferving
Eafter was every where defpifed and neglefted, and
people exclaimed againft the mafs as an idol. New
citations in the mean time had been given to the
preachers to appear at Stirling. They obeyed the^^4^-
fummons ; but attended by fuch multitudes, that theComefor-
queen-regent, dreading their power, though they were midable by
without arms, intreated Mr Er/kine of Dun, whom num*
they had fent before as a deputy, to flop their march; er5*
affuring him that all proceedings againft the preachers
/hould be flopped. In confequence of this, the multi¬
tude difmifled ; yet, when the day came on which the
preachers /hould have appeared, the queen-regent,
39 T with
SCO [ 7098 ] SCO
Scotland. w;t]j unparallelled folly as well as treachery, caufed
' them to be declared traitors, and proclaimed it criminal
to afford them any fubllftence.
Mr Erfkine, exafperated by this fhameful conduft,
haftened to the Congregation, apologifed for his con-
S4* duft, and urged them toproceed to the laft extremities,
returns to* t^IS cr‘tica' period alfo John Knox returned from
Scotland. Geneva, and joined the Congregation at Perth. The
great provocations which the Proteftants had already
received, joined to the impetuous paffions of the mul¬
titude, were now produftive of the greateft diforders.
Images were deftroyed, monafteries pulled down, and
their wealth either feized by the mob or given to the
poor. The example of Perth was followed by Coupar
in Fife ; and fimilar infurre&ions being apprehended
in other places, the queen-regent determined to punifh
the inhabitants of Perth in the mod exemplary man¬
ner. With this view fhe collefted an army ; but be-
ing oppofed with a formidable power by the Prote-
543 Hants, fhe thought proper to conclude an agreement.
Second co-The Proteftants, however, dreaded her infincerity ;
venant. ancj therefore entered into a new covenant to Hand by
ofThe61^ anc* defend one another. There fears were not vain,
queen- The queen-regent violated the treaty almoft as foon
regent. as made, and began to treat the Proteftants with fe-
verity. The earl of Argyle, and the prior of St An¬
drew’s, who about this time began to take the title of
lord James Stuart, now openly headed the Proteftant
party, and prepared to colleft their whole ftrength.
The queen-regent oppofed them with what forces fhe
had, and which indeed chiefly confifted of her French
auxiliaries; but, being again afraid of coming to an
engagement, fhe confented to a truce, until commif-
fioners fhould be fent to treat with the lords of an
effe&ual peace. No commiflioners, however, were
fent on her part; and the nobles, provoked at fuch
complicated and unceafing treachery, refolved to pufh
544 matters to the utmoft extremity. The firft exploit of
b^hePro- t^ie re^ormed wa3 t*16 taking of the town of Perth,
teftams. "where the queen-regent had placed a French garrifon.
The multitude, elated with this atchievement, deftroy¬
ed the palace and abbey of Scone, in fpite of all the
endeavours of their leaders, even of John Knoxhimfelf,
to fave them. The queen-regent, apprehenfive that
the congregation would commit farther ravages to the
fouthward, refolved to throw a garrifon into Stirling;
but the earl of Argyle and lord James Stuart were
too quick for her, and arrived there the very day
after the demolition of the abbey and palace of Scone.
The people, incapable of reftraint, and provoked be¬
yond meafure by the perfidious behaviour of the Ca¬
tholic party, demolifhed all the monafteries in the
neighbourhood, together with the fine abbey of Cam-
bufkenneth, fituated on the north bank of the Forth.
From Stirling they went to Linlithgow, where they
545 committed their ufual ravages; after which, they ad-
The queen-vaneed to Edinburgh. The queen-regent, alarmed at
regent flies their approach, fled to Dunbar ; and the Proteftants
to°k UP l^e'r in Edinburgh.
Proteftants Having thus got poffefiion of the capital, the con-
become gregation affumed to themfelves the ruling power of
mafters of the kingdom, appointed preachers in all the churches,
Edinburgh. ancj fe!zecj the mint, with all the inftruments of coining.
The queen-regent, unable to difpute the matter in the
field, publifheda manifefto, in which fhe fet forth their
feditious behaviour, commanding them to leave Edin- Scotland,
burgh within fix hours, and enjoining her fubjefts to
avoid their fociety under the pain of treafon. The They lofe
congregation having already loft fomewhat of their po- j^r p°^1"
polarity by their violent proceedings, were now fn’tgn
capable of coping with government. As they had diftrefs.
not eftablifhed themfelves in any regular body, or pro¬
vided a fund for their fupport, they felt their ftrength
decay, and multitudes of them returned to their habi¬
tations. Thofe who remained found themfelves obli¬
ged to vindicate their conduct; and, in an addrefs to
the regent, to difclaim all treafonable intentions. Ne-
gociations again took place, which ended as ufual; the
queen-regent, who had taken this opportunity of col-
ledting her forces, marched againft the congregation 547
on the 23d of July 1558. The Proteftants now found A treaty
themfelves incapable of making head againft their Cne-c0flclude<1'
mies ; and therefore entered into a negociation, by
which all differences were for the prefent accommoda¬
ted. The terms of this treaty were, that the town of
Edinburgh fhould be open to the queen-dowager and
her attendants ; that the palace of Holyrood-houfe
and the mint fhould be delivered up to her ; that the
Proteftants fhould be fubjeft to the laws, and abftain
from molefling the Roman-catholics in the exercife of
their religion. On the queen’s part, it was agreed,
that the Proteftants fhould have the free exercife of
their religion, and that no foreign troops fliould enter
the city of Edinburgh.
Notwithftanding this treaty, however, the reformed
had no confidence in the queen’s fincerity. Having
heard of the death of Henry II. of* France, and the
acceffion of Francis II. and Mary to that kingdom,
they feem to have apprehended more danger than ever. 543
They now entered into a third covenant; in w^'cb
they engaged themfelves to refufe attendance to the
queen-dowager, in cafe of any meffage or letter ; and
that immediately on the receipt of any notice from
her to any of their number, it fhould be communica¬
ted without referve, and be made a common fubje&of
ferutiny and deliberation. It was not long before they
had occafion for all their conftancy and ftrength. The The treaty
queen-regent repented of the favourable terms fhe had broken by
granted the reformed ; and being denied the favourtllc qHeen*
which fhe requefted of faying mafs in the high-church S
of Edinburgh, fhe ordered them to be every where
difturbed in the exercife of t^eir religion. ySo
In this imprudent meafure, the queen-regent was France fup«
confirmed by letters which now came from Francis ports the
and Mary, promifing a powerful army to fupport her^atl,0*'c
interefts. The envoy who brought thefe difpatchesparty*
alfo carried letters to the lord James Stuart, now the
principal leader of the Proteftants, and natural bro¬
ther to the queen. The letters were filled with re¬
proaches and menaces, mixed with intreaties; and
along with them the envoy delivered a verbal meffage,
that the king his mafter was refolved rather to expend
all the treafures of France than not to be revenged on
the rebellious nobles who had difturbed the peace of
Scotland. The lord James Stuart was not to be
frightened by thefe menaces. He returned a cool and
deliberate anfwer, apologizing for the Proteftants, and
vindicating them from the charge of rebellion ; but at
the fame time intimating his full refolution of conti¬
nuing to head the reformed as he had already done.
SCO [ 7099 ] SCO
Scotland. The letters of Francis and Mary were foon followed
^ I000 prench foldiers, with money and military
(lores ; and the commander was immediately difpatched
jGi again to France, to folicit the affiftance of as many
French au- more foldiers, with four (hips of war, and 100 men-
adliaries ar- at-arms. But before he could fet out, La Broffe,
alarms^the anot^er commander, arrived with 2000 in-
nation. fantry ; and that the congregation might be defeated
not only by arms but in deputation, the fame (hip
brought three dodlors of the Sorbonne, to (how the
pernicious tendency of the new doctrines. Thus mat¬
ters were pu(hed on beyond all hopes of reconciliation.
The nation was univerfaliy alarmed on account of the
introdu&ion of French troops, to which they faw no
end. The queen-regent attempted to quiet the minds
©f the public by a proclamation ; but their fears in-
creafed the more. The congregation aflembled at Stir¬
ling, where they were joined by the earl of Arran, and
foonafter by his fathertheduke of Chattellerault. They
next deliberated on the meafures to be followed with
the queen-regent; and the refult of their confultations
was, that an expoftulatory letter (hould be addrcffed
to her. This was accordingly done ; but as thequeen
behaved with her ufual duplicity, the nobles called the
people to arms. Mutual manifelios were now pub-
li(hed; and both parties prepared to decide the con-
teft by the fword. The congregation having feized
Broughty cattle* marched from thence to Edinburgh.
j5a The queen-regent retired to Leith, which (he had for-
I The nobles tided and filled with French troops. Thither the
I fend their nobles fent their laft mefiage to her, charging her
| with a defign to overthrow the civil liberties of the
f queen- kingdom- They requefted her to command her French-
s; regent. men and mercenaries to depart from Leith, and to
make that place open and patent, not only to the in¬
habitants who had been difpofieffed of their houfes,
but to all the inhabitants of Scotland. They decla¬
red, that her denial of this requeft (hould be confi-
dcred by them as a proof of her intention to reduce
the kingdom to (lavery ; in which cafe, they were de¬
termined to employ their utmoft power to preferve its
independency. Two days after this meffage, the
queen-regent fent to them the lord Lyon, whom (he
I jgj enjoined to tell them, that (he confidered their demand
Slteceive an not only as prefumptous, but as an encroachment on
, «nfavour- the r0yal authority ; that it was an indignity to her to
ilw^ran* be dictated to by fufcje£ts ; that Frenchmen were not
to be treated as foreigners, being entitled to the fame
privileges wnth Scotfmen ; and that (he would neither
dilband her troops, nor command thejown of Leith
to be made open and patent. The lord Lyon then, in
the name of the queen-regent, commanded the lords
of the congregation to depart from Edinburgh, and
i difperfe themfelves, under the pain of high-treafon.
They de- The Proteftants, irritated by this anfwer, after fome
grade her deliberation, degraded the queen-regent; and to this
office PurP°fe fke nobility, barons, and burgeffes, all agreed
kyCfiege to ,n fubfcribing an edid, which was fent to the princi-
:Leith. pal cities in Scotland, and publifired in them.
The next ftep taken by the congregation was to
fummon Leith to furrender; but meeting with de¬
fiance indead of fubmifiion, it was refolved to take the
town by fealade. For this fervice ladders were fra¬
med in the church of St Giles ; a bufinefs which, in¬
terrupting the preachers in the exercife of public wor-
(hip, made them prognofticate misfortune and mifear-' Scotland'
riage to the congregation. In the difpleafure of the ^
preachers, the common people found a fource of com¬
plaint ; and the emiffaries of the queen-dowager a&- s&g
ing with indefatigable induftry to divide her adVerfa-Divifions
ries, and to fpread chagrin and dilfatisfadion among takes place
them, difeontent, animofity, and terror, came to pre- amonS^
vail to a great degree. The duke of Chatelleraultthen,'
difeouraged many by his example. Defedions from
the Protcdants added drength to the queen-dowager.
The mod fecret deliberations of the confederated lords
were revealed to her. The foldicry were clamorous
for pay; and it was very difficult to procure money to
extinguifh their claims. Attempts to foothe and ap-
peafe them, difeovering their confequence, engendered
mutinies. They put to death a domedic of the earl
of Argyle, who endeavoured to compofe them to. or¬
der : they infulted feveral perfons of rank who difeo-
vered a folicitude to pacify them ; and they even ven¬
tured to declare, that, for a proper reward, they were
ready to fupprefs the reformation, and to re-edablifh
the mafs. 6g
It was abfolutely neceflary to give fat.isfadlion to They fall
the Protedant foldiers. The lords and gentlemen of into diftrefs
the congregation collefled a confiderable fum among ai;tl treat
them ; but it was not equal to the prefent exigency. I!!!11
Ihe avarice oi many taught them to with-hold what
they could afford, and the poverty of others did not
permit them to indulge their generofity. It was re¬
folved, that each nobleman (hould furrender his filver-
plate to be druck into money. By the addrefs, how¬
ever, of the queen-dowager, the officers of the mint
were bribed to conceal, or to convey to a didance, the
damps and indruments of coinage. A gloomy de-
fpair gave difquiet to the congregation, and threaten¬
ed their ruin. Queen Elizabeth, with whofe mini-
ders the confederated lords maintained a correfpond-
ence at this time, had frequently promifed them her
affidance ; but they could not now wait the event of
a deputation to the court of England. In an extre¬
mity fo preffing, they therefore applied for a fura of
money to Sir Ralph Sadler and Sir James Croft, the
governors of Berwick; and Cockburn of Ormidon,
who wasentruded with this commiffion, obtained from ^
them an aid of 4000 crowns. Traitors, however, in 2^1;^
the councils of the congregation, having informed thefubfidy
queen-dowager of his errand and expedition, the earltaken bV
of Bothwel, by her order, intercepted him upon his
return, difeomfited his retinue, and made a prize of
the Englifti fubfidy.
To roufe the fpirit of the party, an attack was pro-
jedled upon Leith, and fome pieces of artillery were
planted againd it. But before any charge could be s6S
made, the French foldiers fallied out to give battle to The Pro-
the troops of the congregation, poffefled themfelves ofteftants
their cannon, and drove them back to Edinburgh. A defeated-
report that the vidors had entered this city with the
fugitives, filled it with diforder and difmay. The earl
of Argyle and his Highlanders hadened to recover the
honour of the day, and harraffed the French in their
retreat. This petty conflid, while it elated the queen-
dowager, ferved to augment the defpondence of the
Protedants.
Vain of their prowefs, the French made a new fally
from Leith, with a view to intercept a fupply of pro-
39 T 2 vifions
dowagc
fecretary,
revolts to
the Prote-
SCO
Scotland, vifions and {lores for the congregation,
   Arran and the lord James Stuart advanced to attack
them, and obliged them to retire. But purfuingthem
569 with too much heat, a frelh body of French troops
The Pro- made its appearance. It was prudent to retreat, but
Tain'de- An obftinate refiftance was made. It was
feated.6 the objeft of the French to cut off the foldiers of the
congregation from Edinburgh, and by this means to
divide the ftrength of that llation. The earl of Ar¬
ran and the lord James Stuart had occafion for all their
addrefs and courage. Though they were able, how¬
ever, to effedl their efcape, their lofs was confiderable,
and the vidtory was manifeftly on the fide of their ad-
J70 verfaries.
Maitland, About this time William Maitland of Lethington,
the queen- fecretary t0 the queen-dowager, withdrew fecretly
from Leith, and joined himfelf to the ^confederated
nobles. He had been difgufted with the jealoufies of
the French counfellors, and was expofed to danger
from having embraced the doftrines of the reformed.
His reception was cordial, and correfponded to the
opinion entertained-of his wifdom and experience. He
was {killed in bufinefs, adorned with literature, and
accuftomed to refleftion. But as yet it was not known,
that his want of integrity was in proportion to the
greatnefs of his talents.
The accefiion of this ftatefman to their party could
not confole the lords of the congregation for the un-
promifing afpeft of their affairs. The two difcomfi-
tures they had received, funk deeply into the minds of
their followers. Thofewho affefted prudence, retired
privately from a caufe which they accounted to be de-
fperate ; and the timorous fled with precipitation.
The wailings and diftruft of the brethren were melan¬
choly and infeftious ; and exciting the ridicule and
fcorn of thepartifansof the queen-dowager, were thence
augmented the more. A diftrefs not to be comforted
57* feemed to have invaded the Proteftants; and the aflb-
They retire c;atecj nobles confented to abandon the capital. A
burgh to ” "^t^e afr'r midnight, they retired from Edinburgh;
Stirling. and fo great was the panic which prevailed, that they
marched to Stirling withoutjny flop or intermiffion.
John Knox J°hn Knox, who had accompanied the congrega-
encourages tion to Stirling, anxious to recover their unanimity
them- and courage, addrefled them from the pulpit. He re-
prefented their misfortunes as the confequences of their
fins ; and intreating them to remember the goodnefs
of their caufe, affured them in the end of joy, honour,
and viftory. His popular eloquence correfponding to
all their warmeft wilhes, difFufed fatisfa&ion and cheer-
fulnefs. They pafled from defpair to hope. A coun¬
cil was held, in which the confederated nobles deter¬
mined to folicit, by a formal embafiy, the aid of
queen Elifabeth. Maitland of Lethington, and Ro¬
bert Melvil, were chofen to negociate this important
tranfaftion ; and they received the fulleft inftruftions
concerning the ftate and difficulties of the congrega¬
tion, the tyrannical defigns of the queen-dowager, and
the danger which threatened England from the union
of Scotland with France.
Flizabeth r^e clueen England having maturely confidered
iletermincs the cafe, determined to afliil the reformers ; whofe
to afiift the leaders now difperfed themfelves, and went to different
reformers. parts of the kingdom, in order to employ their adi-
vity there for the common caufe. The queen-dowager,
[ 8000 ] SCO
The earl of imagining that the lords were fled, conceived great Scotland.
hopes of being able to cruflt the reformed at once."’" 
Her fanguine hopes, however, were foon checked, on
receiving certain intelligence that queen Elizabeth was
refolved to give them afGftance. She now took the
bell meafures poffible, as circum(lances flood; and de¬
termined to crulh her enemies before they could re- J74
ceive any afiiftance from England. Her French troops The Frcnck
took the road to Stirling, and wafted in their march tr°0Ps
all the grounds which belonged to the favourers of the^^.1^®
reformation. After renewing their depredations at the reform.
Stirling, they paffed the bridge there; and proceedinged.
along the fide of the river, exercifed their cruelties and
oppreflions in a diftrift which had diftinguiflied itfelf
by an ardent zeal againft popery. While the terror
of their arms was thus diffufing itfelf, they refolved to
feize the town and caftle of St Andrew’s, which they
confidered as an important military ftation, and as a
convenient place of reception for the auxiliaries they
expefted from France. S75
But the lord James Stuart employed himfelf to in-They are
terrupt their progrefs and retard their attempts; and°PP0^d
it was his objeft at the fame time to keep the force of^s by lord
the congregation entire, to hazard no a&ion of im-James
portance, and to wait the approach of the Englifh ar-Stuart,
my. A fmall advantage was obtained by the French
at Petticurr; and they poflefled themfelves of King-
horn. The lord James Stuart, with 500 horfe and
100 foot, entered Dyfart. With this inconfiderable
ftrength he propofed to aft againft an army of 4000
men. His admirable Ikill in military affairs, and his
heroic courage, were eminently difplayed. During
20 days he prevented the march of the French to St
Andrew’s, intercepting their provifions, harrafling
them with Ikirmifties, and intimidating them by the
addrefs and the boldnefs of his ftratagems.
Monfieur d’Oyfel, enraged and afhamed to be dif-
concerted and oppofed by a body of men fo difpropor-
tioned to his army, exerted himfelf with vigour. The
lord James Stuart was obliged to retire. Dyfart and
Wemyfs were given to the French troops to be pilla¬
ged; and when d’Oyfel was in full march to St An¬
drew’s, he difeovered a powerful fleet bearing up the 57s
frith. It was concluded, that the fupplies expe&ed Arrival of
from France were arrived. Guns were fired by his
foldiers, and their joy was indulged in all its extrava¬
gance. But this fleet having taken the veffels which
contained their provifions, and the ordnance with which
they intended to improve the fortifications of the caftle
at St Andrew’s, a period was put to their rejoicings.
Certain news was brought, that the fleet they obfer-
ved was the navy of England, which had come to fup-
port the congregation. A confternation, deepened
by the giddinefs of their preceding tranfports, invaded i77
them. Monfieur d’Oyfel perceived now the value and TheFrenclv
merit of the fervice which had been performed by the general
lord James Stuart; and thinking no more of St An-^61,
drew’s and conqueft, fled to Stirling, in his way to
Leith, from which he dreaded to be intercepted; but
he reached that important ftation after a march of
three days. 57g
A formal treaty was now concluded between the Treaty
lords of the Congregation and queen Elizabeth ; and in between
the mean time the queen-dowager was difappointed infnj^be11
her expe&ationa from France. The violent admini- Scots pf0.
ftration tenants.
SCO [ 8001 ] SCO
Scotland, flration of the houfe of Guife had involved that na- and put herfelf under the protection of the lord Er- Scotland.
~ tion in troubles and diftrefs. Its credit was greatly Heine. At the period when Hie was appointed to the ' '
The queen-funk, and its treafury was nearly exhaufted. Perfe-
regeni dif- cutions, and the fpirit of Calvinifm, produced com-
in herex- mot‘on3 an^ confpiracies; and amidft domeftic and
petfations dangerous intrigues and ftruggles, Scotland failed to
from engage that particular diftindion which had been pro-
France. mifed to its affairs. It was not, however, neglefted
altogether. The count De Martigues had arrived at
Leith, with 1000 foot and a few horfe. The mar¬
quis D‘Elbeuf had embarked for it with another body
regency, the lord Erfkine had received from the three
eftates the charge of this important fortrefs, with the
injunction to hold it till he fhould know their farther
orders ; and giving way to the felicitations of neither
faCtion, he had kept it with fidelity. By admitting
the queen-dowager, he yielded to fentiments of ho¬
nour and humanity, and did not mean to depart from
his duty. A few only of her domeftics accompanied
her, with the archbifhop of St Andrews, the bifhop
of foldiers ; but, after lofing feveral fhips in a furious of Dunkeld, and the earl Marifchal.
580
She is de¬
ferred by
tempeft, was obliged to return to the haven from
which he had failed.
In this reverfe of her fortunes, many forfook the
queen-dowager. It was now underftood that the Eng-
upon its march to Scotland. The Scot-
The confederated nobles now afferobled at Dalkeith 'The Pro¬
to hold a council ; and conforming to thofe maxims
of prudence and equity which, upon the eve of ho- an accom.
ftilities, had been formerly exercifed by them, they modaiiun.
invited the queen-dowager to an amicable conclufion
fubjcCts. tifh lords who had affeded a neutrality, meditated an of the prefent troubles. In a letter which they wrote
union with the Proteftants. The earl of Huntley gave
a folemn affurance that he would join them. Procla¬
mations were iffued throughout the kingdom, call¬
ing upon the fubjefls of Scotland to affemble in arms
at Linlithgow, to-re eftablilb their ancient freedom,
and to aflitt in the utter expulfion of the French fol-
diery.
The Englifh fleet, mean while, under Winter the
vice-admiral, had taken and deftroyed feveral (hips,
had landed fome troops upon Inchkeith, and difeom-
fited a body of French mercenaries. Upon the foun-
Theprincesdation of thefe ads of hoftility, the princes of Lor-
of Lorraineraine difpatched the chevalier de Seure to queen Eliza-
attempt beth, to make reprefentations againft this breach of ground
*-^-the peace, and to urge the recall of her fhips. This
Elizabeth" ambaffador affe&ed likewife to negociate concern-
in vain. ing the evacuation of Scotland by the French troops,
and to propofe methods by which the king of France
might, quarter the arms of England without doing
a prejudice to queen Elizabeth. But to prevent the
execution of vigorous refolutions againft the queen-
dowager, and to gain time, were the only objeds he
L J 1 o v* TV/T f. 1 11
to her, they called to her remembrance the frequent
manifeftos and meffages in which they had preffed her
to difmifs the French foldiery, who had fo long op-
preflecTthe lower ranks of the people, and who threat¬
ened to reduce the kingdom itfelf to fervitude. The
averfion, however, with which fhe had conftantly re¬
ceived their fuit and prayers, was fo great, that they
had given way to a ftrong necefllty, and had intreated
the affiftance of the queen of England to expel thefe
ftrangers by the force of arms. But though they had
obtained the powerful protedion of this princefs, they
were yet animated with a becoming refped for the
mother of their fovereign ; and* abhorring to ftain the
aund with Chriftian blood, were difpofed once more
folicit the difmiffion of thefe mercenarFes, with their
officers and captains. And that no juft objedion
might remain againft the grant of this their iaft re-
queft, they affured her, that a fafe paffage by land, to
the ports of England, fhould be allowed to the
French; or that, if they judged it more agreeable,
the navy of queen Elizabeth fhould tranfport them to
their own country. If thefe propofals fhould be re¬
had in view. With fitnilar intentions, John Monluc jeded, they appealed and protefted to God and to
bifhop ©f Valence, a man of greater addrefs and abi¬
lity, and equally devoted to the houfe of Guife, was
alfo fent at this time to the court of England. Queen
jgj Elizabeth, however, and her minifters, were too wife
An Eng- to be amufed by artifice and dexterity. The lord
lifh army Grey entered Scotland with an army of 1200 horfe
j”nt®rs Scot‘and 6000 foot ; and there commanded under him the
lord Scroop, Sir James Croft, Sir Henry Percy, and
Sir Francis Lake. By an inclement policy, the queen-
dowager had already wafted all the country around
the capital. But the defolation fhe had made, while
* it was ruinous to the Scottrfh peafants, affedled not
the army of England. The leaders of the Congrega¬
tion did not want penetration and forefight, and had
provided themfelves againft this difficulty. The duke
of Chatellerault, the earls of Argyle, Glencairn,
and Menteith, the lord James Stuart, and the lords
Ruthven, Boyd, and Ochiltree, with a numerous and
formidable force, joined the Englifh commander at
S83 Prefton.
The queen- Struck with the fad condition of her affairs, defpair-
dowager ing of a timely and proper fuccour from France, and
I5*!.re3t0 , reminded by ficknefs of her mortality, the queen-
caftle. Ur^h dowager retired from Leith to the caflle of Edinburgh,
mankind, that it fhould be underftood and believed,
that no motive of malice, or hatred, or wickednefs of
any kind, had induced them to employ the fatal expe¬
dient of arms and battles; but that they had been
compelled to this difagreeable and diftrefsful remedy,
for the prefervation of their commonwealth, their reli¬
gion, their perfons, their eftates, and their pofterity.
They begged her to weigh the equity of their peti¬
tion, to confider the inconveniences of war, and to
think of the reft and quiet which were neceflary to re¬
lieve the affli&ions of her daughter’s kingdom ; and
they befought her to embalm her own memory, by
an immortal deed of wifdom, humanity, and juftice.
To give authority and weight to the letter of the
aflbeiated lords, the lord Grey directed Sir George
Howard and Sir James Croft to wait upon the
queen-dowager, and to ftipulate the peaceable depar- 58*
ture of the Englifb troops, upon the condition that She itul he-
the French mercenaries were immediately difmifledhaves vvuil
from her fervice, and prohibited from refidlng in Scot-1Ilfinceruy'
land. Returning no dire£t anfwer to the applications
made to her, fhe defired time to deliberate upon the
refolution which it became her to adopt. This equivo¬
cal behaviour correfponded with the fpirit of intrigue
which
SCO [ 8002 ] SCO
Scotland, which had uniformly diftinguifhed the queen-dowager;
^and it is probable, that her engagements with France
i85 did not permit her to be open and esplicif.
TheFrench The combined armies marched towards Leith. A
defeated by body of the French, ported upon a rifing ground call-
the Pro- ed the Hawk-hill, difputed their progrefs. During
allie”1 ^ve h°urs t^,e conflift was maintained with obllinate
valour. At length the Scottifti horfemen charged the
French with a fury which they were unable to refill.
They fled to Leith with precipitation ; and might have
been cut off from it altogether, if the Englilh cavalry
bad exerted themfelves. Three hundred of the French
foldiers perifhed in this adlion, and a few combatants
5g7 only fell on the fide of the Congregation.
Wholay Leith was inverted. The pavilions and tents of the
ficg= '<* Englilh and Scottilh nobility were planted at Reftal-
JLeith. rig, an(l around it. Trenches were cart ; and the
ordnance from the town annoying the combined ar¬
mies, a mount was raifcd, upon which eight cannons
were eredled. A continued fire from thefe, againll St
Anthony’s tower in South Leith, being kept up and
managed with Ikill, the walls of this fabric were fha-
ken, and the French found it neceffary to difmount
their artillery. ^Negligent from fecurity, and appre-
henfive of no attack, the Englifli and Scottilh officers
occupied themfelves in amuliments, and permitted a
588 relaxation of military difcipline. The French, inform-
A party of c(j 0f fupinenefs and levity, made a fally from
t^em cut Le;th. While fome of the captains were diverting
themfelves at Edinburgh, and tbefoldiery were enga¬
ged at dice and cards, they entered the trenches un-
obferved, and, pufhing their advantage, put 600 men
to the fword. After this (laughter, the Proteftants
were more attentive to their affairs. Mounts were built
at proper diftances, which, being fortified with ord¬
nance, ferved as places of retreat and defence in the
event of fuddfin incurfions: and thus they continued
the blockade in a more effectual manner.
The army under the matquis D’Elbeuf, promifed
fo often to the queen-regent, was in vain expedled by
her: but fhe received, at this time, fupplies in money
and military (lores; and Monluc bilhop of Valence,
though defeated in dexterity by Elizabeth and her mi-
iSj) nillers, had arrived in Scotland to try anew the arts
J'iumlefs of delay and negociation. Conferences were held by
negociation him with the queen-dowager, with the Englilh com-
wnb Eng- zanders, and with the confederated nobles; but no
an ‘ contradl or agreement could be concluded. His cre¬
dentials neither extended to the demolition of Leith,
nor to the recall of the French mercenaries: and tho’
he obtained powers from his court to confent to the
former of thefe meafures, they were yet burdened with
conditions which were difgraceful to the Congrega¬
tion ; who, in the prefent profperous (late of their
fortunes, were not difpofed to give up any of the ob¬
jects for which they had ftruggled fo long, and to the
attainment of which they now looked forward with a
fettled liope and expedlation.
Though the grave and meafured orations of Monluc
could not overpower the plain and ftubborn fenfe of
the Congregation, yet as he affected to give them ad¬
monitions and warnings, and even ventured to infult
them with menaces, they appear to have conceived a
high indignation againll him. Under tlusimpulfe, and
that in fo advanced a ftage of their affairs they might
exhibit the determined firmnefs of their refolutions, Scotland,
and bind to them by an indiffoluble tie the earl of '
Huntley and the other perfons who had joined them
in confequence of the Englilh alliance, they thought ip()
of the affurance and liability of a new leagus and cove-The fourth
nant, more folemn, expreffive, and refolute, than any covenant,
which they had yet entered into and fubfcribed.
The nobles, barons, and inferior perfons, who were
parties to this bond and affociation, bound themfelves
in the prefence of Almighty God, as a fociety, and
as individuals, to advance and fet forward the reforma¬
tion of religion, and to procure, by every poffible
means, the true preaching of the gofpel, with the
proper adminirtration of the facraments, and the other
ordinances in connexion with it. Deeply affe&ed, at
the fame time, with the mifcondudt of the French
ftatefmen, who had been promoted to high offices;
with the oppreffions of the French mercenaries, whom
the queen-dowager kept up and maintained under the
colour of authority ; with the tyranny of their cap¬
tains; and with the manifell danger of conqueft to
which the country was expofed, by different fortifica¬
tions upon the fea-coaft, and by other dangerous inno¬
vations ; they promifed and engaged, generally and
individually, to join with the queen of England’s ar¬
my, and to concur in an honed, plain, and unreferved
refolution to expel all foreigners from the realm, as
oppreffors of public liberty; that, by recovering the
ancient rights, privileges, and freedom of their na¬
tion, they might live for the future under the due obe¬
dience of their king and queen, be ruled by the laws
and culloms of the country, and by officers and ftatef¬
men born and educated among them. It was likewile
contracted and agreed by the fubfcribers to this bond
and covenant, that no private intelligence by writing
or meffage, or communication of any kind, fliould be
kept up with their adverfaries; and that all perfons
who refilled the godly enterprife in which they were
united, fhould be regarded as their enemies, and redu¬
ced to fubjeftion and obedience.
When the ftrong and fervid fentiment and expref-
fion of this new affociation were communicated to dowager6”*
the queen-dowager, Ihe refigned herfelf to forrow. givesherfelf
Her mind, inclined to defpondence by the increafeup to de-
of her malady, felt the more intenfely the cruel di-*i,a‘n
ftraftions and difquiets into which the kingdom had
been driven by the ambition of France, her own
doating affeClion for the princes of Lorraine, and
the vain prognoftications of flatterers and courtiers.
In the agony of paffion, Ihe befought the maledic¬
tion and curfe of God to alight upon all thofe who had
counfelled her to peifecute the preachers, and to re-
fufe the petitions of the moll honourable portion of
her fubje&s.
In the mean time, the liege of Leith was profecu-
ted. But, the (Length of the garrifon amounting to
more than 4000 foldiers, the operations of the befie-
gets were flow and languid. An accidental fire in the
town, which deftroyed many houfes and a great part
of the public granary, afforded them an opportunity
of playing their artillery with fome advantage ; and a
few days after they made a general affault. But theteft.uits
fcaling-ladders which were applied to the walls be-make an
ing too fhort, and Sir James Croft, who had been "tI|ril'cefsful
gained to the queen-dowager, having aSed a trea-
cherotts
SCO r 8003 ] SCO
Scotland, cherous part, the attempt failed of fuccefs, and 1000
men were deftroyed. The combined armies, how¬
ever, did not lofe their refolution or their hopes. The
Englifh and Scots animated the conftancy of one ano¬
ther ; and in the ratification of the treaty of Berwick,
which was now made, a new fource of cordiality Open-
ened itfelf. Letters alfo had come from the duke of
Norfolk, promifing a powerful reinforcement, giving
the expedtation of his taking upon him the command
of the troops in perfon, and ordering his pavilion to
be eredted in the camp. Leith began to feel the mi-
593 fery of famine, and the French to give themfelves to
A rein- defpair. The befiegers abounded in every thing; and
forcemeat the arrival of 2000 men, the expedted reinforcement
fren^En ^nS*an<^> £ave t^em l^e mo^ decifive fuperio-
land! n^" r,ty over t^,e'r adverfaries. Frequent fallies were made
by the garrifon, and they were always unfuccefsful.
Difcouraged by defeats, depreffed with the want of
provifions, and languifhing under the negligence of
France, they were ready to fubmit themfelves to the
594 mercy of the Congregation.
the41 ue°f Amidft this diftrefs the queen-dowager, wafted with
regent.660* a l'nger,ng diftemper and with grief, expired in the
caftle of Edinburgh. A few days before her death, fhe
invited to her the dukeof Chatellerault, the lord James
Stuart, and the earls of Argyle, Glencairn, and Mari-
fhal, to bid them a laft adieu. She exprefled to them
her forrow for the troubles of Scotland ; and made it
her earned fait, that they would confult their confti-
tutional liberties, by difmifling the French and Eng-
hfli from their country ; and that they would preferve
a dutiful obedience to the queen their fovereign. She
rofefled an unlimited forgivenefs ofallthe injurieswhich
ad been done to her ; and entreated their pardon for
the offences fhe had committed againft them. In tokos
of her kindnefs and charity, fhe then embraced them
by turns; and, while the tear ftarted in her eye, pre-
fented to them a cheerful and fmiling afped. After
this interview, the fhort portion of life which remained
to her was dedicated to religion; and that fhe might
allure the Congregation to be compaffionate to her
Popifh fubjefts and her French adherents, fhe flatter¬
ed them, by calling John Willocks, one of the moft
popular of their preachers, to aflift and comfort her
by his exhortations and prayers. He made long dif-
* courfes to her about the abominations of the mafs;
but fhe appears to have died in the communion of the
Romifh church; and her body being tranfported to
France, was depofited in the monaftery of St Peter,
at Rheims, in Champagne, where her fifter Renee
JS>5 was an abbefs.
The French The death of the queen-dowager, at a period fo
^troops fub- cr;tjca]j broke altogether the fpirit of the French
troops. They were blocked up fo completely, that
it was almoft impoffible for any fupplies to reach them
either by fea or land ; and France had delayed fo long
to fulfil its magnificent promifes, that it was no longer
in a capacity to take any fteps towards their acconx-
plifhment. Its internal diftrefs and difquiets were
multiplying. The nobility, impoverifhed by wars,
were courting the rewards of fervice, and ftruggling
in hoilility. The clergy were avaricious, ignorant,
and vindi&ive. The populace, knowing no trade but
arms, offered their fwords to the fa&ious. Francis II.
the hufband of Mary, was without dignity or under-
ftanding. Catharine de Medicis his mother was full Scotland,
of artifice and falfehood. Infurreftions were dreaded
in every province. The houfe of Guife was encom-
paffed with difficulties, and trembling with apprehen-
fions, fo that they could not think of prefifting in their
views of diftant conquefts. It was neceffary that they
fhould abandon for a time all the proud projeds they
had formed for the extenfion of the French monarchy.
It was chiefly in the exemption from foreign wars
that they could hope to fupport their own greatnefs,
and apply a remedy to the domeftic difturbances of
France. sps
It appeared to Francis and Mary, that they could FrancisancI
net treat in a direft method with the Congregation,?^^ Ie]”*ec
whom they affe&ed to confider as rebellious fubjefts,gOCiation
without derogating from their royal dignity. In nego- with Eliza-
ciating a peace, they therefore addreffed themfelves tobet*1,
queen Elizabeth. It was by her offices and interfe¬
rence that they proje&ed a reconciliation with the
confederated lords, and that they meant to extinguifh
the animofities which, with fo much violence, had
agitated the Scottifh nation. They granted their
commiffion to John Monluc bifhop of Valence, Ni¬
cholas Pelleve bifhop of Amiens, Jacques de la Broffe,.
Henry Clentin fieurd’Oyfel, and Charles de la Roche-
faucault fieur de Randan ; authorifing them in a body,
or by two of their number, to enter into accords and
agreements with the queen of England. The Englifht
commimoners were Sir William Cecil principal fecre-
tary of ftate, Nicolas Wotton dean of Canterbury
and York, Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir Henry Percy, and
Sir Peter Crew ; and the powers of treaty were to be
exercifed by them all in conjun&ion, or by four, three,
or two of them. 597
The plenipotentiaries of France, though empowered Promifeau-..
only to treat with England, were yet, by a feparate^^'^J
commiffion, entrufted to afl’ure the Congregation, that,
notwithftanding the heinous guilt incurred by them,
Francis and Mary were inclined to receive them into
favour, upon their repentance and return to obedi¬
ence ; and to abftain for ever from all inquiry into
their conduft. They had full authority, at the fame
time,, by this new deed, to hear, in conjunction with
the commiffioners of Elizabeth, the complaints of the
Congregation, and to grant, with their confent, the
relief which appeared to them to be the moft proper
and falutary.
The nobility and people of Scotland, choofing for
their reprefentatives the lord James Stuart, the lord
Ruthven, and Maitland of Lethington, exprefled their
willitignefs to concur in reafonable meafures for the re-
eftablifhment of the public union and tranquillity. By
the mode of a formal petition, they enumerated their
grievances, laid claim to a redrefs of them, and be-
fought a uniform protection to their conftitution and
laws. To this petition the interceffion of queen Eli-And at la#
zabeth effected the friendly attention of Francis and gwt th.i.
Mary; and upon a foundation concerted with fo much
propriety, Monluc and Randan, Cecil and Wotton,
the aCting plenipotentiaries of England and France,
drew up and authenticated the celebrated deed of
relief and conceffion which does fo much honour to
the fpirit, prefeverance, and magnanimity of the Scot¬
tifh nation.
By this accord and agreement, Francis and Mary
ttipulated
SCO [ 8004 1 SCO
Scotland. {Upulated and confented, that no French foldters and
"Tap no foreign troops fhould be ever introduced into Scot-
Nature of land without the counfd and advice of Ithe three eftatea.
withthe*^ r^'^e5r C0t3CUrred in the opinion, that the French mer-
Proteftauts cenar‘es ihouid be fent back into France, and that the
fortifications of Leith fhould be demolifhed. They
agreed that commiflioners fhould be applied to vifit
Dunbar, and to point out the works there which ought
to be deftroyed ; and they bound and engaged them-
felves to build no new fortrefs or place of ftrength
within the kingdom, and to repair no old one, with¬
out a parliamentary authority and fanflion. They
confented to extinguifh all debts which had been con-
trafted for the maintenance of the French and Scotch
foldiery in their fervice. They appointed the eftates
of the realm to hold a parliament for the difcufiion of
affairs of ftate ; and they obliged themfelves to confi-
der the afts of this affembly as valid and effe&ual in
every refpedt. They confirmed the ancient law of the
country, which prohibited the princes of Scotland from
making peace and war without the advice of the three
cllates. It was accorded and agreed by them, that the
three eftates, in concurrence with the queen, fhould
cleft a council for the adminiftration of affairs during
her majefty’s abfence. They became bound 'to em¬
ploy the natives of Scotland in the management of ju-
jftice both civil and criminal, in the offices of chancel¬
lor, keeper of the feals, tfeafurer, comptroller, and
in other ftations of a fimilar nature ; and to abftain
from the promotion of all foreigners to places of truft
and honour, and from invefting any clergyman in the
charge of affairs of the revenue. They determined to
cftablifh an aft of oblivion, and to forget and bury for
ever the memory of all the late tranfaftions of war and
offence. It was concluded by them, that a general
peace and reconciliation fhould take place among all
parties. They expreffed their determination, that no
pretence fhould be affumed by them, from the late con¬
tentions, to deprive any of their fubjefts of their eftates
or offices. And they referred the reparation which
might be proper to compenfate the injuries that had
been fuftained by bifhops and ecclefiaftics, to the judge¬
ment of the three eftates in parliament.
Upon the fubjeft of the reformation, the plenipo¬
tentiaries of England and France did not choofe to de¬
liberate and decide, although articles with regard to
it had been prefented to them by the nobles and the
people. They referred this delicate topic to the en-
fuing meeting of the parliament ; and the leaders of
the congregation engaged, that deputies from the three
eftates fhould repair to the king and queen, to know
their intention concerning matters of fuch high im¬
portance.
After having granted jthefe conceffions to the nobi¬
lity and the people of Scotland, upon the part of their
refpeftive courts, Monluc and Randan, Cecil and
600 Wotton> concluded another deed of treaty and agree-
Anicies re-ment- ^ t^‘s convention it was determined, that
i:,!•!)« to the Englifh and French troops fhould depart out of
the French Scotland ; that all warlike preparations fhould ceafe ;
troops. t},at t}ie fort 0f Aymouth fhould be rafed to the
ground^ in terms of the treaty of Cambray ; that
Francis and Mary fhould abftain from bearing the title
and arms of England or Ireland ; that it fhould be
cpnfidered, whether a farther compenfaiion fhould be
made to Elizabeth for the injuries committed againft Scotland,
her ; and that the king and queen of Scots fhould be ’
fully and fincerely reconciled to the nobility and the
people of their kingdom. The interefts of England
and France were the particular objefts of this agree¬
ment. But though the conceffions to the Proteftants
were not inferted in it at full length, an expreffive re¬
ference was made to them ; and they received a con¬
firmation in terms which could not be mifunderftood
or controverted. This deed recorded the clemency of
Francis and Mary to their fubjefts of Scotland, the
extreme willingnefs of the nobility and the people to
return to their duty and allegiance, the reprefentation
they had offered of their grievances, and the requcft
of queen Elizabeth that redrefs fhould be afforded to
them ; and it appealed to the confequent conceffions
which had been ftipulated to their advantage.
By thefe important negociations, the Proteftants,
while they humbled France, flattered queen Elizabeth;
and while they acquired a power to aft in the efta-
blifhment of the reformation, reftored its civil confti-
tution to Scotland. The exclufion of foreigners from
offices of ftate, the limitation of the Scottifh princes
with regard to peace and war, the advancement of the
three eftates to their ancient confequence, and the aft
of oblivion of all offences, were acquifitions moll ex-
tenfively great and ufeful ; and, while they operated
the fulleft fecurity to the reformed, gratified all their
happieft and ifioft; fanguine expeftations. ^
The peace, fo fortunately concluded, was imme-peace pr0_
diately proclaimed. The French mercenaries em-claimed,
barked for their own country, and the Englifh army
took the road to Berwick. Amidft events fo joyful,
the preachers exhorted the confederated nobles ta
command the folemnity of a thankfgiving. It was or¬
dered accordingly ; and after its celebration, the com-
miffioners of the boroughs, with feveral of the nobili¬
ty, and the tenants in capite, were appointed to choofe
and depute minifters to preach the gofpel in the prin- go*
. cipal towns throughout the kingdom. John Knox Appoint-
was called to difcharge the paftoral funftions at Edin-meilt of
burgh, Chriftopher Goodman at St Andrew’s, Adamj[^en[sin
Heriot at Aberdeen, John Row at Perth, Paul Meth-piaces,
ven at Jedburgh, William Chriftifon at Dundee, Da¬
vid Fergufon at Dunfermling, and David Lindfey at
Leith. That the bufinefs of the church, at the fame
time, might be managed with propriety, fuperintend-
ents were elefted to prefide over the ecclefiaftical af¬
fairs of particular provinces and dlftrifts. Mr John
Spotfwood was named the fuperintendant for the divi-
fion of Lothian, Mr John Willocks for that of Glaf-
gow, Mr John Winrarn for that of Fife, Mr John Er-
fidne of Dun for that of Angus and Merns, and Mr
John Carfwell for that of Argyle and the Ifles. This
inconfiderable number of minifters and fuperintend-
ants gave a beginning to the reformed church of Scot¬
land. g03
Amidft the triumph and exultation of the Proteft-Theparlia-
ants, the meeting of the parliament approached. All t"61111116615,
perfons who had a title from law, or from ancient cu-
ftom, to attend the great council of the nation, were
called to affemble there. While there was a full con¬
vention of the greater barons and the prelates, the in¬
ferior tenants in capite, or the leffer barons, upon an
occafion fo great, inftead of appearing by reprefenta-
lien,
SCO [ 8005 ] SCO
Scotland, tion, came in crowds to give perronally their afliltance of Athol, and the lords Somerville and Bothwel, pro- Scotland.
and votes; ana all the commiflioners for the boroughs, telled, that “ they would believe as their fathers had
without exception, prefented themfelves. _ done before them.” The bifhops and the eftate ec-
It was objefted to this parliament when it was af- clefiaftical, from a confcioufnefs of the weaknefs of
fembled, that it could not be valid, fince Francis and popery, feemed to have loft all power of fpeech. No
Mary were not prefent, and had not empowered any diffent, no vote, was given by them. “ It is long,”
perfon to reprefent them. But by the terms of the laid the earl Marifchal, “ fince I entertained a jealoufy
late conceffions to the nobility and the people, they of the Rom.ifh faith, and an affedlion to the reformed
had in effed difpenfed with this formality; and the doctrines. But this day has afforded me the comple-
objedlion, after having been agitated with heat for teft convi&ion of the falfehood of the one, and the
fome days, was rejetted by a majority of voices. The truth of the other. The bifhops, who do not conceive
lords of the articles were then choftn ; and as the Pro- themfelves to be deficient in learning, and whofe zeal
teftant party were fuperior to the Popifh fattion, they for the maintenance of the hierarchy cannot be doubted,
were careful, in eletting the members of this com- have abandoned their religion, and their intereft in it,
mittee, to" favour all thofe who were difpofed to for- as objefts which admit of no defence or juftification.”
ward the work of the reformation. The firft objedl All the other conftituent members of this great coun-
604 which the lords of the articles held out to the parlia- cil were zealous for the eftablifhmtot of the reforma-
Supplica* mcnt, was the fuppiication of the nobility, gentry, tion, and affirmed the propriety of its doctrines. Thus
tion of the and all the other perfons who profeffed the new doc- the high court of parliament, with great deliberation
Proteftants. trines. It required, that the Romifh church fhouId and folemnity, examined, voted, and ratified the con-
be condemned and abolifhed. It reprobated the tenet feffion of the reformed faith. tfotf
of traufubftaniiation, the merit of works, papiftical A few days after the eftablifhment of the Confeffion Abolition
indulgences, purgatory, pilgrimages, and prayers to of Faith, the parliament paffed an aft againft the mafsof the,Iia^'
departed faints; and confidering them as peftilent er- and the txercife of the Romifh worfhip. And it feru-
rors, and as fatal to falvation, it demanded, that all pled not to ordain, that all perfons faying or hearing
thofe who fhould teach and maintain them, fhould be mafs fhould, for the firft offence, be expofed to the
expofed to correftion and punifhment. It demanded, confifcation of their eftates, and to a corporal cha-
tbat a remedy fhould be applied againft the profana- ftifement, at the diferetion of the magiftrate ; that for
tion of the holy facraments by the Roman Catholics, the fecond offence, they fhould be banifhed out of the
and that the ancient difeipline of the church fhould be kingdom ; and that for the third offence they fhould 607 _
reftored. In fine, it infifted, that the fupremacy and incur and fuffer the pains of death. This fiercenefs, it Perfbeuting
authority of the pope fhould be abolifhed ; and that is to be acknowledged, did not fuit the generofity °
the patrimony of the church fhould be employed in viftory; and while an excufe is fought for it in the
fupporting the reformed miniftry, in the provifion of perfidioufnefs of the Romifh priefthood, it efcapes not
fchools, and in the maintenance of the poor. the obfervation of the moft fuperficial hiftorians, that
This fuppiication of the Proteftants was received in thefe feverities were exaftly thofe of which the Pro¬
parliament with marks of the grea.eft deference and teftants had complained fo loudly, and with fo much
refpeft. The popifh doftrines it cenfured, and the juftice. By another ordination, the parliament, after
ftrong language it employed, excited nodifpute or al- havung declared, that the pope, or bifliop of Rome,
tercation. The nobility, however, and the lay mem- had inflifted a deep wound and a humiliating injury
bers, did not think it expedient that the patrimony upon the fovereignty and government of Scotland, by
of the church, in all its extent, fhould be allotted to his frequent interferences and claims of power, com-
the reformed miniftry, and the fupport of fchools and manded and decreed, that, for the future, hisjurif-
the poor. Avoiding, therefore, any explicit ferutiny diftion and authority fhould be dead and extinft ; and
into this point, the parliament gave it in charge to the that all perfons maintaining the fmalleft conneftion
minifters and the leading men of the reformation, to with him, or with his feft, fhould be liable to the lofs
draw up, under diftinft heads, the-fubftance and fenfe of honour and offices, profeription and banifhment.
A Confef- thofe doftrines which ought to be eftablifhed over Thefe memorable and decifive ftatutes atchieved the
ilon of Faith the kingdom. Within four days this important bu- overthrow of the Romifh religion. To obtain to thefe
drawn up. fin.efs was accomplifhed. The writing or inftrument proceedings, and to its other ordinances, the appro- gog
to which the reformed committed their opinions was bation of Francis and Mary, was an objeft of the greajt-pra(.,cis and
termed, “ The Confeffion of Faith, profeffed and be- eft anxiety, and of infinite moment to the three eftates- Mary? •Hue
lieved by the Proteftants within the realm of Scot- Sir James Sandilands lord St John, was therefore ap- to confirm
land (a).” It was read firft to the lords of the articles, pointed to go to France, and to exprefs to the ^‘ng
It was then read to the parliament; and the prelates and queen the affeftion and allegiance of their ffib-mejlt>
of the Romifh church were commanded, in the name jefts, to explain what had been done in confequence of
of God, to make publicly their objeftions to the doc- the late conceffions and treaty, and to folicit their
trines it propofed. They preferved a profound filence. royal ratification of the tranfaftions of the parliament.
A new diet was appointed- for concluding the tranf- The fpirited behaviour of the congregation had, how-
aftion. The articles of the confeffion were again read ever, exceeded all the expeftations of the princes of
over in their order, and the votes of the parliament Lorraine; and the bufinefs of the embaffy, and the
were called. Of the temporal nobility, three only ambaffador himfelf, though a man of chariafter and
refufed to beftow upon it their authority. The earl probity, were treated not only with ridicule, but with
Vol. IX. 39 U infult
(a) It is given at full length in Knox, in the colleftion of confeffions of faith, vol- a- and in the Itatute book,
pari. 1S67.
SCO [ 8oo5 ] SCO
Scotland. Infult and contumely. He returned accordingly with- and permanent fecurity againft the rage and weight'of Scotland.
out any anfwer to his commiffion. Inftvad of fubmit- domeftic faftion, and the ftrenuous exertions of an ex-   
ting the heads and topics of a reformation to Francis tenfive kingdom. All their fair atchievemcnts might
and Mary, by a petition or a narrative, the parliament be blafted and overthrown. Popery might again build
had voted them into laws ; and from this informality up her towers, and a fanguinary domination dedroy
the validity of its proceedings has been fufpe&ed. But alike their religious and civil liberties,
it is obfervable of the Protellants, that they bad not While the anguifh of melancholy apprehenfions re¬
concealed their views with regard to religion and the prefled the triumph of the congregation, the event
abolition of Popery ; that in the grant of redrefs and which could operate moll to their interells was an- <jop
concefiion, and in the deed of treaty, no adtual pro- nounced to them. This event was the death of Fran-Death of
Libition was made to bar the eftablilhment of the re- cis II. The tie which knit Scotland to France Was Francis ***
formation ; that a general authority was given to the thus ^broken. A new fcene of politics difplays it-
parliament to decide in affairs of ftate ; and that Fran- felf. Catharine de Medicis, the queen-mother, ruled
cis and Mary were folemnly bound to authenticate its Charles IX. and was the perfonal enemy of the queen
tranfaflions. Though a formality was invaded, the of Scots. Tlie power and the credit which Mary had
fpirit of the treaties was yet refpefled and maintained, lent to her uncles, and the frequent and humiliating
The nation, of confequence, imputed the condudl of difappointments which the queen-mother had fuffered
Francis and Mary to political reafons fuggeded by from her influence over Francis, were now repaid with
the princes of Lorraine, and to the artifices of the po- a ftudied indifference and negledt. In the full perfec-
pilh clergy; and as Elizabeth did not refufe, upon her tion of her charms, with two crowns upon her head,
part, the ratification of the agreements, and folicited and looking towards a third, (he felt herfelf to be
and prefled the French court in vain to adopt the fame without grandeur and without confequence. Leaving
meafure, a ftrength and force were thence communica- a court where (he had experienced all the enjoyments
ted to this conclufion. of which humanity is fufceptible, (he retired to Rheims
When the three eftates difpached Sir James Sandi- to indulge her forrow.
lands to France, they inftrufted the earls of Morton In the humiliation of their queen, and in the
and Glencairn, with Maitland of Lechington, to re- change produced in the councils of France, the Pro¬
pair to the court of England. By thefe ambaffadors teflants found every pofEble encouragement to pro-
they prefented to Elizabeth their fincere and refpeftful ceed with vigour in the full eftablifhment of the re¬
thanks, for the attention (hown by her to Scotland, formed do&rines. After the diffolving of the parlia-
in her late moft important fervices. And while they ment, they turned their thoughts and attention to the
folicited the continuance of her favour and proteftion, plan of policy which might fuit beft the tenets and re-
intreated, in an earned manner, that her majefly, for ligion for which they had contended. The three
the eftablifhment of a perpetual peace and amity, eftates, amidft their other tranfaftions, had granted a tfj<>
would be pleafed to take in marriage the earl of Ar- commiflion to Mr John Winram, Mr John Spotif- Ecclefiaftr-
ran, the next heir after his father to the Scottifh wood, John Willocks, Mr John Douglas, Mr John ca! govern-
monarchy. The queen made new and fervent prote- Row, and John Knox, to frame and model a fcheme ment of
Rations of her regard and attachment; and gave the or platform of ecclefiaftical government. They were Scotlan<*
promife of her warmeft aid when it fhould be necef- not long in complying with an order fo agreeable to delled.
fary, in their juft defence, upon any future occafion. them, and compofed what is termed the Firjl Book of
She fpoke in obliging terms of the earl of Arran; but Difcipline; in which they explained the uniformity and
as file found in herfelf no prefent difpofition to mar- method which ought to be preferved concerning doc-
riage, fhe defired that he might confult his happinefs trine, the adminiftration of the facraments, theeleflion
in another alliance. She exprefled a favourable opi- and provifion of minifters, and the policy of the
nion of the Scottifh nobility ; and as a demonftration church.
of her affedion and efteem, fhe took the liberty to re- A convention of the eftates gave its fandion to the
mind them of the pradices which had been employed Prefbyterian fcheme of government. But while the
to overturn their independency, and begged them to Book of Difcipline fketched out a policy beautiful
confider the unanimity and concord of their order as a for its fimplicity, yet it required that the patrimony,
neceflary guard againft the ambition and the artifice and the rich poffeffions of the ancient church, fhould nues o/the
of the enemies of their nation. be allotted to the new eftablifhment. The reformers, ancient
The fuccefs of the Congregation, though great and however, fo fuccefsful in the dodrines and the policy church re-
il-luftrious, was not yet completely decifive. There- they had propofed, were here very unfortunate. This^^“t,ic
fufal of francis and Mary to ratify their proceedings, convention of the eftates did not pay a more refpedful pr^hersa
opened up a fource of bitternefs and inquietude. The regard to this propofal than the celebrated parliament
Popifh party, though humbled, was not annihilated, had done, which demolilhed the mafs and the jurif-
Under the royal protedion it would foon be formi- didion of the fee of Rome. They affeded to confi-
dable. Political confiderations might arife, not only der it as no better than a dream. The expreffion “ a
to cool the amity of England, but even to provoke its devout imagination” was applied to it in mockery ;
refentment. And France, though it could now tranf- and it was not till after long and painful ftruggles,
port no army againft Scotland, might foon be able that the new eftablifhment was able to procure to it-
to adopt that expedient. Cruel diftradions and fe- felf a becoming and necefiary provifion and fupport.
vere calamities were ftill to be dreaded. In the nar- The Romifh clergy were ftrenuous to continue in thei*.
rownefs of their own refources they could find no folid pofleffions, and to profit by them $ and the nobles and
SCO [ 8007 ] SCO
Scotland, the laity having feized upon great proportions of the greateft confidence. A dreadful devaftation enfued. Scotland,
property of the church, were no lefs anxious to retain The populace, armed with authority, fpread their ra- ‘
the acquifitions they had made. vages over the kingdom. It was deemed an execrable
The averfion entertained from bellowing riches upon lenity to fpare any fabric or place where idolatry had
the Prefbyterian eftablifhment, encouraged the ardour been exercifed. The churches and religious houfes
which prevailed for advancing all the other views and were every where defaced, or pulled to the ground ;
interefts of the reformed. And this end was alfo pro- and their furniture, utenfils, and decorations, became
moted in no inconfiderable degree by the infidious po- the prizes and the property of the invader. Even
licy of Catharine de Medicis. She was willing to in- the fepulchres of the dead were ranfacked and violated,
creafe and to fofter all the difficulties and dangers in The libraries of the ecclefsaftics, and the regifters kept
the fuuation of the queen of Scots and her fubjefts. by them of their own tranfa&ions and of civil affairs.
Upon this account (he had engaged Charles IX. to were gathered into heaps, and committed to the
difpatch Monfieur Noailles to the Scotch parliament, flames. Religious antipathy, the fan&ion of law, the
to urge it in flrong terms to renew the ancient league exhortation of the clergy, the hope of fpoil, and, above
between the two kingdoms, to diflblve the alliance with all, the ardour to put the lall hand to the reformation,
England, and to re-eftablifh over Scotland the Popifh concurred to drive the rage of the people to its wildeft
doftrines and the Popifh clergy. A new meeting of the fury; and, in the midft of havock and calamity,
eftates was affembled, which confidered thefe ftrange the new eftablifhment furveyed its importance and its
requifitiojns, and treated them with the indignation power.
they merited. MonCeur Noailles was inftrufted to in- The death of Francis II. having left his queen Mary
form his fovereign, that France having afted with in a very difagreeable fituation while fhe remained t'o her
cruelty and perfidioufnefs towards the Scots, by attack- France, it now became neceffary for her to think on 0wn conn¬
ing their independency and liberties under the cover returning to her own country. To this fhe was foli- try.
and pretence of amity and marriage, did’not deferve to cited both by the Proteftants and Papifts ; the former
know them any longer as an ally ; that principles of that they might gain her over to their party; and the
juftice, a love of probity, and a high fenfe of grati- latter, hoping that, as Mary was of their own perfua-
tude, did not permit the Scottifh parliament to break fion, Popery might once more be eftablifhed in Scot-
the confederacy with England, which had generoufly land. For this deputation, the Proteftants chofe lord
protefted their country againft the tyrannical views of James Stuart, natural brother to the queen; and the
the French court, and the treacherous machinations of Papifts, John Lefly, official and vicar-general of the
the houfe of Guife ; and that they were never to ac- diocefe of Aberdeen. The latter got the ftart of the
knowledge the Popifh clergy to be an order of men, Proteftant ambaflador, and thus had the opportunity
or the legal pofieflbrs of the patrimony of the church ; of firft delivering his meflage. He advifed her ftrong-
fince, having abolifhed the power of the pope, and ly to beware of the lord James Stuart, whom he re¬
renounced his do&rines, they could beftow no favour prefented as a man of unbounded ambition, who had
or countenance upon his vaffals and fervants. efpoufed the Proteftant caufe for no other reafon than
To this council of the eftates a new fupplication was that he might advance himfelf to the higheft employ-
prefented by the Proteftants. They departed from ments in the ftate ; nay, that he bad already fixed his
the high claim which they had made for the riches and mind on the crown itfelf. For thefe reafons he advi-
patrimony of the Popifh church ; and it was only re- fed that the lord James Stuart fhould be confined in'
quefted by them, that a reafonable or decent provifion France till the government of Scotland could be com-
fhould be allotted to the true preachers of the gofpel. pletely eftablifhed. But if the queen was averfe to
This application, however, no lefs than their former this meafure, he advifed her to land in feme of the
exorbitant demand, was treated with negleft and in- northern diftri&s of Scotland, where her friends were
difference. But amidft the anxiety manifefted by the moft numerous ; in which cafe an army of 20,000 men
nobles and the tenants of the crown to hold the Pref- would accompany her to Edinburgh, to reftore the Po-
byterian clergy in fubjeftion and in poverty, they dif- pifh religion, and to overawe her enemies. The next day
covered the warmeft zeal for the extenfion and conti- the lord James Stuart waited upon her, and gave an
nuance of the reformed opinions. For in this fuppli- advice very different from that of Ltfly. The fureft
cation of the Proteftants, an ardent defire being inti- method of preventing infurre&ions, he faid* was the
mated and urged, that all the monuments of idolatry eftablifhment of the Proteftant religion ; that a ftand-
yhich remained fhould be utterly deftroyed, the fulleft ing army and foreign troops would certainly lofe the
and moft unbounded approbation was given to it. An affedtions of her fubje&s ; for which reafon lie advifed
a<ft accordingly was paffed, which commanded that her to vifit Scotland without guards and without fol-
Tinal de- abbey-church, every cloifter, and every memo- diers, and ve became folemnly bound to fecure their
xnonafte- ° rial whatfoever of Popery, fhould be finally overthrown obedience to her. To this advice Mary liftened with
and demolifhed : and the care of this cruel, but popti- attention; and lord James, perceiving that fhe'was pre-
every rnaik[ar employment, was committed to thofe perfons who judiced in his favour, took care to improve the favour-
of the FV we).e ,-emarkable for their keennefs and ardour in able opportunity; by which means he obtained a pro-
Its execution in the mife of the earldom of Marre. 6j^
Before Mary fet out from France, flic received anHerdii-
Jn^Scot8'0" the work of the reformation,
land. weftern counties was given in charge to the earls of
Arran, Argyle, and Glencairn ; the lord James Stuart embaffy from queen Elizabeth, preffing her to ratify with
attended to it in the more northern diftri&s ; and in the treaty of Edinburgh, in which file had taken careE1:zabeth-f
the inland divifions of the country, it was intruded to get a claufe inferted, that Francis and Mary fhould
to the barons in whom the Congregation had the for tr.tr abftain from affirming the title and arms of
1 39 u 2 EnS-
SCO r SooS 1 SCO
Scotland. England and Ireland. But this was declined by the
queen of Scotland ; and her refufal greatly augmented
the jealoufies which already prevailed between her
and Elizabeth, infomuch that the latter refufed her a
fafe paffage through her dominions into Scotland.
This was confidered by Mary as a very high indignity ;
flie returned a very fpirited anfwer, informing her ri¬
val, that fhe could return to her own dominions with¬
out any afiiftance from her, or indeed whether (he
would or not. In the month of Auguft 1561, Mary
fet fail from Calais for Scotland. She left France
with much regret; and at night ordered her couch to
be brought upon deck, defiring the pilot to awaken
her in the morning if the coaft of France (hould be
in view. The night proved calm, fo that the queen
bad an opportunity once more of indulgingherfelf with
a fight of that beloved country. A favourable wind
Mary1 landsnovv fprung «P> and, a thick fog coming on, fire
in Scotland, efcaped a fquadron of men of war which Elizabeth had
fent out to intercept her; and on the 20th of the month
fhe landed fafely at Leith.
But though the Scots received their queen with
the greateft demonftratians of joy, it was not long be¬
fore an irreconcileable quarrel began to take place.
The Protedant religion was now eftabliftred all over
the kingdom; and its profefibrs had fo far deviated
from their own principles, or what ought to have been
their principles, that they would grant no toleration
to the oppofite party, not even to the fovereign her¬
felf. In confequence of this, when the queen attempted
to celebrate mafs in her own chapel of Holyroodhoufe^
Is infiilted a violent mob aflembled, and it was with the utmoft
by the Pro-difficulty that the lord James Stuart and fome other
tefhnts. perfons of high diftin&ion could appeafe the tumult.
Mary attempted to allay thefe ferments by a procla¬
mation, in which (he promifed to take the advice of
the ftates in religious matters ; and in the mean time
declared it to be death forany perfon to attempt an inno¬
vation or alteration of the religion which (he found ge¬
nerally eftablifiied upon her arrival in Scotland. Againd
this proclamation the earl of Arran protefted, and
formally told the herald, the queen’s proclamation
fhonld not proteft her attendants and fervants if they
prefumed to commit idolatry and to fay mafs. John
Knox declared from the pulpit, that one mafs was
more terrible to him than if 10,000 armed enemies
had landed in any part of the kingdom to re-eftablifli
Popery. The preachers every where declaimed againft
idolatry and the mafs: keeping up, by their mifiaken
zeal; a fpirit of difeontent and fedition throughout the
whole kingdom. John Knox was called before the
queen to anfwer for the freedom of his fpeeches; but
bis unbounded boldnefs when there gave Mary much
difquiet, as not knowing in what manner to deal with
him. The freedoms, however, which were taken with
the queen, could not induce her to depart from that
plan of government which (he had laid down in France.
To the Protefiants (he refolved to pay the greateft at¬
tention; from among them (he chofe her privy-council,
and heaped favours upon the lord James Stuart, who
for his a&ivity in promoting the reformation was the
moft popular man in the kingdom; while to her cour¬
tiers of the Roman Catholic perfuafion (he behaved
with a diftant formality.
In the mean time the differegee between the two
rival queens became every day greater. The queen Scotland.
of Scotland prefied Elizabeth to declare her the neareft-  —'
1 ,-rtothe crown of England, and Elizabeth preffed
Mary to confirm the treaty of Edinburgh. With this
the latter could not comply, as it would in faft have
been renouncing for ever the title to that crown for
which (lie was fo earneftly contending. Endlefs nego-
ciations were the confequence, and the hatred of Eli¬
zabeth to Mary continually increafed. This year the
queen of Scotland amufed herfelf by making a circuit
through part of lier dominions. From Edinburgh (he
proceedi..J to Stirling; from thence to Perth, Dun¬
dee, and St Andrew’s. Though received everywhere
with the greateft acclamations and marks of affec¬
tion, fhe could not but remark the rooted averfion
which had univerfaily taken place againft Popery ;
and upon her'return to Edinburgh, her attention was (J17
called to an exertion of this zeal, which may be con-Bigotry of
fidered as highly charafteriftic of the times. The ma-
giftrates of this city, after their ele&ion, ejiaifled rules, Eciini,urgij.
according to cuftom, for the government of their bo- °
rough. By one of thefe afts, which they publifiied
by proclamation, they commanded all monks,, friars,
and priefts, together with all adulterers and fornicators,
to depart from the ton and its limits within 24 hours,
under the pains of correction and puniftiment Mary,
juftly interpreting this exertion of power to be an
ufuvpation of the royal authority and a violation
of order, difplaced the magiftrates, commanded the ci¬
tizens to ele& others in their room, and granted by
proclamation a plenary indulgence to all her fubje&s
not convicted of any crime, to repair to and remain
in her capital at their pleafure.
Befides tbefe difturbances on account of religion,
the kingdom was now in confufion on another ac- 5,8
count. The long continuance of civil wars had rt^c
left a pronenefs to tumults and infurrcCtions every n2tion.
where ; and thefts, rapine, and licentioufnefs of every
kind, threatened to fubvert the foundations of civil
fociety. Mary made confiderable preparations for
the fupprefiion of thefe diforders, and appointed the 6f9
lord James Stuart her chief jufticier and lieutenant.Supprefied
He was to hold two criminal courts, the one at Jed- hy lord
burgh and the other at Dumfries. To afiift his ope-James
rations againft the banditti, who were armed, and often*1 r*
aflbeiated into bodies, a military force was neceffary ;
but as there were at prefent neither (landing army nor
regular troops in the kingdom, the county of Edin¬
burgh, and ten others, were commanded to have their
ftrength in readinefs to affift him. The feudal tenants,,
and the allodial or free proprietors of thefe diftriCls, in
complete armour, and with provifions for 20 days,
were appointed to be fubfervient to the purpofes of
his commiffion, and to obey his orders in eftablifhing
the public tranquillity. In this expedition he was. at¬
tended with his ufual fuccefs. He deftroyed many of.
the ftrong-holds of the banditti; hanged 20 of the
moft notorious offenders; and ordered 50 more to be
carried to Edinburgh, there to fuffer the penalties of.
law on account of their rebellious behaviour. He en¬
tered into terms with the lord Gre^ and Sir John Fof-
ter, the wardens of the Englifii borders, for the mu¬
tual benefit of the two nations ; and he commanded
the chiefs of the diforderly clans to fubmit to the,
<jueen? and to obey her orders with regard to the fe-.
curing
!>■
f
SCO [ 8009 ] SCO
Scotland.^curing of the peace* and preventing infurre&ions and
~ depredations for the future.
Mary dlf- In the mean time the queen was in a very difagree-
uufted by ar,ie fjtuation, being fufpefted and diilrufted by both
ties From the concefilons fhe had made to the
Proteftants, the Papifts fuppofed that fhe had a defign
of renouncing their religion altogether; while on the
other hand the Proteftants could fcarce allow them-
felves to believe that they owed any allegiance to an
idolater. Difquiets of another kind alfo now took
place. The duke of Chattellerault, having left the Ca-
Charafters tholics to join the oppofite party, was negle&ed by
of her dif- his fovereign. Being afraid of fomedangertohim-
ferent cour-felf, he fortified the caftle of Dunbarton, which he
tiers. refolved to defend ; and in cafe of neceflity to put him-
felf under the prote&ion of the queen of England.—
The earl of Arran was a man of very flender abilities,
but of boundlefs ambition. The queen’s beauty had
made an impreffion on his heart, and his ambition
made him fancy himfelf the fitteft perfon in the king¬
dom for her hufband. But his fanaticifm, and the
violence wiih which he had oppofed the mafs, difguft-
ed her. He bore her diftike with an uneafinefs that
preyed upon his intellefts and difordered them. It
was even fuppofed that he had concerted a fcheme to
poflefs himfelf of her perfon by armed retainers; and
the lords of her court were commanded to be in readi-
nefs to defeat any projedft of this fort. The earl of
Bothwel was diftinguilhed chiefly by his prodigalities
and the licentioufnefs of his manners. The earl of
Marifchal had every thing that was honourable in his
intentions, but was over wary and flow. The earl of
Morton pofleffed penetration and ability, but was at¬
tached to no party or meafures from any principles of
re&itude : His own advantage and interefts were the
motives which governed him. The earl of Huntley the
lord chancellor, was unquiet, variable, and vindictive :
His paffions, now fermenting with violence, were foon
to break forth in the moft dangerous pradices. The
earls of Glencairn and Menteith were deeply tinftured
with fanaticifm ; and their inordinate zeal for the new
opinions, not lefs than their poverty, recommended
them to queen Elizabeth. Her ambaflador Randolph,
advifed her to fecure their fervice, by addreffing herfelf
to their nectffities. Among courtiers of this deferip-
tion, it was difficult for Mary to make a fele&ion of
minifters in whom to confide. The confeqnence and
popularity of the lord James Stuart, and of Maitland
of Lethington, had early pointed them out to this di-
ftinddion ; and hitherto they had aded to her fatif-
faddion. They were each of eminent capacity : but
the former was fufpefted of aiming at the fovereignty;
the latter was prone to refinement and duplicity ; and
both were more conneded with Elizabeth than be¬
came them as the minifters and fubjeCts of another
prince.
Befide the policy of employing and trufting ftatef-
men who were Proteftants, and the precaution of main¬
taining a firm peace with England, Mary had it al^o
at heart to enrich the crown with the revenues of the
62,2 . ancient church. A convention of eftates was affembled
apartofnSto d^'bvrate upon this meafure. The 1 ilhops were
the eccle- alarmed with their perilous fituation. It was made
fiafHcal re- known to them, that the charge of the queen’s houfe-
vexmes. hold required an augmentation y and that, as the rents
of the church had flowed chiefly from the crown, it Scotland.,
was expedient that a proper proportion of them fhould “ "
now be refumed to uphold its.fplendour. After long
confultations, the prelates and eftate ecclefiaftical, con-
fidering that they exifted merely by the. favour of the
queen, confented to refign to her the third part of
their benefices, to be managed at her pleafure ; with
the refervation that they fhould be fecured during
their lives againft all farther payments, and relieved
from the burden of contributing to the maintenance of
the reformed clergy. With this offer the queen and
the convention of eftates were fatisfied. Rentals, accord¬
ingly, of all their benefices throughout the kingdom,
were ordered to be produced by the ancient ecclefia-
ftics; the^-reformed minifters, fuperintendants, elders,
and deacons, were enjoined to make out regifters of the
grants or provifions neceffary to fupport their eftablifh-
ment; and a fupereminent power of judging in thefe
matters was committed to the queen and the privy-
council.
While the prelates and eft^te ecclefiaftical fubmitted
to this offer from the neceffity of their affairs, it was
by no means acceptable to the reformed clergy, who
at this time were holding an affembly. It was their
earneft wifh to effe£t the entire deftrudlion of the an¬
cient eftablifhment, to fucceed to a large proportion
of their emoluments, and to be altogether independ¬
ent of the crown. But while the Proteftant preachers
were naturally and unanimoufly of thefe fentiments,
the nobles and gentlemen who had promoted the re¬
formation were difpofed to think very differently.
To give too much of the wealth of the church to the
reformed clergy, was to.inveft them with a dangerous
power. To give too great a proportion of it to the
crown, was a ftep ftill more dangerous. At the fame,
time it was equitable, that the ancient clergy fhould
be maintained during their lives ; and it confuted with
the private interefts of the noblemen and gentlemen,,
who had figured during the reformation, not to con¬
tent to any fcheme that would deprive them of the
fpoils of which they had already poffeffed themfelves
out of the ruins of the church,, or which they might
ftill be enabled to acquire. ffi?
Thus public as well as private confiderations contri^Ba(J fuccefa
buted to feparate and divide the lay Proteftants and
the preachers. The general affembly, therefore, oftbe protc,.
the church, was not by any means fuccefsful in the.ftants.
views which had called them together at this time, and
which they fubmitted to the convention of eftates.*
Doubts were entertained whether the church had any
title to affemble itfelf. T -e petition preferred for the
complete abolition of idolatry, or for the utter prohi¬
bition of the mafs, was rejected, notwithftanding all
the zeal manifefted by the brethren. The requeft that
Mary fhould give authority, to the book of difeipline,
was not only refufed, but even treated with ridicule.
The only point prefftd by the church, which attra&ed
any notice, was its requifition of a provifion or a main¬
tenance ;• but the meafure invented for this end was
im oppofitiou to all its warmeft defires.
This meafure, however, fo unpromiftng to the;
preachers in expedation, was found to be ftill more-
unfatisfadlory upon trial. The wealth of the Romiih
church had been immenfe, but great invafions had.
been made upon it. The fears of the ecelefiaftics, up¬
on
SCO [ 8010 ] SCO
Sfotland. on the overthrow of popery, induced them to engage
""in fraudulent tranfadtions with their kinfmen and rela¬
tions ; in confequence of which many pofleflions were
conveyed from the church into private hands. For va¬
luable confiderations, leafesof church-lands, to endure
for many years, or in perpetuity, were granted to
flrangers and adventurers. Sales alfo of ecclefiaftical
property, to a great extent, had been made by the an¬
cient incumbents ; and a validity was fuppofed to be
given to thefe tranfa&ions by confirmations from the
pope, who was zealous to affift. his votaries. Even
the crown itfelf had contributed to make improper
difpofitions of the ecclefiaflical revenues. Laymen
hSd been prefented to biflioprics and church-livings,
with the power of difpofing of the territory in con¬
nexion with them. In this diffufion of the property
of the church, many fair acquifitions, and much ex-
tenfive domain, came to be inverted in the nobles and
the gentry.
From thefe caufes, the grant of the third of their
benefices, made by the ancifrnt ecclefiafticsto the queen,,
with the burden of maintaining the reformed clergy,
was not near fo confiderable as might have been ex-
peXed. But the direXion of the fcheme being lodged
in the queen and the privy-council, the advantage to
the crown was (till greater than that bellowed upon the
preachers. Yet the carrying the projeX into execu¬
tion, was not without its inconveniences. There
were Hill many opportunities for artifice and corrup¬
tion ; and the full third of the ecclefiaftical benefices,
even after all the previous abftraXions of them which
had been made, could not be levied by any diligence.
For the ecclefiaftics often produced falfe rentals of their
benefices ; and the colleXors for the crown were not
always faithful to the truft repofed in them. The
complete produce of the thirds did not amount to a
great fum ; and it was to operate to the expences of
S14 the queen, as well as to the fupport of the preachers.
Prcvifion A fcanty proportion went to the latter ; and yet the
ihe'prote- Per^on8 u’ho were chofen to fix and afcertain their par-
ftant ticular ftipends or provifions, were the fart friends of
preachers, the reformation. For this bufinefs was committed in
charge to the earls of Argyle and Morton, the lord
James Stuart, and Maitland of Lethington, with James
Mackgill the clerk-regifler, and Sir John Ballenden
the juftice-clerk. One hundred Scottifh merks were
deemed fufficient for a common minifter. To the cler¬
gymen of greater interefl or confideration, or who ex-
ercifed their funXions in more extenfive parifhes, 300
merks were allotted ; and, excepting to fi rerintend-
ants, this fum was feldom exceeded. To the earl of
Argyle, to the lord James Stuart, to lord Erfkine,
who had large ecclefiartical revenues, their thirds were
ufually remitted by the queen ; and upon the eftablifh-
ment of this fund or revenue, fhe alfo granted many
penfions to perfons about her court and of her houfe-
hold.
The complaints of the preachers were made with
The whole httle decency, and did not contribute to better their
party dif- condition. The coldnefs of the Proteftant laity, and
Satisfied, the humanity fhewn to the ancient clergy, were deep
wounds both to their pride and to their interefts. To
a mean fpirit of flattery to the reigning power, they
imputed the defeXion of their friends; and againft the
•queen they were animated with the bittereft aniraofity.
The poverty in which they were fuffered to remain in- Scotland1
flamed all their paflions. They induftrioufly fought to "" "
indulge their rancour and turbulence ; and inveterate
habits of infult fortified them into a contempt of au¬
thority.
To the queen, whofe temper was warm, the rude-
nefs of the preachers was a painful and endlefs inquie¬
tude, which, while it foftered her religious prejudices,
had the good effeX to confirm her conftancy to her
friends, and to keep alive her gratitude for their ac¬
tivity. The lord James Stuart, who was entitledto her
refpeX and efteem from his abilities, and his proximi¬
ty to her in blood, had merited rewards and honours
by his public fervices and the vigour of his counfels.
After his fuccefsful difcharge of her commiffion as chief
juft icier and lord lieutenant, fhe could not think of allow¬
ing him to defcend from thefe offices, without bellowing
upon him a folid and permanent mark of her favour. gig
She advanced him into the rank of her nobility, by Honours
conferring upon him the earldom of Marre. At theconferrc<*
fame time fhe contributed to augment his confequence, j^"s°r
by facilitating his marriage with Agnes the daughterstuart,
of the earl of Marifhal ; and the ceremonial of this al¬
liance was celebrated with a magnificence and oflenta-
tion fo extravagant in that age, as to excite the fear*
of the preachers left fome avenging judgment or cala¬
mity fhould affliX the land. They exclaimed with vi¬
rulence againft his riotous feafling and banquets; and
the mafquerades which were exhibited upon this occa-
fion, attraXing in a ftill greater degree their| atten¬
tion, as being a fpecies of entertainment hitherto un¬
known in Scotland, and which was favourable to the
profanenefs of gallantry, they pointed againft them the
keeneft flrokes of their cenfure and indignation.
The abilities of the earl of Marre, the afcendency
he maintained in the councils of his fovereign, and the
diftinXions which he had acquired, did not fail to ex-
pofe him to uncommon envy. The moft defperate of g27
his enemies, and the moft formidable, was the earl of Enmity of
Huntley. In their rivalfhip for power, many caufest*,e ear*
of difguft had arifen. The one was at the head of the
Proteflants, the other was the leader of the Papifts. gim.
Upon the death of Francis II. Huntley and the Popiffi
faXion had fent a deputation to Mary, inviting her to
return to Scotland, and offering to fupport her with
an army of 20,000 men. His advances were treated
wkh attention and civility, but his offer was rejeXed.
The invitation of the Proteftants, prefented by the
earl of Marre, was more acceptable to her. Huntley
had advifed her to detain his rival in confinement in
France, till the Roman Catholic religion (hould be
re-eftablifhed in Scotland. This advice file not only
difregarded, but careffed his enemy with particular ci- gig
vilities. Upon her arrival in her own country. Hunt-Huntley
ley renewed his advances, offering to her to fet up tbeprefles the
mafs in all the northern countries. He even conver-^
fed in a preffing manner upon this fubjeX with herp0
uncles and the French courtiers who attended her.gi0n.
Still no real attention was paid to him. He came to
her palace, and was received only with refpeX. He
was lord high chancellor without influence, and a
privy counfellor without trufl. The earl of Marre had
the confidence of his fovereign, and was drawing to
him the authority of government. Thefe were cruel
mortifications to a man of high rank; inordinate am¬
bition.
sco r son i sco
Scotland. bitioD, Immenfe wealth, and who commanded nume-
^rous and warlike retainers. But he was yet to feel a
ftroke ftill more feverely excruciating, and far more
rkftm&ive of his confequence. The opulent eftate of
Marre, which Mary had erefted into an earldom, and
conferred upon his rival, had been lodged in his family
for fome time. He confidered it as his property, and
that it was never to be tom from hishoufe. This blow
was at once to infult moft fenfibly his pride, and to
cut moft fatally the finews of his greatnefs.
After employing againft the earl of Marre thofe arts
of detradlion and calumny which are fo common in
He accufes courts> ^rew UP an^ fubfcribed a formal memorial,
: the lord in which he accufed him of aiming at the fovereignty
James of Scotland. This paper he prefented to the queen ;
[ Stuart of but the arguments with which he fupported his charge
treafon. being weak and inconclufive, ftie was the more con¬
firmed in her attachment to her minifter. Huntley
then addreffing himfelf to the earl of Bothwel, a man
difpofed to defperatecourfes, engaged him to attempt
to involve the earl of Marre and the houfe of Hamilton
in open and violent contention. Bothwel reprefented
to Marre the enmity which had long fubfifted between
him and the houfe of Hamilton. It was an obftacle
gto his greatnefs; and while its deftru&ion might raife
And at- him to the higheft pinnacle of power, it would be moft
i tempts to acceptable to the queen, who, befide the hatred which
Pr'nces naturally entertain to their fucceflbrs, wasani-
?' 1 ' mated by particular caufes of offence againft the duke
of Chatellerault and the Earl of Arran. He concluded
his exhortation with making an unlimited offer of his
moft ftrenuous fervices in the execution of this flagi¬
tious enterprife. The earl of Marre, however, abhor¬
ring the bafenefs of the projeft, fufpicious of the fin-
cerity of the propofer, or Satisfied that his eminence
did not require the aid of fuch arts, reje&ed all his
advances. Bothwel, difappointed upon one fide, turn¬
ed himfelf to the other. He pradiifed with the houfe
of Hamilton to affaflinate the earl of Marre, whom
they confidered as their greateft enemy. The bufi-
nefs, he faid, might be performed with eafe and ex¬
pedition. The queen was in ufe to hunt the deer in
the park of Falkland ; and there the earl of Marre,
unfufpedting any danger, and flenderly attended, might
be overpowered and put to death. The perfon of the
queen, at the fame time, might be feized; and by de¬
taining her in cuftody, a fan&ion and fecurity might
be given to their crime. The integrity of the earl of
Arran revolting againft this confpiracy, defeated its
purpofes. Dreading the perpetration of fo cruel an
aftion, and yet fefifible*of the refolute determination
of his friends, he wrote privately to the earl of Marre,
informing him of his danger. But the return of Marre
to his letter, thanking him for his intelligence, be¬
ing intercepted by the confpirators, Arran was confined
by them under a guard in Kenneil houfe. He effected
63, notwithftanding his efcape, and made a full difeovery
>But fails in of the plot to the queen. Yet in a matter fo dark he
fsattempt, could produce no witneffes and no written vouchers to
confirm his accufations. He therefore, according to
the fafhion of the times, offered to prove his informa¬
tion, by engaging Bothwel in Angle combat. And
though, in his examinations before the privy council,
his love to the queen, his attachment to the earl of
Marre, the atrocity of the fcheme he revealed, and.
above all, his duty and concern for his father the duke of Scotland.
Chattelleraut, threw him into a perturbation of mind —  
which expreffed itfelf violently in his fpeech, his coun¬
tenance, and his aftions; yet his declarations, in gene¬
ral, were fo confiftent and firm, that it was thought
advifeable to take the command of the caftle of Dun¬
barton from the duke of Chatellerault, to confine the
other confpirators to different prifons, and to wait the
farther difeoveries which might be made by accident
and time.
The earl of Huntley, inflamed by thefe difappoint-
ments, invented other devices. He excited a tumult
while the queen and the earl of Marre were at St An¬
drew’s with only a few attendants; imagining that the
latter would Tally forth to quell the infurgents, and
that a convenient opportunity would thus be afforded
for putting him to the fword without deteftion. The
caution, however, of the earl of Marre, defeating this
purpofe, he ordered fome of his retainers to attack
him in the evening when he fhould leave the queeh ;
but thefe affaffins being furprifed in their ftation,
Huntley affefted to excufe their being in arms in a
fufpicious place and at a late hour, by frivolous apolo¬
gies, which, though admitted, could not be approved.
About this period, too, letters were received by
Mary from the pope and the cardinal of Lorraine, in
confequence of the intrigues of the earl of Huntley
and the Roman Catholic faftion. They preffed her
to confider, that while this nobleman was the moft
powerful of her fubje&s, he was by far the moft zea¬
lous in the interefts of the church of Rome. They
untreated her to flatter him with the hope of her mar¬
riage with Sir John Gordon his fecond fon ; held out
toher magnificent promifes of money and military fup-
plies, if fhe would fet herfelf ferioufly to recover to
power and fplendour the ancient religion of her
country; and recommended it to her to take mea-
fures to deftroy the more ftrenuous Proteftants about
her court, of whom a roll was tranfmitted to her,
which included the name of her confident and mini¬
fter the earl of Marre. Thefe letters could not have
reached her at a junflure more unfavourable for their
fuccefs. The earl of Marre, to whom fhe communi¬
cated them, was encouraged to proceed with the great-
eft vigour in undermining the defigns and the import¬
ance of his enemies. ,
New incidents exafperated the animofities of the ene- s;r T0hs
tnies of the earl of Marre and his own. Sir John Gor- Gordon
don and the lord Ogilvie having a private difpute, hap- wounds
pened to meet each other in the high ftreet of Edin-
burgh. They immediately drew their fwords ; and prehendedv-.
the lord Ogilvie receiving a very dangerous w’ound,
Sir John Gordon was committed ta prifon by the ma-
giftrates. The queen, at this time in Stirling, was
informed by them of the riot; and while they expref-
fed a fear left the friends of the prifoner fhould rife up
in arms to give him his liberty, they mentioned a fuf-
picion which prevailed, that the partizans of the lord
Ogilvie were to affemble themfelves to vindicate his
quarrel. The queen, in her reply, after commending
their diligence, inftru&ed them to continue to have a
watch over their prifoner; made known her defire that
the law fhould take its courfe; and counfelled them to
have no apprehenfions of the kindred of the parties at
variance,, but to rely upon the earl of Marre for pro¬
viding
SCO [ 8012 ] SCO
GcotSaad. vidlnga fufficient force for their prote&ion. Sir John
633 " Gordon, however, fo-und the means to break from his
But efcapes confinement; and flying into Aberdeenfhire, filled the
from pri- .retainers of his family with his complaints, and added
on‘ to the difquiets of his father the earl of Huntley.
The queen, upon returning to Edinburgh, held a
confultation upon affairs of ftatc with her privy coun¬
cil ; and foon after fet out upon aprogrefs to the north¬
ern parts of her kingdom. At Aberdeen (he was met
by the lady Huntley, a woman of deep diflimulation
and of refined addrefs ; who endeavoured to conciliate
her affections, was prodigal of flattery, expreffed her
zeal for the Popiffi religion, and let fall infinuations
of the great power of her hufbnnd. She then inter¬
ceded with the queen for forgivenefs to her fou ; and
begged with a keen importunity, that he might be
permitted to have the honour to kifs her hand. But
Mary having told her, that the favour (he had folici-
ted could not poffibly be granted till her fon (hould
return to the prjfon from which he had efcaped, and
fuhmit to the juftice of his country, the lady Huntley
engaged that he (hould enter again into cuftody, and
only intreated, that, inftead of being confined at Edin¬
burgh, he (hould be conduced to the callle of Stir¬
ling. This requeft was complied with ; and in the
profecution of the bufinefs, a court of judiciary being
called, Sir John Gordon made his appearance, and
acknowledged himfelf to be the queen’s prifoner. The
lord Glanus was appointed to condudi him to the
caftle of Stirling. But upon the road to this fortrefs,
And at- deceived the vigilance of his guards, haftened back,
tempts to and, gathering <1000 horfemen among his retainers,
raifea re- entrufied his fecurity to the fword.
-hellion. jn jjje mean time, the queen continued her progrefs.
The earl of Huntley joined himfelf to her train. His
anxiety to induce her to allow him to attend her to his
houfe of Strathbogy was uncommon ; his intreaties
were even prefftd beyond the bounds of propriety.
The intelligence arrived of the efcape and rebellion of
Sir John Gordon. The behaviour of the father and
the fon awakened in her the moft alarming fufpicions.
Affembling her privy-council, who, according to the
i'alhion of thofe times, conftituted her court, and at¬
tended her perfon in her progreffes through her domi¬
nions ; (he, with their advice, commanded her heralds
to charge Sir John Gordon and his adherents to re¬
turn to .their allegiance, and to furrender up to her
their houfes of ftrength and cattles, under the pains of
high-treafon and forfeiture. Difdaining now to go
to the houfe of the earl of Huntley, where, as it af¬
terwards appeared, that nobleman had made fecret
preparations to hold her in captivity, (he advanced to
Invernefs by a different rout. In the caftle of Inver-
nefs (he propofed to take up her refidence ; but Alex¬
ander Gordon the deputy governor, a dependent of the
family of Huntley, refufed to admit her. She was ter¬
rified with the profpeft of a certain and imminent dan¬
ger. Her attendants were few in number, the town
was without walls, and the inhabitants were fufpec-
ted. In this extremity, fome (hips in the river were
kept in readinefs as a lall refuge ; and (he iffued a
proclamation, commanding all her loyal fubje&s in
thofe parts immediately to repair to her for her pro¬
tection. The Frafers and Monroes came in crowds
to make her the offer of their fwords. The Clan Chat-
tan, though called to arms by the earl of Huntley, Scotland4;|is
forfook his ftandard for that of their fovereign, when  —
■they difeovered that his intentions were hoftile to her.
She employed this ftrength in laying fiege to the
caftle, which furrendered itfelf upon the firft aflault.
The lives of the common foldiers were fpared, but the
deputy-governor was inftantly executed. The queen,
full of a pprehenfions, returned to Aberdeen.
To intimidate the earl of Huntley, to punifli the
troubles which his family had created to the queen,
and to convince him that his utter ruin was at hand,
a meafure infinitely humiliating was now concerted
and put in pra&ice. The earl of Marre refigned the
rich eftate of that nr.me to the lord Etlhine, who laid
claim to it as his right; and received in recompence,
after its ere&ion into an earldom, the territory of Mur¬
ray, which made an extenfive portion of the poffeffions
of the earl of Huntley.
The lady Huntley haftened to Aberdeen to throw
herfelf at the feet of her fovereign, to make the offer
of the moft humble fubmiflions on the part of her
hufbarid, and to avert by every pofiible means the
downfal of his greatnefs, But all accefs to the queen
was refufed to her; and the earl of Huntley was lum-
moned to appear in perfon before the privy council, to
anfwer for his conduft, and to make a full refignation
of all his caftles and fortreffes. He did not prefent him¬
felf, and was declared to be in open rebellion. A
new proclamation was circulated by the queen to col¬
led together a fufficient ftrength to fubdue the infur- t
gents. The command of her troops was given to theEarj K
earl of Murray, who put them inftantly into motion. Huntley ip
Huntley advancing towards Aberdeen to give them defeated Is
battle, was informed of their approach. He halted atl,y^eeal^s
Corrichie, folacing himfelf with the hope of a decifive0 urra |
viftory. The army of the queen was the moft nume¬
rous ; but there were feveral companies in it in whom |
little confidence could be placed. Thefe the earl of
Murray pofted in the front of the battle, and com¬
manded them to begin the attack. They recoiled up¬
on him in diforder, according to his expedation ; but
a refolute band, in whom he trufted, holding out their
fpears, obliged them to take a different courfe. Their
confufion and flight made Huntley conceive that the
day was his own. He therefore ordered his foldiers
to throw afide their lances, and to ru(h upon the
enemy fword in hand, His command was obeyecj,
but with no precaution or difeipline. When his men
came to the place where the earl of Murray had fta-
tioned himfelf, the points of the extended fpears of
his firm battalion put a termination to their progrefs.
The panic communicated by this unexpeded re- 1
fiftance was improved by the vigour with which he
prefled the affailants. In their turn they took to
flight. The companies of the queen’s army which had
given way in the beginning of the conflid were now
difpofed to atone for their mifeondud ; and taking a
(hare in the battle, committed a fignal (laughter upon
the retainers of the earl of Huntley. This nobleman
himfelf expired in the throng of the purfuit. His
fons Sir John Gordon and Adam Gordon were made
prifoners, with the principal gentlemen who had af-
fifted him.
Mary, upon receiving the tidings, of this fuccefs,
difeovered neither joy nor forrow. The paffions, how¬
ever,
SCO t 8013 ] SCO
Scotland, ever, of the earl of Murray and his party were not yet
B ——7 completely gratified. Sir John Gordon was brought
immediately to trial, confeffed his guilt, and was con*
« _ dernned to fuffet as a traitor. The fentence accord¬
ingly was executed, amidft a multitude of fpeftators,
whofe feel'ngs were deeply affedied, while they con-
fidered his tmmature death, the manlinefs ofhisfpirit,
and the vigour of his form. Adam Gordon, upon ac¬
count of his tender age, was pardoned ; and fines
were levied from the other captives of condition ac¬
cording to their wealth. The lord Gordon, after the
battle of Corrichie, fled to his father-in-law the duke
of Chatellerault, and put himfelf under his proteftion ;
but was delivered up by that nobleman, all whofe
endeavours in his favour were ineffe&ual. He was
convi&ed of treafon, and condemned ; but the queen
was fatisfied with confining him in prtfon. The dead
body of the earl of Huntley was carried to Edin¬
burgh, and kept without burial, till a charge of high-
treafon was preferred againfi him before the three
eltates. An oftcntatious difplay was made of his
k criminal enterprifes, and a verdift of parliament pro¬
nounced his guilt. His eftates, hereditary and move-
able, were forfeited ; his dignity, name, and memory,
were pronounced to be extinA ; bis enfigns armorial
were torn from the book of arms; and his pollerity
were rendered unable to enjoy any offices, honour, or
i <Jj5 rank within the realm.
i An inter- While thefe fcenes were tranfafting, Mary, who was
^ofed^be fincere]y fobcitous to eftablifli a fecure amity between
! tween Ma- the two kingdoms, opened a negociation to effe&uate
ry ami E- an interview with Elizabeth. Secretary Maitland,
fijizabeth,^ whom fhe employed in this bufinefs, met with a mod
but in vain.grac|oug recept;on at t]ie court of London. The city
of York was appointed as the place where the two
queens fllould exprefs their mutual love and affedtion,
and bind themfelves to each other in an indiflbluble
union ; the day of their meeting was fixed; the falhion
and articles of their interview were adjufted ; and a
fafe-condudt into England was granted to the queen
of Scots by Elizabeth. But in this advanced date of
the treaty it was unexpe&edly interrupted. The di-
durbances in France, the perfecution of the Prote-
flants there, and the dangerous confequence which
threatened the reformed countries, feemed to require
Elizabeth to be particularly upon her guard, and to
watch with eagernefs againd the machinations of the
adverfaries of her religion. Upon thefe pretences die
declined for a feafon the projefted interview; fending
to Mary with this apology Sir Henry Sidney, a mi-
nider of ability, whom fhe intlru&ed to dive into the
fecret views of the Scottifli queen. This was a fevere
difappointment to Mary ; but it is reafonable to be¬
lieve, that Elizabeth a&ed in the negociation without
fincerity, and upon principles of policy. It was not
her intered to admit into her kingdom a queen who
had pretenfions to her crown, and who might ftreng-
then them ; who might raife the expe&ations of her
Roman-Catholic fubje&s, and advance hevfelf in their
edeem ; and who far furpafled her in beauty, and in
the bewitching allurement of converfation and be-
637 haviour.
! CHatelard Amidd affairs of great moment, a matter of/mailer
| wltf confequencej but- which ,is intereding in its circum-
i\ ™aeen dances, deferves to be recorded. Chatelard, a gentle*
; ‘ Voi.. IX. x
man of family in Dauphiny, and a relation of the Scotland.
chevalier de Bayard, had been introduced to queen    
Mary by the fieur Damville, the heir of the houie of
Montmorency. Polilhed manners, vivacity, attention
to pleafe, the talent of making verfes, and an ggree-
able figure, were recommendations to this man. la
the court they drew attention to him. He made him¬
felf neceffary in all parties of pleafure at the palace.
H;s affiduities drew to him the notice of the queen ;
and, at different times, flie did him the honour to
-dance with him. His complaifanee become gradually
more familiar. He entertained her with his wit and
good-humour; he madej verfes upon her beauty and
accomplifliments; and her politenels and condefcenfion
infinuated into him other fentiments than gratitude
and reverence. He could not behold her charms
without feeling their power; and inftead of ftifling in
in its birth the mod dangerous of all the paffions, he
encouraged its growth. In an unhappy moment, he
entered her apartment; and, concealing himfelf under
her bed, waited the approach of night. While the
queen was undreffing, her maids difcovered his fitua-
tion, and gave her the alarm. Chatelard was dif-
mi'ffed with difgrace; but foon after received her par¬
don. The frenzy, however, of his love compelling
him to repeat his crime, it was no longer proper to
fliow any compaffion to him. The delicate fituation
of Mary, thenoifeof thefe adventures, which had gone
abroad, and the rude fufpicions of her fubjefts, re-
quired that he fliould be tried for his offences and *s p“c t0
punifhed. This imprudent man was accordingly con- eat
demned to lofe his head ; and the fentence was put in
execution.
The difagreeable circumftances in which Mary found
herfelf involved by reafon of her quarrel with Eliza¬
beth, the exceffive bigotry and overbearing fpirit of
her Proteftant fubje&s, together with the adventure 639
of Chatelard, and the calumnies propagated in confe- in"
quences of it, determined Mary to think of a fecond feco^Vntar-
marriage. Her beauty and expeftations of the crown riage, and*
of England, joined to the kingdom which fhe already is addrefM
poffeffed, brought her many fuitors. She was ad- b>r a "“T1'
dreffed by the king of Sweden, the king of Navarre, ber of_ fuit"
the prince of Conde, the duke of Ferrara, Don Carlos
of Spain, the arch-duke Charles of Auftria, and the^
duke of Anjou. Amidft fo many illuftrious names, it
feems wonderful how queen Elizabeth could propofe
one of her own fubjefts, lord Robert Dudley, a
nobleman pofleffed of no good quality excepting thofe
external perfe&ions which ufually gain the hearts of
the fair fex. Numberlefs were the intrigues and ne-
gociations which were carried on by the friends of the
refpeftive candidates for this amiable prinUffsi who at
laft refolved to yield to the dictates of love, without
much confulting thofe of policy or ambition. Lord she makes
Darnley, the eldeft fon of the earl of Lennox, arrived choice of
in Scotland in the year 1565, and was prefented'tolord JDam*
the queen at the caftle of Wemyfs in Fife. He wasley’
received by her majefty with an approbation which at
once difcovered her intentions ; and foon after, ftte
declared her intention of marrying him, difpatch-
ing at the fame time ambaffadors to England and
France, ,to acquaint thefe courts with her defign, and
to gain their confent. The French court made no
objections; but Elizabeth’s c * ,fent was by no means
39 X to
SCO t 8014 ] SCO
Scotland, to be gaifted ; and even from her own fubje&s Mary
' met with confiderable oppofition. An inveterate en¬
mity had taken place between the duke of Chatelle-
rault and the earl of Lennox, in confequence of which
the former deferted the court, and very few of the
Hamiltous repaired to it. The lord) James *3tuart,
now earl of Murray, fought to promote the match with
lord Dudley. In confequence of this he was treated
openly with difrefpeft by the earl of Lennox ; he loft
the favour of his fovereign, and Darnley threatened
Extrava ^‘s vengeance when he (hould be mar-
gant btha- r,tc* to t^c quccn' John Knox in the mean time be-
viour of haved in the moft furious manner, forgetting not only
John Knox, the meek and peaceable behaviour of a Chriftian, but
the allegiance of a fubjeft. This preacher even inter¬
fered with the marriage of his fovereign. He warned
the nobility, that if they allowed a Papift or an in¬
fidel to obtain her perfon and the government of Scot¬
land, they would be guilty, to the full extent of their
power, of banifliing Jefus Chrift from the kingdom, of
bringing down upon it the vengeance of God, of be¬
ing a curfe to themfelves, and of depriving their queen
of all comfort and confolation. As Darnley was a
Papift, he was of confequence execrated by the whole
body of Proteftants, laity as well as clergy ; while, on
the other hand, he wasfupported by the earls of Athol
and Caithnefs, the lords Ruthven and Hume, and the
whole Popifh faftion.
It was exceedingly unfortunate for the queen, that
neither lord Darnley himfclf, nor his father the earl
of Lennox, had any talents for bufinefs ; and as they
naturally had the dire&ion of the queen's affairs, it is
no wonder that they were very ill managed. But a
fource of oppofition, more violent than any imperfec¬
tions of their own, rofe up to them in the attachment
which they difcovered to a perfon upon whom the
Account of queen had of late beftowed her favour with an im-
l>avid Riz-prudent prodigality. David Rizzio from a mean ori-
2io- gin raifed himfelf to a diftinguifhed eminence. He
was born at Turin, where his father earned a fubfift-
ence as a mufician. Varieties of fituation and adven¬
ture, poverty, and misfortunes, had taught him ex¬
perience. In the train of the count de Morette, the
ambaffador from the duke of Savoy, he had arrived in
Scotland. The queen, defirous to complete her band
of mufic, admitted him into her fervice. In this humble
itation he had the dexterity to attraft her attention ;
and her French fecretary falling into difgrace, from
negligence and incapacity, he was promoted to dif-
charge the duties of his office. A neceflary and fre¬
quent admiffion to her company afforded him now the
fulled: opportunity to recommend himfelf to her; and
while the approved his manners, fhe was fenfible of his
fid.lity and his talents. His mind, however, was not
fufficiently vigorous to bear with fuccefs and profpe-
rity. Ambition grew upon him with preferment. He
interfered in affairs of moment, intruded himfelf into
the conventions of the nobles at the palace, and was a
candidate for greatnefs. The queen confulted with
him upon the moft difficult and important bufinefs,
and intrufted him with real power. The fupplenefs,
fervility, and unbounded complaifance which had cha-
ra&erifed his former condition, were exchanged for
infolence, oftentation, and pride. He exceeded the
mail potent barons in the ftatelinefs of his demeanor,
the fumptuoufnefs of hi's apparel, and the fplendour of Scotland,
his retinue. The nobles, while they defpifed the low- ~~
nefs of his birth, and detefted him as a foreigner and
a favourite, were mortified with his grandeur, and in-
fulted with his arrogance. Their anger and abhor¬
rence were driven into fury ; and while this undefer-
ving minion, to uphold his power, courted Darnley,
and with officious affiduities advanced his fuit with the
queen, he haflened not only his own ruin, but laid
the foundation of cruel outrages and of public cala¬
mity. ^43
To the earl of Murray the exaltation of Rizzio, foMurray1 °f
offenfive in general to the nation, was humiliating in aiotes the
more particular degree. His interference for the earl queen’s fa-
of Leicefter, the partiality he entertained for Eliza-vour’
beth, his conneftions with fecretary Cecil, and the
favour he had fhown to Knox, had all contributed to
create in Mary a fufpicion of his integrity. The prac¬
tices of Darnley and Rizzio were thence the more ef-
feftual; and the fulleft weight of their influence was
employed to undermine his power. His paffions and
difgufts were violent; and in his mind he meditated
revenge. Mary, aware of her critical fituation, was
folicitous to add to her ftrength. Bothwel, who had
been imprifoned for confpiring againft the life of the
earl of Murray, and who had efcaped from confine¬
ment, was recalled from France ; the earl of Suther¬
land, an exile in Flanders, was invited home to receive
his pardon ; and George Gordon, the fon of the earl
of Huntley, was admitted to favour, and was foon to
be reinftated in the wealth and honours of his family.
As foon as Bothwel arrived, - the earl of Murray in-
fifted that he (hould be brought to a trial for having
plotted againft: his life, and for having broke from the
place of his confinement. This was agreed to ; and
on the day of trial Murray made his appearance with
800 of his adherents. Bothwel did not chufe to con¬
tend with fuch a formidable enemy ; he therefore fled
to France, and a proteftation was made, importing that
his fear of violence had been the caufe of his flight.
The queen commanded the judge not to pronounce
fentence. Murray complained loudly of her partiality,
and engaged deeper and deeper in cabals with queen
Elizabeth. Darnley, in the mean time, preffed bis
fuit with eagernefs. rFhe queen ufed her utmoft en¬
deavours to caufe Murray fubfcribe a paper expreffing
a confent to her marriage ; but all was to no purpofe.
However, many of the nobility did fubfcribe this pa¬
per ; and flie ventured to fummon a convention of the
eftates at Stirling, to whom flie opened the bufinefs of
the marriage ; and who approved of her choice, pro¬
vided the Proteftant religion fliould continue to be the
eftabliftiment.
In the mean time ambafladors arrived from England,
with a meffage importing Elizabeth’s entire difappro-
bation and difallowance of the queen’s marriage with
lord Darnley. But to thefe ambaffadors Mary only
replied, that matters were gone too far to be recalled;
and that Elizabeth had no folid caufe of difpleafure,
fince, by her advice, flie had fixed her affedtions not
upon a foreigner, but upon an Englifhman ; and fince
the perfon ftie favoured Was defcended of a diftinguiftied
lineage,, and could boaft of having in his veins the
royal blood of both kingdoms. Immediately after
this audience fhe created lord Darnley a lord and a
knight*.
SCO [ 8015 ] SCO
Scotland, knight. The oath of knighthood was adminiftered to
_ him. He was made a baron and a banneret, and called
lord Annanagh. He was belted earl of Rofs. He
then promoted 14 gentlemen to the honour of knight¬
hood, and did homage to the queen, without any re-
fervation of duty to the crown of England, where his
family had for a long time refided. His advance¬
ment to be duke of Albany was delayed for a little
time ; and this was fo much- refented by him, that,
when informed of it by the lord Ruthven, he threat¬
ened to ftab that nobleman with his dagger.
In the mean time the day appointed for the aflem-
bly of parliament, which was finally to determine the
fubjefl of the marriage, was now approaching. The
earl of Murray, encouraged by the apparent firmnefs
of Elizabeth, goaded on by ambition, and alarmed
with the approbation beftowed by the convention of
the eftates on the queen’s choice of lord Darnley, per¬
ceived that the moment was at hand when a decifive
blow ihould be (truck. To infpirit the refentments of
his friends, and to juttify, in fome meafure, the vio¬
lence of his projects, he affedted to be under appre-
heniions of being afl’aflinated by the lord Darnley. His
fears were founded abroad ; and he avoided to go to
Perth, where he affirmed that the plot againlt him was
to be carried into execution. He courted the enemies
of Darnley with unceafing affiduity ; and he united to
An affacia-him in a confederacy the duke of Chatellerault, and
I tlon again ft the earls of Argyle, Rothes, and Glencairn. It was
I not t^ie their aflbciation to oppofe the
I arn' marriage. They engaged in more criminal enterprifes.
They meditated the death of the earl of Lennox and
the lord Darnley ; and while the queen was upon the
road to Calendar place to vifit the lord Livingfton,
they propofed to ihtercept her and to hold her in cap¬
tivity. In this date of her humiliation, Murray was
to advance himfelf into the government of the king¬
dom, under the charafter of its regent. But Mary
having received intelligence of their confpiracy, the
earl of Athol and the lord Ruthven raifed fuddenly
300 men to protedl her in her journey. Defeated in
this fcheme, the earl of Murray and his aflbciates did
not relinquifh their cabals. They thought of new at-
chievements ; and the nation was filled with alarms,
fufpicions, and terror.
Amidft the arts employed bv the Scottifh malcon-
ces raifed tents to inname the ammohties of the nation, they for-
by the Pro-got not to infift upon the dangers which threatened
teftants. the Proteftant religion from the advancement of lord
Darnley, and from the rupture that muft enfue with
England., Letters were every where difperfed among
the faithful, reminding them of what the eternal God
had wrought for them in the abolition of idolatry,
and admonifhing them to oppofe the reftoration of the
mafs. A fupplication was prefented to the queen, com¬
plaining of idolaters, and infifting upon their punilh-
ment. In the prefent jundlure of affairs it was re¬
ceived with unufual refpeft ; and Mary infiru&ed the
Popifh ecclefiaftics to abftain from giving offence of
any kind to the Proteftants. A pried, however, ha¬
ving celebrated the mafs, was taken by the brethren,
and expofed to the infults and fury of the populace at
the market-place of Edinburgh, in the garments of
his profeffion, and with the chalice in his hand ; and
the queen having given a check to this tumultuous
proceeding, the Proteflants, rifingin their wrath, were ScotlancV
the more confirmed in, the belief that {he meant to*-
overthrow their religion. The clergy, the mod learned
and able, held frequent confultations together; and
while the nation was didurbed with dangerous ferments*
the general affembly was called to deliberate upon the
affairs of the church. Their hope of fuccefs being
proportioned to the difficulties in the situation of the
queen, they were the lefs fcrupulous in forming their
refolutions ; and the commiffioners, whom they deputed
to her, were ordered to demand a parliamentary rati¬
fication of their defires. ^
They infided, that the mafs, with every remain Their de.
whatfoever of Popery, fhould be univerfally fuppreffed n'iands-
throughout the kingdom ; that in this reformation, the
queen’s perfon and houfehold (hould be included ; and
that all Papids and idolaters, (hould be punidied upon
convi&ion according to the laws. They contended,
that perfons of every defcription and degree (hould re¬
fort to the churches upon Sunday, to join in prayers,
and to attend to exhsrtations and fermons ; that an
independent provifion (hould be affigned for the fupport
of the prefent clergy, and for their fucceffors; that all
vacant benefices (hould be conferred upon perfons found
to be qualified for the minidry, upon the trial and exa¬
mination of the fuperintendants; that no bidiopric*
abbey, priory, deanery, or other living, having many
churches, fhould be bellowed upon a fingle perfon ; but
that, the plurality of the foundation being diffolved,
each church (hould be provided with a minider; that
the glebes and manfes (hould be allotted for the reii-
dence of the miniders, and for the reparation of
churches; that no charge in fchools or univerfities, and
no care of education, either public or private, diould
be intruded to any perfon who wes not found and able
in doflrine, and who was not approved by the fnper-
intendants; that all lands which of old had been devoted
to hofpitality, (hould again be made fubfervient to it;
that the lands and rents which formerly belonged to
the monks of every order, with the annuities, alterages,
obits, and the other emoluments-which had appertain¬
ed to priefts, (hould be employed in the fuftentation
of the poor and the upholding of fchools; that all
horrible crimes, fuch as idolatry, blafphemy, breaking
of the fabbath, witchcraft, forcery, inchantment, a-
dultery, manifeft whoredom, the keeping of brothels,
murder, and oppreffion, Ihould be punifhed with fe-
verity ; that judges (hould be appointed in every di-
ftridt, with powers to pronounce fentences and to exe¬
cute them; and, in fine, that for the eafe of the labour¬
ing hufbandmen, fome order fhould be devifed concern¬
ing a reafonable payment of the tythes. ,
To thefe requifitions, the queen made an anfwer full Mod^r3t;0Jl
of moderation and humanity. She was ready to agree of the
with the three eftates in eftablifhing the reformed reli-queen,
gion over the fubjefts of Scotland ; and (he was ftea-
dily refolved not to throw into hazard the life, the
peace, or the fortune, of any perfon whatfoever upon
account of his opinions. As to herfelf and her houfe¬
hold, (he was perfuaded that her people would not
urge her to adopt tenets in contradi&ion to her con-
fcience, and thereby involve her in remorfe and unea-
finefs. She had been nouriftied and brought up in the
Romifh faith; (he conceived it to be founded on the
word of God ; and (he was defirous to continue in it.
39 X 2 But
SCO [So
Scotland. But, fettinj^ afide her belief and religious duty, (he ven-
' lured to aflure them, that (lie was convinced from poli¬
tical reafons, that it was her iotereil to maintain her-
felf firm in the Roman Catholic pcrfuafion. By de¬
parting from it (he would forfeit the amity of the king
of France, and that of other princes who were now
Itrongly attached to her; and their difaffe&ion could
not be repaired or compenfated by any new alliance.
To her fubjefts (he left the fulleft liberty of con-
fcience ; and they could not furely refufe to their fo-
vereign the. fame right and indulgence. With regard
to the patronage of benefices, it was a prerogative and
property which it would ill become her to violate.
Her necefiiues, and the charge of her royal dignity,
required her to retain in her hands the patrimony of
the crown. After the purpofes, however, of her fta-
tion, and the exigences of government, were fatisfied,
(he could not objeit to a fpecial affignment of revenue
for the maintenance of the miniftry ; and, on the fub-
jeft of the other articles which had been fubmitted to
her, (he was willing to he dirc&ed by the three
eftates of the kingdom, and to concur in the r«folu-
tions which (hould appear to them the mod reafonable
and expedient.
The Prote* The clergy, in a new afiembly or convention, ex-
ftants are preffed a high difpleafure with this return to their ad-
thh heran-^1"^3' '^^ey t00^ t^ie 1'berty to inform the queen, that
fwer. tl'6 doftrines-of the reformation which (lie refufed to
adopt, were the religion which had been revealed by
JefusChrift, and taught by the apoftles. Popery was
of all perfuafions the lealt alluring, and had the feweft
recommendations. In antiquity, confent of people,
authority of princes, and number of profelytcs, it was
plainly inferior to Judaifm. It did not even reft upon
a foundation fo folid as the doflrines of the alcoran.
They required her, therefore, in the name of the eter¬
nal God, to embrace the means of attaining the truth,
which were offered to her in the preaching of the
word, or by the appointment of public difputations be¬
tween them and their adverfaries. The terrors of the
mafs were placed before her in all their deformity. The
fayer of it, the a&ion itfelf, and the opinions exprefled
in it, were all pronounced to be equally abominable.
To hear the mafs,Or to gaze upon it, was to commit
the complicated crimes of facrilege, blafphemy, and
idolatry. Her delicacy in not renouncing her opi¬
nions from the apprehenfion of offending the king of
France and her other allies, they ridiculed as imperti¬
nent in the higheft degree. They told her, that the
true religion of Chrift was the only means by which
any confederacy could endure ; and that it was far
more precious than the alliance of any potentate what-
foever, as it would bring to her the friendftiip of the
King of kings. As to patronages, being a portion of
her patrimony, they intended not to defraud her of
her rights: but it was their judgment, that the fu-
perintendants ought to make a trial of the qualifica¬
tions of candidates for the minirtry; and as it was the
duty of the patron to prefent a perfon to the benefice,
it was the bufinefs of the church to manage his infti-
tution or collation. For without this reftraint, there
would be no fecurity for the fitnefs of the incumbent;
and if no trials or examinationsof minifters took place,
the church would be filled with mifrule and ignorance.
Nor was it right or juft that her majefty (hould retain
16 ] SCO
to herielf any part-of the revenue of benefices ; as it Scotland,
ought to be all employed to the ufes of the clergy, for ” '
the purpofes of education, and for the fupport of the
poor. And as to her opinion, that a fuitable affign-
ment (hould be made for them, they could not but
thank her with reverence: but they begged to folicit
and importune her to condefcend upon the particulars
of a proper fcheme for this end, and to carry it into
execution ; and that, taking into a due confideration
the other articles of their demands, (he would ftudy to
comply with them, and to do juftice to the religious
eftablifhment of .her people. <y4!)
From the fears of the people about their reli- They rife
gion, difturbances and infurreftions were unavoid- 'J1 tarmsc’
able; and before Mary had given her anfmr to the ”^5^
petitions or addrefs of the clergy, the Proteftants, to s_ed.
formidable number, had marched io St Leonard’s
Graig; and, dividing themfelves into companies, had
chofen captains to command them. But the leaders
of this tumult being apprehended and committed to
clofe cuftody, it fubfided by degrees; and the queen,
upon the interceffion of the magiftratesof Edinburgh,
inftead of bringing them to trial, gave them a free par¬
don. To quiet, at the fame time, the apprehenlions
which had gone abroad, and to controvert the infidious
reports which had been induftrioufly fpread of her in¬
clination to overturn the reformed doflrines, (he re¬
peatedly iffued proclamations, alluring her fubjefts,
that it was her fixed determination not to moled or di-
fturb any'perfop whatfoever upon accountof his religion
or confcience ; and that die had never prtfumed even
to think of any innovation that might endanger the
tranquillity or do a prejudice to the happinefs of the
commonwealth. 6so
While Mary was conducing her affairs with dif- intrigues of
cernment and ability, the earl of Murray and his con-the rebei-
federates continued their confultations and their in. linns ™>b!es
trigues. After their difappointment in the confpiracy 1Z4*
againft the queen and the lord Darnley, they perceived
that their only hope of fnccefs or (ecurity depended
upon Elizabeth ; and as Randolph had promifed them
her proteftion and afliitance, they fcrupled not to ad¬
drefs a letter to her, explaining their views and fitua-
tion. The pretences of their hoftility to their fove-
reign upon which they affe&ed to infill, were her
fettled defign to overturn the Proteftant religion, and
her rooted defire to break all correfpondence and ami¬
ty with England. To prevent the accomplifhment of
thefe purpofes, they faid, was the objed of their con¬
federacy ; and with her fupport and aid they did not
doubt of being able to advance effedually the emolu¬
ment and advantage of the two kingdoms. In the
prefent (late of their affairs they applied not, however,
for any fupply of her troops. An aid from her trea-
fury was now only neceffary to them ; and they enga¬
ged to bellow her bounty in the manner the moft agree¬
able to her inclinations and her interefts. The pleafure
with which Elizabeth received their application was
equal to the averfion (he had conceived againft the
queen of Scots. She not only granted to them the re¬
lief they requelted, but affured them by Randolph of
her efteem and favour while they (hould continue to
uphold the reformed religion and the connexion of
the two nations. Flattered by her affurances and ge-
nerofitjr, they were ftrenuous to gain partisans, and to
difunite
sco r 8017 i sco
Scotland. Jlfunite the friends of their fovereign ; and while
they were fecretly preparing for rebellion, and for
trying their ftrength in the field, they diffeminated a-
mong the people the tenets, That a Papid could not le¬
gally be their king; that the queen was not at liberty
of herfelf to make the choice of a hufband; and that,
in a matter fo weighty, fhe ought to be entirely direc¬
ted by the determination of the three eftates affembled
tfji in Parliament.
J/ei'm7 EhxabetH, at the fame time, carrying her diflimu-
besh Za' la,ion the mod criminal extremity, commanded
Randolph to aflc an audience of Mary ; and to eounfel
her to nourifh no fufpicions of the earl of Murray and
his friends; to open her eyes to their fincerity and ho¬
nour; and to call to mind, that as their fervices had
hitherto preferved her kingdom in repofe, her jealou-
ftes of them might kindle it into combuftion, make
the blood of her nobles to flow, and call into hazard
her perfon and her crown. Full of aftonifliment at a
mdTage fo rude and fo improper, the queen of Scots
defired him to inform his naiftrefs, that flie required
not her inftru&ions to diftinguilh between patriotifm
and treachery ; that fbe was fully fenfible when her
will or purpofe was refilled or obeyed ; and that file
pofleffed a power w'hich was more thanfufficient to re-
prefs and to punilh the enormities and the crimes of her
fubje&s. The Englilh refident went now to the earl
of Lennox and the lord Darnley, and charged them
to return to England. The former exprefled an ap-
prehenfion of the feverity of his queen, and fought an
affurance of her favour before he could venture to vifit
her dominions. The latter, exerting greater forti¬
tude, told him, that he acknowledged no duty or obe¬
dience but to the queen of-Scots. The refident trea¬
ting this anfwer as difrefpe&ful to Elizabeth, turned
his back upon the lord Darnley, and retired without
making any reverence, or bidding him an adieu.
The behaviour of Elizabeth, fo fierce and fo perfi¬
dious, was well calculated to confirm all the intentions
of Mary ; and this, doubtlefs, was one of the motives
with which Ihe was aftuate'd. But while the queen
of Scots was eager to accomplilh her marriage, flie was
not inattentive to the rifing troubles of her country.
The parliament which Ihe had appointed could not
now beheld: it was therefore prorogued to a more
diilant day ; and the violence of the times did not then
permit it to afiembie. By clofe letters Ihe invited to her,
with all their retainers, the mpft powerful and the
mod eminent 6f her fuljeds. Botbwef was recalled
anew from France ; and by genera! proclamations fhe
fummoned to her ftandard the united force of her king¬
dom. The caftle of Edinburgh was likewife provided
amply with ftores and ammunition, that, in the event
of misfortunes, it might afford her a retreat and de¬
fence. The alacrity'with which her fubje&s flocked to
her from every quarter, informed her of her power
and popularity ; and while it ftruck Murray and his
adherents with the danger to which they were expo,
fed, it declared to them the opinion entertained by the
nation of the iniquity and the felfifhnefs of their pro-
6 ceedirigs.
Marriage On the 29th of July 1565, the ceremony of marriage
of Mary between the queen and lord Darnley was performed. The
with lord fatter had been previouflycreatedduke of Albany. The
Darnley. ^ jjefore marriage* a proclamation was publifh-
ed, commanding him to be ftyled king of the realm, Scotland,
and that all letters after their marriage fhould be di-
re&ed in the names of her hufband and herfelf. TheHe fsSp,.0.
dayafter .it, a new proclamation was iffued confirming chimed
this ad : he .was pronounced king by the found of king °f
trumpets, and affociated with the queen in her g0. Scotland,
vernment. This meafure feems to have been the ef¬
fects of the extreme love the queen had for her huf¬
band, which did not permit her to fee that it was an
infringement of the conftitution of the kingdom ; tho’
perhaps (he might alfo be urged to it by the prefiing
eagernefs of lord Darniey himfelf, and the partial
counfels of David Rizzio. The earl of Murray made
loud complaints, re mo nit rated, that a king was impo-
fed upon the nation without the confent of the three
eftates, and called upon the nation to arm againft the
beginnings of tyranny. The malcontents accordingly
were immediately in arms; but their fuCcefs was nor
anfwerable to their wifties. The bulk of the nation
were fatisfied with the good intentions of their fove-
reign, and fhe herfelf took the earlieft opportunity of
crufhing the rebellion in its infancy. The earl of
Murray was declared a traitor; and fimilar fteps were 6;%
taken with others of the chiefs of the rebels. She then The rebel-
took the field againft them at the head of a confider- j“venOint0
able army; and having driven them from place tOj^g]^^
place, obliged them at laft to take refuge in England.
Queen Elizabeth received them with that duplicity
with which her conduct was fo remarkable. Though
fhe herfelf had countenanced, and even excited them
to revolt, fhe refufed to give an audience to their depu¬
ties. Nay, fhe even caufed them to emit a public de-.
claration, that neither (he, nor any perfon in her name,
had ever excited them to their rebellious practices.
Yet, while the public behaviour, of Elizabeth was fo
acrimonious, (he afforded them a fecure retreat in her
kingdom, treated the earl of Murray in private with
refpe& and kindnefs, and commanded the earl of Bed¬
ford to fupply him with money. Mary, however, re-
folved to proceed againft the rebels with an exem¬
plary rigour. The fubmifiions of the duke of Chatel-
lerault alone, who had been lefs criminal than the reft,
were attended to. But even the favour which he ob¬
tained was precarious and uncertain ; for he was com¬
manded to ufe the pretence of fioknefs, and to pafs
for fome time into foreign countries. A parliament
was called ; and a fummons of treafon being executed
againft the earls of Argyle, Glencairn, and Rothes,
with othe'vs of the principal rebels, they were com¬
manded to appear before the three eftates ; in default
of which their lives and eftates were declared to be
forfeited.
In the mean timeThrogmorton the Englifh ambafla-
dor folicited the pardon of the rebels; which Mary was
at firft inclined to grant. However, by the perfuafion
of the court of France, fhe was not only induced to pro- MafS*c.
ceed againft them with rigour; but acceded to the cedes t0
treaty of Bayonne, by which the deftru6lion of the treaty of
Proteftants was determined.. This meafure filled the Bayonne,
whole court with terror and difmay. The rebels were
acquainted with the danger of their fituation; and be¬
ing now driven defperate, they were ready to engage
in the mod atrocious: defigns. Unhappily, the fitua¬
tion of affairs in Scotland rendered the accomplifh-
ment of their purpofes but too eafy. Violent dif-
gufts.
SCO [ 8018 ] SCO
Scotland, gulls had taken place between tbe queen and her
^ hulband. Her fondnefa had been exceffive ; but Ihe foon
Quarrels perceived that the qualities of his mind were not
beTween the proportioned to his perfonal accomplifhments. He
queen and Was proud, difdainfu), and fufpicious. No perfuafions
band'**" cou^ correA his wilfulnefs; and he was at the fame time
giddy and obftinate, infolent and mean. The queen
in confequence began to fhow an indifference towards
him; which he took care to augment, by fhowing the
like indifference towards her, and engaging in low in¬
trigues and amours, indulging himfelf in diffipation
and riot, &c. However, the defire of dominion was
his ruling paflion ; and the queen, finding his total
incapacity for exercifing his power to any good pur-
pofe, had excluded him from it altogether. He was
therefore at prefent a proper objeft for the machina¬
tions of the rebels, and readily entered into an agree¬
ment with them to depofe the queen ; vainly thinking
by that means that he fhould fecure the crown to him-
feif. However, as the parliament was foon to aflemble,
in which the rebels had every reafon to believe that
they would be condemned for high-treafon, it was
necefTary therefore that the kingdom fhould be thrown
into diforder before that time came, otherwife their
fate was inevitable. Pra&ifing on the imbecillity of
6sr Darnley, they prefuaded him that a criminal corre
The king fpondence fubfifled betwixt the queen and David
the tfettruc- zz'° (A)- For this reafon the king refolved upon
tionofDa-h‘s deftruftion ; and the confpirators hoped thereby
vid Rizzio, not only to get an indemnity to themfelves, but to
with the le-eff'tft a total revolution at court, and the entire humili-
nobles'* at‘on Bothwel, Huntley, and Athol, who were the
affociates of Rizzio. However, in order to fave them¬
felves, they engaged the king to fubferibe a bond,
affirming that the project of affaffinating Rizzio was
altogether of his own devifing ; acknowledging that
he had folicited them to take a part in it, from the
apprehenfions that refiftance might be made to him ;
and agreeing, upon the word and honour of a prince.
to proteft and fecure them againft every hazard and Scotland,
injury to which they might be expofed from the ~
atchievement of his enterprife. Having procured
this fecurity, and having allured the earl of Lennox
the king’s father to approve their meafures, they ad-
jufted the method of the projefted murder ; and dif-
patched a meffenger to the Englifh frontier, advertifing
the earl of Murray and the rebels of their intentions,
and inviting them to return to the court.
Upon the 9th day of March, about 7 o’clock in Ri“io
the evening, armed men, to the number of 500, fur* murdered,
rounded the palace of Holyrood-houfe. The earl of
Morton and the lord Lindfay entered the court of the
palace, with 160 perfons. The queen was in her
chamber at fupper, having in her prefence her natural
After the couotefs of Argyle, her natural brother
Robert commendator of Holyrood-houfe, Beton of
Creich mailer of the houfehoid, Arthur Erikine, and
David Rizzio. The king entering the apartment,
feated himfelf by her fide. He was followed by the
lord Ruthven, who being waftttj with ficknefs, and
cafed in armour, exhibited an appearance that was
hideous and terrible. Four ruffians attended him. la
a hollow voice he commanded Rizzio to leave a place
which did not become him. T. he queen, in aftonifh-
ment and confternation, applied to the king to unfold
to her this myfterious enterprife. He affe&ed igno¬
rance. She ordered Ruthven from her prefence, under
the pain of treafon; declaring to him at the fame time,
that if Rizzio had committed any crime, ftie would
produce him before the parliament, and punifti him
according to the laws. Ruthven drawing his dagger,
advanced tow^jds Rizzio. The queen rofe to make
an exertion of her authority. The unfortunate ftranger
laid hold of her garments, crying out for juftice and
mercy. Other confpirators ruftiing into the chamber,
overturned the table, and increafed the difmay and
confufion. Loaded piftols were prefented to the
bofom of the queen. The king held her in his arms.
George
( a) That there fubfifted a criminal intercourfe between Mary and Rizzio is a fcandal which is now given up by her
enemies- It teems to reft on the authority of Buchannan and Knox ; and their evidence in this cafe is clearly of no
weight, not only from their being the ftrenuouspartizans of her adveriaries, but from the multitude of falfehoods which
they anxioufiy detail to calumniate her. The love the felt for Darnley was extreme, and their acquaintance commen¬
ced a month or two after the appointment of Rizzio to be her fecretary forFrench affairs. She became pregnant foon
after her marriage ; and it was during her pregnancy that Rizzio was aflaffinated- Thefe are ftriking prefumptions
in her favour. And what feems to put her innocence out of all queftion, is the filenceof the fpies and reiidentsof Eli¬
zabeth with regard to this amour: for, if there had been any thing real in it, they could not have made their court
to their queen more effeiflually than by declaring to her its peculiarities ; and their want of delicacy, fo obfervable in
other circumftances, would have induced them upon this occafion to give the greateft fullnefs and deformity to their
information.
It appears that Rizzio was ill favoured, and of a difagreeable form. Buchanan fays of him, “ Non faciem cultus
honeftabat, fed facies cultum deftruebat.” Hift. Scot-lib. xvii- This expreffion is very ftrong ; but it would have
little weight if other authors had not concurred in giving a fimilar defeription of Rizzio. In a book intitled, “ Le
Livre de la Morte de la Reyne d’Ecoffe,” and printed in the year 1587, he is faid to be “ difgracie de corps.” Cauf-
fin, ap. Jebb, p. 37. This work too, while it records the unkindnefs of nature to his perfon, has obferved, that he
was in his old age when he made a figure in the court of Mary. “ Elle traittoit ordinairement avec David Riccio fon
Secretaire, homme aage & prudent, qui pofiedoit fon oreille-” Ibid- And other authors give their teftimonies to the
fame purpafe.
It is probable that the panegyrifts of Mary exaggerate fomewhat the imperfections as well as the good qualifies of
Rizzio- But there feems in general to be no reafon to doubt his fidelity and talents, any more than his uglinefs and
Senility. He had therefore a better title to be her fecretary than her lover. It is an abfurdity to think that a queen
fo young and beautiful would yield herfelf to deformity and old age- A common proftitute muft be brought to en¬
dure this misfortune. The capacity of the man was a recommendation to him; and as he owed every thing to her
bounty, and was a ftranger, fhe had the greateft reafon to rely upon his faithfulnefs. The perfidioufnefs and dupli¬
city of her courtiers drew clofer the tie of their connection ; and as Rizzio was ftudious to make himfelf agreeable,
and was ikilful in games of hazard, he was always ready to be a party with her in thofe innocent amufements which
fill up the li’ftlefs intervals ofiife-v Keith, Append- p- 1*4- *
SCO [ 8019 ] SCO
fScotland. George Douglas, fnatching the daggerofhis fovereign,
plunged it into the body of Rizzio. The wounded
and (creaming vi&im was dragged into the anticham¬
ber ; and fo eager were the aflaffins to complete their
work, that he was torn and mangled with fifty-fix
wounds.
While the queen was preffing the king to gratify
her inquiries into the meaning of a deed fo execrable,
Ruthven returned into their prefence. She gave a full
vent to indignation and reproach. Ruthven, with an
intolerable coldnefs and deliberation, informed her, that
Rizzio had been put to death by the counfel of her
hufband, whom he had dilhonoured; and that by the
perfuafion of this minion (he had refufed the crown-
matrimonial to the king, had engaged to re-e(tabli(h
the ancient religion, had refolved to puni(h the earl of
Murray and his friends, and had entrufted her confi¬
dence to Bothwel and Huntley, who were traitors.
The king, taking the part of Ruthven, remonftrated
againft her proceedings; and complained that from the
time of her familiarity with Rizzio, (he had neither
regarded, nor entertained, nor trolled him. His fu-
fpicions and ingratitude (hocked and tortured her.
His connexion with the confpirators gave her an
ominous anxiety. Apprehenfions of outrages dill
more atrocious invaded her. In thefe agitated and
miferable moments (he did not lofe herfelf in the help-
leffnefs of forrow. The loftinefs of her fpirit commu¬
nicated relief to her; and wiping away her tears, (he
exclaimed, that it was not now a feafon for lamentation,
but for revenge.
The earls of Huntley, Bothwel, and Athol, the
lords Fleming and Levingfton, and Sir James Balfour,
who were obnoxious to the confpirators, and at this
time in the palace, found all refiftance to be vain.
Some of them eluding the vigilance of Morton, made
their efcape; and others were allowed to retire. The
provoft and magiftrates of Edinburgh getting intelli¬
gence of the tumult, ordered the alarm-bell to be rung.
6ss> The citizens, apprehenfive and anxious, approached in
The queen crowds to inquire into the welfare of their fovereign ;
but (he was not permitted to addrefs herfelf to them,
ened! ^ The confpirators told her, that if (he prefumed to make
any harangue, they would “ cut her in pieces, and call
her over the walls.” The king called to the people that
(he was well, and commanded them to difperfe. The
queen was (hut up in her chamber, uncertain of her
fate, and without the confolation or attendance of her
women.
In the morning a proclamation was iffued by the
king, without the knowledge of his queen, prohibiting
the meeting of the parliament, and ordering the mem¬
bers to retire from the city. The rebellious lords now
returned from England, and arrived at Edinburgh
within 24 hours after the affaffination of Rizzio. The
g6o queen, knowing of how much confequence it was for
Sheendea- her to gain the earl of Murray, invited him to wait
Vours in Up0n her. Notwithftanding the extreme provocation
theearfof” which flle had nr‘et ^ary far commanded her
Murray.0 paffions, that (he gave him a favourable reception.
After informing him of the rudenefs and feverity of
the treatment (he had met with, the queen obferved,
that if he had remained in friendfhip with her at
home, he would have protedted her againft fuch ex-
ccflU of hardlhip and infuit. Murray, with an hy¬
pocritical compaffion, (bed abundance of tears; while Scotland.
the queen feemed to entertain no doubt of his fincerity,
but gave him room to hope for a full pardon of all his
offences. In the mean time, however, the confpira¬
tors held frequent counfultations together, in which
it was debated, whether they fhould hold the queen in
perpetual captivity, or put her to death ; or whether
they (hould content themfelves with committing her
to clofe cuftody in Stirling caftle till they (hould ob¬
tain a parliamentary fanflion to their proceedings,
eftablifli the Froteftant religion by the total overthrow
of the mafs, and inveft the king with the crown-matri¬
monial and the government of the kingdom. 6<Jr
Mary now began to perceive the full extent of herBnj Pre*
wretchednefs; and therefore, as her laft refource, ap- ^5 1 ie'
plied to the king, whom (he treated with all thofe
blandifhments ufually employed by the fair fex when the caufe
they want to gain the the afcendency over the other.of.tiie con*;
The king, who, with all his faults, had a natural faci-fl>‘rators‘'
lity of temper, was eafily gained over. The confpira¬
tors were alarmed at his coldnefs, and endeavoured to
fill his mind with fears concerning the duplicity of his
wife ; but, finding they could not gain their point, they
at laft began to treat of an accommodation. The king
brought them a meflage, importing, that Mary was dif-
pofed to bury in oblivion all memory of their tranf-
greffions ; and he offered to condudl them into her
pretence. The earls of Murray and Morton, with the
lord Ruthven, attended him into her prefence ; and,
falling on their knees before the queen, made their
apologies and fubmiflions. She commanded them to
rife; and having defired them to recolledl her ab¬
horrence of cruelty and rapacioufnefs, (he allured them
with a gracious air, that inftead of defigning to for¬
feit their lives and poffefs herfelf of their ellates, (he
was inclined to receive them into favour, and to give
a full pardon, not only to the nobles who had come
from England, but to thofe who had affaffinated
David Rizzio. They were accordingly ordered to
prepare the bonds for their fecurity and forgivenefs,
which the queen promifed to take the earlieil oppor¬
tunity of fubferibing ; but in the mean time the king
obferved, that the confpirators ought to remove the
guards which they had placed around the queen, that
all fufpicion of reftraint might be taken away. This An^6^
meafure could not with any propriety be oppofed, and ^c"p,sefroin,
the guards were therefore difmiffed; Upon which the them,
queen, that very night, left her palace at midnight,
and took the road to Dunbar, accompanied by the
king and a few attendants.
The news of the queen’s efcape threw the confpira¬
tors into the utmoft confternation ; as (he immediately
iffued proclamations for her fubjedts to attend her in
arms, and was powerfully fupported. They fent
therefore the lord Semple, requefting, with the utmoft;
humility, her fubfeription to their deeds of pardon and
fecurity; but to this meffage (he returned an un¬
favourable anfwer, and advanced towards Edinburgh
with an army of 8000 men. The confpirators now
fled with the utmoft precipitation. Even John Knox
retired to Kyle till the ftorm‘“(hould blow over. On ^
the queen’s arrival at Edinburgh,-a privy council was The rebel-
inftantly called, in which the confpirators were charged hous nobles
to appear as guilty of murder and treafon ; their places
of ftrength were ordered to. be rendered up to the
officers
Scotland.
654
Shameful
prevarica¬
tion of the
king.
65j
Murray
and fome
others of
the rebels
_are pardon¬
ed.
666
Birth of
James VI.
667
A partial
tion be¬
tween the
king and
668
Which is
broken off
by the
king’s im¬
prudent be
haytour.
SCO r 8020 ] SCO
officers of the crown ; and their eftates and pofl'elfions
were made liable to confifcation and forfeiture.
But while the queen was thus eager to punilh the
confpirators, Ihe was fenfible that fo many of the
nobility, by uniting in a common caufe, might raife
a powerful party in oppofition to her ; for which
reafon file endeavoured to detach the earl of Murray
•from the reft, by making him offers of pardon. Sir
James Melvil accordingly pledged himfelf to produce
his pardon and that of his adherents, if he would
feparate from Morton and the confpirators. He ac¬
cordingly became cold and diftant to them, and ex¬
claimed again ft the murder as a molt execrable aft ion ;
hut notwithftanding his affefted anger, when the con¬
fpirators fled to England, he furniftied them with
letters of recommendation to the earl of Bedford.
After the flight of the confpirators, the king thought
it neceffary for him to deny his having any fhare
in the aftion. He therefore embraced an opportunity
of declaring to the privy council his total igno¬
rance of the confpiracy againft Rlzzio ; and not fatif-
fied with this, he, by public proclamations at the
market-place of his capital, and over the whole king¬
dom, protefted to the people at large, that he had never
beftowed upon it, in any degree, the fanftion of his
command, confent, afliftance, or approbation.
In the mean time the queen granted a full and
ample pardon to the earls of Murray, Argyle, Glen-
cairn, and Rothes, and their adherents; but towards
the confpirabsrs file remained inexorable. This lenity,
to Murray efpecially, proved a fource of the greateit
inquietude to the queen ; for this nobleman, blind to
every motive of aftion diftinft from his own ambition,
began to contrive new plots, which, though difap-
pointed for a time, foon operated to the deftruftion of
the queen, and almoft to the ruin of the nation.
In iy66, the queen was delivered of a prince, who
received the name of James. This happy event, how¬
ever, did not extinguifh the quarrel betwixt her and
the king. His detire to intrude himfelf into her
authority and to fix a (lain upon her honour, his ftiare
in the murder of Rizzio, and bis extreme meannefs
in publicly denying it afterwards, could not fail
to imprefs her with the ttrongeft fentiments of de-
teftation and contempt. Unable, however, totally
to diveft herfelf of regard for him, her behaviour,
though cold and diftant, was yet decent and refpeft-
ful. Caftelnau, at this time ambaffador extraordinary
from France, conceived that a reconciliation might
be effefted, and employed himfelf fome time in this
friendly office. Nor were his endeavours altogether
ineffcftual. The king and queen fpent two nights to¬
gether; and proceedid, in company with each other,
to Meggatland in Tweedale, in order to enjoy the di-
verfion of the chace, attended by the earls of Hunt-
ley, Bothwel, Murray, and other nobles. From thence
they paffed to Edinburgh, and then took the road to
Stilling. Had the king been endowed with any pru¬
dence, he would have made the heft ufe of this oppor¬
tunity to have regained the affeftions of his queen ;
but, inftead of this, finding that he was not imme¬
diately intrufted with power, his peeviftinefs fuggefted
to him a defign of going abroad. To Monfieur du
-Croc, the French refident, who had attended Mary at
Stilling, he ventured to communicate his chimerical
projeft. This ftatefman reprefented to him its wildnefs
and inefficacy ; and could hardly believe that be was
ferious. To his father the earl of Lennox, who paid
him a vifit at this place immediately upon Mary’s de¬
parture from it, he likewife communicated his inten¬
tion ; and all the intreaties, arguments, and remon-
ftrances of this nobleman, to make him drop his defign,
were without fuccefs. He provid’d a veffel, and kept
it in readinefs to carry him from his dominions. The
earl of Lennox, after returning to Glafgow, where he
ufually refided, gave way to his paternal anxieties, and
folicited the queen by letter to interfere with her au¬
thority and perfuafions; and upon the evening of the
day in which flie received this difpatch, the king
alighted at Holyrood-houfe. But the names of the
nobles who were with the queen being announced to
him, he objefted to three of them, and infilled that
they Ihould be ordered to depart, before he would en¬
ter within the gates of the palace. The queen, alarmed
with a demeanour fo rude and fo unwarrantable, con-
defeended to leave her company and her palace to meet
him ; and it was with great difficulty that Ihe was able
to entice him into her own apartment. There he re¬
mained with her during the night. She communi¬
cated to him his father’s letter, and employed every
art and blandilhment to engage him to explain his
perverfe defign. But he gave her no return or fatif-
faftfbn. He was unmoved with her kindnefs ; and
his filence, dejeftion, and peevilhnefs, augmented her
diftrefs. In the morning, file called her privy council
to affemble in the palace, and invited to her Monfieur
du Croc the French envoy. By the bilhop of Rofs
ftie explained the intention of the king, and made
known the difpatch of the earl of Lennox. The privy
council were urgent to know the reafons of a voyage
that appeared to them fo inexplicable ; and earneitly
preffed the king to unbofom himfelf. If his refolution
proceeded from difeontent, and if there were perfons
in the kingdom who had given him caufes of offence,
they affured him, that they were ready, upon his in¬
formation, to take the neceffary Heps to make him
eafy and happy. No quality or rank Ihould exempt
thofe from inquiry and punilhment who had committed
mifdemeanors again!! him. This, they faid, confifted
with his honour, with the honour of the queen, and
with their own. If, however, he had received no fuf-
ficient provocation to juitify his behaviour, and if he
had no title to complain of aftual injuries, they admo-
nilhed him to remember, that his flight from a queen
fo beautiful, and from a kingdom fo ancient and noble,
would expofe him to the greateft ridicule and difgrace.
They pointed out the happinefs of his fortune, and
counfelled him not to part lightly with all its flatter¬
ing advantages. The queen herfelf, taking his hand
into her’s, and preffing it with affeftion, befoughthim
to fay by what aft or deed Ihe had unfortunately in¬
duced him to conceive fo fatal a purpofe. Her me¬
mory did not reproach her with any crime or iudifere-
tion which affefted his honour or her integrity : yet
if, without any defign upon her part, (he had incurred
his difpleafure, Ihe was difpofed to atone for it; and
file begged him to fpeak with entire freedom, and
not in any degree to fpare her. Monlieur du Croc
then addreffed him, and employed his intereft and ptr-
fuafiona to make him reveal his inquietudes. But all
Scotland.
SCO r Soai 1 SCO
Shetland, this refpeftful attention and ceremonious duty were
ineffe&ual. Obftinateiy froward, he refufed to con*
fefs that he intended any voyage, and made no men¬
tion of any reafons of difcontent. He yet acknow¬
ledged with readinefs, that he could not with juftice
accufe the queen of any injury or offence. Oppreffed
with unealintfs and perturbation, he preoared to re¬
tire ; and, turning to her, faid, “ Adieu, Madam! you
fhall not fee me for a long time.” He then bowed to
the French envoy, and to the lords of the ptivy coun¬
cil.
He battened back to Stirling, leaving the queen and
her council in forprife and attonifhment. They re-
folved to watch his motions with anxiety, and could
not conjefture what ftep he would take. Mary, to
prevent the effeft of rumours to her diladvantage, dif-
patched a courier to advertife the king of France and
the queen-mother of his condutf. It was not poffible
that a prince fo meanly endowed with ability, could
make any imprdfion upon her allies. Nor did it ap¬
pear to be in his power to excite any domeftic infur-
re&ion or difturbance. He was univerfally odious 5
and, at this time, the queen was in the higheft efti-
mation with the great body of her fubjedls. After
patting fome days at Stirling, he addrefied a letter to
the queen, in which, after hinting at his defign of
going abroad, he infinuated his reafons of complaint.
He was not trufted by her with authority, and fhe
was no longer ttudious to advance him to honour. He
was without attendants; and the nobility had deferted
him. Her anfwer was fenlible and temperate. She
called to his remembrance the diftin&ions fhe had con¬
ferred upon him, the ufes to which he had put the
credit and reputation accruing from them, and the
heinous offences he had encouraged in her fubjedis.
Though the plotters againlt Rizzio had reprelentcd
him as the leader of their enterprife, fhe had yet ab-
ftained from anyaccufation of him, and had even behaved
as if fhe believed not his participation in the guilt of
that projedf. As to the defedfs of his retinue, fhe
had uniformly offered him the attendance of her own
fervants. As to the nobility, they were the fupports
of the throne, and independent of it. Their counte¬
nance was not to be commanded, but won. He had
difeovered too much ftatclmefs to them ; and they
were the proper judges of the deportment that became
them. If he wiflied for confequence, it was his duty
to pay them court and attention: and whenever he
ttiould procure and conciliate their regard and com¬
mendation, fhe would be happy to give him all the
importance that belonged to him.
In the mean time, the earls of Murray and Both-
wel were induftrioufly ftriving to widen the breach
between the king and-queen, and at the fame time to
foment the division between the king and his nobles.
The earl of M iron excited difturbances on the bor¬
ders ; and as no fettled peace had taken place there
fince M try’s marriage, there was the greateft reafon
to believe that he would fucceed in his' attempts.
Proclamations on this were iffued by the queen to call
her fnhj.-frts to arm*; and (he proceeded to Jedburgh,
to hold juttice-couns, and to punifh traitors and dif-
fickTbut* orderly petfms. In the courfe of this journey fhe
recover*. was taken dangeroufly ill ; infomuch that, believing
her death to bt at hand, fhe called for the bilhop of
r Vol. IX. * *
Rofs, telling him to bear witnefs, that fhe had per* Scotland,
fevered in that religion in which fhe bad been nou-
rirtied and brought up ; taking the promife of her
nobles, that after her death they would open her latt;
will and tettament, and pay the refpeft to it that con-
fitted with the laws; recommending to them the rights
of her infant-fon, and the charge of educating him in
fuch a manner as might enable him to rule the king¬
dom of his ancettors with honour ; and intreating them
to abttain from all cruelty and perfecution of her Ro¬
man Catholic fubjedis. Notwithftanding her ap-
prehenfions, however, and the extreme violence of her
dl(temper, the queen at laft recovered perfedt health.
As f< on as fhe was able to travel, fhe vifited Kelfo,
Werk cattle, Hume, Langton, and Wedderburn. The
licentious borderers, on the firft news of her recovery,
laid down their arms. Being defirous to take a view
of Berwick, the queen advanced to it with an attend¬
ance of tooo horfe. Sir John Foffter, the deputy-
warden of the Englifh marches, came forth with a
numerous retinue, and condudted her to the molt pro¬
per ftation for furveying it, and paid her all the ho¬
nours in his power by a full difeharge of the artillery,
and other demonftrations of joy. Continuing her
journey, fhe patted to Aycmouth, Dunbar, and Tan-
tallon ; proceeding thence to Craigmillar caftle, where
fhe propofed to remain till the time of the baptifm
of the prince, which was foon to be celebrated at Stir-
lin£- . e
During the fevere ficknefs of the queen, her buf-Unkjn(jne^
band kept himfelf at a diftance ; but when fhe was fo 0f the king,
far recovered as to he out of danger, he made his ap¬
pearance ; and being received with fome coldnefs and
formality, he retired fuddenly to Stirling. Tnls cruel
negleA was a mod fenfible mortification to her ; and
while (he fuffered from his ingratitude and haughtinefs,
fhe was not without fufpicions that he was attempting
to difturb the tranquillity of her government. She
was feized with a fettled melancholy; and, in her an*
guifh, often wifhed for death to put a period to her
exilfence. Her nobles, who were caballing againfl:
her, remarked her condition, and took advantage of
it. Bothwel, who had already recommended himfelf
by bis fervices, redoubled his efforts to heighten the
favour which thefe fervices had induced her to conceive
for him. At this time, it is probable, he fought to
gain the affe&ion of the queen, with a view to marry
her himfelf, providiag a divorce from her hufband A
could be obtained, which was now become the fubjedlis pr0p0.
of confultation by Murray and his aflbeiates. After fed.
much deliberation, the queen herfelf was acquainted
with this projeA ; and it was told her, that provided
fhe would pardon the earl of Morton and his aflbeiates,
the means ttiould be found of effeftuating the divorce.
This was urged as a matter of ftate by the earls of
Murray, Lethington, Argyle, and Huntley ; and the
queen was invited to confider it as an affair which
might be managed without any interference on her
part. The queen replied, that fhe would lifter, to
them, upon condition that the divorce could be ob¬
tained according to the laws, and that it fhould not
be any way prejudicial to her fon: but if they meant
to operate their purpofe by a difregard to thefe points,
they mutt not think any more of it 5 for rather-than
content to thtir views, (he would endure all the tor-
39 Y menu,
SCO [8°
Scotland, ments, and abide by all the perils, to which her fitua-
tion expofed her. The eagernefs of the propofers of
this fcheme at laft alarmed the queen with fears for her
hutband’s fafety. She imagined that they had a plot
againft his life; and therefore charged them to attempt
nothing that would ftain her honour or burden her
confcience ; exprefled her fears, that what they might
perform under the belief of advancing her profperity,
might provoke her difpleafure, and turn to her hurt ;
and recommended it to them to allow matters to con¬
tinue in their prefent condition, and to wait with re-
fignation, till the wifdom of God (hould provide a re¬
medy for her fufferings..
In the mean time preparations were made for the
baptifm of the young prince; to aflilt at which the
queen left Craigmiilar and went to Stirling. The ce¬
remony was performed on the 17th of December 1566.
After the baptifmal rites were performed^ the name
and titles of the prince were three times proclaimed
by the heralds to the found of trumpets. He was
called and defigned, Charles James, James Charles,
prince and Steward of Scotland, duke of Rothfay,
earl of Carrick, lord of the Ifles, and baron of Ren¬
frew. Amidft the fcenes of joy difplayed on this oc-
cafion, the king (bowed h:s folly more than he had
<!54 done before. As Elizabeth did not mean to acknow-
Abfurd be- ledge him in his jbvereign capacity, it was neither
baviour of confident with the dignity of the queen, nor his own,
the king. tj)at fjlou]{i be prefent at the baptifm. He did not
indeed prefent himfelf either at the ceremony or the
entertainments and mafquerades with which it was ac¬
companied. At this jun&ure, however, though he
had often kept at a greater didance before, he took
np his refidence at Stirling, as if he had meant to of¬
fend the queen, and to expofe their quarrels to the
world. Du Croc, who was inclined to be favourable
to him, was fo druck with the impropriety of his be¬
haviour, that he affefted to have inftru&ions from
France to avoid all intercourfe with him : and when
the king propofed to pay him a vifit, he took the li¬
berty to inform him, that there were two pafiages in
his chamber ; and that if his majedy (hould enter by
the one,, he (hould be condrained to go out by the
other.
While he refided at Stirling, the king chiefly con¬
fined himfelf to his chamber. His drange behaviour
to the queen did not give the public any favourable idea
of him; and as the earl of Murray and his faftion took
care to augment the general odium, no court was paid
to him by foreign ambafladors. His (ituation, there¬
fore, was exceedingly uncomfortable ; but though he
mud have been confcious of his imprudence and folly,
he did not alter his condudl. In a fullen humour he
g5i left Stirling, and proceeded to Glafgow. Here he
Me falls fell fick, with fuch fymptoms as feemed to indicate
lick. poifon. He was tormented with violent pains, and
his body was all covered over with putlules of a bluifli
colour ; fo that his death was daily expefted. Mary
did not repay his coldnefs to her by negligence. . She
fet out immediately for Glafgow, and waited on him
with all the affiduity of an affedlionate wife until he
recovered : after which (he returned with him to Edin¬
burgh ; and as the low fituation of the palace of Ho-
lyroodhoufe was thought to render it unhealthy, the
king was lodged in a houfe which had been appointed
22 ] SCO
for the fuperior of the church, called St Mary’s in Scotland.
the Fields. This houfe flood upon an high ground,  
and in a falubrious air ; and here (he ftatd with him
fome days. Here the confpirators thought proper to
finifli their plot in the mofl execrable manner. 0“ ^ndlf
the 10th of February 1567, about two o’clock in the
morning, the houfe where the king redded was blown
up by gun-powder. The explofion alarming the in¬
habitants, excited a general curiofity, and brought
multitudes to the place from whence it proceeded. The
king was found dead and naked in an adjoining field,
with a fervant who ufed to deep in the fame apartment
with him. On neither was there any mark'of fire or
other external injury.
The queen was in the palace of Holyroodhoufe, ta¬
king the diverfion of a mafked ball, when the news of
the king’s death was brought to her. She (howed the
utmoft grief, and appeared exafperated to the laft de¬
gree againft the perpetrators of a deed at once fo
(hocking and barbarous. The mod exprefs and per- Attempts
emptory orders were given to inquire after the per-to difeover
petrators by every poffible method. A proclamation the murde-
was iflued by the privy-council, afluring the people, r?rs‘
that the queen and nobility would leave nothing un¬
done to difeover the murderers of the king. It offer¬
ed the fum of 2000 I. and an annuity for life, to any
perfon who fhould give information of the devifers,
counfellors, and perpetrators of the murder; and it held
out this reward, and the promife of a full pardon, to
the confpirator who (hould make a free confefiion of
his own guilt and that of the confederates. On the
fourth day after this proclamation was publiftied, a
placard was affixed to the gate of the city-prifon, af¬
firming, that the earl -Botbwel, James Balfour,
David Chalmers, and black John Spence, were the
murderers. No name, however, was fubferibed to this
intelligence, nor was any demand made for the prof¬
fered reward ; fo that it was difficult to know whether
this advertifement had been dilated by a fpirit of ca¬
lumny or the love of juftice.
In the mean time, the earl of Murray conduced gtro^sg8pr(._
himfelf with his ufual circumfpe&ion and artifice.fumption
Upon a pretence that his wife was dangeroufly fick at of the gmlt
bis caftle in Fife, he, the day before the murder, ob- °f'he earl
tained the queen’s permiffion to pay a vifit to her. 0 urt*y*
By this means he propofed to prevent all fufpicion
whatever of his guilt. He was fo full, however, of
the intended project, that while he was proceeding on
his journey, he obferved to the perfon who accompa¬
nied him, “ This night, before morning, the lord
Darnley (hail lofe his life.” When the blow was (truck,
h? returned to Edinburgh to carry on his practices.
Among foreign nations, the dorm (be difputes of the
queen and her huffiand being fully known, it was with
the greater eafe that reports could be propagated to
her difadvantage. To France letters were difpatched, accufcs
exprtffing, in fervent terms, her participation in the qU<.eru
murder. In England, the minifters and courtiers of
Elizabeth could not flatter that princefs more agree¬
ably, than by indultrioufly detra&ing from the honour
and the virtue of the Seortilh queen. Within her
own dominions a fimilar fpirit of outrage exerted it-
felf, and not without fuccefs. As her reconciliation
with her hufband could not be unknown to her own
fubje&s, it was interpreted to be diffimulation and
treachery*
SCO [ 8023 ] SCO
Scotland, treachery. The Protellant clergy, who were her moft
determined enemies, pofll fled a leading dire&ion among
the populace; and they were the friends and the par-
tizans of the earl of Murray. Open declamations from
the pulpit were made againft Bothwei, and ftrong in-
finuations and biting turmifes were thrown out againft
the queen. Papers were difperfed, making her a
party with B thwel in the murder. Every art was
employed to provoke the frenzy of the people. Voices,
interrupting the hlence of the night, proclaimed the
infamy of Bo hwel; and portraits of the regicides were
circulated over the kingdom.
The queen’s d termination, however, to ferutinize
The queen >nto the matter was unabated; and to the earl ofLcn-
determiues nox, the king’s father, (he paid an attention which
to find out [ie Could only have expected from her upon an emer-
th^murde1 gency of this kind. Having prefled her by letter to
rers. t^e mo^ diligent inquiry after the regicides, (he re¬
turned an anfwer fo completely to his wiflits, that he
was fully convinced of the lincerity and rigour with
which flie intended to proceed againft them : and he
urged her to aflemble the three eftates, that their ad¬
vice might direct the order and manner of their trial.
She wrote to him, that an affimbly of the eftates was
already proclaimed ; and that it was her earneft and
determined will and purpofe, that no ftep ihould be
negle&ed that could conduce to the advancement and
execution of juftice. Yielding to his anxieties, l}e ad-
drefied her anew, intreating that the trial might not
Be delayed ; obferving, that it was not a matter of
parliamentary inquiry ; advifing, that it would be more
‘proper to proceed to it with the greateft expedition;
and urging her to commit to prifon all the perfons
who had been named and deferibed in the papers and
placards which had been fet up in the public places of
the city. Tne queen informed him, that although file
had thought it expedient to call a meeting of the par¬
liament at this jundure, it was not her meaning that
the proceedings againft the regicides (hould be de¬
layed till it was a&ually aflembled. As to the pla¬
cards and papers to which he alluded, they were fo nu¬
merous and contradi&ory, that (he could not well de¬
termine upon which to ad : but if he would conde-
feend to mention the names which, in his opinion,
were moft fufpicious, (he would inftan ly command
that thofe fteps (hould be taken which the laws di-
reded and authorifed. He in return named the earl
of Bothwei, James Balfour, David Chalmers, black
John Spence, Francis Sebaftian, John de Bordeaux,
Lomoxac-and Jufeph the brother of David Rizzio; and affuted
cufesfeve- her majefty, that his fufpicions of thefe perfons were
rnl perfons. weighty and ftrong- In reply to his information,
Mary gave him her folemn promife, that the perfons
he had pointed out (hould abide and undergo their
trial in conformity to the laws, and that they (hould
be punifhed according to the meafure of their guilt:
and (he invited him to leave immediately his retire¬
ment, and to meet her at her court, that he might
witnefs the proceedings againft them, and the zeal
with which (he was animated to perform the part that
became her.
While the queen carried on this correfpondence with
the earl of Lrnnox, (he refided partly at the palace of
the lord Seton, at the diftance of a few miles from
her capital, and partly at Hoiyroodhoufe. By the
time that (lie fent her invitation to him flic was rc- Seotkndf.
tiding in her capital. She delayed not to confer “
with her counfellors, and to lay before them the let¬
ters of the earl of Lennox. Botbwrl was earned in
his proteftations of innocence ; and he even expn fled
his wi(h for a trial, that he might eftablifh his inte¬
grity. No fafls pointed to his guilt; there had ap¬
peared no accufer but the earl of Lennox ; and no wit-
ntfles had.been found who could eftablilh his crimina¬
lity. Her privy council feemed to her to be firmly
perfuaded that he was fuffering under the malice of
defamation. Murray, Morton, and Lethington, what¬
ever might be their private machinations, w'ere pu¬
blicly his moft ftrenuous defenders; and they ex¬
plained the behaviour of the earl of Lennox to be the
effed of hatred and jealoufy, againft a nobleman who
had outrun him fo far in the career of ambition. But
though all the arts of Murray and Bothwei, Morton
and Lethington, were exerted to their utmoft extent
to miflead the queen, they were not able to with hold
her from adopting the drain of condud which was the
moft proper and the moft honourable to her. It was
her own ardent defirc that the regicides fhould be pu-
nilhed ; (he had given her folemn promite to the earl
of Lennox, that the perfons whom he fufpeded fhould
be profecuted ; and amidft all the appearances in the
favour of Bothwd, and all the influence employed to
(erve him, it is to be regarded as a ftriking proof of
her honour, vigour, and ability, that fhe could ac-
compl (h this meafure. An order, accordingly, of the
privy-council was made, which direded, that the earl
of Bolhwel, and all the perfons named by Lennox,
(hould be put to the knowledge of an afllze for the
murder of the king, and that the laws of the (and
(hould be carried into full execution. The day of the
trial was appointed. A general invitation was given 66t
to all perfons whatfoever to prefer their accufations. And is in-
The earl of Lennox was formally cited to do himfelf™'^ to^
Juftice, by appearing in the high court of jufticiary,^^^
and by coming forward to make known the guilt of
the culprits.
In the mean time, it was proper to reprefs.that fpi-
rit of outrage that had manifefted rtfelf againft the
queen. No difeoveries, however, were made, except
againft James Murray, brother to Sir William Murray
of Tullibardin, who, at different times, had pnblifhed
placards injurious to her. Fie was charged to appear
before the privy-council: but refufing to obey its ci¬
tation, it was made a capital offence for any com¬
mander of a veffel to convey him out of the kingdom;
and the refolution was taken to punifti him with an ex¬
emplary feverity. Effcftiug, however, his efcape, he
avoided the punifttment due to his repeated and de-
teftable ads of calumny and treafon.
The day for the trial of Boihwel approached. The
confpirators, notwithiianding their power, were not
without apprehenfions. Their preparations, however,
for their fafety had been anxious; and, among other
pra&ices, they neglefted not to attempt to throw a gg;
panic into the earl of Lennox. They were favoured He is mti-
by his confcioufnefs of his unpopularity and his want'111'1*1611,
of (Length, by his timidity and his fpirit of jealoufy.
Sufpicions of the queen’s guilt were infinuated into
him ; and the dangers to which he might be txpofed
by infilling on the trial, were let before him in the
39 Y 5 ftrongeft
SCO [ 8024 ] SCO
Gotland, ftrongeft colours. He was fenfible of her averfion to
him ; and his weaknefs and the fovereign authority
were contrafted. His friends concurred with his ene¬
mies to intimidate him, from the fpirit of flattery, or
from a real belief that his fituation was critical. By
the time he had reached Stirling, in his way to Edin*
burgh, his fears predominated. He made a full Hop.
And wifhes He was no longer in hade to proceed againif the re-
to defer thegJcide^ He addreffed a letter to the queen, in which
Ia * he faid he had fallen into fuch ficknefs, that he could
not travel; and he affirmed, that he had not time to
prepare for the trial and to aflemble his friends. He
complained, too, that Bothwel and his accomplices
had not been committed to cuftody ; he infilled, that
this ftep fhould be taken ; and he requefted, that a
day at a greater diftance might be appointed for the
trial. After the lengths to which matters had gone,
this condud was moll improper; and it is only to be
accounted for from terror or capricioufnefs. His in-
difpofition was affedted ; be bad been invited by Mary
to wait upon her at Edinburgh, at an early period, to
concert his meafures; and the delay he alked was in
ftrong contradidlion to his former intreaties. After
the invitation fent to him, he might have relied with
fafety upon the prote&ion of the queen, without any
gathering of his friends; from the time of her private
intimation to him, and of the legal citations of her of¬
ficers, there had pafied a period more than fufficient
for the purpofe of calling them together ; and indeed
to fuppofe that there was any neceffity for their af-
fiftance, was an infult to government, and a matter of
high indecency. There was more juftice in the com¬
plaint, that the earl of Bothwel and his accomplices
had not been taken into cuftody ; and yet even in this
peculiarity he was himfelf to blame in a great degree.
For he had not obferved the precaution of that pre¬
vious difplay of evidence, known in the Scottilh law
under the term of a precognition, which is common in
all the grofler offences, and which the weighty cir-
cumftances of the prefent cafe rendered fo neceflary as
a foundation for the confinement and conviftion of the
criminals.
An application for the delay of a trial fo important,
But^his pe-UP0D t^C immediately preceding the day dated
tition'is re.for »t> and reciting reafons of no conclufive force,
Med. could not with propriety be attended to. The privy-
council refufed the demand of the earl of Lennox.
The court of judiciary was affembled. The earl of
Argyle afled in his charafler of lord high jufticiar;
and was aided by four afTeffors, Robert Pitcairn,
commendator of Dunfermline, and the lord Lindfay,
with Mr James Macgill and Mr Henry Balnaves
two lords of the feffion. The indi&ment was read,
and the earls of Bothwel and Lennox were called up¬
on ; the one as the defender, the other as the accufer.
Bothwel, who had come to the court with an atten¬
dance of his vaflals, and a band of mercenary fold'ers,
did not fail to prefent himfelf: but Lennox appeared
only by his fervant Robert Cunnyngham ; who, after
apologizing for his abfence, from the ffiortnefs of the
time, and the want of the prefence of his friends, de-
fired that a new day.fhould be appointed for the trial ;
and protefted, that if the jury (hould now enter upon
the bufinefs, they fhould incur the guilt of a wilful
error, and their verdift be of no force or authority.
This rensonftrance and proteftation appeared not Scotland,
to the court of fufficient importance to interrupt the
trial. They paid a greater refpedt to the letters of the
earl of Lennox to the queen inlifting upon an im¬
mediate profecution, and to the order of the privy-
council confequent upon them. The jury, who con¬
fided of men of rank and condition, after confidering
and reafoning upon the indidtment for a conliderable ^
time, were unanimous in acquitting Bothwel of all Bothwelac-
fhare and knowledge of the king’s murder. The earl qUitted.
of Caithnefs, however, the chancellor of the affize,
made a declaration in their name and his own, that no
wilful error ought to be imputed to themyfor their
verdidt ; no proof, vouchers, or evidence to confirm
or fupport the criminal charge, having been fubmitted
to them. At the fame time he offered a prottftation
for himftlf, that there was a miftake in the indidt-
ment, the gth day of February indead of the 10th being
exprefied in it as the date of the murder. It is not to
be doubted, but that this flaw in the indidlment was
a matter of defign, and with a view to the advantage
of Bothwel, if the earl of Lennox had made his ap¬
pearance againft him. And it has been remarked as
moll indecent and tufpicious, that foldiera in arms
fhould have accompanied him to the court of juftice ;
that during the trial, the earl of Morton flood by his
fide to give him countenance and to affid him ; and
that the four afTtflors to the chief jufticiar were warm
and ftrenuous friends to the carl of Murray.
Immediately after his trial, Bothwel fet up in a con-
fpicuous place a writing, fubferibed by him, challen¬
ging to fingle combat, any perfon of equal rank with
himfelf, who fhouid dare to affirm that he was guilty
of the king's murder. To this challenge an anfwer
was publifhed, in which the defiance was accepted, up¬
on the condition that fecurity fhould be given for a
fair and equal conflidl: but no name being fubferibed
to this paper, it was not underftood to correfpond
with the law of arms ; and of confequence no dep
was taken for the fighting of the duel. Two days
after, the parliament met, and there the party of
Bothwel appeared equally formidable. The verdift
in his favour was allowed to be true and juft. He
was continued in his high offices ; and obtained a par¬
liamentary ratification of the place of keeper of Dun¬
bar caftle with the edates in connexion with it; and
other favours were conferred upon Murray, with the
red of the nobles fufpe&ed as accomplices in the
murder.
A very fhort time after the final acquitment of.T ^
Bothwel, he began to give a greater loole to his am- at a mar_
bition, and conceived hopes of gaining the queen inHagewitk
marriage. It has been already remarked, that he the queen--
had infidioufly endeavoured to gain her affedion du¬
ring the lifetime of her hufband; but though he
might have fucceeded in this, the recent death of the
king in fnch a fhocking manner, and the ftrong fufpi-
cions which mud neceflarily dill reft upon him not-
withltanding the trials he had undergone, neceflarily
prevented nim from making his addreffes openly to
her. He therefore endeavoured to gain the nobility Is recom.
over to his fide ; which having done one by one, by mended by
means of great promifes, he invited them to an enter- the nobility
tainment, where they agreed to ratify a deed P°*nt* ?s
ing him out to the queen as a perion worthy of her a“ w
hand,
SCO
Scotland, hand, and exprefling their refolute determination to
*’ flipport him in his pretenfions. This extraordinary-
bond was accordingly executed; but in the mean
eep time the earl of Murray, that he might appear to be
Schemes ofdifengaged from the prefent intrigues, had afked per-
the earl of m;fljon from the queen logo to France, In his way
hurtThct0 ‘^'ther he vifited the court of Elizabeth, where he
queen. did not fail to confirm all the reports which had arifen
to the difadvantage of Mary ; and he now circulated
the intelligence that flie was foon to be married to
Bothwel. As this rumour preceded the fubfcription
of the bond by the nobility, it was thus intended to fix
the greater reproach on the queen, and to give ftrength
to all the wildeft fufpicions which had gone abroad to
her difadvantage. Her partizans in England were ex¬
ceedingly alarmed ; and even queen Elizabeth berfeif
addreffed a letter to her, in which fhe cautioned her
not to afford fuch a mifehievous handle to the malice
of her enemies.
Bothwel Mary, upon the diffolution of the parliament, had
carries her gone to St rling to vifit the young prince. Bothwel,
off to Dun- armed with the bond of the nobles, affembled 1000
“ar‘ horF, under the pretence of prote&ing the borders of
which be was the warden 5 and meeting her upon her
return to her capital, difmifled her attendants, and
carried her to his caftle of Dunbar. To prevent in¬
terruption and blood/hed, and with 3 view to flop in¬
quiry for a time, he had ordered his officers to inform
Sir James Melvil and the gentlemen of her retinue,
that what he did was in obedience to her command.
The fenfe of his guilt, danger of a difeovery, hope,
defire, and ambition, all concurred to give the firmed
determination to his purpofes. The queen was now
his prifoner; and he mutt win her or be undone.
An outrage fo unexpefted, fo daring, and from a
fubjedf fo faithful and fubmiflive, filled Mary with in¬
dignation and furprife. She loaded him with reproaches,
called to his mind all the favours fhe had beftowed upon
him, and wondered at that vilenefs of ingratitude
which could permit him to be fo rude and hoftile to
her. He intreated her pardon in the moft humble
terms; and fought to fatten and remove her refent-
ment and apprehenfions by the timid refpedlfulnefs of
his hehaviour. He told her of the vehemency of his
love, and of the malice of his enemies. He imputed
his enterprife to thefe motives ; and conjured her to
condefcend to take him for her hufband, and to afford
him that affurance of her favour, as it alone was fuffi-
cient to protect him. He protefted, that his happieft
wifh was to devote his life to her; and that the only
fovereignty he courted was to ferve and obey her with
the moft unremitting zeal and the fondeft attachment.
Having advanced this fuit and offer, he communicated
to her the bond of the nobles, and difplayed its re¬
commendations and promifes. Her amazement was
SCO
infinite. She perceived that he had gained to him the Scotlanfi.
principal men of her kingdom. She was his prifoner; —  
and no inquiries were made for her. She had no
counfellor and no friend, with whom to confult; and
there was no profpeft of an infurreftion in her fa¬
vour (a).
In this helplefs fituation the queen was overcome
by his perfuafions, and gave him her promife that he
fhould be her hufband. The artful Bothwel knew too
well that a promife obtained in this manner would in
all probability be retraced as foon as the queen wasfet
at liberty; especially as he had been married only fix
months before to Lady Jane Gordon, fitter to the earl
of Huntley. He now availed bimfelf of the arts of
fedudion, of which he was a great matter; and ha¬
ving perfuaded the queen to yield to his defires, the
performing of the ceremonial of marriage became in-
difpenfably neceffary. Towards the accomplifhment
of this, a divorce from his lawful wife was firft to be
procured ; and this was foon obtained. The parties
were coufins within the prohibited degrees, and had
not obtained a difpenfation from Rome. Their mar¬
riage, therefore, in the opinion of the queen and her
Roman-Catholic fubjeds, was illicit, and a profane
mockery of the facrament of the church. The huf¬
band had alfo been unfaithful ; fo that two adions 6jt
of divorce were inftituted. The lady commencedIs divorce<i
a fuit againll him in the court of the commiflaries,
charging him as guilty of adultery with one of her
maids. The earl himfelf brought a fuit againft his
wife before the court of the archbifttop of St Andrews,
upon the plea of confangunity. By both courts their
marriage was decided to be void ; and thus two len¬
iences of divorce were pronounced.
Bothwel now conduded the queen from Dunbar to
her capital. But inftead of attending her to her pa¬
lace of Holyrood houfe, his jealoufy and apprehen¬
fions induced him to lodge her in the caftle of Edin¬
burgh, where he could hold her in fecurity againft any
attempt of his enemies.- To give fatisfadion, how¬
ever, to her people, and to convince them that fhe was
no longer a prifoner, a public declaration upon her
part appeared to be a meafure of expediency. She
prefented herfelf, therefore, in the court of fefiion ; the
lords chancellor and prefident, the judges, and other
perfons of diftindion, being prefent. After obferving
that fome flop had been put to the adminiftration of
juftice upon account of her being detained at Dunbar
againft her will by the lord Bothwel, fhe declared, that
though fhe had been highly offended with the outrage
offered to her, fhe was yet, inclined to forget it. His
courteoufnefs, the fenfe fhe entertained of his paft fer-
vices to the ftate, and the hope with which fhe was
impreffed of his zeal and adivity in the future, com¬
pelled her to give him and his accomplices in her im-
prifonment
[ 8025 ]
(a) Spotifwood, p. 102. copying Buchanan, a very inadequate authority, has faid, that her nobles fent her amef-
fage, informing her that they would come with an army to her deliverance ; and that fhe refufed their offer- Mr
Hurr e and other writers have adopted thefe miftakes. But nothing could be farther from the intention of the fadion *
of Murray and Morton than to give her any affiftance ; and their power was now fo formidable, as to prevent every
interference in her behalf from any other quarter- This offer is alfo inconfiftent altogether with the bond fubferibed ■
by the nobility ; and Murray and his party never affirmed that any fuch meffage had been fent Indeed, from the
nature of the fad, its certainty would have been eftablilhed beyond a doubt by the enemies of Mary, if it had been j
real ; and, in this view of the matter, fhe could not have ventured to infert in her public inftrudions to her am-
baffador at Paris this expreffive paffage : “ We faw no efperance to be fid of him (Bothwel), never man in Scot--
land makand an mynt to procure our deliverance*” Keith, p* 390.
SCO
Scotland, prifonment a full and complete pardon. She at the
fame time defined them to take notice, that (he was
now at her freedom and liberty; and that (he propufed,
in confideration of his merits, to take an early oppor¬
tunity to promote him to new and diltinguilhed ho*
notirs.
67t It was underftood that the queen was rmmed'ately
Banns of to advance him to be her hufband. The order was
the mar- gjven for the proclamation of the banns; and Mr John
clafinedT £'ra'g' o'15, the minifters of Edinburgh, was dctired
to perform this bufinefs. But though the order was
fubferibed by the queen, he refufed abfolutely his com¬
pliance without the authority of the church. The
Brethren, after long reafoniags, granted him permif-
fion to difeharge this duty. His fcruples, no:with-
flanding, and delicacy, were not yet removed. He pro-
tefted, that, in obeying their defire, he Humid be allow¬
ed to fpeak his own fentiments. concerning the mar¬
riage, and that his publifhing the banns fhould infer
no obligation in him to officiate in the folemnity. In
bis congregation, accordingly, before a crowded au¬
dience, and in the prefenee of fev^ral noblemen and
privy counlellors, he declared that the marriage of the
queen and the earl of Bnthwcl was unlawful, and that
he was prepared to give his reafons for this opinion to
the parties themfelves. He added, that if leave to do this
was denied him, he would cither abltain altogether
from proclaiming the banns, or take the liberty, after
proclaiming them, to inform his people of the caufes
iof his difapprobation of the marriage. He was car¬
ried before the lords of the privy-council ; and the earl
of Bothwel called upon him to explain his behaviour,
fits He anfweted, that the church had prohibited the mar-
Bortitude rJage nf perfons feparated for adultery ; and that the
Craig^ nd>vorce between him and his wife muft have been ow¬
ing to collufion.; fince the fentence had been given
with precipitation, and fince his new contrail was fo
fiud len ; and he objt&ed to him the abduftion and ra-
vifhment of the queen, arid the fufpicion of his guilt
in the king’s murder. This bold language drew no
reply from Bothwel that was fatisfaftory to Mr C-aig,
or that could intimidate him. He proclaimed in his
church the banns of the marriage ; but he told the
congregation, that he difeharged the fuggeftions of
bis conf. ience in pronouncing it to be a detellable and
fcandalous engagement. He exprefied the forrow he
^ felt for the conduil of the nobility, who feemed to
approve it from their flattery or filence ; and addref-
fing himfclf to the faithful, he befought them to pray
to the Almighty; that he would turn a refolution in¬
tended againit law, reafon, and religion, into a com¬
fort and benefi1 to the church and the kingdom. Thefe
freedoms were too great to pafs unno'iced. Mr Craig
was ordered anew to attend the privy-council ; and he
was reprimanded with feverity for exceeding the bounds
of his commiffion. He had the courage to defend
SCO
himfelf. His commiffion, he fat'd, was founded in the Scotland,
word of G )d, pofitive law, and natural reafon ; and
upon the foundation of thefe topics he was about to
prove that the marriage mutt be univerfally foul and
odious, when the earl of Bothwel commanded him to
be filent. The privy-council, ttruck with the vigour of
the man, and apprthenlive of the public difeontents,
did not dare to infliA any punifhment upon him ; and
this vidory over Bothwel, while it heightened all the
fufpicions againft him, ferved to encourage the ene¬
mies of the queen, and to undermine the refpedt of her
fubjeds. g74
Mary, before fhe rendered her hand to Bothwel, The mar-
created him duke of Orkney. The ceremony was per- riage tele-
formed in a private manner after the rules of the Po-br* ecl*
pifh church ; but, to gratify the people, it was like-
wife folcmnized publicly according to the Protellant
rites by Adam Bothwcl bifhup of Orkney, sfnd an
ecclefialtie who had renounced the Epifcopal order for
the reformation. It was celebrated with li tie pomp
and fettivity. Many of the nobles had retired to their
feats in the country; and thole who attended were
thoughtful and fad. Du Croc, the French ambaffador,
fenliblc that the match would be difplealing to his
court, refused to give his countenance to the fuiemnity.
There were no acclamations of the common people.
Mary htrfelf was not inconfcious of the imprudence of
the choice (he had made, and looked back with fur-
prife and forrow to the train of circumttanees which
had condu&td her to this fatal event. Forfaken by
her nobles, and imprifoned at D nbar, fhe was in fo
perilous a fitnation that no remedy could fave her ho¬
nour but death. Her marriage was the immediate
and necefiary conft quence of that fii nation (b). It was
the point for which her enemies had laboured with a
wicked and relentlefs policy.
Mary was unfortunate in her firft marriage, but
much more fo in herfecond. Bothwel had neither ta¬
lents for bufinefs nor affe&ion for his wife. Ambi¬
tious and jealous to the lail degree, he fought only to
ettab! fh himfelf in power, while his tears and jealou-
lies made him take the molt improper means. Tne
marriage had already thrown the nation into a fer¬
ment; and the lead improper exercife of power, or in¬
deed an appearance of it, even oh the part of the
queen, would be fufficient to ruin them both forever.
Perhaps the only thing which at this jun&ure could
have pacified ;he people, would have been the total a-
bolition of Popery, which they had often required.
But this was not thought of. Inttead of taking any ejs
ttep .to7pleafe the people, Bothwel endeavoured to force Bodied at*
the earl of Marr to deliver up the young pnnee to histemp's t0
cuttody. This was fufficient to make the flame, which ^
had hitherto been fmothered, break out with all its prince int*
violence. It was univerfally believed that Bothwel, hfs power,
who had been the murderer of the father, defigned to
take
[ 8026 ]
(b) ‘‘ The queen (fays Me’vil) could not but marry kirn, feeing he had raviflied her and lain with her againlt her
will.” Memoirs, p. 159 In the following pafiage, from an hiftorian of great authority, inour hiftory.this topic is touched
with no lefs exadtnefs, but with greater delicacy. “ After Mary had remained a fortnight under the power of a
daring profliga e adventurer, fays lord Hailes, few foreign princes would have folicited her hand. Some of her fub-
jeifts might ftill have fought that honour; but her compliance would have been humiliating beyond meafure. It would
have left her at the mercy of a capricious hufband; it would have expofed her to the difgrace of being reproached, in
fome fullen hour, for the adventure at Dunbar. Mary was fo fitua'ed, at this critical period, that fhe was reduced
tp this horrid alternative, either to remain in a friendlefs and hazardous celibacy, or to yield her hand to Bothwel.”
lie marks on the Hiftory of Scotland, p. 204.
SCO [ 8027 ] SCO
'Scotland, take away the life of the fon alfo, and the queen was
"* thought to participate in all his crimes. Tue earl of
6t6 Murray now took advantage of the queen’s unfortunate
Murray ca-f]tuation to aggrandize himfelf and efifeft her ruin. Af-
Inmn'ates ter havjng vifited the JEnglifh court, he proceeded to
t e queen. prance> whcre he afiiduoufly difieminated all the re¬
ports againft the queen which were injurious to her
reputation ; and where, without being expofed to fu-
fpicion, he was able to maintain a clofe correfpondence
with his friends Morton and Lethington, and to in-
fpirit their machinations. His affociates, true to his
ambition and their own, had promoted all the fchemes
of Bothwel upon the queen with a pOwer and influence
which had infured their fuccefs. In confederacy with
the earl of Murray himfelf, they had confpirec! with him
to murder the king. Affifted with the weight of the
earl of Murray, they had managed his trial, and ope¬
rated the verdift which acquitted him. By the fame
arts, and with the fame views, they had joined with
him to procure the bond of the nobles recommending
him to the queen as a hufband, afferting his integrity
and innocence, recounting his noble qualities, exprefs-
ing an unalterable refolution to fupport the marriage
againft every oppofer and adverfary, and recording a
wifh that a defection from its objefts and purpofes
fhould be branded with everlafting ignominy, and held
out as a moft faithlefs and perjured treachery. When
the end, however, was accomplifhed for which they
had been fo zealous, and when the marriage of the
queen was actually celebrated, they laid afide the pre¬
tence of friendfhip, and were in hafte to entitle them-
felves to the ignominy which they had invited to fail
upon them. The murder of the king, the guilt of
Bothwel, his acquittal, his divorce, and his marriage,
became the topics of their complaints and declama¬
tion. Upon the foundation of this hated marriage,
they even ventured privately to infer the privity of the
queen to all his iniquity and tranfa&ions ; and this ftep
feemed doubtlefs, to the mafs of her own fubjedts and
to more diftant obfervers, a ftrong confirmation of all
the former fufpicions to her fhame which had been cir¬
culated with fo much artifice. Their imputations and
devices excited againft her, both at home and abroad,
the moft indignant and humiliating odium. Amidft
the ruins of her fame, they thought to bury for ever
her tranquillity and peace; and in the convulfions
they had meditated, they'already were anticipating
the downfal of Bothwel, and fnatching at the crown
S77 that tottered on her head.
A confede- But while this cabal were profecuting their private
racy formed,ends, feveral noblemen, not lefs remarkable for their
Bothwt! v‘rtue t^an thetf rank, were eager to vindicate the
national integrity and honour. The earl of Athol,
upon the king’s murder, had retired from the court,
and was waiting for a proper feafon to take revenge
upon the regicides. The earl of Marre, unyafy under
the charge of the young prince, was folicitous to make
himfelf ftrong, that he might guard him from injury.
Motives fo patriotic and honourable drew.applaufe and
partizans. It was fufficient to mention them. By
private conference and debate, an aflbciation was in-
fenfibly formed to puniflh the murderers of the king,
and to proteft the perfon of the prince. Morton and
Lethington encouraged and profpered a combination
frota which they might derive fo much advantage. A
convention, accordingly, was appointed at Stirling, Scotland,
for the purpofe of confulting upon the meafures which “
it was moft expedient to purfue. They agreed to take
an early opportunity to appear in the field ; and when
they feparated, it was to collefil their retainers, and to
infpirit their paffions.
Of this confederacy, the leading men were the earls
of Argyle, Athol, Morton, Mane, and Glencairn ;
the lords Hume, Semple, and Lindfay ; the barons
Kirkaldy of Grange, Murray of Tullibardin, and
Maitland of Lethington. The earl ofBothwel was fen-
fible, that if he was to fit upon a throne, he muft wade
to it through blood. By his advice, two proclama- 678
tions were iffued in the name of the queen, under theT^etl"ecn
pretence of fupprefling infurreftions and depredationspreparesft>r
upon the borders. By the former, fhe called together
in arms, upon an early day, the earls, barons, and free¬
holders of the diftrifts of Forfar and Perth, Strathern
and Menteith, Clackmannan, Kinrofs, and Fife. By
the latter, fhe charged the greater and Idler baron¬
age, with all the inferior proprietors of the (hires of
Linlithgow and Edinburgh, and the conftabulary of
Haddington and Berwick, to prepare immediately for
war, and to keep themfelves in readinefs to march up¬
on her order. Thefe military preparations admonifh-
ed the affociation to be firm and adive, and added to
the public inquietudes and difcontents. The rumours
againft the queen were moft inclement and loud. It
was laid, that (he meant to overturn the conftitution
and the laws; that (lie had been carelefs of the health
of her fon, and was altogether indifferent about his pre-
fervation; that (he had feparated herfelf from the coun¬
cils and affiftance of her nobles; and that (he wifhed tu
make her whim or difcretion the only rule of her go¬
vernment. Agitated with the hazardous date of her
affairs, fhe publifhed a new proclamation,, in which (he.
employed hcrfelf to refute thefe accufationsand iu
which (he took the opportunity to exprefs, in a very for¬
cible manner, not only her attachment to her people and
the laws, but the fond affe&ion that (he bore to the
prince, whom fhe confidered as the chief joy of her life,
and without whom all her days would be comfonlefs.
The declarations of the queen were treated with,
fcorn. The nobles, abounding in vaffals, and having
the hearts of the people, were foon in a fituation to
take the field. They were advancing to the capital.
The royal army was not yet affembied; and the queen
and Botbwel fufpe&ed that the caftle of Edinburgh
would fhut its gates upon them. The fidelity of Sir
James Balfour the deputy-governor had been dagger¬
ed by the pra&ices of the earl of Marre and Sir James
Melvil. Mary left her palace of Holyrood-houfe, and
was conduded to Borthwick caftl<f. The alfociated ,j7p
lords, informed of her flight, took the road to this for- But is ob!i»
trefs with 2000 horfe. The lord Hume, by a rapid t0 %to'
march, prefented himfelf before it with the divifion un-1Dunbar•
der his command : but being unable to guard all its
avenues, the queen and Bothwel effeded their efcape
to Dunbar; where the ftrength of the fortifications
gave them a full fecurity againft a furprife.
Upon this fecond difappointment, the nobles rcfol-
ved to enter Edinburgh, and to augment their ftrength
by new partizans. The earl of Huntley and the lord
Boyd were here on the fide of the queen, with the
archbifhop of St Andrew’s, the bilhop of Rofs, and
ther
SCO I 70
Scotland, the abbot of Kilwinning. They endeavoured to ani-
3" mate the inhabitants to defend their town and the
caufe of their fovereign. But the tide of popularity was
favourable to the confederated lords. Themagiliratts
ordered the gates of the city to be fhut; but no farther
refiilance was intended. The lords, forcing St Mary’s
port, found an eafy ad nittance, and took pofleffion of
the capital. The ear! of Huntley and the queen’s
friends fled to the caftle, to S r James Balfour, who
had been the confident of Bothwcl, and who agreed
to protedi them, altho* he was now concluding a treaty
with the infurgents.
«So The affociated lords now formed themfelves into a
proclaim- council, and circulated a proclamation. By this paper
rebelhous* declared, that the queen being detained in capti-
nobies. vity, was neither able to govern her realm, nor to
command a proper trial to betaken of the king’s mur¬
der In an emergency fo preffing, they had not de-
fpaired of their country ; but were determined to de¬
liver the queen from bondage, to protedt the perfon
of the prince, to revenge the murder of the king, and
to vindicate the nation from the infamy it had hither¬
to fuffered through the impunity of the regicides.
They therefore commanded in general all the fubjedts
of Scotland whatfoever, and the burgeflVs and inha¬
bitants of Edinburgh in particular, to take a part with
them, and to join in the advancement of purpofes fo
beneficial and falutary. The day after they had pub-
lifhed this proclamation, they iffued another in terms
that were ftrongerand more refolute. They definitive¬
ly exprefied their perfuafion of Bothwel's guilt in the
rape and fedu&ion of the queen, and in his perpetra¬
tion of the king’s murder, in order to accomplifh his
marriage. They inculcated it as their firm opinion,
that Bothwel was now inftigated withadefign to mur¬
der the young prince, and that he was colledting
troops with this view. Addrcffing themfelves, there¬
fore, to all the fnbjedls of the realm, whether they re-
fided in counties or in boroughs, they invited them to
come forward to their fiandard ; and defired them
to remember, that all perfons who fhonld prefume
to difobey them, fhould be treated as enemies and
traitors.
Bothwel, in the mean time, was not inaflive ; and
the proclamations of the queen had brought many of
her vaflals to her afMance. Four thoufand comba¬
tants ranged themfelves on her fide. This force might
augment as (he approached to her capital ; and Both¬
wel was impatient to put his fortunes to the iffue of a
battle. Hr left the (trong caftle of Dunbar, where
the nobles were not prepared to affail him, and where
he might have remained in fafety till they difperfed
themfelves. For their proclamations were not fo fuc-
cefsful as they had expe&ed $ their provifions and
ftores were fcanty ; and the zeal of the common peo¬
ple, nnfopported by profperity, would foon have abated.
Imprudent precipitation ferved them in a mofl effedual
manner. Warn the queen had reached Gladfmoor, (he
ordered a manifcfto to be read to her army, and to be
Manifefto circulated among her fubjetfts. By this paper, (he re-
hy the plied to the proclamations of the confederated nobles,
queen. and charged them with treachery and rebellion. She
treated their reafons ofhoftiiity as mere pretences, and
as inventions which could not bear to be examined.
As to the king’s murder, (he protelled, that (he her*
28 ] SCO
felf was fully determined to revenge it, if fhe could be Scotland,
fo fortunate as to difeover its perpetratoas. With re- *
gard to the bondage from which they were fo dTirous
to relieve her, fhe obferved, that it was a falfehood fo
notorious, that the fimpleft of her fubjefls could con¬
fute it; for her marriage had been celebrated in a
public manner, and the nobles could hardly have for¬
gotten that they had fubferibed a bond recommending
Bothwel to be her hufband. With regard to the in-
duftrious defamations of this nobleman, it was urged,
that he had difeovered the utmoft folicitude to eita-
blilh his innocence. He had invited a ferntiny into hia
guilt; thejufiice of his country had abfolved him; the
three eltaus affembltd in parliament werefatisfied with
the proceidmgs of his judges and jury; and he had
offered to maintain his quarrel againlt any perfon what¬
foever who was equal to him in rank and of an honed
reputation. The nobles, fhe faid, to give a fair appear¬
ance to their treafon, pretended, that Bothwcl had
fchemed the dellrudion of the prince, and that they
were in arms to protetSt him. The prince, however,
was aftually in their own cuftody ; the ufe they made
of him was that of a fkreen to their perfidioufnefs j
and the real purpofes with which they were animated,
were the overthrow of her greatnefs, the ruin of her
poflerity, and the ufurpation of the royal authority.
She therefore intreated the aid of her faithful fub-
jetds; and as the prize of their valorous fervice, fhe
held out to them the eflates and poffeffions of the re¬
bels.
The afibciated nobles, pleafed at the approach of
the queen, put themfelves in motion. In the city of
Edinburgh they had gathered an addition to their
force ; and it happened that the Scottifh officer who
commanded the companies, which, in this period, the
king of Denmark was permitted to enlilt in Scotland,
had been gained to affilt them. He had juft com¬
pleted his levies ; and he turned them againft the
queen. The nobles, after advancing to Muffelburgh,
refrefhed their troops. Intelligence was brought that ggt'
the queen was upon her march. The two armies were The two
nearly equal in numbers ; but the preference in pointarmi 5 aP*
of valour and difeipline, belonged decifively to the eachother.
diers of the nobles. The queen pofted herfelf on the
top of Carberry hill. The lords, taking a circuit to
humour the ground, feemed to be retreating to Dal¬
keith ; but wheeling about, they approached to give
her battle. They were ranged in two divifionf. The
one was commandtd by the earl of Morton and the
lord Hume. The other was direfted by the earls of
Athol, Marr, and Glencairn, with the lords Lindlay,
Ruthven, Sempil, and Sanquhar. Bothwel was the
leader of the royal forces; and there ferved under him
the lords Seton, Yeftcr, and Borthwick.
It was not without apprehenfions that Mary fur- Cr„e
veyed the formidable appearance of her enemies. Du egociatee
Croc, the French amb ffador, haftened to interpofe h’s with the
good offices, and to attempt an accommodation He rebels
affured the nobles of the peaceful inclinations of the
queen t and that the generofity of her nature difpofed
her not only to forgive their prefent infurreffion, but
to forget all their former tranf, reffions. The earl of
Morton informed him, hat they had not armed them-
felves againll-the queen, but againft the murderer of
, the late king j and that if fhe would furrender him up
to
SCO r 8029 ] SCO
Scotland, to them, or command him to leave her, they would
' confent to return to their duty. The earl of Glencairn
defired him to obferve, that the extremity to which they
had proceeded mighthaveinftrufted him thatthey meant
not to afk pardon for any offences they had commit¬
ted, but that they were refolved to take cognizance of
injuries which had provoked their difpleafure. This
afpiring language confounded Du Croc, who had been
accuftomcd to the worfhipful fubmiflions that are paid
to a defpot. He conceived that all negociation was
fruitlefs, and withdrew from the field in the expedta-
tion that the fword would immediately give its law
and determine every difference.
Mary was full of perturbation and diftrefs. The ftate
into which file had been brought by Bothwel did not
fail to engage her fcrious reflection. It was with in¬
finite regret that fhe confidered the confequences of
her fituation at Dunbar. Nor had his behaviour fince
her marriage contributed to allay her inquietudes. The
violence of his paffions, his fufpicions, and his guilt,
had induced him to furround her with his creatures,
and to treat her with infult and indignity. She had
been almoft conftantly in tears. His demeanor, which
was generally rude and indecent, was often favage and
brutal. At different times his provocations were fo in-
fulting, that fhe had even attempted to arm her hand
againll her life, and was defirous to relieve her wretch-
ednefs by fpiliing her blood. Upon his account, fhe
was now encompaffed with dangers. Her crown was
in hazard. Under unhappy agitations, fhe rode thro’
the ranks of her army, and found her foldiers difpirit*
ed. Whatever refpeft they might entertain for her,
they had none for her hufband. His own retainers
and dependents only were willing to fight for him.
1 He endeavoured to awaken the royal army to valour,
s challenged by throwing down the gauntlet of defiance againft any
j to fingle of his adverfaries who fhould dare to encounter him.
! combat. His challenge was inflantly accepted by Kircaldy of
Grange, and by Murray of Tullibardin. He obje&ed
that they were not peers. The lord Lindfay discovered
the greateft impatience to engage him, and his offer was
admitted ; but the queen interpofing her prerogative,
prohibited the combat. All the pride and hopes of
Bothwel funk within him. His foldiers in fmall par¬
ties were fccretly abandoning their (tandards. It was
equally perilous to the qu£en to fight or to fly. The
expedient the moft prudent for her was to capitulate.
She defired to confer with Kirkaldy of Grange, who
remonftrated to her againft the guilt and wickednefsof
Bothwel, and counfelled her to abandon him. She ex-
preffed her willingnefs to difmifs him upon the condi¬
tion that the lords would acknowledge their allegiance
and continue in it. Kirkaldy paffed to the nobles, and
received their authority to affure her that they would
honour, ferve, and obey her as their pririeefs and fo-
vereign. He communicated this intelligence to her.
ess She advifed Bothwel to provide for his fafcty by flight;
Ke isoblig-and Kirkaldy admohifned him not to negleft this op-
■ed to (Ty, portunity of effe&ing his efcape. Overwhelmed with
if ~ fhame, difappointment, terror, remorfe, and defpair,
this miferable viflim of ambition and guilt turned his
eyes to her for the lail time. To Kirkaldy of Grange
fhe ftretched out her hand : he kiffed it; and taking
the bridle of her horfe, conduced her towards the
nobles. They were approaching her with becoming re-
Von. IX. r
▼crence. She faid to them, “ I am come, my lords, to Scotland.
exprefs my refpe£l, and to conclude our agreement; I „
am ready to be inftrufled by the wifdom of your conn- Sirs
fels j and I am confident that you will treat me as Mary *“r*
your Sovereign.” The earl of Morton, in tbS name of ftlf ujthc^
the confederacy^ ratified their promifes, and addrefied rebels,
her in thefe words: “ Madam, you 'are here among
us in your proper place 5 and we will pay to you as
much honour, fervice, and obedience, as ever in any
former period was offered by the nobility to the prin¬
ces your predeceffors.”
This gleam of funfhine was foon overcaft. She re- ggT
mained not many hours in the camp, til! the common By whom
foldiers, inftigated by her enemies, prefumed to infultcrush
her with the moft unfeemly reproaches. They ex-^ ufei1'
claimed indignantly againft her as the murderer of her
hufband. They reviled her as a lewd adulterefs, in the
moft open manner, and in a language the moft coarfe
and the moft opprobrious. Her nobility forgot their
promifes, and feemed to have neither honour nor hu¬
manity. She had changed one miferable fcene for a
diftrefs that was deeper and more hopelefs. They fur-
rounded her with guards, and conduced her to her
capital. She was carried along its ftreets, and fhown
to her people in captivity and fadnefs. She cried out
to them to commiferate and protect her. They with¬
held their pity, and afforded her no protection. Even
new infults were offered to her. The loweft of the
populace, Whom the declamations of the clergy had
driven into rage and madnefs, vied with the foldiery irs
the licentious outrage of inveftive and execration. She
befought Maitland to folicit the lords to reprefs the in-
fupportable atrocity of her treatment. She conjured
him ta let them know, that fhe would fubmit herfelf
implicitly to the determination of the parliament. Her
intreaties and her fufferings made no impreffion upon
the nobles. They continued the favage cruelty of their
demeanour. She implored, as the laft requeft fhe
would prefer to them, that they would lead her to her
palace. This confolation, too, was refufed to her.
They wifhed to accuftom her fubjeds to behold her in
difgrace, and to teach them to take a triumph in her
miferies. In the moft mortified and affiiding hour
fhe had ever experienced, oppreffed with fatigue, and
disfigured with duft and forrow, they (hut her up in
the houfe of the lord provoft ; leaving her to revolve
in her anxious and agitated mind the indignities {he had
already endured, and to fuffer in anticipation the ca¬
lamities they might yet inflid upon her.
The malice of Morton and his adherents was ftill far
from being gratified. In the-morning, when the queen
looked from the window of the apartment to which
fhe had been confined, fhe perceived a white banner
difpjayed in fuch a manner as to fix her attention.
There was delineated upon it the body of the late
king ftretched at the foot of a tree, and the prince up¬
on his knees before it, with a label from his mouth,
containing this prayer, 44 Judge and revenge my caufe,
G Lord !” This abominable banner revived all the 688
biiternefs of her afflidions. The curiofity of the people The coin-
drew them to a fcene fa new and fo affeding. ^,e ™keS^C°r1,le
exclaimed againft the treachery of her nobles; and fhe part.
begged the fpedators to relieve her from their tyranny.
The eventful ftory of the preceding day had thrown
her capital into a ferment. The citizens of a better
39 Z con’-
SCO [ 8030 ] SCO
Scotland, condition crowded to behold the degraded majefty of
T- their fovereign. Her ftate of humiliation, fo oppofne
to the grandeur from which (he had fallen, moved them
with compaffion and fympathy. They heard her tale,
and were filled with indignation. Her lamentations,
her diforder, her beauty, all ftimulated their ardour
for her deliverance. It was announced to the nobles,
that the tide of popular favour had turned towards the
queen. They haftened to appear before her, and to
affure herewith fmiles and courtefy, that they were
immediately to conduft her to her palace, and to re-
inilate her in her royalty. Impofing upon her credu¬
lous nature, and that beautiful humanity which cha-
ra&erized her even in the mod melancholy fituations
of her life, they prevailed with her to inform the peo-
advice of6 p'e* that fhe was pacified, and that fhe wifhed them
the nobles to difperfe themfelves. They feparated in obedience
fhe difmif- to her defire. The nobles now conveyed her to Holy-
festhem. roodhoufe. But nothing could be farther from their
intentions than her re-edablifhment in liberty and gran¬
deur. They held a council, in which they delibera¬
ted concerning the manner in which they ought to dif-
pofe of her. It was refolved, that fhe fhould be con¬
fined during her life in the fortrefs of Lochlevin ; and
they fubfcribed an order for her commitment.
A refolution fo fudden, fo perfidious, and fo ty¬
rannical, filled Mary with the utmoft aftonifhment,
and drew from her the moft bitter complaints and ex¬
clamations. Kircaldy of Grange, perceiving with fur-
ep° prife the lengths to which the nobles had proceeded,
funded IT honour take the alarm for the part he had
Kircaldy of at their defire. He expoftulated with them up-
Grange. on their breach of truft, and cenfured the extreme ri¬
gour of the queen’s treatment. They counfellad him
to rely upon the integrity of their motives; fpoke of
her pafiion for Bothwel as moft vehement, and infifted
on tbe danger of intrufting her with power. He was
not convinced by their fpeeches ; andearneftly recom¬
mended lenient and moderate meafures. Difcreet ad¬
monitions, he faid, could not fail of impreffing her
with a full fenfe of the hazards and inconveniences of
an improper paffion, and a little time would cure her
of it. They affured him, that when it appeared that
(he detefted Bothwel, and had utterly abandoned his
interefts, they would think of kindnefs and modera-
®ut he is ®ut ^'S-* they urged, could hardly be expeft-
filenced by ed ; for they had recently intercepted a letter from
a forgery of he,, to this nobleman, in which (he expreffcd, in the
the nobles. mo^ g]ow;ng terms, the warmth of her love, and her
fixed purpofe never to forfake him (b^. Kircaldy was
defired to perufe this letter; and he prefied them no
longer with his remonftrances. The queen, in the
mean time, fent a meflage to this generous foldier, Scotland,
complaining of the cruelty of her nobles, and remind-
ing him that they had violated their engagements. He
inftantly addreffed an anfwer to it, recounting the re¬
proaches he had made to them ; ft:.ting his advice ;
defcribing the furprife with which he had read her in¬
tercepted letter ; and conjuring her to renounce and
forget a moft wicked and flagitious man, and, by this
viftory over herfelf, to regain the love and refpeft of
her fubjetfts. The device of a letter from her to Both¬
wel completed the amazement of the queen. So un¬
principled a contempt of every thing that is moft fa-
cred, fo barbarous a perfeverance in perfidioufnefs and
injuftice, extinguifhed every fentiment of hope in her
bofom. She conceived that (he was doomed to inevi¬
table deftruftion, and funk under a pang of unutter¬
able anguifti.
The Lords Ruthven and Lindfay arrived in this pa*Marycon-
roxyfm of her diftrefs, to inform her, that they were finded in
commanded to put in execution the order for her com-L®chleven
mitment. They charged her women to take fromhercal c’
all her ornaments and her royal attire. A mean drefs
was put upon her ; and in this difguife they conveyed
her with precipitation to the prifon appointed for her.
The lords Seton, Yefter, and Borthwick, thought to
have refeued her, but failed in the attempt. She was
delivered over to William Dnuglaa the governor of the
caftle of Lochleven, whom they enjoined to detain her
in clofe cuftody. In this caftie, which was fituated in
the middle of a lake, Mary could not eafily contrive to
carry on a correfpondence with her friends. Douglas
the governor was nearly related to the earl of Mor¬
ton ; and had married the mother of the earl of Mur¬
ray, a woman of an imperious temper, who had
been the concubine of James V. but who fancied her-
felf to have been his queen, and that her fon was the
true heir of the Scottilh monarchy. The fidelity of
fuch keepers could not well be (haken ; and the earl of
Morton and his adherents found a malignant joy in
refle&ing, that here (he would not only experience the
common feverities and languors of a prifon, but be ex-
pofed to the bitter mortification of ftudied infults and
. . • <55?
Upon tbe lame day on which the nobles fubfcribed ■ph rebe!-
thc order for the imprifonment of the queen, they en-lious lords
tered into a bond of concurrence or confederacy. By enter int0 8
this deed they bound and cemented themfelves into a *
body for the ftrenuous profecution of their quarrel ;
and it detailed the purpofes which they were to for¬
ward and purfue. They propofed to punifti the mur¬
derers of the king, to Examine into the queen’s rape,
to diffolve her marriage, to preferve her from the bond¬
age
(a) “ Mr Hume is candid enough to give up the authenticity of this letter ; and indeed, fo far asl have obferved,
there is not the Ilighteft pretence of a reafon for conceiving it to be genuine ; (Hift. of England, vol. 5. p. 120.) It
was not mentioned by the earl of Morton and his adherents to Throgmorton, when Elizabeth interfered in the
affairs of Scotland upon the imprifonment of the queen in the caftle of Lochleven: a period of time when thefe
ftatefmen were defirous to throw out every imputation to her prejudice, and when in particular they were abufing
her with vehemence for her attachment to Bothwel; (Keith, p. 419.) Nor was it made ufe of by Murray before the
Englilh commiffioners. Mary, in the condition to which the nobles had reduced her, could not well think of a
ftepof this fort, although her attachment to Bothwel had been as ftrong as they were pleafed to pronounce it. For,
not to fpeak of the greatnefs of her diftrefs, Ihe was guarded by them fo ftri&Iy, as to make it vain for her to pre¬
tend to elude their vigilance. In regard, too, to her love of Bothwel, it is not clear that it was ever real. While
the king was alive, there are no traces of their improper intercourfe. The affair of Dunbar was a criminal reduc¬
tion. The arts of a profligate man, the frailty of nature, and the violence of a temporary tendernefs, overcame her.
There was no fentiment of love upon either fide. After her marriage, his rudenefs extinguilhed in her altogether,
any remain of kindnefs and refpeft; and hence the cpldnefs with which (he payled with him.” Stuart’s Hijtory ef
Scotland, vol. i. p. asj. note.
SCO [ 8031 ] SCO
Scotland, age oF Bothwel, to proteft the perfon of the prince, elated lords ; but as they had every reafon to doubt her Scotland,
and to nftore juftice to the realm. The fandtion of fincerity, they paid no regard to her threats, and even
a mod folemn oath confirmed their reliance upon
another ; and in advancing their rmafures, they en¬
gaged to expofe and employ their lives, kindred, and
fortunes.
It is eafy to fee, notwithftanding all the pretended
patriotifm of the rebels, that nothing was farther from
their intentions than to profecute Bothwel and reftore
the queen to her digni'y. They had already treated
refufed to admit her ambaflador to Mary’s prefence.
From all thefe appearances of friendlhip Mary net-
ther did nor could derive any real affifiance. On the Mary coi
24'h of July 1567, the lord Lindfay, whofe imperious pelled to
behaviour, lays Dr Siuart, approached to infanity,
was ordered by the lords to wait upon the queen at of (ier
Lochlevin. He carried with him three deeds or in-crown,
ftruments, and was inltrufted not to be fparing in
her in the vileft manner, and allowed Bothwel toefcape rudenefs and menaces in order to compel her to fub-
when they might eafily have apprehended and brought feribe them. By the firft, file was to refign her crown
him to any trial they thought proper. To exalt them- to her infant-fon ; by the fecond, Ihe appointed the
felves was their only aim. Eleven days after the capi- earl of Murray regent of Scotland ; and by the third,
tulation at Carberry hill, they held a convention, in fhe conftituted a council to dired the prince till this
which they very properly affumed the name of lords of nobleman fhould arrive in Scotland, or in the event of
thefecret council, and iffued a proclamation for appre- his death or refufal of the office. On the part of the
perfons
taken up
n account
bending Bothwel as the murderer of the king ; offer¬
ing a reward of 1000 crowns for any perfon who fhould
bring him to Edinburgh. A fearch had been made
for the murderers of the king that very night in which
the queen was confined in Lochlevin cattle. One
Sebatlian a Frenchman, and captain Blackader, were
of the t^ien apprehended ; and foon after James Edmond-
king’s mur-ftone, John Blackader, and Mynart Fiafer, were taken
up and imprifoned. The people expeded full and fa-
tisfadory proofs of the guilt of Both’wel, but were
difappointed. The affirmation of the nobles, that they
were poffeffed of evidence which could condemn him,
appeared to be no better than a pretence or artifice.
Sebaftian found means to efcape ; the other perfons
were put to the torture, and futtained it without ma¬
king any confeffion that the nobles could publifh.
queen all refiftance was vain. Sir Robert Melvil af-
fured her, that her bell friends were of opinion, that
what (he did by compuluon, and in a prifon, could
have no power to bind her ; and of this (he was alfo
affured by Throgmorton, the Englifli ambaffador, in a
letter which Sir Robert Melvil brought in the fcab-
bard of his fword. Mary therefore, forlorn and help-
lefs, could not refill the barbarous rudenefs with which
Limlfay prefled t e fubfeription of the papers, though
fhe would not read them. Five days after, the lords Coronatioa
of the fecret council met at Stirling, for the corona-of Jimes
tion of the young prince, and confidered themfelves as^1,
reprefenting the three eftates of the kingdom. A pro-
tettation was made in the name of the duke of Chat-
tellerault, that this folemnity fhould neither prejudge
his tights of fucceffion nor thofe of the other princes
698
They were condemned, however, and executed, as of the blood. The young prince being prefented to
89s
But they
make no
confeffion.
being concerned in the murder. In their dying mo¬
ments, they protefted their innocence. A fanguine
hope was entertained that captain Blackader would
reveal the whole fecret at the place of execution, and
a vafl multitude of fpeftators were prefent. No in¬
formation, however, could be derived from what he
faid with regard to the regicides; but while he folemn-
ly protdled that his life was unjutlly taken away, he
averred it as his belief that the earls of Murray and
Morton were the contrivers of the king’s murder.
The lords of the fecret council now proceeded to
them, the lords Lindfay and Ruthven appeared, and
in the name of the queen renounced in his favonr her
right and title to the crown, gave up the papers file
had fubferibed, and furrendered the fword, feeptre, and
royal crown. Afier the papers were read, the earls of
Morton, Athol, Giencairn, Marre, and Menteith, with
the matter of Graham, the lord Hume, and Bothwel
bifhop of Orkney, received the queen’s refignation in
favour of her fon in the name of the three ettates. Af¬
ter this formality, the earl of Morton, bending hisbody,
and laying his hand upon the Scriptures, took the
the greateft enormities. They robbed the palace of coronation-oath for the prince, engaging that he fhould
Robberies Holyroodhoufe of its furniture and decorations; con-
and out- verted the queen’s plate into coin ; and pofieffed tbem-
rages of-the felves of her jewels, which were of great value; and
eonfedera while the fadion at large committed thefe ads of rob-
ted lords, the earl of Giencairn with folemn hypocrify de-
molifhed the altar in the queen’s chapel, and defaced
and deftroyed all its pidures and ornaments. Thefe
rule according to the laws, and root out all heretics
and enemies to the word of God. Adam Bothwel
then anointed the prince king of Scotland ; a ceremony
with which John Knox was difpleafed, as believing it
to be of Jewitti invention. This prelate next delivered
to him the fword and the feeptre, and finally put the
crown upon his head. In the proctffion to the cattle
exceffive outrages, however, loll them the favour of from the church where the inauguration was performed,
the people, and an aflbeiation was forrmd in favour of and where John Knox preached the inauguration fer-
in, the earl of Athol carried the crown, Morton the
feeptre, Giencairn the fword, and the earl of Marre ^
carried the prince in his arms Thefe folemnities re- Difappro.
        ceived no countenance from Elizabeth; and Throg-ved by
fee her, upon which he immediately returned to his morton, by her exprefs command, was not prefent at Elizabeth,
own country. The earl of Murray, however, was at them. 7oo
this time in France; and to the promifrs of this ambi- Soon after this ceremony, the earl of Murray re* Murray re-
tious and treacherouswretch theking trufted, imagining tutned from France; and his prefence gave fuch a.umsfr^ra
him to be a fteady friend to the unfortunate queen. Eli- ftrength and firmnefs to his fadlion, that very little France,
.zabethalfopretended frkndfhip, ami threatened the affo- oppofttion could be given by the pa-rtifans of Mary,
- 32 Z 2 who
the queen. The court of France, as foon as the news
of Mary’s imprifonment arrived, difpatched M. de Vih
leroy to condole with her upon her misfortunes ; but
the lords of the fecret council would not admit him to
f
SCO [ 8032 ] SCO
Scotland, who vtfen! unfeUkd and defponding for want of a leader.
  A little tiree after his arrival, this monftrous hypocrite
He 7°a an(^ tra'tor w3ited upon his dillrefied and infultcd fove-
vififwthe reign at Lochlevin. His defign was to get her to defire
qtteen at him to accept of the regency, which he otherwife pre-
Lochdcvin. tended to decline. The queen, unfufpiciotis of the
deepnefs of his arts, confcious of the gratitude he
owed to her, and trulling to his natural affe&ion, and
their tie of a common father, received him with a ten¬
der welcome. She was in hafte to pour forth her foul
to him ; and with tears and lamentations related her
condition and her ftifferings. He heard her with at¬
tention ; and turned occafionally his difconrfe to the
topics which might lead her to open to him her mind
without difguife in thofe fituations in which he was
moft anxious to obferve it. His eye and his penetra¬
tion were fully employed; and her diftrefs awakened
not Ins tendernefs. He feemed to be in fufpence ; and
from the guardednefs of his converfation fhe could
gather neither hope nor fear. She begged him to be
free with her, as he was her only friend. He yielded
to her intreaties as if with pain and reluflanc^; and
taking a comprehenfive furvey of her conduft, deferi-
bed it with all the feverity that could affedf her moft..
He could difeover no apology for her mifgoverumerjt
and diforders ; and, with a mortifying plainnefs, he
preffed upon her confcience and her honour. At times
flte wept bitterly. Some errors fixe confeffed ; and
againft calumnies (he warmly rindicated. herfelf., But
all fhe could urge in her behalf made no impreffion up¬
on him ; and he fpoke to her of the mercy of God as
her chief refuge. She was torn with apprehenfions, and
nearly diftra&ed with defpair. He dropped forne words
of confolation ; and after expreffing an attachment to
her interefts, gave her his promife to employ all his
confequence to fecure her life. As to her liberty, be
told her, that to atchieve it was beyond all his efforts;
and that it was not good for her to deiire it. Starting
from her feat, (he took him in her arms, and killing
fox him as her deliverer from the fcaffold, folicited his im-
And in- mediate acceptance of the regency. He declared he
^ had many reafons to refufe the regency. She implored
Kim to ac- anc* conjured him not to abandon her in the extremity
cept of the of her wretc-hedntfs. There was no other method, Ihe
regency, faidy by which ftie herfelf could be fared, her fon pro¬
tected, and her realm rightly governed. He gave
way to her anxiety and felicitations. She befought
him to make the moft unbounded ufe of her name and
authority, defired him to keep for her the jewels that
yet remained with her, and recommended it to him to
get an early pofftffion of all the forts of her kingdom.
He now took his leave of her ; and embracing anew
this pious traitor, Ihe fent her bleffing with him to the
prince her fon.
Miferable l^e mean time wretched earl of Bothwel was
jfateof ftruggl*ng greateft difficulties. Sir William
Bothwel. Murray and Kirkaldy of Grange had put to fea in
fearch of him. He had been obliged to exercife pi¬
racy in order to fubfift himfelf and his followers. His
purfuers came upon him unexpectedly at the Orkney
iflands, and took three of his fhips; but he himftlf
made his efcape. Soon after, having feiaed a Turkilh
trader on the coaft of Norway, two fhips of war be¬
longing to the king of Denmark gave chace to him as
a pirate. An engagement enfued, in which Bnthwel
was taken. His officers and mariners were hanged in Scotland.
Denmark; but Bothwel himfelf, being known by fome
Scottilh merchants, had his life fpared. He was
thrown, however, into a dungeon, where he remained
ten years ; and at laft died melancholy and diftrafted.
The regent fent commiffioners to the king of Den¬
mark to demand him as a prifoner ; but that prince
confidering him as a traitor and ufurper, totally dif--
regarded his requeft. 704>
The dreadful fate of Bothwel did not make any, al- Letters
teration in the Gtuation, of the queen. Her enemies, loTgetl
bent on calumniating her, thought of framing ktters j^veea" ^
which they defired to pais on the world as having been jjothwel.
written to him by the queen; and in this infamous tranff
adion, it is faid, they were affifted by the celebrated
George Buchanan. Upon the (lender iupport of thefe
letters they bmlt their hopes of defending their con-
dud ; and being afraid that fome time or other they
might be called to an account for this conduCt, they
framed an aft,, by which they declared their own be¬
haviour to be exceedingly proper and meritorious, at
the fame time that they blamed the queen as the oc*
cafion of all the mifehief that had happened ; fince-it
was moft certain, faid they, “ by her letters to Both¬
wel, and their private marriage, that fhe was art and
part and of the aftual devife and deed of the murder
of her hufband ; and that fhe fully deferved the treat¬
ment fhe had already met with, axd the refentment
which might yet be fhown her.”
On the 15th of December 1567, the regent thought
proper to call a parliament; in which, as there was no
power to refift him, every thing was carried his own
way. The queen was condemned unfeen and unheard;
her enemies obtained a full pardon not only for all they
had done, but for all they might do againft her.
The letters from the queen to Bothwel were held to
be true and genuine ; his eftates were forfeited ; and
after the diffolution of the affembly, four of his fer-Four of his
vants, who had been convifted of being acceffory to the fcnrants
death of the king, were executed. But though they
were praftifed with to accufe the queen, they abfo-accu(-e ^
lately refufed to do fo. When on the fcaffold, they queen,
addreffed themfelves to the p'eople ; and after having
folemnly declared the innocence of the queen, they
protefted before God and his angels, that the earl of
Bothwel had informed them that the earls of Murray
and Morton were the contrivers of the king’s mur¬
der.
It was impoffible that fuch tranfaflions as thefe could
advance the popularity of the regent. His unbounded
ambition and cruelty to his fovereign, began at laft to
open the eyes of the nation ; and a party was form¬
ing itfelf in favour of the queen. She herfelf had
been often meditating her efcape from her prifon ; and 70(J
fhe at laft effefted it by means of a young gentleman, The queen
George Douglas, brother to her keeper, who hadefcaPes
fallen in love with her. On the zd day of May I568,^°mpr‘*
about feven o’clock in the evening, when her keeper
was at fupper wiih his family, George Douglas, pof-
feffing himfelf of the keys of the caftle, haftened to
her apartment, and condufted her out of prifon. Ha¬
ving locked the gates of the caftle, they immediately
entered a boat which waited for them ; and being
rowed acrofs the lake, the lord Seton received the
queen with a chofen hand of horfemen in complete ar¬
mour,
SCO [ 8053 ] SCO
Scotland, motir. That night he conveyed her to his houfe of
- Niddrie in Weft Lothian ; where having refted a few
hours, fhe fet out for Hamilton.
The efcape of the queen threw her enemies into the
greateft confternation. Many forfook the regent open-
707 ly; and ftill more made their fubmiffions privately, or
Theregent concealed themfelves. He did not, however, defpond ;
raifes an ,.ef0|ve(j to defcn(j himfclf by force of arms. The
army. quecn foon foun(J herfelf at the head of 6000 men, and
the regent oppofed her with 4000. Mary, however,
did not think it proper to rifle a battle ; knowing the
capacity of the regent as a general, and that his offi¬
cers were all men of approved valour and experience.
But in this prudent refolution fhe was over-ruled by
the impetuofity of her troops. A battle was fought
708 on the 13th of May 1568, at Langfide near Glafgow;
army de- in Mary’s army was defeated, and her laft hopes
feted at blafted. The unfortunate queen fled towards Kircnd-
JLangfide bright; where having a prefent fafety, fhe deliberated
near Glaf- on tj,e p]an ftjc (hould afterwards follow. The refult
®ow‘ of her deliberations, as frequently happens in cafes of
perplexity, led her to take the worft ftep poffible.
Not withftanding all the perfidy which fhe had found
in Elizabeth, Mary could not think that file would
now refufe to afford her a refuge in her dominions; and
therefore determined to retire into England. To this
fhe had been folicited by Elizabeth herfelf during her
Slierefolvesconfinement 'n Lochlevin caftle; and Ihe now refolved
to fly into to make the fatal experiment. The lord Herries and
England, the archbifhop of St Andrew’s remonftrated in vain
upon the imprudence and the perils of this condutS.
They fell upon their knees, conjuring her to forego a
refolution that mutt terminate in her ruin. Their ar¬
guments, their iutreaties, and their tears, were all in*
effectual. She determined to feek a refuge in Eng¬
land, and to court in perfon the protedion of a queen
who had never ceafed to difturb her reign, and whofe
dominions were the common and the fecure retreat of
the moft infolent and the moft rebellious of her fub-
jeds.
And^uts ^ °bedience to her order, the lord Herries addreffed
her defian a letter to Mr Lauder, the deputy-commander at
in exeem Carlifle; and after detailing her defeat at Langfide,
tion. deftred to know if fhe might truft herfelf upon Eng-
lifh ground. This officer wrote inftantly an anfwer, in
which he faid, that the lord Scroop the warden of the
frontiers being abfent, he could not of his private au ¬
thority give a formal affurance in a matter which con¬
cerned the ftate of a queen: but that he would fend by
poll to his court to know the pleafure of his fovereign;
and that if in the mean time any neceffity fhould force
Mary to Carlifle, he would receive her with joy, and
prouft her againft her enemies. Mary, however, be¬
fore the meffenger could return, had embarked in a fifh-
ing boat with fixteen attendants. In a,few hours fhe
landed at Wirkington in Cumberland ; and from thence
fhe proceeded to Cockermouth, where fhe continued
till Mr Lauder, having affembled the gentlemen of the
country, eondufted her with the greateft relpect to
caflle of Carliflc.
Announces ^ announced her arrival in a dif-
her^arrWal8 Patch, which deferibed her late misfortunes in general
to Eliza- and pathetic terms, and in which fhe expreffed an earneft
beth. folicitude to pay her a vifit at her court, and the deep
fenfe fhe entertained of her friendfhip and generolhy,.
The queen of England, by obliging and polite letters, Scotland..
condoled with her upon her fituation, and gave her    
afiurances of all the favour and proteftion that were
due to the juftice of her caufe. But as they were not
accompanied with an invitation to London, Mary
took the alarm. She thought it expedient to in-
ftrud lord Fleming to repair to France ; and Ihe in¬
truded lord Herries with a moft preffing remonftrance
to Elizabeth. Her anxiety for an interview in order And prefTes
to vindicate her condud, her ability to do fo in theherforai*
moft fatisfadory manner, and her pow'er to explain,ntervic"'
the ingratitude, the crimes, and the perfidy of her
enemies, were urged to this princefs. A delay in the
ftate of her affairs was reprefented as nearly equivalent
to abfolute deftrudion. An immediate proof was
therefore requefted from Elizabeth of the fincerity of
her profeffions. If fhe was unwilling to admit into
her prefence a queen, a relation, and a friend, fhe was
reminded, that as Mary’s entrance into her dominions
had been voluntary, her departure ought to be equally
free and unreftrained. She valued the protedion of
the queen of England above that of every other poten¬
tate upon earth ; but if it could not be granted, fhe
would folicit the amity, and implore the aid, of powers
who would commiferate her afflidions, and be forward
to relieve them. Amidft remonftrances, however,
which were fojuft and fo natural, Mary failed not to
give thanks to Elizabeth for the courtefy with which
Ihe had hitherto been treated in the caftle of Carlifle.
She took the opportunity alfo to beg of this princefs
to avert the cruelty of the regent from her adherents,
and to engage him not to wafte her kingdom with
hoftility and ravages; and fhe had the prudence to pay
her compliments in an affedionate letter to fecretary
Cecil, and to court his kind offices in extricating her
from her difficulties and troubles.
But the queen of England was not to be moved by
remonftrances. The voluntary offer of Mary to plead
her caufe in the prefence of Elizabeth, and to fatisfy
all her fcruples, was rejtded. H<-r difafters were ra- Delibcra*
ther a matter of exultation than of pity. Her delibe- tions of
rations, however, and thofe of her ftatefmen, were not El'zabeth
direded by maxims of equity, of compaffion, or oHnti iler
generofity. They confidered the flight of Mary intOconcenftng
England as an incident that was fortunate and favour-Mary. h
able to them ; and they were felicitous to adopt thofe
meafures which would enable them to draw from it the
greateft profit and advantage. If the queen of Scots
were allowed to return to her own dominions, it was
probable that fhe would foon be in a condition to de-
ftroy the earl of Murray and his fadion, who were the
friends of England. The houfe of Hamilton, who
were now zealous in the interefts of France, would
rife into confideration and power. England would be
kept in perpetual turmoils upon the frontiers ; Ir-.land
would receive moleftation from the Scots, and its di-
fturbancesgrow important and dangerous. Mary would
renew with redoubled ardour her defigns againft the
Proteftant religion ; and a French army would again
be introduced into Scotland. Elizabeth and her mi-
nifters, rejtding this fcheme, examined the cafe of the
queen of Scots, if fhe (hould remain at liberty in Eng¬
land. In this fituation (he would augment the num¬
ber of her partizans, fend to every quarter her emiffa-
ries, and inculcate her title to the crown. Foreign
am-
SCO
t 8034 1
SCO
Scotland, ambafladors would afford her aid, and take a (hare in to pronounce, in the cafe of the murder, Guilty or not Scotland,
~ her intrigues ; and Scotland, where there was fo high
an objeft to be gained, would enter with cordiality
into her views. This plan being alfo hazardous, it
was deliberated whether the queen of Scots might not
be allowed to take a voyage into France. But all the
pretenfions which had hitherto threatened the crown
of Elizabeth would in this cafe be revived. A ftrong
refcntment to her would even urge Mary and Ctiarles
IX. to the boldeft and mod defperate enterprifes.
The party of the queen of Scots in England, ttrong
from motives of religion and affcdion, and from dif-
contents and the love of change, would ftimulate their
anger and ambition. England had now no territories
in France. A war with that country and with Scot¬
land would involve the greateft dangers. Uponrevol-
714. ving thefe meafures and topics, Elizabeth and her
They re- counfellors were induced to conclude, that it was by
folveto far t}ie wifcft expedient to keep the queen of Scots in
confine her confinemcnt> to invent methods to augment he diftrefs,
guilty, according to the evidence that fhould be laid "
before them ; whether they would aftually exercife
this power ; whether, in the event of her criminali¬
ty, their fovtreign fhould be delivered to him and his
friends, or detained in England in fuch a way as
that no danger fhould enfue from her a&ivity ; and
whether, upon her convi&ion, the queen of England
would allow his proceedings and thofe of his party to
be proper, maintain the government of the young
king, and fupport him in the regency in the terms of
the adt of parliament which had confirmed him in
that office. To thefe requifi ions, it was anfwered,
upon the part of the Engltfh deputies, that their com-
miifion was fo ample, that they could enter into and
proceed with the controverfy ; and that they had li¬
berty to declare, that their fovereign would not reftore
the queen of Scots to her crown, if fatisfadfory proofs
of her crime fhould be produced ; but that they knew
^ not, and were not inftrudted to fay, in what manner
to give countenance to the regent, and to hold her fhe would finally condudl herfclf as to her perfon and
kingdom in dependence and fubjedlion.
In confequence of this cruel and unjuft refolution,
Mary was acquainted, that (he could not be admitted
into Elizabeth’s prefence till fhe had cleared herfelf of
the crimes imputed to her; (he was warned not to
Elizabeth think of introducing French troops into Scotland; and
refufes to it was hinted, that for the more fecurity fhe ought to
<idmit the f,e removed further from the frontier. This meffage
queen into at ance (bowed Mary the imprudence of her condud
fence.^* *H irufting herfelf to Elizabeth. But the error could
not now be remedied, She was watched to prevent
her efcape, and all her remonftrances were vain. The
earl of Murray had offered to accufe her; and it was
t laft concluded that Elizabeth could not, confident
pun fhment. With regard to the fovereignty of the
prince, ai d the regency of the earl of Murray, they
were points, they obferved, which might be canvaffed
in an after period. Thefe replies did not pleaft the
regent and his affociatrs; and they requefted the Eng-
lifh commiffiontrs to tranfmit their doubts and fcruples
to be examined and anfwered by Elizabeth.
But while the regent dilcovtred in this manner his
apprehenfions, he yet affirmed that he was able to
anfwer the charges imputed to him and bis faftion; and
this being in a great meafure adiitind matter from the
controverfy of the murder, he was defired to proceed 7I{)
in it. It was contended, that Bothwel, who had the His aecufa-
chiefconcern in the murder of lord Darnley, pofTeffedtion againft
with her own honour and the tranquillity of her' fuch credit withr the queen, that within three months ^ary'
716 government, fuffer the queen of Scots to come into
Mary is her prefence, to depart out of England, or to be re-
removed ftored to her dignity, till hercaufe fhould be tried and
from Car- decided. An order was given to remove her from
clofely" Carlifle caftle to a place of ftrength at a greater di-
guarded. fiance from the borders, to confine her more clofely,
and to guard againft all poffibility of an efcape.
In confiquence of thefe extraordinary tranfaftions,
a trial took place, perhaps the moft remarkable for
its injuftice and partiality of any recorded in hiftory.
Mary, confined and apprehenfive, fubmitted to be
tried as they thought proper. The regent, who was
to be the accufer, was fummoned into England, and
commiffioners were appointed on both fides. On the
after that horrible event, he feized her perfon and led
her captive to Dunbar, obtained a divorce from his
wife, and married her : that the nobility, being moved
with his crimes, did confederate to punilh him; fto re¬
lieve her from the tyranny of a man who had ravilhed
her, and who could not be her hufband ; and to pre-
ferve the life of the prince : that having taken arms
for thefe purpofes, the earl marched againft them; but
that, propofing to decide the quarrel by fingle combat,
his challenge was accepted: that he declined, notwith-
ttanding, to enter the lifts, and fled : that the queen,
preferring his impunity to her own honour, favoured
his efcape by going over to the nobility : that they
conduced her to Edinburgh, where they informed
Commif- 4th of O&ober, the commiffioners met at York; and her of the motives of their proceedings, requefted her
to take the proper fteps againft him and the other re¬
gicides, and intreated her to diffolve her pretended mar¬
riage, to take care of her fon, and to confult the tran¬
quillity ef her realm : that this treatment being offen-
five to her, fhe menaced them with vengeance, and of¬
fered to furrender her crown if they would permit
her to pofiefs the murderer of her hufband : that her
iioners for four (]ay8 after, the deputies of the queen of Soots
her trial were called to make known their complaints. They
York.31 related the moft material circumftances of the cruel
ufage fhe had received. Their accufations were an
alarming introdu&ion to the bufinefs in which the re-
geint had embarked ; and notwithftanding the encou¬
ragement fhown to him by Elizabeth, he was affault-
ed by apprehenfions. The artifices of Maitland ad- inflexible mind, and the neceffities of the ftate, com-
7,8 ded to his alarms. Inftead of proceeding inftantly to pelled them to keep her at a diftance from him, and
Infamous defend himfelf, or to accufe the queen, he fought out of the way of a communication with his adhe-
behaviour permiffion to relate his doubts and fcruples to the Eng- rents: that during her confinement, finding herf If
ef Murray, jjflj comm;flioners> In his own name, and with the fatigued with the troubles of royalty, and unfit for
concurrence of his aflbeiates, he demanded to know them from vexation of fpirit and the weaknefs of her
whether they had fufficient authority from Elizabeth body and intelleft; fhe freely and of her own will re-
1 figned
SCO [ 8035 ] SCO
Scotland. Ugned her crown to her fon, and conftituted the earl
of Murray to the regency : that the king accordingly
had been crowned, and Murray admitted to the re¬
gency that the fan&ion of the three eftates affembled
in parliament having confirmed thefe appointments, an
unrverfal obedience of the people had enfued, and a
fteady adminiftration ofjuftice had taken place: that
certain perfons, however, envious of the public order
and peace, had brought her out of prifon, and had
engaged to fubvert the government j that they had
been difappointed in their wicked attempts; and that
it was moll juft and equitable, that the king and the
regent Ihould be fupported in power, in oppofition to
1lo a rebellious and turbulent fa&lon.
Confuted This apology, fo imperfeft, fo impudent, and fo
bL-esC T ‘rreconc^ea^e hiftory, received a complete con-
MaryS ° futation from the deputies of the queen of Scots. To
take armsagainft her becaufe Bothwel had her favour,
was, they faid, a lame juftification of the earl of Mur¬
ray and his friends; fince it bad never been properly
manifelled to her that he was the murderer of her huf-
band. He had indeed been fufpe&ed of this crime ;
but had been tried by his peers, and acquitted. His
acquittal had been ratified in parliament, and had ob¬
tained the exprefs approbation of the party who were
now fo loud in accufing him, and who had confpired
againft her authority. Thefe rebels had even urged
her to accomplilh her marriage with him, had recom¬
mended him as the fitteft perfon to govern the realm,
and had fubferibed a bond aflerting his innocence, and
binding themfelves to challenge and punilh all his ad-
verfaries and opponents. They had never, either before
or after the marriage, like true fubje&s, advertifed
the queen of his guilt, till, having experience of their
ftrength, they fecretly took arms, and invefted her in
Borthwick caftle. The firft mark of their difpleafure
was the found of a trumpet in hoftility, and the dif-
play of warlike banners. She made her efcape to Dun¬
bar ; and they returning to Edinburgh, levied troops,
iflued proclamations, took the field againft her, under
the pretence of delivering her from his tyranny, and
got poffeflion of her perfon. She was willing to pre¬
vent the effufion of blood, and was very far from pre¬
ferring his impunity to her honour. Kirkaldy of
Grange, in obedience to inftrudtions from them, de-
fired her to caufe him to retire, and invited her to
pafs to them under the promife of being ferved and
obeyed as their fovereign. She confented, and Kirk¬
caldy taking Bothwel by the hand, recommended it to
him to depart, and affured him that no man would
purfue him. It was by their own contrivance that he
fled ; and it was in their power to have taken him ;
but they fhowed not the fmalleft defire to make him
their prifoner. He remained too for fame time in the
kingdom, and was unmolefted by them ; and it was
not till he was upon the feas, that they affefled to go
in fearch of him. When flie furrendered herfelf in
the fight of their army, the earl ef Morton ratified
the ftipulations of Kirkaldy, made obeifance to her in
their names, and promiftd her all the fervice and ho¬
nour which had ever been paid to any of her prede-
ceffors. They were not flaves, however, to their en¬
gagements. They carried her to Edinburgh, but did
not lodge her in her palace. She was committed to
the houfe of a burgefs, and treated with, the vikft in?
dignities. She indeed broke out into menaces, and Scotland.
threatened them; nor was this a matter either of blame   
or of wonder. But it was utterly falfe that (he had
ever made any offer to give away her crown, if (lie
might pofiefs Bothwel. In the midft of her fnffer-
ings, (he had even required them by fecretary Mait¬
land to fpecify their complaints, and befought them to
allow her to appear in parliament, and to join and af-
fift in feeking a remedy to them from the wifdom of
the three eftates. This overture, however, fo falu-
tary and fo fubmiflive, they abfolutely rejefted. They
were animated by purpofes of ambition, and had not
in view a relief from grievances. They forced her from
her capital in the night, and imprifoned her in Loch-
leven ; and there, they affirm, being exhaufted with
the toils of government and the languors of ficknefs,
(he, without conftraint or felicitation, refigned her
crown to her fon, and appointed the earl of Murray to
be regent during his minority. This indeed was to
affiime an unlimited power over fads; but the truth
could neither be concealed, nor overturned, nor pallia¬
ted. She was in the vigour of youth, unaffailed by ma¬
ladies, and without any infirmity that could induce her
to furrender the government of her kingdom. Nor was
it unknown to them that the earl of Athol and the ba¬
rons Tullibardin and Lethington, principal men of
their council, difpatched Sir Robert Melvil to her
with a ring and prefents, with a recommendation to
fubferibe whatever papers (hould be laid before her, as
the only means in her power to fave her life, and with
an aifurance that what (he did under captivity could
not operate any injury to her. Melvil, too, communi¬
cated to her an intimation in writing from Sir Nicho¬
las Throgmorton, which gave her the fame advice and
the fame afiurance. To Sir Nicholas Throgmortcm (he
fent an anfwer, informing him that (he would follow
his counfel, and enjoining him to declare to his mi-
(Irefs her haplefs (late, and that her refignation of her
crown was conftrained. Nor did this ambalfador ne-
gle£ her commiffion ; and it was a popular perfuafion
that Elizabeth would have marched an army to her re¬
lief, if (he had not been intimidated by the threat of
the rebels, that the blood of the queen of Scots would
be the wages of her foldiers. It was alfo not to be
contradi&ed, that when the lord Lindfay prefented ta
his fovereign the inftruments of refignation, he mena¬
ced her with a clofer prifon and a fpeedy death if (he
(hould refufe to fubfertbe them. It was under an ex¬
treme terror, and with many tears, that (he put her
name to them. She did not confider them as her
deeds; did not read them; and protefted, that when (he
was at liberty, (he would difavow fubferiptions which
had been extorted from her. Even Douglas, the
keeper of Lochlevin, could not endure to be a witnefs
of the violence employed againft her. He departed out
of her prefence,, that he might not fee her furrender
her rights againft her will-; and he fought and obtain¬
ed from her a certificate, that he was not acceffory to
this compulfion and outrage. Nor did it confift with
the (lighted probability or reafon, that (he would, of
her own will and accord, execute a refignation of her
royal eftate, and retain no provifion for her future
maintenance. Yet by thefe extraordinary deeds, the
condition to which (he was reduced, was moft mife-
rable and wretched. For no portion whatever of her re?
venue:
SCO [ 8036 1 SCO
■Scotland, venue was referved to her, and no fecurity of any kind
was granted either for her liberty or her life. As to
the coronation of the prince, it could have no validity,
as being founded in' a pretended and unreal refigna-
tion. It was alfo defeftive in its form: for there were
in Scotland more than an hundred earls, bifhops, and
lords; and of thefe the whole, or at leaft the major
part, ought to concur in matters of importance. Now
there did not aflill in it more than four earls, fix
lords, one bifhop, and two or three abbots. Protefta-
tions, too, were openly made, that nothing tranfafled at
that period fhould be any prejudice to the queen, hey
eflate, and the blood-royal of Scotland. Neither
could it be rightly conceived, that if the queen had
willingly furrendered her dignities, (he would have
named the earl of Murray to the regency in preference
to the duke of Chatellerault, who had a natural and
proper claim to it, and who had deferved well of his
country by difeharging that high office during her mi¬
nority. As to the ratification of the inveftiture of the
young prince, and the regency of the earl of Murray
by theeftates, it was obfervablc, tlrat this was done in
an illegal parliament. It was an invalid confirmation
of deeds, which in themfelves had no inherent power
or efficacy. The principal nobility, too, objefted in
this parliament to this ratification. Proteftations were
made before the lords of the articles, as well as before
the three ellates, to interrupt and defeat tranfadions
which were in a wild hoftility to the conftitution and
the laws. Neither was it true that the government of
the king and the regent was nniverfally obeyed, and
adminiitered with equity and approbation. For a great
divifion of the nobility never acknowledged any autho¬
rity but that of the queen, and never held any courts
but in her name ; and it was notorious, that the ad-
miniftration of the ufurpers had been marked and di-
ftinguifhed by enormous cruelties and oppreffions.
Many honourable families and loyal fubjeds had been
perfecuted to ruin, and plundered of their wealth, to
gratify the retainers and foldiers who upheld this info-
lent domination ; and murder and bloodfhed, theft
. and rapine, were prevalent to a degl^ee unheard of for
many ages. Upon all thefe accounts, it was inferred,
that Elizabeth ought to fupport the queen of Scots, to
reftore her to her crown, and to overthrow the power
741 of a molt unnatural and rebellious fadion.
The regent To thefe fads the regent did not pretend to make
unable to any objedion; and though required by the Englifh
}r' commiffioners to produce founder and better reafons
for his treatment of the queen, he did mot advance any
thing in his own behalf. He even allowed the char¬
ges of treafon and ufurpation to be prefled againll
him, without prefuming to anfwer. This furprifing
behaviour, which might readily have been conftrued
into an acknowledgment of his guilt, it feems, proceed¬
ed from fome conferences which he had with the duke
of Norfolk. This nobleman was a zealous partifan for
the fucceffion of Mary to the Englilh crown. He
was ftrongly poffefled with the opinion, that his mi-
flrefs, while (he was difpofed to gratify her animofity
and jealoufies againil the queen of Scots, was fecretly
refolved, by fixing a ftain upon her, to exclude her al¬
together from the fucceffion, and to involve her fon in
her difgrace. He was eager to defeat a purpofe, which
he conceived to be not only unjult in itfelf, but highly
detrimental to his country. It was in his power to Scotland,
aft with this view; and he obferved with pleafure, that
Maitland of Lethington was favourable to Mary. To
this ftatefman, accordingly, he ventured to exprefs his
furprife, that the regent could be allured to think of
an attempt fo blameable as that of criminating his fo-
vereign. If Mary had really given offence by mifear-
riage and miftakes, it yet was not the bufintfs of a
good fubjeft induflrioufly to hold her out to fcorn.
Anxious and repeated conferences were held by
them : and at length it was formally agreed, that the
regent fhould not accufe the queen of Scots ; and that
the duke in return fhould proteft him in the favour
of Elizabeth, and fecure him in the pofleffion of his re-
gency.
But while the regent engaged himfelf in this in-jjisgXt
trigue with the duke of Norfolk, he was defirous not- tremeinfi-
withflanding of gratifying the refentments of Eliza-dioufnefs
beth, and of advancing his own interefts by under-an.^ hyi’0*
mining fecretly the fame and reputation of hisfove-Cn^'
reign. He inftrufted Maitland, George Buchanan,
James Macgill, and John Wood, to go to the duke of
Norfolk, the earl of Suflex, and Sir Ralph Sadler, and
to communicate to them as private perfons, and not in
their charafter of commiffioners, the letters to Both-
wel, and the other proofs upon which he affirmed the
guilt of the, queen of Scots. It was his defire that
they would examine thefe papers, give their opinion
of them to Elizabeth, and inform him whether fhe
judged them fuffieient evidences of Mary’s concern in
the murder of her hufband. If this fhould be her opi¬
nion, he teftified his own readinefs, and that of his
afibciates, to fwear that the papers were genuine, and
of the hand-writing of the queen. By this operation,
he was felicitous to eftablifh his vouchers as inconteft-
able, and as teftimonies of record. The comroiffioners
examined his papers, and heard the comments of Bu¬
chanan and his other affiftants ; but they do not
feem to have beftowed the fulleft credit upon them.
They deferibed them, however, to Elizabeth; pointed
out the places of them which were flrongeft againft
Mary; and allowed that their force and meaning were
very great, if their genuinenefs could be demonftra-
ted. But of their genuinenefs they acknowledged that
they had no other evidence than flout afTertions, and
the offer ©f oaths. Elizabeth, who received their dif-
patches, did not think it expedient to empower them
to adopt a method of proof fo palpably fufpicious, and
in which fhe could not openly concur, without grofsly
violating even the appearance of probity. The regent
had before attempted to engage her in a direft aflu-
rance of the validity of his papers, when he fubmitted
copies of them to her infpeftion by his fecretary Mr
Wood. His attempt at thisjunfture was of a fimilar
kind ; and it could not recommend him to the Englifh
commiffioners.
Nor were thefe the only tranfaftions which took
place during the continuance of the commiffioners at
York. The inventive and refining genius of Lething¬
ton had fuggefted to him a projeft, which he commu¬
nicated in confidence to the bifhop of Rofs. It recei¬
ved the warm approbation of this ecclefiaftic; and they
determined to put it to a trial. While they attended
the duke of Norfolk to the dtverfion of hawking, they
iafinuated into him the notion of his allying himfelf
with
SCO [ 8037 ] SCO
Siotland. vviih the queen of Scots. Her beauty, her accom-
~ phfhments, and her kingdom, were high allurements
to this nobleman ; and as he was the greateft fubjeft
ef England, and perhaps of Europe, he feemed not to
be unworthy of them. The propofal was very flatter¬
ing to the admiration he entertained of Mary, to his
ambition, and to his patriotifm. The more he thought
of it, he was the more convinced of its propriety. His
accefs to be informed of the practices of the regent,
deftroyed in him the operation of thefe flanders by
which her enemies were fo aftive to traduce her. In
this date of his mind, the lady Scroop, his After, who
refided at Bolton Caftle with Mary, completely con¬
firmed his refolution. For from her he learned the or¬
derly carriage and the amiable difpofitions of the queen
of Scots. He was now impatient to have a fit feafon
to make her formally the offer of his hand.
Elizabeth in the mean time was thrown into confu-
fion by the refufal of the regent to accufe the queen
of Scots. To give a pofitive anfwer to his doubts and
fcruples was not confident with her honour; and yet,
without this condefcenfion, fhe was aflured that the
the Scottifh deputies would not exhibit their charge
or crimination. Having deceived Mary therefore with
fair promifes, fhe was aftive in gaining over the rgent
to her views; which having done, he Confented atlaft;
to prefer his accufation againft Mary before the cora-
miffioners, who now met at Weftminfter by the com-
. r mand of Elizabeth. The charge was expreffed in ge-
ArtldeS of r
the queen’s ncra‘ and prelumptive terms, it antrmed, that as
accufation. James Earl of Bothwel was the chief executor of the
murder of King Henry, fo the queen was his perfua-
der and counfel in the device; that fhe was a main-
tainer and fortifier of this unnatural deed, by flopping
the inquifitlon into it and its punifhment, and by ta¬
king in marriage the principal regicide ; that they had
begun to exerctfe a cruel tyranny in the common¬
wealth, and had formed a refolution of deftroying the
innocent prince, and of transferring the crown from
the true line of its kings to a bloody murderer and a
godlefs tyrant ; and that the eftates of the realm, find¬
ing her unworthy to reign, had ordered her to refign
the crown, her fon to be crowned, and the earl of
Murray to be eftablifhed in the regency. Before this
accufation was preferred, the earl of Lennox prefent-
ed himfelf before the Englifh commiffioners; made a
lamentable declaration of his griefs, and produced to
them the letters which had -pafled between him and
Mary concerning the murder, with a writing which
contained a direct affirmation of her guilt.
in The deputies of Mary were aftonilhed at this accu-
Remon- fation, being a violent infringement of a proteftation
thTscot^ w^'c^ they had formerly given in, and which had been
| deputies, accepted, namely, that the crown, eftate, perfon, and
- honour of the queen of Scots, fhould be guarded a-
gainft every affault and injury ; yet in all thefe parti¬
culars file was touched and affefted. It was under-
ftood that no judicial proceedings fhould take pkee
againft her ; yet (he was a&ually arraigned as a cri¬
minal, and her deputies were called upon to defend
her. They difeovered not, however, any apprehen-
fion of the validity of the charge ; and while they
fully explained the motives which adluated the earl of
Murray and his fadions in their proceedings, they
imputed to perfons among thetnfelves the 'guilt of the
I Vou IX. 2
king’s murder. They affirmed, that the queen’s ad- Scotland.
verfaries were the accomplices of Bothwel ; that they   
had fubferibed a bond confpiring the death of the
king; and that their guilt had been attefted in the
fight of 10,000 fpedators by thofe of their confede¬
rates who had already been executed. They exclaim¬
ed againft the enormous ingratitude, and the unparal¬
leled audacity of men, who could forget fo completely
all the obligations which they owed to their fovereign;
and who, not fatisfied with ufurping her power, could
even charge her with a murder which they jhemfelves
had committed. They reprefented the ftrong necef-
fity which had arifen for the fulled vindication of their
miftrefs; and they faid, that in fo weighty an extre¬
mity, they could not poffibly fuppofe that fhe would
be reftrained from appearing in her own defence.
They had her inftruflions, if her honour was touched,
to make this requifition ; and till it was granted, they
infifted, that all proceedings in the conference fhould
be at an end. A refufal of this liberty, in the fitua-
tion to which fhe was driven, would be an infallible
proof that no good was intended to her. It was their
wiffi to deal with fincerity and uprightnefs; and they
were perfuaded, that without a proper freedom of de¬
fence, their queen would necefiarily fall a viftim to
partiality and injuftice. They therefore earneftly
prefled the Englifh commiffioners, that fhe might be
permitted to prefentherfelf before Elizabeth, the nobles
of England, and the ambafiadors of foreign nations,
in order to manifefl to the world the injuries fhe had
fuffered, and her innocence.
After having made thefe fpirited reprefentations to
the Englifh commiffioners, the deputies of Mary de-
fired to have accefs to the queen of England. They They1 are
were admitted accordingly to an audience ; and in a admitted t«
formal addrefs or petition they detailed what had hap- an audience
pened, infifted that the liberty of perfonal defence
ffiould be allowed to their miftrefs, and demandedbe
that the earl of Murray and his aflbeiates fhould be
taken into cuftody, till tfley ffiould anfwer to fuch
charges as fhould be preferred againft them. She de-
fired to have fome time to turn her thoughts to mat¬
ters of fueh high import; and told them, that they
might foon expedl to hear from her.
The bifhop of Rofs, and the other deputies of
Mary, in the mean time, ftruck with the perfidious ma¬
nagement of the conference, convinced of thejealou-
fies and paffions of Elizabeth, fenfible that her power
over her commiffioners was unlimited, and anxious for i(.
the deliverance of their miftrefs, made an overture forAndmake
an accommodation to the earl of Leicefter and Sirpropofals
William Cecil. They propofed, that the originalof accomo-
meaning of the conference fhould ftill be adhered to,‘f21'00*
notwithftanding the accufation which had been pre-
fented by the earl of Murray; and that Elizabeth,
difregarding it as an effort of fadlion, fhould proceed
to a good agreement between Mary and her fubjefts.
For this fcheme, which is fo expreffive of their fufpi-
cions of Elizabeth and of her commiffi -n rs, they had
no authority from their miftrefs. They acknowledged
accordingly, that it was made without her inftrudlions,
and intimated that they were moved to it by their
anxiety for peace and the re-eftablifhment of the af¬
fairs ef the Scottifh nation. They were introduced
at Hampton-coim to Elizabeth; who liftened to their
40 A motion,
!
SCO [
Scotland, motion, and was averfe from it. They then repeated
the defires of the petition they had prefented to her;
but fhe did not think it right that the queen of Scots
fhould yet have the liberty to defend herfelf in perfon.
She confefled, indeed, that it was reafonable that fhe
Shameful
conduft of fhould be heard in her own caufe s but fhe affirmed]
Elizabeth. t^at was at a j0fs at what t;me {he fhould appear,-
in what place, and to whom fhe fhould addrefs herfelf.
While fhe let fall, however, the hope that Mary might
obtain the permiffion fo repeatedly and fo earneftly re-
quefled, fhe expreffed her refolution that the earl of
Murray Yhould firft be heard in fupport of his charge,
and that fhe fhould attend to the proofs which he af¬
firmed himfelf in readinefs to produce. After this bu-
finefs fhould be tranfafled, fhe told the deputies of
Mary that fhe would again confer with them. It was
to no purpofe that they objedfed to a procedure fo
Itrange and fo improper. An accufation, faid they,
is given ; the perfon accufed is anxious to defend her¬
felf ; this privilege is denied to her ; and yet a de¬
mand is to be made for the vouchers of her guilt.
What is this but an open violation ofjuftice? It did
not become them to difpute her pleafure in her own
dominions : but they would not, they informed her,
content to a meafure which was fo alarming to the in-
terefts of their queen; and if it was adopted, fhe might
expeft that a proteftation of its invalidity would be
lodged with her commiffioners.
Altercation Englifh commiffioners refumed the conference,
between the an<^ vvere about to demand from the earl of Murray the
commif- proofs with which he could fupport his accufation.
The bifliop of Rofs and his aftociates being admitted
to them, expreffed themfelves in conformity to the
converfation they had held with Elizabeth. (They de¬
clared, that it was unnatural and prepofterous in their
fioners.
7038 ] SCO
teftation. An interruption was thus given to the va- Scotland,
lidity of any future proceedings which might affeft the "
reputation of the queen of Scots. The earls of Mur¬
ray and Morton, with their friends, were very much
difappointed. For they had folaced themfelves with
the hope of a triumph before there was a viftory;
and thought of obtaining a decree from Elizabeth,
which, while it fhould pronounce the queen of Scots
to be an adulterefs and a murderer, would exalt them
into the ftation and chara&er of virtuous men and ho¬
nourable fubjefts.
Though the conference ought naturally to have ter¬
minated upon this proteftation of the deputies of Mary
againft the injuftice of Elizabeth, yet it did not fa-
tisfy the latter princefs that the accufation only had E|
been delivered to her commiffioners: fhe was fe- demands
rioufly difpofed to operate a judicial produftion of its vouchers of
vouchers. The charge would thus have a more regu-the crimes
Jar afpeft, and be a founder foundation upon which tolai,<1 Ma'
build, not only the infamy of the Scottifh queen, butr^SC ar^e*
her own juftification for the part fhe had adted. Her
commiffioners accordingly, after the bifhop of Rofs
and his colleagues had retired, difregarding their pro¬
teftation, called upon the earl of Murray and his af-
fociates to make their appearance. The pretence,
however, employed for drawing from him his papers
was fufficiently artful, and bears the marks of that fy-
ftematic duplicity which fo fhamefully charafterizes
all the tranfa&ions of Elizabeth at this period. Sir
Nicholas Bacon the lord keeper addreffed himfelf to
the earl of Murray. He faid, that, in the opinion of
the queen of England, it was a matter furprifing and
ftrange, that he fhould accufe his fovereign of a crime
moft horrible, odious to God and man, againft law
and nature ; and which, if proved to be true, would
fovereign to think of receiving proofs of the guilt of render her infamous in all the kingdoms of the world.
the queen of Scots before fhe was heard in her own
defence ; and they protefted, that in the event of this
proceeding, the negociation fhould be diffolved, and
Elizabeth be difarmed of all power to do any preju¬
dice to her honour, perfon, crown, and eftate. The
commiffioners of the Englifh queen were affeded with
this proteftation, and felt more for the honour of their
miftrefs than for their own. They refufed to receive
it, becaufe there were engroffed in it the words of
the refufal which Elizabeth had given to the petition
for Mary. They did not choofe to authenticate the
terms of this refufal by their fubferiptions; and were
felicitous to fupprefs fo palpable a memorial of her ini¬
quity. They alleged, that the language of her refu-
ia! had not been taken down with accuracy ; and they
prefled Mary’s deputies to prefent a fimpler form of
proteftation. The bifhop of Rofs and his colleagues
yielded not, however, immediately to their infidious
importunity ; but, repeating anew their proteftation
as. they had at firft planned it, included the exprefs
words of Elizabeth; and, when compelled by the
power of the commiffioners to expunge the language
of the Englifh queen, they ftill infilled upon their pro-
But though he had fo widely forgot his duty, yet had
not Elizabeth renounced her love of a good filler, a
good neighbour, and a good friend ; and it was her
will, that he and his company Ihould produce the pa¬
pers by which they imagined they were able to main¬
tain their accufation. The earl of Murray, in his
turn, was not wanting in diffimulation. He expref¬
fed himfelf to be very forry for the high difpleafure
he had given to Elizabeth by his charge againft;
Mary, and for the obftinacy of the Scottifh queen and
her deputies, which made it neceffary for him to vin¬
dicate himfelf by difeovering her difhonour. Under
the load of this double and affected forrow, he made
an a&ual and formal exhibition of the vouchers by
which he pretended to fix and eftablifh her crimina¬
lity. A particular account and examination of thefe
vouchers, the reader will find in the note (a), ex-
tra&ed from Dr Stuarfs Hijlory of Scotland; a per¬
formance mafterly in the higheft degree, and exhibi¬
ting the moft confiftent and interefting view that has
hitherto been given of the affairs of this eventful pe¬
riod.
To enumerate all the fhiftsto which Elizabeth and
the
(a) Thefe vouchers, Dr Stuart obferves, correfpond not with the arts and parade which led to and attended their
produ&ion. They confifted of afts of that parliament which had given a fan&ion to the refignation of the queen,
the coronation of her fon, and the regency of the earl of Murray. They confifted of the fuppofed confef-
fions of the criminals who had fuff£red for the king’s murder. Though thefe perfons, however, had accufed
Bothwel, and were doubtkfs his accomplices; yet, iaftead of criminating the queen, they had not only refilled
the
SCO
Scotland, the adverfarles of Mary were put, in order to make the
73l ftrange evidence that was produced wear fome degree
of°MlHfi’0n P^au^^>^*ty> would far exceed our bounds. It is fuf-
trial.317 * fic’ent t0 fay» t^,at after having wearied themfelveswith
prevarication and falfehood ; after having preffed
[ 8039 ]
SCO
entitled to conceive any bad opinion of the queen of Scotland.
Scots. It was therefore her pleafure to allow the af- ‘
fairs of Scotland to continue precifely in the condition
in which they were fituated at the beginning of the
conference. Three days after this, they formally
Mary to abdicate her crown, a requifition with which took their leave of the queen of England. The depu
file never would comply ; and after having finally re- ties of Mary remonftrated, protefted, and argued, to
fufed to hear her in her own defence, Elizabeth ; on
the 10th of January 1569, gave leave to the earl ,of
Murray and his accomplices to depart her dominions ;
telling them, that fince they came into England, no¬
thing had been obje&ed to them which could hurt
their honour as men, or affeft their allegiance as fub-
no purpofe ; the Englilh privy-council, with the molt
provoking indifference, told them, that “ the earl of
Murray had promifed to their fovereign, for himfelf
and his company, to return to England whenfoever
(he fhould call upon him. But, in the mean time, the
queen of Scots could not, upon many confiderations.
je&s. At the fame time (he told them, that they had be fuffered to take her departure out of England. As
produced no information or evidence by which fhe was to her deputies, they would move Elizabeth to allow
40 A 2 them
the pra&ices of her enemies to charge her with guilt, but had openly protefted her innocence in their dying
moments. In fine, they confifted of a box with letters, contrafts, and fonnets. This box then, with its con¬
tents, was the evidence upon which the earl of Murray and his friends had the chief, and indeed the only,
reliance ; and it is upon this evidence, whatever it is, that the apology of Elizabeth mud finally reft for her
fignal inhumanity to the queen of Scots. No papers were ever exhibited in circumftances fo peculiar and fo
interefting; and as they are ultimately found to be either genuine or falfe, they will lead to the moil in-
ftrufting couclufions. In themfelves, in their connexion with illuftrious perfons, and in the reference in which
they ftand to public and private tranfa&ions and events, they are obje&s of a mdft important inquiry. It
is therefore fit, and even neceffary, to hold out a fuccinft and connefted detail of their meaning and hiftory
in the fituations in which they appeared before their exhibition to the Englifti commiffioners by the earl of
Murray and his afibciates. This difplay or deduction of them will contribute to unfold the truth, and be a pro¬
per and fure foundation upon which to judge, not only of the papers themfelves, but of the fubfequent con¬
duct and operations of the rival queens.
v It is uniformly affirmed upon the part of the earl of Murray and his fa&ion, that the cafket with the letters
and the fonnets had been left by Bothwel in the caftle of Edinburgh ; that this nobleman, before he fled
from Scotland, fent a meflenger to recover them; and that they were found in the pofleflion of this perfon.
The 20th day of June 1567, is fixed as the date of this remarkable difcovery. The governor of the caftle at
this time was Sir James Balfouc. George Dalgleifh, a fervant of Bothwel’s, is named as his meffenger upon
this errand. He was feized, it is faid, by the domeftics of the earl of Morton ; and it was the earl of Mor¬
ton himfelf who made the aftual produftipn of the calket and its contents.
This ftory is unfupported by vouchers, contains improbabilities, and cannot be reconciled with hiftory Stuart's
events. There remains not any authentic or unfufpicious evidence that the queen had diftionoured the bed ^rlanif
of lord Darnley; and upon the fuppofition that,fire had adlually been engaged in a criminal intercourfe withp J7J ^
Bothwel, it is yet widely improbable that fhe would have written thefe letters. But even upon the hy-y^. ’
pothefis that fhe was aftually guilty with Bothwel, and had addrefled thefe papers to him, the ftory ftill la¬
bours with difficulties. The earl of Bothwel was expofed to more than fufpicions of a concern in the murder
of the king. Thefe papers contained manifeft proofs of his guilt. It evidently was not his intereft to pre-
ferve them. His marriage with the queen was celebrated upon May 15. 1567. This event was the fignal
for her adverfaries to revolt from Bothwel to whom they had pretended friendfhip, and to involve her in
the ruin of his overthrow. They revolted accordingly ; and he was loudly reproached with the murder
of the king. Now, in this fituation, admitting that he had hitherto preferred any criminal papers, he muft
have felt the ftrongeft inducements to deftroy them ; and Mary herfelf muft have been ardently animated with
the fame wifh. The caftle of Edinburgh was at this time entirely at their command; and Sir James Balfour
was their deputy, and the creature of Bothwel. If his enemies fhould poflefs themfelves of thefe papers, his
deftruftion was inevitable. They were in arms againft him. Upon the 6th day of June, they compelled
him to retire from Holyroodhoufe. From his marriage till the 5th day of June, it was in his power, to have
deftroyed thefe papers; and if they had really exifted, it is not to be imagined that he would have negle&ed
a ftep fo expedient, not only for his own fecurity and reputation, but for thofe of the queen. Upon the 6th
day of June, it is evident that he entertained fome fufpicions of the fidelity of Sir James Balfour, fince he
avoided to take refuge in the caftle of Edinburgh. Upon Carberry-hill, on the 15th day of this month, he
was admonifhed that he was undone. He went immediately to the caftle of Dunbar, where he remained for
fome days, and formed the fcheme of his flight. The queen was that day made a prifoner at Carberry-hill;
and the day after, (he was (hut up in Lochleven. In this feafon, when Sir James Balfour was his enemy,
when all his hopes had perilhed, and when he had refolved to effe&uate his efcape, he is made to be anxious
about the caflcet and the papers. He had negle&ed to take poffeffion of them, when his impulfes to deftroy
them muft have.been keen and powerful, and when it was completely in his power. He is made to fend for
them when his difficulties and defpair render it improbable that he could think of them, and when it was
•altogether impoffible that he could recover them. His meffenger is intercepted with the calket; and the
adverfaries of the queen, upon the 20th day of Jupe, become poffeiTed of vouchers with which they might
operate
SCO
733
F.arl of
Murray &c
charged
with the
king’s mur
der and
challenged
to fingle
rornbat.
them to return to Scotland; and they believed that fhe
would not detain them.”
Mary was exceedingly difappointed and chagrined
by this lingular iffue of her caufe. Her friends during
this period had increafed, and the cruel and injurious
treatment (he had met with was fo flagrant, that the
earl of Murray and his fadtion were apprehenfive of a
fudden reverfe of fortune. The earls of Argyle and
Huntley protefted againft the injultice of their pro¬
ceedings, at the fame time that they openly accufed
the earl of Murray and Maitland of Lethington as
the aflbeiates of Bothwel in the murder of the king.
This charge, according to the cuftom of the times,
they offered to defend as true and certain by the law
of arms; and they protefted, that if their adverfaries
[ 8040 ]
SCO
fhould delay to anfwer their -challenge, they fliould be Scotland,
held as confefling themfelves guilty of the murder. E-
lizabeth, however, forefeeing fomething of this kind,
had difmiffed Murray and his adherents with precipi¬
tation, fo that there could now be no formal produc¬
tion of it before the Englifh commiffioners. However,
it was known and publifhed in the court of Elizabeth.
Murray made an evafive reply, and Lethington made
none at all. 734
This, however, afforded no relief to the unhappy Mary com-
queen of Scotland. Her inveterate and treacherous to
enemy held her faft, and endeavoured by every method figment11'
in her power to render her life miferable. Mary, on
the other hand, never loft either her fpirit or her dig¬
nity. She attempted to roufe in the minds of her
nobles
operate her deftru&ion. Thefe inconfiftences are ftrong, and of a force not eafily to be controlled ; and the
ftory is open to other objeftions, which are ftill greater, and altogether unfurmountable.
A few days after George Dalgleifh was taken, he was examined judicially in a council where the earls of
Morton and Athol are marked as prefent. It was natural, upon this occafion, to make inquiries about the
cafl.et and the papers. No qneftions, however, were put to him on this fubjeft. He was not confronted with
Sir James Balfour the governor of the caftle, to whom the cafket is faid to have been committed in charge,
nor with the domeftics of the earl of Morton, who had apprehended him. He was kept in prifon many months
after this examination ; and during a period, when the rebels were preffed infinitely to apologize for their vio¬
lence againft the queen, there were opportunities without number of bringing him to a confeffion. Thefe op¬
portunities were yet avoided ; and there exifts not the flighteft evidence to fhow that the cafket and the papers
had been ever in his poffeffion. Is it then to be fuppofed, that if the cafket and the papers had really been
difeovered with him, the eftabiifhment of a faft fo important would have been neglefted by the adverfaries of
the queen? No. They would have accomplifhed its proof in the completeft manner; and they had the moft
powerful inducements to operate this meafure. When Dalgleifh, too, was executed, he afferted the innocence
of the queen, and aftually charged the earls of Murray and Morton as the contrivers of the murder.
The 20th day of June 1567 is fixed as the sera of the difeovery of the letters. If this difeovery had been real,
the triumph of the enemies of the queen would have been infinite. They would not have delayed one moment to
proclaim their joy, and to reveal to her indignant fubjefts the fulnefs and the infamy of her guilt. They prefer-
ved, however, a long and profound filence. It was not till the 4th day of December 1567 that the papers re¬
ceived their firft mark of notice or diftinftion. From the 26th day of June to the 4th day of December many
tranfaftions and events of the higheft importance had taken place ; and the moft powerful motives that have in¬
fluence with men had called upon them to publifh their difeovery. They yet made no produftion of the papers,
and ventured not to appeal to them. In the proclamation which they iffued for apprehending Bothwel, they
inveigh againft his guilt, and exprefs an anxious defire to punifh the regicides : yet though this deed was po-
fterior to the 20th day of June, there is no aflertion in it to the dilhonour of the queen ; and it contains no
mention of the box and the letters. An ambaffador arrived from France in this interval, to inquire into their
rebellion, and the imprifonment of the queen ; yet they apologized not for their condnft by communicating
to him the contents of the cafket. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton was fent to Scotland by Elizabeth with inflruc-
tions to aft with Mary as well as with her adverfaries. They denied him the liberty of waiting upon her at
Lochleven, where fhe was detained a clofe prifoner; and they were earned to iraprefs him with the idea that
her love of Bothwel was incurable. He prefled them on the fubjeft of their behaviour to her. At different
times, they attempted formally to vindicate themfelves;' and they were uniformly vehement on the topic of the
love which fhe bore to that nobleman. There could not pofiibly, therefore, have been a happier period for a dif-
play of the box and the letters. They yet abftained from producing them to him. They were felicitous to di¬
vide the faftion of the nobles for the queen ; and there could not have been a meafure fo effeftual for this end as
thefe vouchers; yet they called no convention of her friends to furprife and difunite them with this fatal dif¬
eovery. They flattered the Proteftant clergy, attended the aflemblies of the church, and employed arts to in¬
flame them againft the queen ; but they ventured not to excite the fury of thefe ghoftly fathers by exhibiting
to them the box and the letters. They compelled the queen to fubferibe a refignatic*i of her crown ; and they
had the ftrongeft reafons to befolicitous tojuftify this daring tranfaftion. The box and the letters would have
ferved as a complete vindication of them ; yet they neglefted to take any notice of thefe important vouchers;
and were contented with refting on the wild and frivolous pretence, that the queen, from ficknefs and fatigue,
was difgulled with the care of her kingdom. In fine, when the earl of Murray went to Lochleven to pay his
very remarkable vifit to the queen, and proceeded to extremities the moft rude, indecent, and cruel, he did
rot reproach her with the box and the letters. Yet, if thefe papers had been real, it is incredible to conceive
that he would have abftained from preffing them upon her. For it was his purpofe to overwhelm her with di-
ftrefs. It was not long after this vifit that he accepted the regency, and completed his ufurpation of the govern¬
ment. The conclufion to be drawn from this enumeration of concurring particulars, is natural and unavoid¬
able. Thefe memorable papers had not yet any cxiftence.
When
SCO
Scotland, jiobles that palfion for liberty which had once fo much
diftinguifhed the Scottilh nation, but which nowfeem-
ed to be exchanged for aferviie fubjeftion to the queen
of England. But fame difpatches which prefiedthefe
topics being intercepted, Mary was removed from
Bolton to Tutbury caftle, where fhe was intruded to
the earl of Shrewfbury, and committed to clofer con¬
finement than Ihe had yet experienced ; while Eli¬
zabeth difperfed manifeftos all ever the northern coun¬
ties of England, complaining of reports injurious to
her honour, and declaiming all hoftile intentions to¬
wards the liberties of Scotland.
The reeent t^ie mean t'me Murray returned to Scotland,
fecureshim- where he took every method to eftablifli himfelf in
felfin his ill-acquired power. Mary had commanded the
[ 8041 ]
SCO
duke of Chattellerault to return to Scotland, in order Scotland.
to raife forces for her behoof; but this nobleman had
been long detained in England by the artifices of E-
lizabeth, fo that Murray had arrived there before him.
The duke, however, began to raife forces, and might
have proved a troublefome antagonift, had not Murray
deceived him by a pretended negociation, and got him
into his power; immediately after which he imprifoned
him, and forced moft of the other lords who were on
that fide to fubmit. 73<s
When the news of this important event reached the ^eg0<:ia*
queen of Scots, fhe inftru&ed the bifliop of Rofs t©
repair to Elizabeth, and to make remonllrances in .
their behalf. By the agency of this ecclefiaftic, whom
/he had conftituted her ambaflador, fhe meant to conr
duft
When the adverfaries of the queen had atchieved the overthrow of Bothwel, and had thrown her into the
prifon of Lochleven, they had occafion to fear her return to popularity, and her deliverance from confinement.
They were not abfolutely certain that Elizabeth would refufe to take the part of the queen ; and they had
apprehenfions from the interpofition of France. They accordingly held confultations about the method the
moft efficacious for their fecurity and protedtion. When the earl of Murray affumed the regency, it was abfo¬
lutely neceffary that they fliould come forward with their vindication ; and from their being pofleflcd of the
power of government, they could manage their vindication to the greater advantage. Accordingly, in this cri¬
tical period, they in reality made their defence. In a privy-council, afiembled by the earl of Murray upon
the 4th day of December 1567, an inquiry was concluded, which had been agitated for feme days, and of
which it was the objeft to examine into the condudt of (he lords, barons, and gentlemen, who had afted againft
the queen. This was in faft an inveftigation made by tbemfelves into their own behaviour and a&ions. The
event was as favourable as might be expefted. They pronounced, that from the time of the murder of the
king, till the period of their deliberations, they had afted as faithful and true fubjedts ; and that every extre¬
mity to which they had proceeded againft the queen, had its fource in her own mifeondudt. They affirmed,
that fhe was a party with the earl of Bothwel in the king’s murder, and that this murder had been committed
with a view to their marriage. To fupport this conclufion, they appealed to the letters which flic bad written
to him ; and they mentioned them as the chief and juftifying caufes of their rebellion. It appears not, how¬
ever, that the letters were read in this council, or examined in it ; but it may be concluded at leaft, that they
were now adhially in exiftence. Upon the 4th day, then, of December 1567, the letters firft received their mark
of diftindlion.
In the adt of this Angular privy-council, it is obfervable, that the enemies of the queen impute to the letters
their knowledge of her guilt, and point to them as the fource or fpring of their rebellion. Now, according to
their own account, the letters were not difeovered till the 20th day of June. Yet there is nothing more cer¬
tain than that they were in arms, and had difplayed their hoftile banners, in the month of May. In confeqnence
of their order, the queen was even committed to the callle of Lochleven upon the 16th day of June. The letters
therefore could not poffibly give rife to events which were prior to their difeovery. This is to reverfe altogether
the laws of nature. Previoufly to the period in which they acknowledge that they firft faw the letters, they affedh
to have been governed by them. This adt of council, a folemn dfced of their own, is therefore an exprefs evidence
againft the authenticity of the letters.
But let this adl of council be confidered in the light the moft favourable to them, and be tried by tranfac-
tions of their own, which were abfolmely pofterior to the 20th day of June. It was upon the 26th day of this
month that they proclaimed Bothwel a traitor. In this adt of proclamation, they impute to him the murder
of the king : but they charge him alfo with treafon, as the ravilher of the queen ; affirm, that her marriage with
him was forced, and that (he was under bondage ; affign as their reafon for taking arms, their defire to punifh
him as the author of the murder and the rape ; and command the fufcjedls of Scotland not toaffift him in any
refpedl, under the penalty of being accounted partakers with him in thefe horrible crimes. Now, if their adl of
council is to be believed,and if the letters are genuine, they were at this very time under the ftrongeft convidtion
of her guilt, confidered her as a devifer and accomplice of the murder, and believed that her view in the mur¬
der was to accomplifti the marriage. They conld not therefore with any probability have charged Bothwel as
exclufively guilty of the murder, of having committed a rape upon her in order to accomplifh his purpofes, and
of being expofed to the laws of bis country for the joint crimes of murder, treafon, and raviihment. This evi¬
dence is not Angle and unfupported. In a laboured manifefto on the fubjedt of their rebellion, which they de¬
livered to Throgmorton upon the 1 tth day of July, they exprefsly reprefent the queen as free from any
concern in the death of her hufband. They diredlly acknowledge, that the crimes of Bothwel had put
arms into their hands; that he had accomplifhed the murder, in order that he might compel the queen to marry
him ; that in reality the marriage was effedled by force and power; and that he kept her in captivity. They
exprefs it as their firm perfuafion, that he had fchemed to take away her life, as well as that of the prince her
fon. Thefe are politive and definitive declarations; and they are in the moft abfolute contradidlion to the fenfeof
their adt of council, and to the authenticity of the letters. In a regular and formal deed, which they iifuedup-
SCO [ 8042 ] SCO
gage never to moleft Elizabeth, and the lawful heirs Scotland,
of her body, in the matter of the fucceffion to the
crown of England and Ireland, if a reciprocal fecurity
fhould be given to her upon her own rights upon their
demife or failure ; that a new treaty of alliance and
friendlhip fliould be concluded between the two
queens, by the advice of the eltatesof both kingdoms;
that this league Ihould be ratified by their oaths and
feals, and confirmed by parliamentary afts ; and, if
any farther affurance fliould be deemed necefiary on
the part of Mary, that fhe would procure the kings of
France and Spain to be the guarantees of her punc¬
tuality and concord; that in compliance with the plea-
fure of Elizabeth, fhe would extend her clemency to
all her fubjefis who had offended her, under the pro-
vifion
on the 21ft day of July, they defcribed the wickednefs of Bothwel, and pofitively affert, that after he bad com¬
mitted fhe murder,he treafonablyaffaulted the perfon of the queen, took her captive to Dunbar, and, keeping her
in bondage, conftrained her to marry him. To the fame purpofe, additional evidence might be brought; but thefe
vouchers are fufficiently powerful and inftruftive. For if it had been true, that the confpirators had been poffef-
fed of the letters upon the 20th day of June, and had been a&uated with refentment againft the queen as art' and
part of the murder, with a view to the marriage, they could not poffibly, in a pofterior day of that month, and
in the month of July, have defcribed her as under bondage, as innocent and ravifhed, as compelled to marry, in
danger of her life, in conftraint, and in captivity.
This remarkable a£t of Murray’s privy-council is the key to difcover the forgery of the letters. It is not to
be controverted, that they received in it their firft mark of diftinftion. There is no previous memorial of them
in hiftory ; and if there had been any, the confpirators would not have failed to have produced it. They had
iffued many proclamations and public papers ; but in no proclamation or public paper preceding the 4th day
of December, did they ever announce or appeal to the letters ; although it was infinitely their intereft to have
done fo. It is impoffible that this could have been their line of conduct if the letters had been genuine. It
is only to be accounted for on the hypothefis, that they are a forgery. The letters, confidered as genuine pa¬
pers, were unknown when they ought and could not fail to have excited the greateft noife and ferment. When
confidered as a forgery, their appearance was in the exaft moment of propriety. For the confpirators having
completed the ufurpation of the government, were in a fituation where it was abfolutely neceffary for them ei¬
ther to acknowledge their own tranfgreffions, or to impeach the queen. Their crimes and rebellion, the necef-
fities of their fituation, and her impeachment, are all correfpondent and explanatory. They are the parts of a
whole, and throw mutually a light to one another.
In this aft of council the confpirators difcover the greateft anxiety for their pardon and fecurity. Now, if
th^ letters had been genuine, this anxiety would have been moft unnatural; for the notoriety of her guilt
would have operated moft completely their juftification and pardon. In this aft of council they betray the
utmoft folicitude to eftablifh the criminality of the queen. Yet if the letters had been real, her criminality
would have been eftablifhed from the moment of their difcovery. This anxiety, therefore, for themfelves,
and this attempt againft the honour of the queen, at a junfture fo particular, are more than fufpicious. They
appear to be obvioufly the fuggeftions of their guilty fears ; and the fteps by which they thought to accom-
piilh their purpofes are a new evidence againft them, and a frelh intimation of their guilt. It was with a
view to the approaching convention of the eftates that this aft of council had been formed and managed. It
was a preparation for the parliament, in which the confpirators had fecured the fulleft fway, and where they
propofed to effeftuate their pardon and fecurity, and to eftablifti the letters as decifive vouchers againft the
queen.
Accordingly, upon the 15th day of December 1567, the three eftates were affembled. The confpirators
invited no candid or regular inquiries or inveftigation. The friends of the nation and of the queen were over¬
awed. Every thing proceeded in conformity to the aft of council. The confpirators, by a parliamentary
decree, received a full approbation of all the feverities they had exercifed againft the queen. A pardon by an¬
ticipation was even accorded to them for any future cruelty or punifhment they might be induced to inflift
upon her. The letters were mentioned as the caufe of this Angular law ; and this new appeal to them may
be termed the fecond mark of their diftinftion. But amidft the plenitude of their power, the confpirators
called not the eftates to a free and honeft examination of them. This, indeed, if the letters had been ge¬
nuine, would have annihilated for ever all the confequence of the queen. Upon this meafure, however, they
ventured not. They apprehended a deteftion of their forgery, and a proteftation againft it. The letters
were neither read, nor examined, nor recorded. The queen was not brought from her confinement to defend
herfelf, and no advocate was permitted to fpeak for her. By a ftrong and unwarrantable exertion of autho¬
rity, the parliament fuftained them as vouchers of her guilt, without infpeftion, ferutiny, or debate. The
confpirators, who were themfelves the criminals, were here her accufers and her judges.
There was yet no aftual exhibition or difplay of the letters. It was, however, neceffary to deferibe them
in the aft of council, and in the ordination of the parliament; and thefe deeds having fortunately defeended
to
Scotland, duft her tranfaftions with the queen of England; and
    from the conclufion of the conferences, fhe had been
meditating a proper plan upon which to accomplilh
her liberty and reftoration. The bifhop of Rofs, after
complaining loudly of the rigorous proceedings of the
regent, and intimating the general belief which pre¬
vailed that he was fupported by the Englifh court,
preffed the propriety of a final fett'ement of the affairs
of his miftrefs. With this view, he was admitted by
Elizabeth and her privy-counfellors to frequent con¬
ferences ; and they even defired him to prefent to them
in writing, the articles which he was commanded to
propofe as the foundation of a treaty. He failed not
to comply with this injunftion; and it was the import
of his fchedule of agreement, that Mary fhould cn-
Scotland.
SCO
vifion that they would fubmit to her fovereignty, deli-
' ver up the prince her fon, reftore her caftles, give back
her jewels, and furrender to her friends and fervants
the eftates and poffeffions of which they had been de¬
prived ; that the murder of the king Ihould be punifh-
ed againft all the aftors in it without delay, and ac¬
cording to the laws; that, to prevent Bothwel from
returning to Scotland, and to pleafe thofe who imagi¬
ned that it was in his power to excite ferments and
trouble, (he would be bound to inftitute a procefs of
divorce againft him ; and that thefe articles being ad-
jufted, the queen of England fttould allow her to pro¬
ceed to Scotland, under a fafe and honourable con-
[ S043 ]
SCO
diflblution of all the afls and ftatutes which had been Scoilamh-
palled to her prejudice. ——•
Thefe heads of alliance were received with a re-: Advances
fpedt and cordiality which were not ufually paid to are mad.e in
the tranfadtions of Mary in the court of Elizabeth ;
and the bilhop of Rofs was elated with expedfation. of Mary^
Their juftice, however, was not the foie, or even the with the
chief caufe of this attention andcomplaifance. Acorn- duke of
bination of the Englilh nobles had taken place againft Norfolk'
Cecil, whofe power and credit were objedts of indig¬
nation and jealoufy ; and the duke of Norfolk had been
adtive and fuccefsful in promoting the fcheme of his
marriage with the queen of Scots. Taking advantage
voy, to be re-eftablilhed by the three eftates in her of the condition of parties, he Tiad pradtifed with the
realm and government, and to be gratified with the principal nobility to encourage his pretenfions to
Mary
to pofterity, it is moft remarkable, that from a comparifon of them, it is to be obferved, that the letters mult
have undergone efiential alterations under the management of the confpirators. In the adt of council, the
letters are defcribed exprefsly as written and fubfcribed by the queen : but in the adt or ordination of the par¬
liament, they are faid to be only written with her own hand; and there is no intimation that they were fubfcri¬
bed by her. Under one form, they had been appealed to as vouchers of her guilt in the privy-council; under
another form, they were mentioned as vouchers of it in the parliament. Now, if the letters had been ge¬
nuine, they would have appeared uniformly with the fame face. Thefe variations are therefore ftages in the
progrefs of the forgery. The keennefs of the confpirators engaged them at firft to adhibit to them the name
of the queen. But a maturer confideration of the grofs impropriety of their contents, difcovered to them,
that her fubfcription would communicate to them an air of extravagance and improbability. They accor¬
dingly rejedted this method, and adopted the form of executing the letters without her fubfcription. With
this falhion of them, in fad!, they were finally fatisfied ; and it is under this afpedt that they were adtually to-
be produced and to be known,
They were now as complete as the confpirators wilhed them to be ; yet in this ftate, while they were un-
fubfcribed, they wanted other formalities which are ufual in difpatches. They were without any diredlion j
they had no dates; and they had no feal. They muft have been fent by the queen to Bothwel as open and
loofe papers. They yet contained evidence againft herfelf and againft him of the moft horrid wickednefs ;
and Nicholas Hubert, the perfon who is faid to have carried them, was of the lowed condition, and indif-
creet. Thefe are moft incredible circumftances on the fuppofition that the letters are authentic ; and even
when the letters are confidered in the light of a forgery, they feem to intimate, that the confpirators did not
intend any more than to appeal to them in their defence, to keep them from obfervation, and to reft for their
authority on the parliamentary fan&ion to be communicated to them.
The letters, in their compofition, bear no refemblance to the other writings of the queen. They have a
vulgarity, an indelicacy, and a coarfenefs of expreffion and manner, that do not apply to her : and while they
are difgufting from their want of elegance, they violate chronology. From a comparifon of them with na¬
tional records of undoubted faith, they appear to have been written upon days when the queen was differ¬
ently employed, and in places where (he was not a&ually prefent.- It is not in one inftance only that they
exhibit this wild insonfiftency. The examples of it are frequent, and attended with peculiarities that are
palpable. The objeftions, therefore, to their authenticity upon this head feem decifive, and are not to be
contradided, or even palliated, without a violence and fcepticifm that are altogether deftru&ive of hiftorical
evidence.
But while the genuinenefs of the letters is affailable upon every fide, the criminality to be deduced from
them againft the queen receives no fupport of any kind from hiftory. It is the amount of the charge which
they are brought to fupport, that (he was concerned in the murder of the king in order to accomplifh her
marriage with Bothwel. Now her marriage with Bothwel was not voluntary ; and (he could have no concern
in the murder with this view. At Dunbar fhe was detained againft her will. Her adverfaries were at that
time the friends of Bothwel; and inftead of taking arms to remove her out of his power, they allowed him
full leifure to put in praftice all his arts againft her. They had even armed him with a bond, inculcating, in
the ftrongeft terms, his innocence of the murder; extolling, in the higheft degree, his integrity, capacity,
valour, and accompliftiments ; and recommending him to be her hufband, in the moft nervous and unequivocal
language. This bond he produced to her when (he was his prifoner ; and it fufficiently informed her, that
they were the friends of Bothwel, and that (he could not expeft to be relieved by them. The confequence of
being under the dominion of Bothwel was her fedudtion ; and the confequence of her feduftion was her mar¬
riage. Now if Mary had been previoufly in criminal habits with this nobleman, and had joined with him in
the murder in order to effeft the marriage, there would not have been any occafion for all this artifice and
criminality. The marriage would have followed naturally of ittelf; and thefe violent preparations would
have been unneceffary. The friends of Bothwel would not have fubfcribed a bond, recommending him as a
hufband to the queen. They would not have inculcated his innocence of the murder, the integrity of his
charattcr, and the greatnefs of his virtues and accomplilhments. Bothwel himfelf would not have lain in am-
bufh.
Scotland,
SCO [ 8044 ] SCO
At the defire of Elizabeth, her privy-council con- Scotland.
ferred with the bilhop upon thefe articles at different — 
times; and they expreffed themfelves to be highly The Eng-
pleafed with their general import and meaning. Little nobles
doubt was entertained of their fuccefs ; and the earl ar"
of Leicefter, in order to oomplete the bufinefs, and to Mary.
ferve the duke of Norfolk, undertook to give them a
more fpecial force, and to improve them by the intro,
du&ion of a ftipulation about the marriage of the queen
of Scots. According to his fcheme of agreement, it
was required of Mary, that (he (hould be a party to
no attempt againft the rights and titles of the queen
of England, or her heirs; that fhe {hould confent
to a perpetual league, offenfive and defenfive, be¬
tween the two kingdoms; that fhe fhould finally efta-
blifh
btifh for her in her way from Stirling to her capital ; he would not have carried her to Dunbar under a guard
of foldiers ; and he would not have been obliged to accomplifh the marriage by new crimes, and to have found
the way to her bed by treafon and ravifhment.
While the innocence, however, of the queen of a concern in the murder, and of any previous amour with
Bothwel, is to be inferred from the arts and compulfion employed to produce this abominable marriage ; the
criminality of her enemies receives thence a confirmation of the ftrongeft kind. They exempt the queen
from all fufpicion of being an accomplice with Bothwel; and, in fa£, biftory records her fincere reconcilia¬
tion with the king, her infinite furprife at the murder, and her uniform anxiety to punifh the regicides. But
they do more than fix upon her enemies the fufpicion of a concern in the guilt of Bothwel. Without
their concurrence, Bothwel could not have ventured on the murder; and without their aid, he could not have
protefted bimfelf under the weight of its criminality. They gave him their concurrence, and afforded him
their aid. The confequence was inevitable. He came off vidorious from his trial. It was in their power,
immediately upon the murder, to have completed his deftru&ion. But without the marriage they could not
accomplifh the overthrow of the queen. They therefore affifttd him with the bond recommending him to
be her hufband, and combined with him to. effect the marriage. This brought their affairs to a crifis; and
the nuptial folemnity was no fooner concluded, than they openly revolted, not only againft the earl of Both¬
wel, but againft the queen. The integrity and innocence which they had aferibed to this nobleman in the
bond had no longer any exiftence. They exclaimed againft him as foul with murder and infamy. In the
bond they had reprefented the marriage as the moft falutary and the moft fortunate event that could happen ;
and they had pledged themfelves by a folemn oath and engagement to uphold it at the expence of their lives,
their fortunes, and their honour. But the moment that it was atchieved, they exclaimed againft it as unna¬
tural, monftrous, and horrible. The fame ambition which had prompted them in their former courfe, ftimu-
lated them in their new direftion. All their meafures tended to the ufurpation of the royalty ; and they finally
compaffed the obje& of their purfuit. In the ftate of their Exaltation, they were expofed to dangers, and
alarmed with fears. There was a neccffuy for them to vindicate their tranfa&ions againft the queen. No
apology but her guilt could be of any avail to them. They, therefore, formally imputed to her a concern in
the murder of the king, with a view to the marriage with Bothwel. The letters were fabricated. Their am¬
bition, the murder of the king, their prote&ion of Bothwel, the bond, the marriage, their rebellion, their
fubvertion of the government, the regency of the earl of Murray, and the letters, are all linked together in an
iniepafable connection. They eftablifh, beyond a doubt, the innocence of the queen ; and they vouch and
teftify in a manner the moft clear and irrefragable, the unlimited perfidioufnefs and the execrable cruelty of
her enemies.
The evidence which points to the forgery of the letters is profufe and inftruftive. In its feparate parts it
is powerful and fatisfaftory. When taken together, and in the union of its parts, it is invincible. But amidft
all its cogency and ftrength, there is a circumftance moft peculiarly in its favour, and of which it required no
aid or effiftaoce. By this peculiarity it is cafed completely in fled, and armed at every point. The
letters have come down to to us in the French, the Scottifh, and the Latin languages. _ Now the confpirators
alleged that they were written by the queen in the French language. From their examination, however, in
thefe different languages, it appears demonftratively, that they were written originally in the Scotch language j
and that the pretended French originals are a tranfktion from the Latin of Buchanan, which is a verfion from
the Scotch.
The letters, fo weak on every fide, and fo incapable of fuftaining any ferutiny, give the marks of fufpicion
and guilt in all the ftages of their progrefs. Even with the parliamentary fanclion afforded to them by the
three eftates, which the earl of Murray affembled upon the 15th day of December 1567, he felt the delicacy
and the danger ofemploying them openly to the purpofes for which they were invented. For while he was
fcheming with Elizabeth his accufation of the queen of Scots, he took the precaution to fubmit privately the
letters to this princefs by the agency of Mr Wood his fecretary. This fufpicious tranfaftion took place early
in the month of June 1568 ; and its objeft was moft flagitious, and preffes not only againft his integrity, but
sgaiaft that of the Engliih queen. Before he would advance with his charge, he folicited from her an
affu-
Mary ; and he fecretly communicated to them the pro-
mifes of fupport he had received from the earl of Mur-
r0f. By the advice and influence of. Sir Nicholas
Throgmorton, he engaged in his behalf the earl of
Leicefter; and this nobleman imparted the matter to
the earls of Pembroke and Arundel. The duke him-
felf was able to conciliate the favour of the earls of
Derby, Bedford, Shrewfbury, Southampton, North¬
ampton, Northumberland, Weftmoreland, and Suf-
fex. In the mean time, he was eagerly prefling Mary
herfelf with his fuit and importunities; and had mu¬
tually exchanged the tokens of a conftant and fincere
love. It was in this forward ftate of the match, that
the bifhop of Rofs drew up the fchedule of articles for
the accommodation of the rival queens.
SCO
Scotland, blifh the Proteftant religion in Scotland ; that fhe
  fliould admit to her favour thofe of her fubje&s who
- had appeared againft her; that if ihe had made any
aflignment of her kingdom to the duke of Anjou, in
the expedition of a marriage to becontra&ed between
them, it fliould be diffolved ; and that inflead of look¬
ing to a foreign prince, whofe alliance would be dan-
[ 8045 1
SCO
Norfolk, the firft peer of England. Tliefe ankles Sco
being communicated to the bifhop of Rofs, he was de- 
fired to tranfmit them to Mary ; but, as they touched
upon fome points concerning which he had no inftnic*
tions, he declined this office, and recommended the
propriety of their employing a fpecial mefienger of
their own, in a commiffion of fuch high importance.
gerous, not only to the religion but to the liberty of They accordingly appointed Mr Candifh to go with
the two realms, fne would agree to marry the duke of them to the queen of Scots, and, in a forma! difpatch,
Vol. IX. . . 2 . 40 B they
affurance, that the judges to be appointed in the trial of Mary would hold the letters to be true and pro¬
bative.
By the encouragement of Elizabeth, the earl of Murray was prevailed upon to come to the refolution to
prefer his accufation. He was foon to depart for England upon this bufinefs. A privy-council was called
by him at Edinburgh. He took up in it, with formality, the letters from the earl of Morton, and gave a
receipt for them to that nobleman. This receipt is remarkable and interefling. It is dated upon the 16th
day of September 1568. It contains the firft mention that appears in hiftory of the difeovery of the letters as
in the affual pofftffioo of Dalgleifh upon the 20th day of June 1567 : For Dalgleifh being alive upon the 4th
day of December 1567, when the earl of Murray atchieved the a& of council, which is the asra of the fii ft
evidence of the exigence of the letters, and upon the 15th day of that month, when the three eftates affedted
to fuftain their authority, it was not proper at thofe periods to have made a formal mention of his name. But
this perfon having been executed in January 1568, there was no longer any hazard of his giving a contradic¬
tion to the adverfaries of the queen. This, however, is not the only fufpicious circumftance which is recorded
in the receipt. In the a& of privy-council, and in the ordination of parliament in December 1567, when
the earl of Murray and his affociates were infinitely anxious to eftablifh the criminality of the queen, the only
vouchers appealed to of her guilt were the letters ; and at that time, doubtlefs, they had prepared no other
papers to which they could allude. But in the earl of Murray’s receipt in September 1568, there is men¬
tion of other vouchers befide the letters. He acknowledges, that he alfo received from the earl of Morton
contra&s or obligations, and fonnets or love-verfes. Thefe remarkable papers, though faid to have been
found upon the 20th day of June 1567, appeared not till September 1568 ; and this difficulty is yet to be
folved by thofe who conceive them to be genuine. The general arguments which affedt the authenticity of
the letters apply to them in full force ; and circumftances peculiar to themfelves evince, at the fame time,
their fabrication. They are not to be accounted for or explained on the fuppofition of the genuinenefs of the
letters: but upon the hypothefis of the forgery of the letters, their ufe, and the sera of their invention, may
be pointed to with an obvious clearnefs. When the earl of Murray had agreed to accufe the queen of Scots,
his anxiety about his proofs was redoubled. His apprehenfions were exceffive and alarming. The private
communication of the letters to Elizabeth in June 1568 produced a wifh that he could fortify thefe vouchers.
For the letters only were at this time exhibited to the Englilh queen. The notion that the love of Mary to
Bothwd was inordinate, required to be fupported. It was a fundamental principle with the confpirators j
and they had no fadts by which it could be fixed and illuftrated. Between the months, therefore, of June and
September 1568, between the dates of the communication of the letters to Elizabeth, and of the receipt of
the box from the earl of Morton, the contradts and the fonnets were invented; and that they might anfwer
their intentions they were made to exprefs and imply, in a ftrong degree, the affedtion of Mary to BothweL
The forgery was now finifhed ; and the papers, while they mutually evince the weaknefs and impropriety of
one another, all concur to eftablifli the certain and uniform criminality of the enemies of the queen.
As to the cafket or box in which the papers were depofited, it is faid to have contained them from the 20th
day of June 1567, when it is urged that they were firft difeovered. Yet of this box, in connedtion with the
letters and papers, there is no mention of the adl of council, or in the ordination of the parliament, where the
letters are deferibed ; nor at the time when they were privately communicated to queen Elizabeth. The 16th
day of September 1568 is the date of the firft mention of the box as containing any vouchers againft the queen.
This box or cafket had indeed belonged to Mary. She had received it from her hufband Francis II. i and
the ufe to which fhe put it was to hold her jewels. When the confpirators feized upon her jewels, it was ap¬
propriated by them; and they conceived, that it would give a propriety to their forgeries to lodge them
in it. r
The next date of the diftindfion of the box and its contents was upon the 10th day of O&ober 1568. la
the true fpirit of the forgery, and with the moft guilty anxieties, the earl of Murray communicated them
by his agents to the Englifh commiffioners at York in a clandeftine manner, and not in their public capacity.
His fcheme was to avoid the neceffity of a judicial or exaft examination of them ; and to give them the flamp
of authenticity, and of finifhed and definitive evidences againft the queen of Scots, by his own oath and the
oaths of his affociates. His intrigues with Norfolk are fiill farther illuftrative of the nature of his fenfibilitiea
and confcioufnefs. The difappointment of Elizabeth, occalioned by his caution, guilt, and timidities, pro¬
duced the removal of the conferences from York to Weftminfter. Her refentments againft Mary, the fatif-
faftion fhe afforded to his fcruples, her power, and her promifes of protection, brought him finally to the
points fhe had in view. His public accufation of the queen of Scots was delivered ; and at length it was fuc-
ceeded by his public exhibition of the box and its contents.
SCO [ 8046 ] SCO
Scotland, they extolled the merits of the duke of Norfolk ; af-
' ” fured her of the general favour and fupport of the
Enghfh nobility, if flie fliould approve of his love : and
intimated their belief that Elizabeth would not be a-
verfe from a marriage which gave the certain profnife
of tranquillity and happinefs to the two kingdoms.
This difpatch was in the hand-writing of Leieefter; and
it was fubferibed by this nobleman, and the earls of
739 Arundel and Pembroke, and the lord Luftiley.
grees to'the Mary, in the folitude of her prifon, received this
treaty pro- application wdth pleafure. By the lord Boyd (he re-
pofed to turned a very favourable anfwer to it ; but took the
liberty to admonifh them of the neceflity of their fe-
curing the good-will of Elizabeth, leii her diflike of
the treaty or the marriage fhould excite new difafters
and misfortunes, and involve the duke of Norfolk in
inconveniency and danger. This advice, the fuggef-
tion of her delicacy and prudence, did not draw fuffi-
ciently their attention. The duke of Norfolk was now
impatient to conclude thia great tranfadion, in which
he had engaged himfelf; and admitted into his coun¬
cils many nobles whom he had hitherto negle&ed to
court, and many gentlemen who were confiderable
from their diftin£tion and fortunes. The countenance
and confent of the kings of France and Spain were
thought neceffary to the meafures in agitation, and
were folicited and obtained. In the univerfality of the
applaufc with which they were honoured, it was fup-
pofed, that Elizabeth would be allured into a cordial
acknowledgment of their propriety, or be compelled
to afford them a reluclant approbation ; and fo ardent
a belief prevailed of their fortunate termination, that
the marriage-contraft was actually intruded to the
keeping of M. Fenelon the French ambaflador.
The aftivity of the duke of Norfolk with the Eng-
lifh nobles did not fo much engrofs his attention as to
make him forget the regent. He kept up with him a
clofe correfpondence in confequence of the concert into
which they had entered, and received the mod ample
affurances of his fidelity and fervice. The mod fan-
guine and feducingr hopes elated him. The regent,
while he dipulated for terms of favour and fecurity to
himfelf and his fatdion, appeared to be full of the mar¬
riage, as a meafure from which the greated advantages
would arife- to the two kingdoms, to the two queens,
and to the true religion. The match, in the mean
while, was anxioufly concealed from Elizabeth; but
die was zealoufly preffed to conclude an accommoda¬
tion with Mary, on the foundation of the fchedule of
agreement prefented by the bifhop of Rofs. After
having had many conferences with her privy-council,
(he feemed inclined to treat definitively for the redo-
ration of the queen of Scots, and adlually agreed to
open the tranfa&ion to the regent. The lord Boy4
was fent into Scotland upon this bufinefs ; and while
he carried her letters, he was intruded with difpatches
from Mary, *he duke of Norfolk, and Sir Nicholas
*49 Throgmorton. ^
The pro- As the regent was returning from his northern ex-
lUzabeih Pe<^'t'on» was fainted at Elgin by the lord Boyd,
who immediately laid before him the difpatches and
indru&ions with which he had been charged. The
queen of England, in her letters, made three propofi-
tions in behalf of Mary, and intimated a defire that
*si£ of them fhould be accepted. The queen of Scots,
die faid, might be redored, fully and abfolutely, fo Scotlancf.
her royal eftate ; die might be afibciated in the govern-
ment with her fon, have the title of queen, and, till the
prince diould attain the age of 17 years, the admini-
dration might continue in the regent; or (he might be
permitted to return to Scotland in a private ftation,
and have an honourable appointment to maintain her 74I
in a fafe and happy obfeurity. The difpatches from The re-
Mary to the regent defired, that judges might imme- tluefts°f
diately be allowed to inquire into the legality of herMary’
marriage with Bothwel; and that, if it was found to
have been concluded in oppofition to the laws, it fliould
be declared to be void, and the liberty be granted to
her of entering anew into a matrimonial engagement.
The duke of Norfolk exprefled to the regent the gra- imp0y[u.
titude he felt for his friendfliip ; promifed him thenitiesof
command of the fulled exertions of his confequence Norfolk,
and power ; intreated him to proceed expeditioufly in
promoting the bufinefs of the marriage, and referred
him to the indruftions of lord Boyd for a fatisfa&ory
anfwer to any doubts which might give him difgud or
uneafinefs. By the letters of Throgmorton, the regent
was advertifed that the marriage of the queen of Scots
with the duke of Norfolk was a certain and decided
point; and he was counfelled to concur heartily and
expeditioufly ill this tranfaflion, that his confent might
not feem to have been extorted. Maitland of Lething-
ton was recommended to him by this Aatefman, as
the perfon whom he fhould choofe to reprefent him in
the Englifli court, as he could negociate bed the terms
and mode of his fecurity and of that of his party. In
fine, Throgmorton intreated him not to be troubled
with any precife fcruples or obje&ions, for that his
overthrow, if he refided, would be inevitable ; and, in
the view of his fervices and cordiality, he aflhred him,
that no man^ friendfhip would be accepted with greater
affeftion, and no man’s edimation be higher or more
fortunate. The zeal of Throgmorton induced him
alfo, upon this occafion, to addrefs to Maitland a dif¬
patch', in which he was infinitely importunate to ha-
den his expedition to England, in the ebarafler to
which he recommended him. He complimented him
as the fitted perfon to open the match to the Englilh
queen, on the part of the regent and the Scottifh no¬
bility ; and he reprefented the fuccefs of the fcheme to
be infallible, as Elizabeth would never be fo unwife as
to put her own fafety, the peace of her kingdom, and
the prefervation of her people, in competition with
the partial devifes that might proceed from the vanity
and the pafiions of any perfon whatfoever. He enu¬
merated the names of the Englifh nobility who had
confederated to promote the marriage. He enlarged
upon it as an expedient full of wifdom, and as advan¬
tageous in the highed degree to religion and the date.
He pointed out the lading and infeparable connexion
of England and Scotland, as its happy and undoubted
confequence. For, if James VI. fhould die, the feeptres
of the two kingdoms might devolve to an Englifh
prince ; and if he fhould attain to manhood, he might
marry the daughter of the duke of Norfolk, and unite, ^
in his perfon, the two crowns, Delibera-
Thefe weighty difpatches employed fully the tipn of the
thoughts of the regent. The calls of judice and hu-cftates °n
manity were loud in the behalf of Mary ; his engage-
meats to Norfolk were precife and definitive; and the the ^uee‘ni
com- '
SCO [ 8047 ] SCO
Scothmd, commiflion of Elizabeth afforded him the command of
the mod important fervices. But, on the other hand,
the reftoration of Mary, and her marriage, would put
an end for ever to hia greatnefa; and, amidft all the
ftipulations which cpuld be made for hia proteftion,
the enormity of his guilt was ftill haunting him with
fufpicions and terror. His ambition and his felfidi
fenfibilities were an overmatch for his virtue. He
praftifed with his partifana to throw obftacles in the
way of the treaty and the marriage; and, on the pre¬
tence of deliberating concerning the reftoration of
Mary, and on her divorce from Bothwel, a convention
of the eftates was fumraoned by him to aflemble at
Perth. To this aflembly the letters of Elizabeth were
recited ; and her propofitiona were confidered in their
order. The full reftoration of Mary to her dignity
was accounted injurious to the authority of the king,
and her affociation with her fon in the government
was judged improper and dangerous ; but it was
thought that her diliverance from prifon, and her re-
duftion to a private ftation, were reafonable expedients.
No definitive .decree, however, was pronounced. The
letters of Mary were then communicated to this council,
and gave rife to vehement debates. She had written
and fubfcribed them in her charafter of queen of Scot¬
land. This carriage was termed infalent and imperious
by the friends of the regent. They alfo held it un-
fafe to examine her requefts, till they fhould be com¬
municated to Elizabeth ; and they infinuated, that
fome inclement and partial device was concealed under
the purpofe of her divorce from the earl of Bothwel.
The favourers of Mary endeavoured to apologize for
the form of the letters, by throwing the blame upon
her fecretaries ; and engaged, that while the commif-
faries, or judges, were proceeding in the bufinefs of
the divorce, new difpatches in the proper method fhould
be applied for and procured. They were heard with
evident fymptorns of difpleafure; and exclaimed, that
it was wonderful to them, that thofe very perfons who
lately had been fo violent for the feparation of the
queen and Bothwel, fiiould now be fo averfe from it.”
The partifans of the regent replied, “ that if the queen
was fo eagerly folicitous to procure the divorce, fhe
might apply to the king of Denmark to execute Both¬
wel as the murderer of her hulband ; and that then fhe
might marry the perfon who was moft agreeable to
her.” The pafiions of the two fa&ions were inflamed
to a moft indecent extremity, and the convention broke
up with ftrong and unequivocal marks of hoftility and
ang«r-
Elizabeth Notwithffianding the caution with which Mary and
di!raTrntS Norfolk carried on their intrigues, intimations of them
onviary’'15liad come to Elizabeth. Norfolk himfelf, by the ad-
and Nor- vice of the earl of Pembroke, had ventured to difclofe
folk. bis fecret to Sir William Cecil, who affe&ed to be
friendly to him. The regent, in anfwer to her letters,
tranfmitted to her the proceedings of the convention
at Perth. The application of Mary for a divorce was
a key to the ambitious hopes of the duke of Norfolk.
She commanded Sir William Cecil to apply himfelf
to difcover the confpiracy. This ftatefman betrayed
the confidence with which he had been entrufted ;
and Elizabeth, while the duke was attending her at
Farnham, difcovering a mixture of pleafantry and
p&ffion, admonifhed him to be careful on what pillow
he repofed his head. The earl of Leicefter, alarmed Scotland,
by his fears, revealed to her at Titchfield the whole ~
proceedings of the duke of Norfolk and his friends.
Her fury was ungovernable; and at different times fhe
loaded Norfolk with the fevereft reproaches and con¬
tumely, for prefuming to think of a marriage with the
queen of Scots without the fandlion of her concurrence.
Infulted with her dilcourfe and her looks, abandoned
by Leicefter, and avoided by other nobles in whom
he ha'd confided, he felt his courage to forfake him.
He left the court at Southampton without taking his
leave, and went to London to the earl of Pembroke.
New intimations of her difpleafure were announced to
him, and he'retired tohis feat at Kinninghall in Norfolk.
His friends preffed him to take the field, and to commit
his fafety to the fword ; but having no inclination to
involve his country in the miferies of war, he reje&ed
their advice ; and addrefiing an apology to Elizabeth,
protefted that he never meant to depart from the
fidelity which he owed to her ; and that it was his
fixed refolution to have applied for her confent to his
marriage with the queen of Scots. In return, fhe or¬
dered him to repair to her court at Windfor ; and, as
he appeared to be irrefolute, a meffenger was difpatch-
ed to take him into cuftody. He was firft confined
to the houfe of Paul Wentworth, at Burnham, in
the neighbourhood of Windfor, and then committed
to the tower. The earls of Pembroke and Arundel,
the lord Lumley, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and
the bifhop of Rofs, were alfo apprehended and con-
fined‘. - . . . HS
Elizabeth, amidft the ferment of her inquietudes, Mary ex-
forgot not to gratify her revenge by infulting the queen pofert to
of Scots. The name of Mary was fufficient to con- n.e’iv hidig-
vulfe her with anger. The earl of Huntington, who niUef’
affe&ed to have pretenfions to the crown of England
that were preferable to thofe of the Scottifh princefs,
was joined with the earl of Shrewfbury in the office of
guarding her. His inftru&ions were rigorous, and he
was difpofed to exceed them. The earl of Shrewf¬
bury confidered it as an indignity to have an affociate
who was a declared enemy to his charge, who had an
intereft in her death, and who was remarkable for a
natural ferocity of difpofition. Mary exclaimed againfl
the indelicacy and rudenefs of Elizabeth, and proteft-
ed that all her intentions were commendable and inno¬
cent. Huntington took a delight in her fufferings.
He ranfacked her coffers with a vietor of making dif-
coveries; but her prudence had induced her to deftroy
all the evidences of her tranfa&ions with the duke of
Norfolk ; and the officious affiduity of this jailor was
only rewarded with two cyphers which he could not
comprehend. The domeftics whom fhe favoured were
fufpe&ed and difmiffed. Her train of attendants was
diminifhed. An unrelenting watch was kept upon
her. No couriers were allowed to carry her dif¬
patches. No meffengers were admitted to her prefence;
and all the letters from her friends were ordered to
be intercepted, and to be conveyed to the queen of
England.
The proceedings of the convention at Perth were Norf0j^
afflicting to Elizabeth, to Mary, and to the duke ofbetrayed
Norfolk. In the farmer they created fufpicions of theby the re¬
regent ; and they were a certain annunciation to the Sp¬
latter, that he was refolved to fupport himfelf in the
40 B 2 govern-
SCO [ 8048 ] SCO
Scotland, government of Scotland. Uncertain rumours had
'reachcdlElizabeth of the interviews he had held with
Norfolk in the bufinefs of the marriage, tjer furprife
and indignation were infinite. Mr Wood, who brought
from the regent his anfwer to her letter, was treated
with difrefpeft. Secretary Cecil difpatched intimations
to the lord Hunfdon, the governor of Berwick, to
carry a penetrating eye to his operations; Elizabeth,
by a fpecial envoy, required from him an explanation
of his ambiguous carriage. The regent, true to his
intereffs, apologized to her for his connections with
the duke of Norfolk, by laying open the defign of
that nobleman to cut him off, in his way to Scotland,
by a full communication of whatever had pafled be ¬
tween them in relation to Mary, and by offers of an
747 unlimited fubmiffion and obedience.
Infurrec- While the duke of Norfolk was carrying on his in-
Ii)11 land, tn"gl,es w’t^ Mary, the fcheme of an infurrcftion for
n£an • jjg,. deliverance was advancing under the direftion of
the earls of Northumberland and Weflmoreland. Mo¬
tives of religion were the chief foundation of this con-
fpiracy; and the more zealous Catholics over England
were concerned in it. Mary, however, by the advice
of the duke of Norfolk, who was afraid of her match¬
ing with a foreign prince, did not enter into it with
cordiality. It advanced notwithftanding; and the
agents of the pope were lavifh of exhortations and do¬
natives. The duke of Alva, by the order of his
mafter the king of Spain, encouraged the confpira-
tors with the offer of 20,000 men from the Nether¬
lands; and, under the pretence of adjufting commercial
difputes, he fent into England Chiapini Vitelli mar¬
quis of Cglona, an officer of ability, that he might be
at hand, and prepared to take the command of them.
The report of an infurreftion was univerfal. Eliza¬
beth kept an army of 15,000 men near her perfon.
The queen of Scots was removed to Coventry, a place
of great ftrength ; and if a fuperior and commanding
force fhould appear before it, her ferocious keeper, it
is faid, had orders to affaffinate her. Repeated com¬
mands were fent to the earls of Northumberland and
Weftmoreland, to repair to court. But the imprifon-
ment of the duke of Norfolk and his friends had
ffruck a panic into them. They conceived that their
confpiracy was difcovered ; and putting themfelves at
the head of their followers, they iffued their manifefto.
The reftoration of Popery, the eftablifhment of the
t ties of Mary to the Englifh crown, and the reforma¬
tion of abufes in the commonwealth, were the avowed
objefts of their enterprife. But they had embarked
in a bufinefs for which they were altogether unequal.
Their efforts were feeble and defultory. The duke of
Alva forgot his promifes. Wherever the peace was
difturbed by infurgents, there were troops to oppofe
• them. The vigilance of Elizabeth difconcerted with
eafe the operations of men whom no refources or po¬
pularity could have condufted to greatnefs, and who
could neither conquer nor die. The earl of Weft-
rooreland, after concealing himfelf for fome time in
• Scotland, effe&ed an efcape into Flanders, where he
paffed a miferable and ufelefs exiftence; and the earl
Elkate'h Northumberland being taken by the regent, was
liberates imprifonment in the fortalice of Lochleven.
Norfolk As the fury of Elizabeth abated, her refentment to
and bis the duke of Norfolk loft its power; and fhe failed not
friends. ~   
to diftinguifh between the intrigues of an honourable Scotland.
ambition and the praftices of anobftinate fuperftition."  
It was the refult of the examination of this nobleman,
and of the confeffions of the other prifoners, that Le-
thington had fchemed the bufnjefs of the marriage,
and that the earl of Murray had encouraged it; that
her confent was underftood to be neceffary to its com¬
pletion ; and that Mary herfelf had warmly recom¬
mended the expedient of confulting her pleafure. Up¬
on receiving proper admonitions, the earls of Pem¬
broke, Arundel, the lord Lumlcy, Sir Nicholas Throg¬
morton, and the bifhop of Rofs, were releafed from
confinement; and, after a more tedious imprifonment,
the duke of Norfolk himfelf was admitted to his liberty.
This favour, however, was not extended to him till he
had not only fubmiffively acknowledged his prefump-
tion in- the bufinefs of the marriage ; but had fully re¬
vealed whatever had paffed between Mary and him,
and folemnly engaged himfelf never more to think of
this alliance, and never more to take any concern what-
foever in her affairs. 749
The regent, in the mean while, was very anxious Maitland ef
to recover the good opinion of Elizabeth. Her treat- Lethington
ment of Mr Wood, and her difeovery of his Pra&ice9» j^rnle °s
had excited his apprehenfions. He therefore affembled murder,
at Stirling a convention of the eftates; and taking her
letters a fecond time into confideration, returned her a
reply to them by Robert Pitcairn abbot of Dunferm¬
line, in a ftyle fuited to her temper and jealoufies, and
from which fhe could decifively infer, that no favour
of any kind would be fhown to the queen of Scots.
But this bafe condefcenfion, though aflifted by his
treachery to the duke of Norfolk, not being fufficient,
in his opinion, to draw completely to him the cordia¬
lity of the queen of England, he was preparing to gra¬
tify her with another facrifice. The partiality of
Maitland to Mary, and his intrigues with Norfolk and
the Engliffi malcontents, had rendered him uncom ¬
monly obnoxious to Elizabeth and her miniftry. The
late commotions had been chiefly afcribtd to his arts ;
and it was natural to dread new calamities and tumults
from the fruitful fpring of his invention. Under the
pretence of employing his fetvice in difpatches to Eng¬
land, the regent invited him to Stirling. He was then
with the earl of Athol at Perth ; and fufpedling fome
improper device, he obeyed the fummons with reluc¬
tance. When he took his place in the privy-council.
Captain Crawford, the minion of the earl of Lennox,
who had diftinguifhed himfelf in the trial of Mary,
accufed him, in diredl terms, of being a party in the
murder of the late king. The regent affe&ed afto-
nifhment, but permitted him to be taken into cuftody.
He was foon after fent to Edinburgh under a guard,
and admonifhed to prepare for his trial. Upon fimi-
lar charges the lord Seaton and Sir James Balfour
were feized upon and imprifoned. ^}
Kircaldy of Grange, the governor of the caftle of He is pro-
Edinburgh, who was warmly attached to Maitland, tetfed by
after having remonftrated in vain with the regent onKircaldy :
the violence of his condudl, employed addrefs andGranSe' i
ftratagem in the fervice of his friend. Under the co- _ |
ver of night, he went with a guard of foldiers to the
lodging where Maitland was confined ; and fhowing
a forged warrant for taking his perfon into keeping,
got poffcffion of him. Kircaldy had now in his caftle
the
SCO [ 8049 ] SCO
Scotland, the duke of Chatellerault, the lord Herries andMait-
•   land. The regent fent for him to a conference ; but
he refufed to obey his mefiage. He put himfelf and
his fortrefs under the direftion of his prifoners. The
regent, condefcending to pay him a vifit, was more
lavifh than ufual of his promifes and kindnefs. His
arts, however, only excited the difdain of this gene¬
rous foldier. Since he could not lead out Maitland to
the block, he inftituted a procefs of treafon againft
him, in order to forfeit his eftates. Kircaldy, by the
mouth of a trumpeter, deftred him to commence fimi-
lar a&ions againft the earl of Morton a*id Mr Archi¬
bald Douglas, as it was notorious that they were par¬
ties to the king’s murder. This meflenger was like-
wife charged with delivering'a challenge from him to
Mr Archibald Douglas, and another from the lord
Herries to the earl of Morton. This difappointment,
and thefe indignities, made a deep imprefiion upon the
regent ; and, in a thoughtful diffatisfied humour, he,
about this time, made a ftiort progrefs towards the
*Engli(h border, courting popularity, and deferving it,
7ST by an attention to order andjuftice.
Elizabeth Elizabeth, flattered by his fubmillive advances, and
agrees to pleafed with his ambition, was now difpofed to
^1rvejolI[jie gratify his fulleft wifhes; and (he perceived, that by
regent. delivering to him the queen of Scots, fhe would effec¬
tually relieve herfelf of a prifoner whofe vigour and
intrigues were a conftant interruption to her repofe.
A treaty for this purpofe was entered into and con¬
cluded. The regent was to march an army to the
Englilh frontiers, and to receive from her his fovereign
into her own dominions, the vitftim of his power, and
the fport of his pafiions. No hoftages and no fecurity
were ftipulated for her entertainment and good ufage.
His authority over her was to be without any limits.
Upon his part, he was to.deliver to Elizabeth the
young prince, to put her in poffefiion of the principal
forts of Scotland, and to afiift her with troops in the
event of a war with France. This treaty, fo fatal to
Mary, and fo ruinous to the independence of Scot¬
land, efcaped not the vigilance of the biftiopof Rofs.
He complained of it in the ftrongeft terms to Elizabeth;
and declared it to be equivalent to a fentence of death
againft his miftrefs. The ambaffadors of France and
Spain were alfo ftrenuous in their remonftrances to her
upon this fubjedf. All refiftance, however, was una¬
vailing ; and the execution of the treaty feemed inevi¬
table. Yet how vain are the loftieft fchemes of hu¬
man pride ! The career of the regent was haftening
to its termination ; and the hand of an aflaflin put a
period to his dream of royalty. Scotland did not lofe
751 its liberties; but Mary continued to be unfortunate..
Death of James Hamilton of Bothwelhaugh, who had been
the regent, taken a prifoner at the battle of Langfide, obtained
his liberty and life ; but his eftates were forfeited.
His wife, the heirefs of Woodhouflie, retired upon
this emergency to her paternal inheritance, in the hope
that it might efcape the rapacity of the regent. He
had, however, given it away in a gift to one of his
favourites. Sir James Ballenden ; and the inftrumencs
of his power having the inhumanity to ftrip her of her
garments, and to turn her naked out of her houfe, in
a cold and dark night, (he became diftrafted before
the morning. Hamilton vowed revenge ; and the re¬
gent made a mockery of his threats. This contempt
infpirited his paflions ; and the humiliation of the Scotland.
houfe of Hamilton, to which he was nearly allied, *
foftered the eagernefs of his difeontents. The mad-
nefs of party fermented in him with the atrocioufnefs
of rage. His mind reconciled itfelf to affaflination.
After watching for fome time a proper opportunity to
commit his horrible purpofe, he found it at Linlith¬
gow. The regent was to pafs through this town in
his way from Stirling to Edinburgh. Intimations reach¬
ed him that Hamilton was now to perpetrate his de-
fign ; and he unaccountably negleded them. The
afiaflin, in a houfe that belonged to the archbilhop of
St Andrew’s, waited deliberately his approach; and
firing his mulket from a window, fhot him through the
body. The wound, when examined, was not judged
to be mortal ; but the regent finding its pain to in-
creafe, prepared himfelf for death; and in a few hours
his foul took its departure. A fleet horfe of the ab¬
bot of Arbroath’s carried the afiafiin to the palace of
Hamilton ; and from thence he foon after efteded his
efcape into France.
The death of the earl of Murray made no favourable
alteration in the affairs of Mary. Confufion and difor-
der prevailed throughout the kingdom; and though
the friends of the queen were promifed affiftance from
France, nothing eifedual was done for them. At laft
the regency was conferred upon the earl of Lennox *
an enemy to his queen, and who treated her friendsfu°ceeti
with the utmoft rigour. At the fame time Elizabeth him.
continued to amufe with negociations her unhappy ri¬
val. She granted liberty to the bifhop of Rofs to re¬
pair to the queen of Scots, who had been removed to
Chatfworth, and to. confer with her on the fubjed of
the intended accord and treaty. Mary, conforming to
the advances of Elizabeth, authorifed the lord Le-
vingfton to pafs to her dominions, and to defire her
friends to appoint a deputation of their number to give
their afiiftance in promoting the falutary purpofe of
efiablifhing the tranquillity of their country : and af¬
ter meeting with fome interruptions upon the Englifh
borders from the earl of Suffex, this nobleman execu¬
ted fuccefsfully his commiflion. The queen’s lords
gave powers to ten nobles to ad in a body, or by two
of their number, in the intended negociation ; and a
fafe-conduxd from Elizabeth allowed them to enter the
Englifli realm, and to remain in it during the fpace of
fix months. 774
While the lord Levingfton was confutting the in- Articles of
terefts of Mary with her friends in Scotland, the bifltop a8ree["eJlt
of Rofs was making earneft fuit with Elizabeth t0 Mary*by E-
proceed in the projeded negociation. His folicita- lizabeth.
tions were not ineffedual; and Sir William Cecil and
Sir Walter Mildmay received the inftrudions of their
miftrefs to wait upon the queen of Scots at Chatf-
wortb. The heads of accommodation which they pro-
pofed were explicit and particular ; and the rigour
they difeovered towards the Scottilh princefs feemed
to vouch their fincerity. It was propofed, that a per-
fed amity fliould take place between the two queens;
that all the treaties which had formerly been conclu¬
ded by the two nations fhould receive an ample con¬
firmation ; that the queen of Scots fttould ratify the
treaty of Edinburgh, and forbear from advancing any
title or claim to the crown of England during the life
of Elizabeth, or to the prejudice of the heirs of her
body 5,
SCO r 8050 ] SCO
Scotland. bo3y ; that in cafe of foreign invafions, the two realms
fhould mutually affiit each other; that all foreign fol-
diers (hould be ordered to depart out of Scotland ; that
in the future, ftrangers of the profeffion of arms (hould
be prohibited from repairing to it, and from taking
up their refidence in any of its caftles or houfes of
ftrength ; that Mary (hould hold no correfpondence,
direftly or indireftly, with any fubjeft of England,
without the permiffion of the Englifti queen ; that the
earl of Northumberland, and the Englifh rebels in
Scotland, (hould be delivered up to Elizabeth ; that
redrefs (hould be given to the fubje&s of England for
the fpoils committed upon them by the Scottirti bor¬
derers; that the murderers of the lord Darnley and
the earl of Murray (hould be duly and effedlually
punifhed; that before the queen of Scots (hould be fet
at liberty, the young prince her fon (hould be brought
into England, and that he (hould continue in the keep¬
ing of Elizabeth till the death of his mother, or till
her refignation to him of her crown on attaining his
majority ; that the queen of Scots fhould not enter in¬
to a negociation for her marriage without the know¬
ledge of the queen of England, nor conclude it with¬
out her approbation, or that of thegreateft part of the
Scottilh nobility ; that none of the fubjedfs of Scotland
Ihould be fuffered to go to Ireland without the fafe-
condudt of Elizabeth ; and that Mary fhould deliver
to her lifter all the teftimonies and writings which had
been fent from France, renouncing and difavowing
the pretended marriage between her 4nd the duke of
Anjou. Befide thefe articles o_f agreement, it was
propofed by another treaty to adjuft the differences of
the queen of Scots and her fubjedts; and Sir William
Cecil and Sir Walter Mildmay embraced the prefent
opportunity of conferring with her upon this bufinefs,
under the pretence of facilitating its management in
7S-S the future ftages of its progrefs.
Mary is de- During , their (lay at Chatfworth, thefe ftatefmen
iirous to Were completely fatisfied with the behaviour of the
negocute. queen 0f §cots. Xhe candour, fincerity, and modera¬
tion, which (he difplayed, were full affurances to them
that upon her part there was no occafion to apprehend
any improper policy or art; and the calamities of her
condition were a ftill fecurer pledge of her compliance.
Elizabeth, upon hearing their report, affedled to be
highly pleafed with her fifter, and fent a meffage to
the carl of Lennox, inftrudting him in the conditions
which had been fubmi.tted to Mary ; and defiring him
to difpatch commiffioners into England to deliberate
in the treaty, and to confult his intereft and that of
his fadtion. Nor did Mary negledt to tranfmit to her
friends in Scotland the propofed terms of agreement;
and the biftiop of Rofs, who had affifted her in the
conferences with Sir William Cecil and Sir Walter
Mildmay, conveyed intimations of them to the pope,
the king of France, and the duke of Alva; befought
their advice, and informed thefe princes, that unlefs an
effe&ual relief could be expedcd from their favour,
the necellities of her condition would compel her to
fubfcribe to the hard and humiliating di&ates of the
.755 queen of England.
The infin- But while Mary and her fadion were indulging the
Elizabeth hope of a termination to her troubles, Elizabeth was
lza ' fecretly giving comfort to her adverfaries, and encou¬
raging them to throw obftacles in the way of the trea¬
ty. Sir William Cecil wrote to the regent, exprefs- Scotland,
ing his difapprobation of the negociations at Chatf¬
worth ; deliring him not to be apprehenfive of the
boaftings of the adherents of the queen of Scots ; and
advifing him to make choice of commiffioners, in the
name of the king, in whofe conftancy and fortitude he
could rely, and whom no addrefs could allure from his
intereft, or from the common caufe in which he and
his friends were embarked. The earl of Suffex alfo
fent him difpatches, in which he admonilhed him to
turn his anxious attention to the approaching negoci¬
ation, and to infill on fecure ftipulations for the pre-
fervation of the prince, for his own fafety, and for a
general indemnity to the nobles and their adherents,
whofe party he had efpoufed. In every event, he re-
prefented it as proper for him to pay the greateft t£-
fpe6l to Elizabeth ; and, if no treaty fhouki be con¬
cluded, he advifed him to be prepared for reducing
the friends of Mary to obedience, and for defending
himfelf againft invafions from abroad. By thefe ar¬
tifices, the regent and his fa&ion were inclined to in¬
timate to Elizabeth their warm diffatisfaftion with the
terms of agreement which (he had propofed to Mary;
and Pitcairn abbot of Dunfermling, who had been
appointed fecretary of ftate in the room of Maitland
of Lethington, was deputed to her upon this bufinefs.
He exclaimed againft the treaty as wild and impolitic;
and contended, that no ftipulations could bind Mary,
whofe religion taught her to keep no faith with here¬
tics ; that her claims to the Englifti crown, and her
refentment againft the queen of England, as well as
her own fubjeds, would, immediately upon her refto-
ration, involve the two kingdoms in blood; and that
no peace or quiet could be expe&ed or enjoyed, but
by adhering to the falutary maxim of detaining her in
a fure and clofe captivity. Elizabeth did not difeou-
rage thefe inclement fentiments; and Pitcairn was af-
fured by her, that from her natural love to the king,
and her regard to the nobles who upheld his authority,
(he would faithfully provide for their fecurity ; and
that if juftice (hould appear decifively upon their fide,
(he would even ftrenuoully maintain their quarrel and
their confequence.
Mary had been carried to Sheffield, and was reco- Mary’s
vering from a feverifli indifpofition. To this place the commif-
biftiop of Galloway and the lord Levingfton, who had fi°ners j1376
been felefted by her friends to be her a&ing deputies a" g“j^®llce
in England, repaired in order to impart to her the^qj.
ftate of affairs in Scotland, and to receive her com¬
mands. After repeated conferences on the fubjedi of
the approaching treaty, (he gave them her commiffion
and inftrudlions, and joining to them the bifliop of
Rofs, fent them to Elizabeth. They claimed an au¬
dience of this princefs, and were admitted to it at
Hampton-Court. Having prefented their credentials,
they informed her, that they were ready to conclude
a treaty of concord and agreement, upon principles
the moft extenfive and liberal; and, reprefenting to
her the impoverilhed and tumultuous ftate of their
country, they begged her to proceed in the bufinefs
with expedition. The orders, they faid, which they
had received, and their own inclinations, difpofed
them to follow her advice and counfel in all points
which were honourable and confident with reafon ;
and a$ her protection was the only refuge of the ad¬
verfaries
SCO r 8oci 1 SCO
Scotland, verfaries of their queen, they took the liberty to ob-
“ ferve, that it was completely in her power to put a pe¬
riod to all difturbances and animofuy, and to accom-
plifh an accord, which would not only confer upon
lier the higheft reputation, but be of the molt fignal
utility to the two kingdoms. Elizabeth declared, that
it would pleafe and flatter her in no common degree
to advance in the negociation ; and that it was a pain
to her that the regent, by his delay in fending com-
milfloners, fhould difcover any averfion from it. This
anfwer was deemed very favourable by the bilhopof Rofs
and his affociates ; and they obtained her authority to
difpatch a meffenger to the regent to hatten his ope-
?58 rations.
nun Ca" ^ 11,6311 time» Mary received difpatches from
tholic pow- the pope, the king of France, and the duke of Alva;
ersadvife and they concurred in recommending it to her to ac-
Mary to cept 0f the articles of accommodation which were of-
the6ac °f f£red hy Elizabeth. The Turk was giving employ-
commoda- ment to the pope and the king of Spain ; Charles IX.
tion. already enfeebled by the obftinate valour of the Hu¬
guenots, was bufy in deceiving them with appearances
of peace, and in plotting their overthrow; and the
duke of Alva felt himfelf infecure in his government
of the Netherlands, But while it was their counfel to
Mary to conclude an agreement with the queen of
England, they were yet lavilh to her of their expref-
fions of a conftant amity; and if the treaty (hould
mifcarry, they, promifed to exert in her behalf all the
efforts in their power, and to affill her adherents with
money, ammunition, and troops.
The regent The earl of Morton, the abbot of Dunfermling,
‘and his fac-and Mr JamesMacgill, had been appointed by there-
tioti at- gent an(j hjg faft{on to be their commiffioners in the
juftifythe name t^ie 5 and at length their arrival was
depofition announced to Elizabeth. Conforming to the fpirit of
ef Mary, their party, the earl of Morton and his colleagues
took an early opportunity to juftify to her the depofi¬
tion of the queen of Scots, and by this means to in¬
terrupt the progrefs of the treaty. In an elaborate me¬
morial, they affe&ed to confider Mary as unworthy to
reign, and aflerted the conftitutional power of the
people to curb her ambition, and to throw her down
from royalty. They endeavoured to intrench themfelves
within the authority of laws, civil, canon, and munici¬
pal ; and they recited opinions to her prejudice by
many pious divines. But though the general pofition,
that the people have a title to refill the domination of
the foverergn is clear and undubitable ; yet their ap¬
plication of it to the queen of Scots was wildly pre¬
carious and improper. To fpeak of her tyranny, and
her violation of the rights of her people, was even a
wanton mockery of truth andjuftice; for inllead of
having aflumed an illegal exorbitancy of power, (he
had fuffered in her own perfon and rights, and had
been treated by her fubjefts with the moll cruel and
tyrannical infult. Elizabeth, who was unwilling and
afraid to enter anew into the conduct of Mary, who
was completely confcious of the infolence of her adver-
faries, and who did not approve of any maxims that
prelfed againft the majelty of princes, received their
memorial with furprife and indignation. She percei¬
ved not, Ihe told them, any reafon that could vindi¬
cate the feverity which had been Ihown to the queen of
Scots by her enemies; andcounfelled them to remem¬
ber, that in the prefent negociation it was their pro- Scotland.
per bufinefs to confult the fecurity of the king and of
their faftion. , l6°
Upon the part of Elizabeth, the commiflioners were^^^’8
the lord keeper Bacon, the earls of Suffix and Leicefter, fioners hold
the lord Clynton* the lord chamberlain, Sir William conferences
Cecil, who about this time was created lord Burleigh,wirl1 th°fe
Sir Francis Knollys, Sir James Croft, Sir Walter0aet£h'of •
Mildmay, and Sir Thomas Smith. The deputies of Scots". °
Mary were invited to meet with the Englifh commif¬
fioners in the houfe of the lord keeper ; and after he
had Hated the general pnrpofesof the treaty, he inti-
nssated to them, that there were two points which re¬
quired a particular difcuffion. A proper fecurity, he
faid, ought to be given by the queen of Scots for her
due performance of the ftipulations of the accord with
Elizabeth ; and it was expedient to concert the mode
of the pardon and indemnity which (he was to extend
to the fubje&s of Scotland who had offended her. As
an aflurance of the accommodation with his miftrefs,
he demanded, that the duke of Chatellerault, the earls
of Huntley and Argyle, the lords Hume and Herries,
with aqother perfon of high rank, fhould be furrender-
ed to her, and remain in England for three years; that
the caftles of Dunbarton and Hume fhould be in her
polfdfion during the fame period; and as to the ar¬
ticle concerning the delivery of the prince into her cu-
ftody, he obferved, that it would be required from
the regent, the queen of Scots not having the power
of its performance. The deputies of Mary, furprifed
with this language, intreated the Englifh delegates to
refleff, that their queen, if deprived of the moll faith¬
ful of her nobles, and of her fafefl forts, could have
little defire or ambition to return to her own king¬
dom ; for (he would thus be unable to protedl her-
felf againll the turbulence of her fubje&s, and be a
fovereign without friends, and without llrength. They
were inclined, they faid, to put their commiffion and
powersto the fulled ftretch,inordertogratify Elizabeth;
and they would agree, that two earls and two barons
fhould be furrendered, for two years, as hoftages of the
fidelity of their fovereign; under the redridlion, that
they might be exchanged every fix months for perfons
of an equal condition, if they fhould be defirous of re¬
turning to their own country. As to the giving up of
any forts or callles, they would not agree to it, be-
caufe, among the other inconveniences of this meafure,
fimilar claims would be competent to the king^ of
France, by the fpirit of the treaty of Edinburgh,
which flipulated, that no French or Englilh troops
fhould be admitted into Scotland. The lord keeper
Bacon, refuming his difcourfe, told them, that the
whole realm of Scotland, its prince, nobles, and
cafiles, were an inadequate pledge to the queen of Eng¬
land ; and that, if his advice would be followed, the
queen of Scots fhould not obtain her liberty upon any
kind of fecurity which could be granted by the Scot-
tifh nation. In all public treaties, faid the delegates
of Mary, no further affurance can be required from a
fovereign than what confids with his fafety; and
when exadions are prefled from a contra&ing party in
a league which are ruinous and impoffible, it is un-
derdood, that a foundation is fought to break off the
negociation. The Englifh commiffioners, now inter¬
fering in a body, declared upon their honour, that ft
was
SCO [ 8052 ] SCO
Scotland, was the meaning of Elizabeth to agree to the reftora-
tion of the queen of Scots to her crown and realm up¬
on receiving fufficient aflurances for the articles of the
accommodation ; that the fecurity offered for her ac¬
ceptance, fhould be fubmitted to her deliberation; and
that they would immediately proceed to confer with
7gj the deputies for the king of Scots.
And with The Englifh commiflioners were not unacquainted
the king’s wJth the fentiments of the earl of Morton and his col-
deputies. leagUes. an(] {t vvas fr0m this quarter that they ex-
pedfed a refolute and definitive interruption to the
treaty. Nor did thefe delegates difappoint the ex-
pe&ations conceived of them. After affefting to take
a comprehenfive view of the articles under debate,
they declared, that their commifiion gave them au¬
thority to treat about the amity of the two kingdoms,
and the maintenance of the true religion ; but that it
conferred upon them no power to receive their queen
into Scotland, or to furrender to Elizabeth the perfon
of their king. They therefore begged not to be urged
to accede to a league which, in fome future period,
yfii might expofe them to a charge of high-treafon.
r.Jizabeth This fingular declaration was confidered to be folid
•obftrufts and weighty by the Englifh commiffioners; and, in a
ie treaty. new conference, it was communicated by them to the
deputies of Mary. The bifiiop of Rofs and his affo-
ciates were difgufted with this formal impertinence.
They did not hefitate to pronounce the plea of an in-
fufficient commiffion from the king to his delegates to
be an unworthy and mofl frivolous fubterfuge. The
authors, they faid, of the depofition of their fovereign
did not need any authority but their own to fet her at
liberty ; the prince was not yet five years of age, and
could give them no inftruftions; and the regent was
wholly dependent upon the will and pleafure of the
queen of England, It was reprefented in return by the
Englifh delegates, that the commiffion of king James
to his deputies, having been perufed by Elizabeth, was
accounted by her to be infufficient; and that it was
her opinion, that the earl of Morton (hould return to
Scotland to hold a parliament for obtaining new
powers. The bifhop of Rofs exclaimed, that the
queen of Scots had been amufed with deceitful pro-
inifes, that the prudence of Elizabeth had been cor¬
rupted by partial counfels, and that the allegations
and pretences held out for interrupting the negociation
were affe&ed and unreal. The inftru&ions, he faid,
from his fovereign to her commiffioners, ftrere to ne-
gociate and to conclude, and not to trifle; and they
would not by any means confent to protrafl, by ar¬
tificial delays, a treaty which the queen of England,
if her intentions were fincere and right, could imme¬
diately terminate upon reafonable and honourable
terms. His fpeech and his demeanour, he acknow¬
ledged, were fharp and warm; and he befought them
to excufe him, fince, having been made an infirument
to abufe his miftrefs with falfe hopes, he could not but
refent the indignity, and exprefs what he knew and
what he felt. The Englifh deputies, addreffing him
and his colleagues, obferved, with an unfhaken phlegm,
that as the friends of Mary, and thofe of the king her
fon, could not agree, and as their queen was refufed
the affurance fhe expe&ed, they held their commiffion
•to be at an end, and were no longer at liberty to ne-
goeiate,'
The infincerity of Elizabeth, and the failure of the Scotland,
league or accord, filled Mary with refentment and
complaints. Her animofities, and thofe of Elizabeth, The7®3;ta_
were increafed and fortified. She was in halte to com- ted Condi-
municate to her allies the unworthy treatment fhe had tion of the
received ; and fhe fent her commands to her adherents tvvotluecns*
in Scotland to rife up. in arms, to repofe no truft in
truces which were prejudicial and treacherous, and to
employ all their refources and ftrength in the humilia¬
tion of the regent and his fa&ion. Elizabeth, who by
this time apprehended no enterprife or danger from
Charles IX. or the duke of Alva, refolved, on the
other hand, to give a ftrong and effefting fupport to
the king’s friends, and to difunite by ftratagem, and
opprefs by power, the partizans of the Scottifh prin-
cefs. The zeal of the bifhop of Rofs having raiftd
her anger, fhe commanded him to depart from Lon¬
don ; and Mary, in contempt of her mandate, ordered
him to remain there under the privilege of her am-
baffador. The high and unbroken fpirit of the Scot¬
tifh queen, in the midfl of her misfortunes, never once
awakened the generous admiration of Elizabeth. While
it uniformly inflamed her rage, it feems alfo to have
excited her terror. With a pufillanimous meannefs,
fhe fent a difpatch to the earl of Shrewfbury, inftruft-
ing him to keep his charge in the clofefl confinement,
and to be inceflantly on his guard to prevent her efcape.
He obeyed, and regretted her feverity. The ex¬
pence, retinue, and domcftics, of the queen of Scots,
were diminiflied and reduced, and every probable
means by which fhe might aft to accomplifh her liberty
were removed from her. The rigours, however, that
invaded her perfon could not reach her mind ; and
flic pitied the tyrant that could add contumely to
oppreffion, and deny her even the comforts of a
prifon. _ ... Is*
All this time Scotland was involved in the miferies Dreadful
of civil war. The friends of Mary were every where confufion !n
punifhed with fines and forfeiture. Private familiesScot and'
took the opportunity of the public confufion to re¬
venge their quarrels againfl each other. Individuals
of every denomination ranged themfelves on the fide
either of the regent or of the queen, and took-a (hare in
the hoflilities of their country. Fathers divided againil
fons, and fons againft their fathers. Afts of outrage
and violence were committed in every quarter, while,
amidft the general confufion, religion was made the
pretence by both parties.
In the mean time, though many encounters took
place between the two faftions, yet neither Party^erarnTput
feems to have been condufted by leaders of any ability to death,
or fkill in military affairs. This year, in one of thefe
fkirmifhes, the regent himfelf was taken prifoner by a
party of the queen’s faftion, and put to death. But
this event made little alteration in the affairs of the na¬
tion. The earl of Marre, another of the queen’s ene¬
mies, was chcfen to the regency: but though he pro-
pofed to aft againft her party with rigour, he was
baffled before Edinburgh caftle, which was ftill held by
her friends; and fome bloody fkirmifties were fought
in the north, where viftory declared in favour of the
queen. Thefe advantages, however, were more than
compenfated to the other party by the following
event.
During the dependence of the negociations with
Elizabeth
SCO [ ^53 ] SCO
Scotland. Elizabeth for Mary’s reftoration, therehadbeen commu-
nicated to her the fcheme of a confpiracy for her de-
Norfolk's liverance by Robert Ridolphi a Florentine, who had
conspiracy. jjvecj ;n London many years as a merchant, and who
was fecretly an agent for the court of Rome. But to
Iris letters, while the fate of the treaty was uncertain,
fhe returned no reply. Its mifcarriage, through the
duplicity of Elizabeth, recalled them forcibly to her
attention, and {Emulated her to feek the accomplifh-
rnent of her liberty by meafures bolder and more ar¬
duous than any which had been hitherto employed by
her. She drew up in cypher an ample dtfcourfe of his
communications and of her fituation, and difpatched it
to the bilhop of Rofs, together with letters for the
duke of Norfolk. Her inltru&ions to this ecclefiaftic
were to convey the difcourfe and letters expeditioufly
to Norfolk, and to concert an interview between that
nobleman and Ridolphi. The confidential fervantsby
whom the duke a&ed with the bifhop of Rofs were
Banniftef and Barker ; and having received from them
the difcourfe and the letters, they were deciphered by
Hickford his fecretary. Having confidered them ma¬
turely, he delivered them to Hickford, with orders to
commit them to the flames. His orders, however,
were, difobeyed ; and Hickford depofited them, with
other papers of confequence, under the mats of the
duke’s bed-chamber. The contents of the difcourfe
and the letters awakening the hope and ambition of
Norfolk, he was impatient to fee Ridolphi; and the
bifhop of Rofs foon brought them together. Ridol¬
phi, whofe ability was infpirited by motives of religion
and interctt, exerted all his eloquence and addrefs to
engage the duke to put himfelf at the head of a rebel¬
lion againft his fovereign. He reprefented to him,
that there could not be a feafon more proper than the
prefent for atchieving the overthrow of Elizabeth.
Many perfons who had enjoyed authority and credit
under her predeceflbr were full of difgufts ; the Ro¬
man Catholics were numerous and angry ; the young¬
er fons of the gentry were languilhing in poverty and
inaftion in every quarter of the kingdom ; and there
were multitudes difpofed to infurre&ion from refllefs-
nefs, the love of change, and the ardour of enterprife.
He infinuated to him, that his rank, popularity, and
fortune, enabled him to take the command of fuch
perfons with infinite advantage. He infifted upon his
imprifonment und the outrages he had fuftained from
Elizabeth ; infinuated the contempt to which he would
expofe himfelf by a tame fubmiffion to wrongs, ex¬
tolled the propriety with which he might give way to
his indignation and revenge ; and painted out the glory
he might purchafe by the humiliation of his enemies,
and by the full accomplilhment of his marriage with
the queen of Scots. To give a ftrengthand confirma¬
tion to thefe topics, he produced a long lift of the
names of noblemen and gentlemen with whom he had
pra&ifed, and whom he affirmed to be ready to ha*
zard their lives and riches for a revolution in the date,
if the duke would enter into it with cordiality. Tlo
fix decifively the duke, he now opened to him the ex¬
pectations with which he might flatter himfelf from
abroad. The Pope, he affured him, had already pro¬
vided 100,000 crowns for the enterprile ; and if Po¬
pery ffiould be advanced in England, he would cheer¬
fully defray the whole charges of the war.. The king
Vox. IX. 2
of Spain would fupply 4000 horfe and 6000 foot, Scotland,
which might be landed at Harwich. Charles IX. was
devotedly attached to the queetv of Scots, notwith-
ftanding the treaty which had been entered upon with
Elizabeth for her marriage with his brother the d-uke
of Anjou; and when he fhould difeover, that, on the
part of the Englifti princefs, this matrimonial fcheme
was no better than a device or a mockery, he would
renounce the appearance of friendfliip he had afiumed,
and return^ to >hia natural fentiments of difdain and
hatred, with an added outrage and difeontent. In
fine, he urged, that while he might depend on the
affiftance and arms of the greateft princes of Chriften-
dom, he would entitle himfelf to the admiration of all
of them by his magnanimous efforts and generous gal¬
lantry in the caufe of a queen fo beautiful and fo un¬
fortunate.
The duke of Norfolk, allured by appearances fo t)ifC0Vere(i
plaufible and flattering, did not fcruple to forget the by the mi-
duties of a fubjedl, arid the fubmiffive obligation in nifiers of
which he had bound himfelf to Elizabeth never more^'2al>et^*
to interfere in the affairs of the Scottifh princefs. Ri¬
dolphi, in this forward date of the bufinefs, advifed
him to addrefs letters to the Pope, the king of Spain,
and the duke of Alva, expreffive of his concurrence in
the defign, and inlpiriting their aftivity and refolu-
tions. He even produced difpatches framed for this
purpofe ; and while he intreated the duke to fubferibe
them, he offered to carry them himfelf to Flanders,
Rome, and Spain. The duke of Norfolk, who was
ambitious and timid, difpofed to treafon, and unfit for
it, hefitated whether he ffiould fubferibe the letters ;
and at length refufed to proceed to that extremity.
He yet allowed the bifhop of Rofs, and Barker his fer-
vant, to go to the Spanifh ambaffador to exprefs his
approbation of the meafures of Ridolphi, to acknow¬
ledge that the letters were according to his mind, and
to empower this ftatefman to certify their authenticity
to his court. Ridolphi, full of hopes, fet out to ex¬
ecute his commiffion. He paffed firft to the duke'of
Alva, to whom he communicated the tranfa&ions in
which he had been engaged, and with whom he held
many conferences. There was at this time at Brux¬
elles Charles Bailly, a fervant of the queen of Scots ;
and Ridolphi, after difclofing to him his proceedings
with Alva, entrufted him with letters to her to the
duke of Norfolk, the Spanifh ambaffador, and the
bifhop of Rofs. When this meffenger reached Calais,
a letter was delivered to him from the bifhop of Rofs,
defiring him to leave his difpatches with the governor
of that place. From inexperience and vanity he ne-
gle&ed this notice ; and being fearched at Dover, his
letters, books, and deaths were feized, and he himfelf
was fent to London, and imprifoned in the Marfhalfea.
The bifhop of Rofs, full of apprehenfions, applied to
lord Cobham the warden of the cinque ports, who
was friendly to the duke of Norfolk ; and obtaining
by his means the packet of difpatches from Ridolphi, He
fubftituted another in its place, which contained let¬
ters of no danger or ufefulnefs. He had alfothe dex¬
terity to convey intelligence of this trick to Bailly,
and to admonifh him to preferve a profound filence,
and not to be afraid. This fimple sad unpra&ifed
agent had, however, excited fufpicions by the fymp-
toms cf terror he had exhibited upon being taken, and
40 C by .
SCO [ 8054 ] SCO
Scotland, by exclaiming, that the difpatches he brought would
involve his own dettruflion and that of others. At his
firft examination he confefled nothing ; but being fent
to the tower, and put upon the rack, he revealed his
converfations with Ridolphi, and declared, that the dif¬
patches which he had brought had been delivered to
the bifhop of Rofs. An order was granted for taking
the bifhop into cuftody. Having been aware, how¬
ever, of his perilous fnuation, his houfe was fearched
in vain for treafonable papers; and he thought to
fcreen himfelf from anfwering any interrogatories un¬
der the fan&ity of his character as the ambaflador of
an independent princefs.
An unexpeded incident excited, in the mean while.
The duke’s new fufpicions and alarms. Mary being defirous of
friends and tranfmitting 2000 crowns to the lord Herries to ad-
fcrvants vance her interefts in Scotland, the duke of Norfolk
denceVa- undertook to convey it to him with fafety. He intrufted
gainft him. it to the charge of his confidents Hickford and Barker,
who putting it into a bag with difpatches from their
roafter to lord Herries, ordered a fervant called Brown
to carry it to Bannifter; who, being at this time on
the border, could forward it to Scotland. Brown,
fufpicious or corrupted, inftead of proceeding on his
errand, carried the bag and its contents to Sir William
Cecil, now lord Burleigh. The privy-council, deem¬
ing it treafon to fend money out of the realm for the
ufe of the friends of Mary, whom they affe&ed to con-
fider as enemies, ordered Hickford and Barker to be
apprehended. The rack extorted from them whatfoever
they knew to the prejudice of their mafter. Hickford
gave intelligence of the fatal difcourfe and the letters
from Mary, which he had preferved in oppofition to
the orders given to him. All the proceedings between
the queen of Scots, the duke of Norfolk, the bifhop
of Rofs, and Ridolphi, were brought to light. A
guard was placed upon the houfe of the duke of Nor¬
folk, in order to prevent his efcape. Sir Ralph Sad¬
ler, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Henry Nevil, and Dr
Wilfon, were commiffioned to examine him ; and being
imprefled with the belief that the difcourfe and the
letters had been deftroyed, he pofitively denied that
he had any concern in the affairs of the queen of Scots,
or any knowledge of them whatfoever. He was com¬
mitted to the tower a clofe prifoner. Bannifter by
this time was taken ; and he confirmed the relations of
Hickford and Barker. In the courfe of their difco-
veries, there appeared reafons of fufpicion againft many
perfons of rank and diftindion. The earls of Arun¬
del and Southampton, the lord Cobham, Mr Thomas
Cobham his brother, Sir Thomas Stanley, Sir Henry
Percy, and other gentlemen who were friendly to the
queen of Scots and the duke of Norfolk, were ordered
to be lodged in different prifons; and the rack, and
the expectation of a pardon, drew from them the fulleft
confefiions. The duke was altogether unable to de¬
fend himfelf. The concurring teftimonies of his friends
and fervants, with the difcourfe and the letters, which
be fondly imagined had been committed to the flames,
were communicated to him. He was overwhelmed
■with amazement and diftrefs ; and exclaimed, that he
had been betrayed and undonA^ He made ample ac¬
knowledgments of his guilt, and had no foundation of
hope but in the mercy of his fovereign.
By the confefiion of the duke himfelf, and frojp all
the inquiries which had been made by the miniflers of Scotland-]
Elizabeth, it appeared obvious beyond a doubt, that “ *
the bifhop of Rofs had been the principal contriver of
the confpiracy. Ridolphi had afted under his direc- Dangerous
tion, and he had infpirited the duke of Norfolk. He had and per-
even proceeded to the extremity of advifing that noble- Plex*."2
man to put himfelf at the head of a feledl band of ad- ^fhop°n °
berents, and to fetze boldly the perfon of Elizabeth. Lefly,
In his examinations he was treated with great rigour
and infult. But he made an able defence, and per¬
emptorily refufed to make any anfwer to interroga¬
tories. The counfellors of Elizabeth were difturbed
with his obftinacy ; and having certified him, that the
rack would foon render him more pliant, he was or¬
dered Into clofe keeping in a dark apartment of the
tower. When he had remained a few days in this me¬
lancholy fituation, four privy-counfellors, the lord
admiral, the lord Burleigh, Sir Francis Knollys, and
Sir Thomas Smith, went to the tower, and caufed
him to be brought ta them to the lieutenant’s lodging.
After having affured him that he was charged by all
the prifoners as the principal contriver of the confpi¬
racy, they infilled, in the name of their fovereign, that
he fhould explain fully the part he had adted. The
confeffions of the duke of Norfolk and his fervants, of
the lord Lumley, Sir Thomas Stanley, and other
gentlemen, with the difcourfe and difpatches of the
queen of Scots, were fet before him. They now pro-
tefted upon their honour, that if he would make a
free and open declaration of his proceedings, it fhould
neither be employed againft himfelf, nor againft any
other perfon ; but that if he fliould continue to be re-
folute in refufing to give this fatisfaftion to their queen,,
who was anxious to fearch the matter to the bottom,
they were inllrudled to let him know, that fhe would
abfolutely confider him as a private perfon, and order
him to be tried and executed as a traitor. In this ex¬
tremity he accepted the conditions held out to him,
and difclofed minutely all the tranfaftions of the prin¬
cipal parties in the confpiracy. But while he defcribed
the offences of his miftrefs, the duke of Norfolk, and
himfelf, he could not avoid todetrafl from their blame
by apologies- It was natural, he faid, for the queen
of Scots to exert the moft flrenuous endeavours in her
power to recover her freedom and crown ; and the
methods fhe adopted to operate her purpofes ought
to be confidered in conne&ion with the arts of Eliza¬
beth, who pertinacioufly denied her accefs to her pre-
fence, who kept her a clofe prifoner in contempt of all
the principles of humanity and juftice, and who afford¬
ed an open and powerful affiftance to her enemies, The
duke of Norfolk he was earneft to excufe on the foun¬
dation of the advances which had been made in his
marriage with the queen of Scots. Their plighted
love, and their engagements, did not allow him to
forfake her. As for himfelf, he was her ambaffador and
her fervant ; and being highly indebted to her gene-
rofity and kindnefs, he could not abandon her in cap¬
tivity and diftrefs without incurring the guilt of the
moft finful treachery and ingratitude. The daring
propofal he had made to feize the perfon of Elizabeth
was the point, he obferved, which feemed to prefs upon
him the moft feverely; and he intreated them to be¬
lieve, that he had moved it only with the view of try¬
ing ihe courage of the duke of Norfolk. The privy.
coua-
SCO [ S055 ] SCO
Scotland."'counfellors of Elirabeth were now in pouefiion of all
" “ the evidence they could expeft in this important bufi-
nefs. Norfolk was admoniihed to prepare for his trial;
and bilhop Lefly perceived, that though he might
efcape with his life, he would never more be permitted
to refide in England, and to aft there as the ambaffa-
dor, the minilier, and the friend of the queen of
•no Scots.
Mary's af- The defeat of the duke of Norfolk’s confpiracy was
b^the’-fT1 a ^°'v t0 Mary which (he could never recover. Her
lure of Nor-mo^ faithful friends were languifhing in prifons upon
her account; fhe had no longer the counfels of the bi-
ihop of Rofs ; and the Spanifh ambaflador, who had
eutered into her concerns with an unfcrupulous cor¬
diality had been ordered to withdraw from Eng¬
land. The trial and condemnation of Norfolk foon
followed, and plunged her into the moll calamitous
-diftrefs.
771 The maflacre of the Proteftants at Paris in 1572
.And by the proved alfo extremely detrimental to her. It was in-
(naflacre of te).pretej a COnfequence of the confederacy
which had been formed at Bayonne for the extermina¬
tion of the reformed. The Proteftants {were every
where tranfported with rage againft the Papifts. E-
lizabeth prepared herfelf againft an attack from the
Roman-Catholic powers; and was haunted with the
notion that they meant to invade her kingdom, and to
give it to the queen of Scots. Her ambaftador at Pa¬
ris, Sir Francis Walftngham, augmented her appre-
-benfions and terror. He compared her weaknefs with
the ftrength of her enemies, and allured her that if
•they fhould poffefs themfelves of Scotland, (he would
foon ceafe to be a queen. He reprefented Mary as
the great caufe of the perils that threatened her perfo-
nal fafety and the tranquillity of her kingdom ; and as
violent difcafes required violent remedies, he fcrupled
not to counfel her to unite Scotland to her dominions,
and to put to death a rival whofe life was inconfiftent
folk’s
fpiracy.
Paris.
Walfing-
fcls Eliza
beth to put he,, fecurity. The more bigotted Proteftants of
death <0 Scotland differed not very widely in their fentiments
from Sir Francis Walfingham ; while thofe of them
who were more moderate, were ftill more attached to
their religion than to Mary; and amidft the indignation
and horror into which the fnbjefts of Scotland were
thrown by the fanguinary outrages of Charles IX. and
Catharine de Medicis, they furveyed the fufferings of
their fovereign with a diminilhed fympathy.
773 This year the regent, finding himfelf befet with
The re- difSctilties which he could not overcome, and the
■nd'iffac affairs of the nation involved in confufion from which
ceeded by" he could not extricate them, died of melancholy, and
Morton, was fucceeded by the earl of Morton.
During the regency of the earl of Marre, a remark¬
able innovation took place, in the church, which de-
ferves to be particularly explained, being no lefs than
the introdudtion of Epifcopacy inftead of the Prcfby-
terian form of worfhip. While the earl of Lenox was
774 regent, the archbifttop of St Andrews was put to
Epifcopacy death, on account of his being fuppofed to have had a
Induced concern jn the death of the earl of Murray ; after which
cot. ear] 0f Morton procured a grant of the temporalties
of that fee. Out of thefe he allotted a ftipend to Mr
John Douglas, a Proteftant clergyman, who took up¬
on him the title of archbifliop. This violence excited
cenfure and murmurs-, In the language of the times,
land.'
it was pronounced to be a profanation of the kirk, Scotland.
and a high contempt of God; and it underwent the
fcrutiny of the miniftry in applications and com¬
plaints to the regent. The matter was doubtlefs of
too much importance to be overlooked ; and a com-
tnifiion of privy-counfeilors and clergymen wasj ap¬
pointed in the name of the king to inquire into it, and
to reform and improve the policy of the church. This
commiffion, upon the part of the privy-council, con¬
fided of the earl of Morton, the lord Ruthven, Robert
abbot of Dunfermline, Mr James Macgill, Sir John
Ballenden, and Colin Campbell of Glenorchie; and
upon the part of the church there were named John
Erlkine of Dun, and Mr John Winram, Mr Hay,
Mr Lindfay, Mr Pont, and Mr John Craig. There
were long confultations and debates; and the influence
and management of the earl of Morton direfted their
determinations. It was refolved, that till the majority
of the king, or till the wifdom of the three eftates
fhould be confulted, the titles of archbifhop and
bilhop fhould continue as in the times which preceded
the reformation; and that a chapter of learned mini-
fters fhould be annexed to every metropolitan or ca¬
thedral feat. It was determined, that the fees as they
became vacant fhould bt given to thofe of the Prote¬
ftant miniftry who were mo ft eminent for their quali¬
fications ; that the archbifhops and bifhops fhould
exercife no higher jurifdiftion than what was permitted
to fuperintendants ; and that they fhould be fubjeft
to the controulof the general affemblies of the church.
It was agreed, that all abbots, priors, and other in¬
ferior prelates prefented to benefices, fhould be ex¬
amined by the bifhop or fuperintendant of the diocefe
or precinft where the preferment was fituated ; and
that their fitnefs to reprefent the church in parliament
fhould be duly inquired into. It was judged that the
king and the regent fhould recommend qualified per-
fons to vacant bifhoprics, and that the eleftions of them
fhould be made by the chapters of the refpeftive ca¬
thedrals. It was ordered, that all benefices with cure
under prelacies, fhould only be difpofed of to officia¬
ting minifters; that every minifter fhould receive ordi¬
nation from the bifhop of the diocefe, or the fuperin¬
tendant of the province; and that the bifhops and fu¬
perintendants, upon the ordination of minifters, fhould
exaft an oath from them to recognize the authority of
the king, and to pay canonical obedience to their or¬
dinary in all things that were lawful.
By thefe artful regulations the earl of Morton did
not mean folely to confult his own rapacity or that of
the nobles. The exaltation of the Proteftant church
to be one of the three eftates was a confequence of
them ; and the clergy being the ftrefluous enemies of
Mary, he might by their means fecure a decided in¬
fluence in parliament. The earl of Marre, as regent,
giving his fanftion to the proceedings of the commif¬
fion, they were carried into praftice. The delufive
e-xpeftation of wealth, which this revival of Epifco¬
pacy held out to the miniftry, was flattering to them;
and they bore with tolerable patience this fevere blow
that was ftruck againft the religious policy of Geneva.
Mr John Douglas was defired to give a fpecimen of
his gifts in preaching; and his eleftion took effeft, not-
withftanding the bppofition that was made to it by
John Knox and other ecclefiaftics, who flood up for
40 C 2 the
Scotland.
SCO [ 8056 ] SCO
Scotland, the rules and forms which had been eftablifhed at the
 reformation. He was inaugurated in his office by the
bifhop of Cathnefs, Mr John Spotfwood fuperintendant
of Lothian, and Mr David Lindfay, who violating
the book of difcipline, communicated to him his cha-
rafler and admiffion by the impofition of bands. This
was a Angular triumph to Epifcopacy ; and the exal¬
tation of Douglas included other peculiarities remark¬
able and offenfive. He denied that he had made any
fimoniacal agreement with the earl of Morton ; yet it
was known that the revenues of the archbilhopric were
almoft wholly ingroffed by that nobleman. He had
promifed to refign, upon his inftalment, the office of
re&or which he held in the univerfity of St Andrew's;
yet he refufed to execute this engagement. He was
in a very advanced age; and his mental qualifications,
which had never been eminent, were in a ftate of de-
cay.
A general afiembly, which was holden at St An¬
drew’s, confidering the high moment of the new re¬
gulations introduced into the church, appointed com-
niiffioners to go to Mr Knox, who was at this time
indifpofed, and to confult with him deliberately in his
houfe, whether they were agreeable to the word of God.
But from the arts of the nobles, or from the ficknefs
of Knox, it happened that this conference was not
carried into execution. In a general afiembly, how¬
ever, which met at Perth, the new polity was reported
and examined. The names of archbilhop, dean, arch¬
deacon, chancellor, and chapter, were excepted againft
as Popifir diftindlions, and as flanderous to the ears of
p ous Chriftians. A wifh was exprefled that they might
be exchanged for titles lefs profane and fuperliitious;
and an unanimous protefiation was made, that the new
polity was merely a temporary expedient, and firould
only continue and prevail till a more perfedt order
firould be obtained from the king, the regent, and the
nobility. This tolerating refolution left the new po¬
lity in its full force ; and a colourable foundation was
now eItablifired for the laity to partake in the profits
of bifiroprics. The fimoniacal padtion of Morton and
Douglas was not long a matter of Angularity. Mr
James Boyd was appointed to the archbifhopric of Glaf-
gow, Mr James Paton to the biftropric of Dunkeld,
and Mr Andrew Graham to the fee of Dumblain; and
thefe compromifing ecclefiaftics, upon being allowed
competencies to themfelves, gratified their noble friends
with the greateft proportion of their revenues. The
virtue of the common people approved not this fpirit
of traffic ; and the biftrops of the new polity were
77s treated openly with reproach or with ridicule.
Death of The year 1572 is alfo remarkable for the death of
John Knox. john K
nox, whofe miftaken zeal had contributed not
a little t6 bring upon the queen thofe misfortunes with
which (he was now oppreffed. Neitherbyhis death, how¬
ever, nor by the change of the regency, could (he now
be relieved. The earl of Morton was fo much devoted
to Elizabeth, that he received particular inftrudions
from her how to guide the young king. His eleva¬
tion, indeed, gave the finifiiing ftroke to the queen’s
E1‘7 tfdi a^airs- He employed himfelf with fuccefs in dividing
refoWcdon ^er Party among themfelves, and by his means the
piftting duke of Chattellerault and the earl of Huntley were
Mary to 1 induced to forfake her. As for Elizabeth, fhe was
death. jJ?nt on pUUing Mary to death j but as no crime
could be alleged againft her in England, fhe thought
it proper that (he (hould be carried back to fuffer '
death in her own dominions. This propofal, however,
was rejedted; and the friends who remained true to
Mary once more began to indulge themfelves in hopes
of fuccours from France. New misfortunes, however,
awaited them. The caftle of Edinburgh, which had
hitherto been held for the queen by Kircaldy of Grange, The cafile
was obliged to furrender to an Englifti army command- °f E^inT
ed by Sir William Drury. Kircaldy was f°lemnly bytheEn^-
affured by the Englilh commander of his life and li-lift party,
berty ; but Elizabeth violated this capitulation, and
commanded him to be delivered up to the regent. An
hundred of his relations offered to become vaffals to Mor¬
ton, and to pay him 3000 merks yearly, if he would
fpare his life ; but in vain: Kircaldy and his brother
Sir James were hanged at Edinburgh. Maitland of
Lethington, who was taken at the fame time, was
poifoned in the prifon-houfe of Leith. 77g
The jealoufy of Elizabeth did not diminifti with the Mary treat-
decline of Mary’s caufe. £he now treated her withed with
more rigour than ever, and patronifed Morton in all £r£ate^"
the enormities which he committed againft her friends. aU
Lefly bifhop of Rofs had been long imprifoned in Eng¬
land, on account of his concern in the duke of Nor¬
folk’s confpiracy. Morton earneftly folicited the queen
to deliver him up, and would undoubtedly have put
him to death ; but this, as he had afted in the cha-
rafter of ambaffador from Mary, was judged im¬
politic, and the prelate was fuffered to depart for France.
When he arrived there, he endeavoured in vain to ftir
up the emperor, the pope, and the duke of Alva, to
exert themfelves in behalf of the queen of Scotland ;
and, in 1574, the misfortnnes of his royal miftrefs
were farther aggravated by the death of Charles IX. DeJb
of France, and her uncle the cardinal of Lorraine. Charles IX.
The regent, in the mean time, ruled with the moft de- and the
fpotic fway. He twice coined bafe money in the name duke
of his fovereign ; and after putting it into circulationEoira‘ne-
the fecond time, he iffued orders for its pafiing only
for its intrinfic value. The duke of Chattellerault hap¬
pening to die this year, the regent took every method
of ruining all thofe of his name and family. He com¬
mitted to prifon all the Hamiltons, and every perfon 7go
of diftin&ion who had fought for the queen at the battle Oppreffion
of Langfide, and compelled them to buy their liberty audvioience
at an exorbitant price. He inftigated Douglas ofof Morton.
Lochlevin to affaffinate lord Arbroath, and it was with
difficulty that the latter efcaped the ambufii that was
laid for him. Reid, the biftiop of Orkney, having left
his eftate to pious and charitable ufes, the regent pro¬
hibited the execution of the will, and took upon him-
felf the adminiftration. To be rich was a fufficient
crime to excite his vengeance. He entered the ware-
houfes of merchants, and confifcated their property ;
and if he wanted a pretence to juftify his conduct, the
judges and lawyers were ready at his call.
In this difaftrous period the clergy augmented the
general confufion. Mr Andrew Melvil had lately re- Oppofition
turned from Geneva ; and the difcipline of its afiembly to Epiko-
being confidered by him as the moft perfeft model ofpacy.
ecclefiaftical policy, he was infinitely offended with the
introduftion of Epifcopacy into Scotland. His learn¬
ing was confiderable, and his (kill in languages was
profound, He was fond of difputation, hot, violent,
and
SCO [ 8057 ] SCO
Scotland, and pertinacious. The Scottifli clergy were in a hu-
 ^mour to attend to him ; and his merit was fufScient to
excite their admiration. Inftigated by his praftices,
John Drury, one of the minifters of Edinburgh, called
in queftion, in a general affembly, the lawfulnefs of the
bidiops, and the authority of chapters in elefting them.
Melvil, after commending his zeal and his motion, de¬
claimed concerning the flourifhing date of the eftablifh-
ment of Geneva; and having recited the opinions of
Calvin and Beza upon ecclefiaftical government, main¬
tained, that there (hould be no office-bearers in the
church whofe titles were not feen in the book of God.
He affirmed, that the term bijhep was nowhere to be
found in it in the fenfe in which it was commonly un-
derliood, as Chrilt allowed not any fuperiority among
minifters. He contended that Chrift was the only lord
of his church ; and that the minifters of the word were
all equal in degree and power. He urged, that the
eftate of the bilhops, befide being unlawful, had grown
unfeemly with corruptions ; and that if they were not
removed out of the church, it would fall into decay,
and endanger the interefts of religion. His fentimerUs
were received with a fla'.tering approbation ; and tho’
the archbiihop of Glafgow, with the biihops of Dun-
keld, Galloway, Brechin, Dumblain, and the Ifles,
were prefent in this affembly, they ventured not to
defend their vocation. It was refolved, that the name
of bifhop conferred no diftin&ion or rank ; that the
Epilcopal eftate were not more honourable than the
other minifters ; and that by the word of God their
fun&ions confided in preaching, in adminiftering the
facraments, and in exercifing ecclefiaftical difcipline
with the confcnt of the elders. The Epifcopal eftate,
in the mean while, were watched with an anxious obfer-
vation; and their faults and demerits of every kind
were charged upon them with rudenefs and afperity.
In a new affembly this fubjeft was again canvaffed. It
was moved, whether biftiops,as conftituted in Scotland,
bad any authority for their fundions from the Scrip¬
tures? After long debates, it was thought prudent to
avoid an explicit determination of this important que¬
ftion. But a confirmation was beftowed upon the re-
folution of the former affembly ; and it was eftablilhed
as a rule, tka^ every bifhop fhould make choice of a
particular church within his diocefe, and fhould adually
difcharge the duties of a minifter.
The'regent, difturbed with thefe proceedings of the
brethren, wasdifpofedto amufe and todeceivethem. He
fent a meffenger to advife them not to infringe and dif-
figure the eltablifhed forms; and to admonifh them, that
if their averfion from Epifcopacy was infurmountable, it
would become them to think of fome mode of eccle¬
fiaftical gevernment to which they could adhere with
conftancy. The affembly taking the advantage of this
meffage, made a formal intimation to him, that they
would diligently frame a lafting platform of polity, and
fubmit it to the privy-council. They appointed, ac¬
cordingly, a committe of the brethren for this purpdfe.
The buiinefs was too agreeable to be negle&ed ; and
in a fhort time Mr David Lindfay, Mr James Law-
fan, and Mr Robert Pont, were deputed to wait upon
the regent with a new fcheme of ecclefiaftical govern- Scotland,
ment. After reminding him, that he had been a no-"" ~
table inflrument in purging the realm of Popery, and
begging that he would confult with them upon any
of its articles which he thought improper or incom¬
plete, they informed him, that they did not account
it to be a perfed work to which nothing cpuld be
added, or from which nothing could be taken away ;
for that they would alter and improve it, as the Al¬
mighty God might farther reveal his will unto them.
The regent, taking from them their fchedule, replied,
that he would appoint certain perfons of the privy-
council to confer with them. A conference was even
begun upon the fubjed of their new eftablifhment;
but from his arts, or from the troubles of the times,
no advances were made in it.
This year the earl of Bothwel died in Denmark ; Dea^*0g
and in his laft moments, being ftung with remorfe, heBolhwe].
confeffed that he had been guilty of the king’s mur¬
der, revealed the names of the perfons who were his
accomplices, and with the mod folemn proteftations
declared the honour and innocence of the queen. His
confeffion was traufmitted to Elizabeth by the king of
Denmark; but was fuppreffed by her with a fucccfs-
ful anxiety (a).
The regent ftill continued his enormities, till having ;s;
rendered himfelf obnoxious to the beft part of the compelled
nobility, he was, in 1577, compelled to rtfign his of-torefign h'*
fice into the hands of James VI. ; but as his majefty wasoffice of re"
then only twelve years of age, a general council of twelve ^ent'
peers was appointed to affift him in the adminiftration.
Next year, however, the earl of Morton having found
means to gain the favour of the young king, procured
the diffolution of this council; and by thus being left
the foie advifer of the king, he hoped once more to
be raifed to his former greatnefs. This could not be
done, however, without keeping the king in a kind of
captivity, fo that nobody could have accefs to him but
himfelf. The king, fenfible of his (ituation, fcnt a
difpatch to the earls of Argyle and Athole, inlreating
them to relieve him. An army for this purpofe was.
foon raifed ; and Morton’s partifans were in danger of
being defeated, fiad not the oppofite party dreaded
the vengeance of Elizabeth, who was refolvtd to hip-
port the earl of Morton. In confequence of this a
negociation was entered into, by which it was agreed,
that the earl of Argyle, with fome others, fhould be
admitted into the king’s council ; and that four noble¬
men fhould be chofen by each party to confider of
fome proper method of producing tranquillity in the
nation.
This pacification did not greatly diminifh the power p0^-0ns;
of Morion. He fooa got rid of one of his principal the earl of
antagonifts, the earl oh Athole,. by poifoning him at Athole.
an entertainment; after which he again gave a loofe
to his refentments againft the houfe of Hamilton, whom
he perfecuted in the moft cruel manner. By thefe means,
however, he drew upon himfelf a general hatred; and he
was fupplanted in the king’s favour by the lordd’Au-
bigney, who came from France in the year 1579,
.and was created earl of Lennox. The next year Mor¬
ton
(A) Jebb, voL U. p. aa?.’ It has never been publilhed. Keith and other hiftorians have preferved what they call
the earl of Bothnuel's declaration at his death, and account it to be genuine. Their partiality for Mary induced
them the more eafily to fall into this miftake. The paper they give is demonftratively a forgery; and the want off
the real confeffion of Bothwel is ftill a deficiency in our hiftory.
SCO [ 8058 ] SCO
Scotland, ton was fufpe&ed of an intention to deliver up the
~~ king to Elizabeth, and a guard was appointed to pre¬
vent any attempts of this kind. The queen of Eng¬
land endeavoured to fupport her zealous partifan ; but
785 without effeft. He was tried, condemned, and exe-
Is con- cuted, as being concerned in the mnrder of Darnley.
executedT15 ^"t t^ie p'ace execution, it is faid, that he confefied
the'murdeT*"'3 » ^ut ^lc evidence is not quite fatis-
ofDamley. faftory.
The elevation of king James, and the total overthrow
78<j of Morton, produced no beneficial confequences to the
SMonftrons unfortunate Mary. In the year 1581, flie addreffed
cruelty of a letter to Caftelnau the French ambaflador, in which
to M*6t” complained that her body was fo weak, and her
ary' limbs fo feeble, that flie was unable to walk. Caftel¬
nau therefore intreated Elizabeth to mitigate a little
the rigours of Mary’s confinement; which being refu-
fed, the latter had thoughts of refigning her claims to
the crown both of England and Scotland into the
hands of her fon, and even of advifing him to ufe
every effort in his power to. eftablifti his claim to the
Ehglifh crown as preferable to that of Elizabeth. But
being apprehenfive of danger from this violent method,
flie again contented berfelf with fending to the court
of England incffe&ual memorials and remonftrances.
Elizabeth, inftead of taking compaffion on her mife-
rable fituation, affiduoufly encouraged every kind of
diforder in th4 kingdom, on purpofe to have the queen
more and more in her power. Thus the Scottifh mal¬
contents finding themfelves always fupported,a confpi-
^ racy was at laft entered into, the defign of which
ThJlJne was t0 James captivity, and to overthrow the
taken pr?- authority of Arran and Lennox, who were now the
toner. principal perfons in the kingdom. The chief ac¬
tors in this confpiracy were the earls of Cowrie,
Marre, and Giencairn, the lords Lindfay and Boyd,
with the matters of Giammis and Oliphant. By rea-
fon of the yourh and imbecillity of the king, they ea-
lily accompliflied their purpofe; and having got him in
their power, they promifed him his liberty, provided
he would command Lennox to depart the kingdom.
This was accordingly done, but the king found him-
felfas much a prifontr as before. The more effedlually
to detain him in enftody, the rebels conftrained him to
blue a proclamation, wherein he declared himfelf to be
at perfedt liberty. Lennox was preparing to advance
to the king’s relief with a confiderable body offerees,
when he was difconcerted by the king’s peremptory
command to leave Scotland j upon which he retired to
Dumbarton, in order to wait for a more favourable
opportunity. The earl of Arran, being more for¬
ward, was committed to clofe cuftidy for fome time,
but afterwards confined only in his houfe of Klnneil.
The rebels took upon them the title of “ lords for the
7gg reformation of the Hate.”
Which is The clergy, who had all this time been exceedingly
approved ojaverfe to Epifcopacy, now gave open countenance
the clergy. to the lords of the reformation. On the 13th of Odfo-
ber 1582, they made a folemn aft, by which the raid
of Ruthven, as the capture of the king was called, was
deemed a fervice moil acceptable to all who feared
God, refpefted the true religion, and were anxious for
the prefervation of the king and ftate ; and every mi¬
ni fter was commanded to declaim from his pulpit upon
■the expediency of this meafure, and to exhort the
people to concur with the lords in profecuting the full Scotland,
deliverance of the church, and the perfeft reformation
of the commonwealth. Not fatisfied with this appro¬
bation of the clergy, the confpirators got their pro¬
ceedings approved by the ftates of Scotland, as “ a
good, a thankful, and a neceflary fervice to the king;”
at the fame time that it was enafted, that no fuit ci- 7gj)
vil or criminal of any kind ftiould ever be inftituted by Mary w rites
the perfons concerned in if. Soon after-this, Lennox m Eliza-
took his leave of Scotland, and failed for France, where
he died.
The unfortunate Mary was driven to defpair when
ftie heard that her fon was taken prifoner by rebels
who had been inftigated by Elizabeth. In this di-
ftrefs, (he addrefled a moft fnirited letter to Eliza¬
beth, in which (he at once aflerted her own innocence,
and fet forth the conduft of Elizabeth herfelf in fuch with her
language as mutt have put the moft impudent of herufualper-
adverfaries to the blufli. Elizabeth could nc reply,
and therefore had recourfe to her ufual arts trea¬
cherous negociation. New terms were propofed to
Mary, who would gladly have fubmitted almoft to any
thing; provided flie could procure her freedom. It
was propofed, as had often been done before, to af-
fociate the queen of Scots with her fon in the govern¬
ment ; but as this was to be referred to the king, who
was in the hands of Elizabeth’s friends, and to the
parliament, who were under the power of the fame
faftion, it is eafy to fee that no fuch aflbeiation ever
could take place, or indeed was ever intended.
After the death of Lennox, the confpirators ap- 7pi
prehended no further danger, little fuppofing that a French am-
prince fo young and unexperienced could deliver him- bafladors
felf from captivity. This, however, in the year 1583, ^
he effefted in the following manner. A convention of
the eftates had been fummoned to meet at St An¬
drew’s. James, whom the earl of Arran, notwith-
ftanding his confinement at Kinneil, had found means
toinftruft and advife, pretended a defire of vifiting his
grand-uncle the earl of March, who refided at St An¬
drew’s, and was for that purpofe permitted to repair
thither a few days before the convention. The better
to deceive the earls of Gowrie, Angus, and Marre,
who attended him, he took up his lodgings in an old
inn, which was quite open and defencelefs. But having
exprefled a defire to fee the caftle of St Andrews, he was
admitted into it; and colonel Stewart, who command¬
ed the cattle, after admitting a few of his retinue,
ordered the gates to be fhut. The earls of Ar-
gyle, Marifchal, Montrofe, and Rothes, who were
in concert with the king, haftened to make him an 0f’T]e7^
fer of their fwords. The oppofite faftion, being un* efc^pej11^
prepared for hoftilities, were filled with confternation. from cap-
Of all the confpirators, the earl of Gowrie alone was thity.
admitted into the king’s prefence, by the favour of
Colonel Stuart, and received his pardon. The
earls of March, Argyle, Gowrie, Marifhal, and Rothes,
were appointed to be a council for aflifting the king in
the management of his affairs; and foon after this,
James fet out for Edinburgh. The king no fooner
found himfelf at liberty, than, by the advice of liis
privy-council, he iffued a proclamation of mercy to the’
confpirators; but they, flattering themfelves with the
hopes of fupport from Elizabeth, obttinately refufed
to accept of his pardon. In confequence of this, they
were
SCO [ 8059 ] SCO
Scotland, were denounced rebels. Elizabeth failed not to give
' - them underhand all the encouragement die could, and
the clergy uttered the moft feditious difconrfes againft
the king and government; and while they railed againft
Popery, they themfelves maintained openly the very
charafteriftic and diftinguiftiing mark of Popery,
namely, that the clerical was entirely independent of
the civil power.
Ear?of ^ t^ie re^els broke forth into open hofti-
Gowrie lities; but by the vigilance of Arran, the earl of
condemned Gowrie, who had again begun his treafonable pra&i-
and execu- ces> wa8 committed to cuftedy ; while the reft, un-
ted‘ able to oppofe the king, who appeared againft them
with a formidable army, were obliged to fly into Eng¬
land, where Elizabeth, with her ufual treachery, pro-
tedled them.
The earl of Gowrie fuffered as a traitor; but the fe-
verity exercifed againft him did not intimidate the
clergy. They ftill continued their rebellious praftices,
until the king being informed that they were engaged
in a correfpondence with fome of the fugitive lords,
citations were given to their leaders to appear before
the privy-council. The clergymen, not daring to ap¬
pear, fled to England; and on the 20th of May 1584,
Proceed- t^ie ^ing fummoned a convention of the eftates, on
ings againft purpofe to humble the pride of the church in an ef-
the clergy, feftual manner. In this aftembly the raid of Ruth-
ven was declared to be rebellion, according to a de-
, claration which had formerly been made by the king.
And, a» it had grown into a cuftom with the promo¬
ters of fedition and the enemies of order, to decline
the judgment of the king and the council, when
called before them to anfwer for rebellions or contume¬
lious fpeeches, uttered from the pulpit or in public
places, an ordination was made, aflerting that they
had.complete powers to judge concerning perfons of
every degree and funftion ; and declaring, that every
aft of oppofnion to their jurifdiftion fhould be ac¬
counted to be treafon. It was enafttd, that the au¬
thority of the parliament, as conftituted by the free
votes of the three eftates, was full and fupreme ; and
that every attempt to diminifti, alter, or infringe, its
power, dignity, and jurifdiftion, fhould beheld and
punifhed as treafon. All jurifdiftions and judgments,
all affemblies and conventions, not approved of by the
king and the three eftates, were condemned as unlaw¬
ful, and prohibited. It was ordained, that the king
might appoint commiffioners, with powers to examine
into the delinquencies of clergymen, and, if proper,
to deprive them of their benefices. It was command¬
ed, that clergymen fhould not for the future be admit¬
ted to the dignity of lords of the fefiion, or to the ad-
miniftration of any judicature civil or criminal. An
ordination was made, which fubjefted to capital pu-
nifhment all perfons who fhonld inquire into the affairs
of ftate with a malicious curiofity, or who fhould ut¬
ter falfe and flanderous fpeeches in fermons, declama¬
tions, or familiar difcourfe, to the reproach and con¬
tempt of the king, his parents, and progenitors. It
was ordered that a guard, confiding of 40 gentlemen,
with a yearly allowance to each of 2001. fhould con-
Attemptstotinua^y attcnd upon the king. This parliament, which
fupprefs was full of zeal for the crown, did not overlook the
Buchanan’s hiftory of Buchannan, which about this time was exci-
hiftory. t-ng a very g£nerai attentioB. It commanded, that all
perfons who were poffeffed of copies of his chronicle, Scotland,
and of his treatife on the Scottifh government, fhould '
furrender them within 40 days, under the penalty of
200 1. in order that they might be purged of the of-
fenfive and extraordinary matters they contained.
This ftroke of tyranny was furious and ineffeftual..
Foreign nations, as well as his own countrymen, were
filled with the higheft admiration of the genius of Bu¬
chanan. It was not permitted that his writings fhould
fuffer mutilation; they were multiplied in every quar¬
ter ; and the feverity exercifed againft them only fer-
ved the more to excite curiofity, and to diffufe his re¬
putation.
While the parliamentary afts, which ftruck againft The cjergy
the importance of the church, were in agitation, the endeavour
minifters deputed Mr David Lindfay to folicit thefuPPort
king that no ftatutes fhould pafs which affefted the ec- 3 attift |
clefiaftical eftablifhment, without the confultation of cfyiTpcwer.
the general affembly. But the earl of Arran having
intelligence of this commiflion, defeated it, by com¬
mitting Mr Lindfay to prifon as a fpy for the difcon-
tented' nobles. Upon the publication, however, of
thefe afts by the heralds, Mr Robert Pont minifter
of St Cuthberts, and one of the fenators of the court
of fefiion, with Mr Walter Balcanqual, protefted for¬
mally in the name of the church, that it diffented from
them, and that they were confequently invalid. Ha¬
ving made this proteftation, they inliantly fled, and
were proclaimed traitors. By letters and pamphlets,
which were artfully fpread among the people, their
paffions were rouzed againft the king and his council.
The minifters of Edinburgh took the refolution to
forfake their flocks, and to retire to England ; and in
an apology circulated by their management, they an-
xiouffy endeavoured to awaken commiferation and
pity. They magnified the dangers which threatened
them ; and they held out, in vindication of their con-
duft, the example of the prophets, the apofties, the
martyrs, and of Chrift himfelf, who all concurred,
they faid, in oppofing the ordinations of men, when
contradiftory to the will of heaven, and in declining
the rage of the enemies of God. The king appointed
his own chaplains and the archbifhop of St Andrew’s
to perform the minifterial funftions in his capital.
The clergy over Scotland were commanded to fub-
fcribe a declaration, which imported the fupremacy of
the king over the church, and their fubmiflion to the
authority of the bifhops. The national ferments in-
creafed in their violence. Many minifters rcfufed to
fubfcribe this declaration, and were deprived of their
livings. It was contended, that to make the king fu¬
preme over the church was no better than to fet up a
new pope, and to commit treafon againft Jefus Chrift.
It was urged, that to overthrow affemblies and pref-
byteries, and to give dominion to bifhops, was not
only to overfetthe eftahlifhed polity of the church, but
to deftroy religion itfelf. For the biftiops were the
Haves of the court, were fchifmatical in their opinions,
and depraved in their lives. It was affirmed, that he-
refy, atheifm, and Popery, would ftrike a deep root,
and grow into ftrength. And the people were taught
to believe, that the bifhops would corrupt the nation
into a refemblance with themfelves ; and that there
every where prevailed diffimulation and blafphemy, per¬
fection and obfcenity, the profanation of the fcriptures
SCO [ 8060 ] SCO
Scotland, and the breach of fatth, covetoufnefs, perjary, and fa-
“ crilege. It was founded abroad, that the rainifters
alone were entrufted with ecclefiaftical fun&ions, and
with the fword of the word; and that it was moft wic¬
ked and profane to imagine, that Jefus Chrift had ever
committed the keys of the kingdom of heaven to civil
magiltrates and their fervants or deputies.
While the clergy were thus impotently venting their
wrath, Elizabeth, alarmed beyond meafure at this
fudden revolution, and terrified by a confeffion extort¬
ed by the rack from one Francis Throgmorton, con¬
cerning a combination of the Catholic princes to in¬
vade England, began to treat with Mary in a more
fincere manner than ufual; but, having gained over to
her fide the earl of Arran, the only man of aftivity in
Scotland, (he refolved to proceed to extremities with
the queen of Scots. The Roman Catholics, both at
home and abroad, were inflamed againft her with a
boundlefs and implacable rage. There prevailed many
rumours of plots and confpiracies againlt her kingdom
and her life. Books were publifhcd which detailed
her cruelties and injuftice to Mary in the moft indig¬
nant language of reproach, and which recommended
her aflaffination as a moft meritorious aft. The earl
of Arran had explained to her the praftices of the
queen of Scots with her fon, and had difcovered the
intrigues of the Catholic princes to gain him to their
views. While her fenfibilities and fears were feverely
excruciating to her, circumftances happened which
Intended confirmed them in their ftrength, and provoked her to
invafion of give the fulleft fcope to the malignity of her paffions.
England Crichton, a Scottifli Jefuit, palling into his own
icovere . courftry) was taken by Netherland pirates; ?nd fome
papers which he had torn in pieces and thrown into the
fea being recovered, were tranfmitted to England. Sir
William Wade put them together with dexterity; and
they demonllrated beyond a doubt, that the invafion of
England was concerted by the Pope, the Spaniard,
and the duke of •Guife. About this time, too, a re-
Rem.irk- markable letter was intercepted from Mary to Sir
able letter Francis Englefield. She complained in it that (he
from Marygonjj have no reliance upon the integrity of Eliza-
liyEh'za"1 and that Ibe expefted no happy iffue to any
icth. treaty which might be opened for her reftoration and
liberty- She urged the advancement of the “ great
plot;” (he intimated, that the prince her fon was fa¬
vourable to the “ defignment,” and difpofed to be di-
refted by her advice; Ihe intreated, that every deli¬
cacy with regard to her own ftate and condition (hould
be laid afide without fcruple; and Ihe affured him,
that Ihe would moft willingly fuffer perils and dan¬
gers, and even death itfclf, to give relief to the op-
prefled children of the church. Thefe difeoveries, fo
exafperating to the inquietudes and diftrefles of Eliza¬
beth, were followed by a deep and general con-
iternation. The terror of an invafion fpread itfelf
with rapidity overEngland; and the Proteftants, while
they trembled for the life of their champion, were ftill
more alarmed with the dangers which threatened their
religion.
In this ftate of perplexity and diftraftion, the coun-
fellors of Elizabeth did not forget that they had been
the inftruments of her perfecution of the queen of
Scots, and of the feverities with which fhe had treated
jhe Ropian Catholics. They were fully fefifiblej that
her greatnefs and fafety were intimately eonnefted Scotian^,
with their own; and they concurred in indulging her 75J) * '
fears, jealoufies, and anger. It was refolved that Mary Her death
{hould perifh. An aflbeiation was formed, to which >s refolved
perfons of every condition and degree were invited.on*
The profefled bufiOefs of this aflbeiation or fociety
was the prefervation of the life of Elizabeth, which it
was affirmed was in danger, from a confpiracy to ad¬
vance fome pretended title to the crown; and its mem¬
bers vowed and protefted, by the majefty of God, to
employ their whole power, their bodies, lives, and
goods, in her fervice, to «vithfland, as well by force
of arms as by other methods of revenge, all perfons,
of whatfoever nation or rank, who fhould attempt in
any form to invade and injure her fecurity or her life,
and never to defift from the forcible purfuit of them
till they {hould be completely exterminated. They
alfo vowed and protefted, in the prefence of the eter¬
nal God, to profecute to deftruftion any pretended
fucceflbr by whom, or for whom, the deteftable deed
of the aflaffination of Elizabeth (hould be attempted
or committed. The earl of Leicefter was in a par¬
ticular manner the patron of this affociation; and the
whole influence of Elizabeth and her minifters was
exerted to multiply the fubferiptions to a bond or
league which was to prepare the way, and to be a
foundation for accomplifhing the full deftruftion and
ruin of the Scottifh queeji.
A combination fo refolute and fo fierce, which
pointed to the death of Mary, which threateced her
titles to the crown of England, and which might de¬
feat the fucceffion of her fon, could pot fail to excite
in her bofom the bittereft anxieties and perturbation.
Weary oi her fad and long captivity, broken down
with calamities, dreading affliftions ftill more cruel,
and willing to take away from Elizabeth every pof- sh/propn.
Able pretence of feverity, {he now framed a fcheme offesafeheme
accommodation, to which no decent or reafonable ob-of accom-
jeftion could be made. By Naw, her fecretary, foe mo<*ation'
prefented it to Elizabeth and her privy-council. She
protefted in it, that if her liberty fhould he granted to
her, {he would enter into the clofeft amity with Eli¬
zabeth, and pay an obfervance to her above every
other prince of Chriftendom ; that fhe would forget
all the injuries with which {he had been loaded, ac¬
knowledge Elizabeth to be the rightful queen of
England, abftain from any claim to her crown during
her life, renounce the title and arms of England, which
{he had ufurped by the command of her hufband the
king of France, and reprobate the bull from Rome
which had depofed the Englifh queen. She likewife
protefted, that fhe would enter into the affociation
which had been formed for the fecurity of Elizabeth ;
and that fhe would conclude a defenfive league with
her, provided that it fhould not be prejudicial to the
ancient alliance between Scotland and France, and
that nothing ftiould be done during the life of the
Englifh queen, or after her death, which fhould inva--
lidate her titles to the crown of England, or thofe of
her fon. As a confirmation of thefe articles, flie pro¬
fefled, that fhe would confent to flay in England fo$
fome time as an hoftage ; and that if flie was permit¬
ted to retire from the dominions of Elizabeth, {he
would furrender proper and acceptable perfons as fure-
ties. She alfo protefted, that fhe would make no
alte-
Hypocrify
and trea¬
chery of
Elizabeth.
8oi
Falfe re¬
ports railed
againft the
queen of
Scots.
803
Aflaffins
fent to
SCO [ 8061 ] SCO
. alterations In Scotland ; and that, upon the repeal of and rejefled with fcorn fuch an Infamous tranfaftion. Scotland.’
~ what had been enabled there to her difgrace, fhe would In 1585, Mary began to feel all the rigours of a fe- "
bury in oblivion all the injuries ftie had received from vere imprifonment. She had been removed from
her fubjedls : that (he would recommend to the king Sheffield to the caftle of Tutbury ; and under her new
her fon thofe counfellors who were moft attached to keepers (he experienced a treatment which was in the
England, and that (lie would employ herfelf to recon- higheft degree unjuft, difrefpe<5ful, and acrimonious,
cile him to the fugitive nobles: that (he would take no Two apartments or chambers only were allotted to 8o4
Heps about his marriage without acquainting the her; and they were fmall and inconvenient, meanly She is con-
queen of England ; and that, to give the greater firm- furnifiied, and fo full of apertures and chinks, that fined, and
nefs to the propofed accommodation, it was her defire they could not protedf her againft the inclemencies 0ft^uellytrcat*
that he (liould be called as a party to it: and in fine, the weather. The liberty of going abroad for plea- ’
(he affirmed, that (lie would procure the king of fure or exercife was denied to her. She was afiailed
France and the princes of Lorraine to, be guarantees by rheumatifms and other maladies ; and her phyfician
for the performance of her engagements. Elizabeth, would not undertake to effedt a cure, or even to pro-
who was (kilful in hypocrify, difeovered the moft deci- cure her any eafe, unlefs (he (hould be removed to a
five fymptoms of fatisfadfion and joy when thefe over- more commodious dwelling. Applications for this
tures were communicated to her. She made no advan- purpofe were frequently made, and uniformly rejedfed.
ces, however, to conclude an accommodation with Here, however, her own afflidtions did not extinguifti
Mary; and her minifters and courtiers exclaimed in her mind her fenfibility for the misfortunes of
againft lenient and pacific meafures. It was loudly others; and (he often indulged herfelf in the fatisfac-
infifted, that the liberty of Mary would be the death tion of employing a fervant to go through the villagfe
of Elizabeth; that her aflbeiation with her fon would of Tutbury in fearch of objedts of diftrefs, to whom
be the ruin both of England and Scotland; and that (he might deal out her charity. But her inhuman
her elevation to power would extend the empire of keepers, envying her this pleafure, commanded her to
Popery, and give a deadly blow to , the dodlrines of abftain from it. Imputing their rigour to a fufpicious
the reformation. fidelity, (he defired that her fervant might, on thefe
In the mean time an adt of attainder had pafled occafions, be accompanied by one of the foldiers of
againft the fugitive nobles, and their eftates and ho- their guard, or by the conftable of the village. But
ijours were forfeited to the king; who, not fatisfied they would not alter their prohibition. They refufed
with this, fent Patrick mailer of Gray to demand a to her the exercife of the Chriftian duty of difpenfing
furrender of their perfons from the queen of England, an alms; and they would not allow her the foft confo-
As this amba(fador had redded fome time in France, lation of moiftening her eye with forrows not her own.
and been intimate with the duke of Guife, he was re- To infult her the more, the caftle of Tutbury was con-
commended to Mary : but being a man of no prin- verted into a common jail. A young man, whofe
ciples he eafily fuffered himfelf to be corrupted by crime was the profeffion of the Romifh religion, was
Elizabeth; and while he pretended friendftiip to the committed to a chamber which was oppofite to her
unfortunate queen, he difeovered all that he knew of window, in order that he might be perfecuted in her
the intentions of her and her fon. The moft fcanda- fight with a peftilent cruelty. Notwithftanding his
lous falfehoods were forged againft Mary ; and thelefs cries and refiftance, he was dragged every morning to
(he was apparently able to execute, the more (he was hear prayers, and to join in the Proteftant worfhip ;
faid to defign. That an unhappy woman, confined and after enduring feveral weeks this extraordinary
and guarded with the utmoft vigilance, who had not violence to his confcience, he was unmercifully ftrang-
for many years fufficient intereft to procure a decent led without any form of law or juftice. Mary remon¬
treatment for herfelf, (hould be able to carry on fuch ftrated with warmth to Elizabeth againft indignities fo
clofe and powerful negociations with different princes (hocking and fo horrible; but inltead of obtaining
as were imputed to her, is an abfurdity which it muft confolation or relief, (he was involved more deeply in
for ever be impoffible to reconcile. That (he had an wo, and expofed to (till harder inventions of malice
amour with her keeper the earl of Shrewfbury, as was and of anger.
now reported, might be; though of this there is no In the midft of her misfortunes Mary had dill fola-
proof. This,however,couldfcarcebetreafonagainft Eli* ced herfelf with hope ; and from the exertions of her
zabeth (a) : yet, on account of this, Mary was commit- fon (he naturally expe&ed a fuperlative advantage,
ted to the charge of Sir Amias Paulet and Sir Drue He-had hitherto behaved with a becoming cordiality ;Eli2^sth
Drury, zealous puritans, and who, it was hoped, and in the negociation which (he had opened with him fows (]jf_
would treat her with fuch feverity as might drive her for her affociation in the government, he had been ftu- fenfion be¬
ta defpair, and induce her to commit fome ra(h ac- dious to pleafe and flatter her. He had informed her tween Mary
tion. The earl of Leicefter, faid to be Elizabeth’s by a particular difpatch, that he found the greateft*^ her
paramour, even ventured to fend affaffins, on purpofe, comfort in her maternal tendernefs, and that he would100’
by the murder of Mary, at once to deliver his miftrefs accomplifli her commands with humility and expedi-
from her fears. But the new keepers of the caftle, tion; tliat he would not fail to ratify her union and
though religious bigots, were men of ftridt probity, affociation with him in the government; that it would
Vol. IX. 1 40 D be
(a) Amidft the infamous calumnies which this princefs was felicitous to fix upon the queen of Scots, it muft
excite the higheft indignation to confider her own contempt of chaftity, and the unprincipled licentioufnefs of her
private life. See Haynes’s Collett, of State Papers, p. 99- &c -Even when pal lied with age, (lie was yet burning
with unquenchable defires ; and vain of her haggard and cadaverous form, fought to allure to her many lovers. See
Murdin, p. 558, j6o, 657, 718, 719. and the difeoveries of a writer, whofe pen, e'eganf, poignant, inquifi.ive, and
polite, improves and embelliihes every topic that it canva'ffes; Walpole, Catalogue of royal and noble Authors, vol- i.
p. u6- [Stuart) vol- ii- p. a8z, note-J
sco r 8062 i sco
Seetland. be h;s mofl: earned endeavour to reconcile their com-
mon fubjefls to that meafure ; and that fhe might ex¬
pert from him, during his life, every fatisfadlion and
duty which a good mother could promife to herfelf
from an affe&ionate and obedient fon. But thefe fair
bloflbms of kindnefs and love were all blafted by the
treacherous arts' of Elizabeth. By the mafter of Gray,
who had obtained an afcendant over James, Ihe turned
from Mary his affe&ions. He delayed to ratify her
affociation in the government; and he even appeared
to be unwilling to prefs Elizabeth on the fubjeft of
her liberty. The mafter of Gray had convinced him,
that if any favour was Ihown to Mary by the queen
of England, it would terminate in his humiliation.
He affured him, that if his mother were again to mount
the Scottifh throne, her zeal for Popery would induce
her to feek a hufband in the houfe of Auftria ; that
fhe would diflblve his affociation with her in the govern¬
ment, on the pretence of his attachment to the reform¬
ed do&rines ; and that he would not only lofe the glo¬
ry of his prefent power, but endanger bis profpefts of
fuccefiion. Mary expoftulated with him by letter up¬
on the timidity and coldnefs of his behaviour ; and he
returned her an anfwer full of difrefpecf, in which he
intimated his refolution to confider her in no other
chara&er than as queen-mother. Her amazement, in¬
dignation, and grief, were infinite. She wrote to Ca-
ftelnau the French ambaffador, to inform him of her
inquietudes and anguifh. “ My fon,” faid fhe, “ is
ungrateful; and I defire that the king your mafter
fhall confider him no longer as a fovereign. In your
future difpatches, abftain from giving him the title of
king. I am his queen and his fovereign ; and while I
live, and continue at variance with him, he can at the
beft be but an ufurper. From him I derive no luftre ;
and without me he could only have been lord Darnley
or the earl of Lennox ; for I railed his father from
being my fubjeft to be my hufband. I afk from him
nothing that is his ; what I claim is my own ; and if
he perfifts in his courfe of impiety and ingratitude, I
will beftow upon him my malediction, and- deprive
him not only of all right to Scotland, but of all the
dignity and grandeur to which he may fucceed thro’
me. My enemies fhall not enjoy the advantages they
expeft from him. For to the king of Spain I will
convey, in the ampleft form, my claims, titles, and
greatnefs.”
Elizabeth having thus found means to fow diffen-
fion between the queen of Scots and her fon, did not
8o(5 fail to make the beft ufe fhe could of the quarrel for
Alliance ef her own advantage. The Pope, the duke of Guife,
the Popifh and the king of Spain, had concluded an alliance,
r^aTnft ' lhe hsly league, for the extirpation of the Pro-
Elizabeth. religion all over Europe. Elizabeth was thrown
into the greateft confternation on this account ; and
the idea of a counter affociation among the Proteftant
princes of Europe immediately fuggefted itfelf. Sir
Edward Wotton was deputed to Scotland; and fo
completely gained upon the imbecillity of James, that
he concluded a firm alliance with Elizabeth, without
Mean and making anY ftipulation in favour of his mother. Nay,
ftameful fo far was he the dupe of this ambaffador and his mi-
behaviour {lrers# that he allowed himfelf to be perfuaded to take
o* James. jnlo [jjg favour Mr Archibald Douglas, one of the
murderers of Lord Darnley; and, as if all this had
not been fufflcient,~he appointed this aflaffin to be his Scotland,
ambaflador for England.
Mary, thus abandoned by all the world, in the hands
of her moft inveterate and cruel enemy, fell a viftim
to her refentment and treachery in the year 1587.
The year before, a confpiracy had been formed by
fome Popilh zealots to aflafiinate Elizabeth ; theprin- go8
cipa! contriver and intended after in which was named Account of
Babington. This confpiracy was known by Eliza- Babington’#
beth and her minifters the fame year ; fo that the Pr0*^gafnftaCy
jeftors of it would then have been taken into cuftody, Eiizabetj*.
if it had not been with a view to involve the unfortu¬
nate Mary in the guilt of it. Gilbert Gifford, one of
the confpirators, who had difeovered the whole to the
Englifh minifter, was difpatched to the caftle of
Chartley in Staffordfhire, where Mary was now con¬
fined, on purpofe to commence a correfpondence with
her. To facilitate this bufinefs, Walfingham the Eng-
lifh fecretary wrote a letter to Sir Amias Paulet, re-^rt and
quelling him to permit Gifford to bribe one 0/ his fer- treachery
vants. Paulet, however, refufed to grant this requeft; ofElizaljeth
upon which Gifford corrupted a brewer in the ne'gh-^.^eerrs
bourhood, who put his letters to Mary in a hole in
the caftle-wall. By the fame conveyance it was
thought that Mary would anfwer the letters; but fhe
having had warning from France not to take a partin
this confpiracy, did not make any return to the let¬
ters. It was then contrived that anfwers, in the nam»
of the queen of Scots to Gifford, fhould be found in
the hole of the wall. Walfingham, to whom thefe
letters were carried, proceeded formally to decipher
them by the help of one Thomas Philips, a perfon
{killed in thefe matters ; and after exaft copies were
taken of them, it is faid that they were all artfully
fealed and fent off to the perfons to whom they were
direfted. It appears, however, that only the letters
direfted to Babington were fent to him ; and the an¬
fwers which he made to the queen’s fuppofed letters
were alfo carried to Walfingham. A foundation for
criminating Mary being thus laid, the confpirators
were quickly difeovered, as being already known, and
fuffered the death of traitors. The unhappy princefs,
eagerly watched by Paulet, and unacquainted with gT9
the late occurrences, received a vifit from Sir Thomas Mary is
Gorges. This envoy, as inftrufted by Elizabeth, charyed
furprifed her when fhe had mounted her horfe to take
the pleafure of the chace. His faiutation was abrupt6
and unceremonious ; and after informing her of the
difeovery and circumftances of the confpiracy of Ba¬
bington, he rudely charged her with a concern in it.
Her aftonifhment was great, and fhe defired to return
to her chamber: but this favour was refufed to her {
and after being carried from one boufe to another, in
an anxious and perplexing uncertainty, fhe was com¬
mitted to Fotheringay caftle in Narthamptonfhire.
Naw and Curl, her two fecretaries, the former a
Frenchman, the latter a native of Scotland, were ta¬
ken into custody. Paulet breaking open the doors of'
her private clofet, pofieffed hirnfelf of her money,
which amounted not to more than 7000 crowns. Her
cabinets were carefully fealed up ; and being fent to
London, were examined in the prefence of Elizabeth.
They contained many difpatches from perfons beyond
the fea, copies of letters which had been diftated by
her, and about 60 tables of ciphers and charafters-
Thera.
SCO [ B063 ] SCO
Scotland. There were alfo difcovered in them many difpatches
to her from Englifli noblemen, which were foil of ad¬
miration and refpeft. Thefe Elizabeth concealed ;
but their authors fufpe&ing that they were known,
fought to purchafe her forgivenefs by the moft abjedt
proteftations of an attachment to her perfon* and by
the exercife of the moft inveterate enmity to the queen
of Scots. Naw and Curl declared, that the copies of
her letters were in their hand-writing. They had been
dtftated by her in the French language to Naw, tranf-
lated into Englilh by Curl, and then put into cipher.
They contained not, however, any matters with which
fhe could be reproached or criminated. It was upon
the foundation of the letters which Gifford had com¬
municated to Walfingham that her guilt was to be
inferred ; and with copies of thefe, and with an at-
tefted account of the confpiracy of Babington and his
aflbciates, Sir Edward Wotton was now difpatched
into France to accufe her to Henry III. and to ex¬
plain to him thedangers to which Elizabeth was expofed
from the machinations and prafticesof the Engliflt exiles.
Delfbera- privy-counfellors of Elizabeth deliberated upon
dons the the moft proper method of proceeding againft Mary,
method of To fome it appeared, that as fhe was only acceffory
proceeding tQ the plot, and not the defigner of it, the moft eli-
againlther. g;b]e feverity to be exercifed againft her was a clofer
and more rigorous confinement ; and they endeavoured
to fortify this opinion, by obferving, that fhe was
fickly, and could not live long. By others who were
haunted by the terrors of Popery, it was urged, that
file ought to be put inftantly to death by the formali¬
ties of the law. The earl of Leicefter recommended
it as moft prudent to difpatch her fecretly by poifon.
But this counfel was reje&ed as mean, difgraceful, and
violent. The lawyers were of opinion, that fhe might
be tried upon the ftatute of Edward III.; by which
it was enafted to be treafon to imagine the deftruc-
tion of the fovereign, to make war againft his king¬
dom, or to adhere to his enemies. Elizabeth, how¬
ever, and her minifters, had provided a more plaufible
foundation for her trial. This was a parliamentary
ftatute approving the aft of affociation. As it had
been paffed while Mary was in England, it was ar¬
gued, that fhe was bound by it in a local allegiance to
Elizabeth. The next point of debate was the defig-
nation under which it was moft advifeable to arraign
her. To employ a foreign name and title as direftly
defcriptive of her, was not judged to be confiftent
with the law of England. It was therefore refolved to
defign her “ Mary daughter and heir of James V.
king of Scotland, and commonly called queen of Scots,
and dowager of France.”
Commif- This refolution being once taken, Elizabeth next
lioners ap- appointed above 40 peers or privy-counfellors, and five
pointed to jucjge8j bellowing upon them in a body, or upon the
^ ^ greater part of them, abfolute power and authority
to inquire into the matters compafled and imagined
againft her by the Scottifh princefs, and to pafs fen-
tence according to the fpirit and tenor of the aft which
, had been palled. Of thefe commiffioners a great ma¬
jority proceeded to the caftle of Fotheringay ; and the
day after their arrival, they deputed to Mary, Sir
Walter Mildmay, Sir Amias Paulet, and Edward Bar¬
ker a public notary, to deliver to her n letter from Eli¬
zabeth. In this letter the Englifh queen gratified her
unhappy paflions, and after reproaching Mary with Scotland,
her crimes, informed her that commiffioners were ap- ' ‘
pointed to take cognizance of them. The Scottifh
princefs, though aftonifhed with the projeft of being
brought to a public trial, was able to preferve her
dignity, and addreffed them with a compofed manner
and air. “ It is a matter,” faid fhe, “ altogether un- g
common and ftrange, that Elizabeth fhould command she objeAs-
me to fubmit to a trial, as if I were her fubjeft. I to their ju-
am an independent fovereign; and will not tarnifh byl>fdiA°ft*
any meannefs my high birth, the princes my prede-
ceflbrs, and my fon. Misfortunes and mifery have not
yet fo involved me in dejeftion, as that I am to faint
and fink under this new calamity and infult. I defire
that you will remember what I formerly protefted to
Bromley, who is now lord chancellor, and to the lord
La War. To fpeak to me of commiffioners, is a vaia
mockery of my rank. Kings alone can be my peers.
The laws of England are unknown to me ; and 1 have
no couufellors to whofe wifdom I can apply for in-
ftruftion. My papers and commentaries have been
taken from me ; aud no perfon can have the perilous
courage to appear as my advocate. I have indeed re¬
commended myfelf and my condition to foreign prin¬
ces ; but I am clear of the guilt of having confpired
the deftruftion of Elizabeth, or of having incited any
perfon whatfoever to deftroy her. It is only by my
own words and writings that an imputation of this
kind can be fupported ; and I am confcious beyond
the poffibility of a doubt, that thefe evidences cannot
be employed againft me.” The day after fhe had, in
this manner, refufed to allow the jurifdiftion of the
commiffioners, Paulet and Barker returned to her, and
informed her that they had put her fpeech into wri¬
ting, and defired to know if fhe would abide by it.
She heard it read diftinftly, acknowledged it to be
rightly taken, and avowed her readinefs to perfift in
the fentiments fhe had delivered. But fhe added,
there was a circumftance to which fhe had omitted to
fpeak. “ Your queen,” faid fhe, “ affedfs in her letter
to obferve, that I am fubjeft to the laws of England,
becaufe I have lived under their proteftion. This
fentiment and mode of thinking are very furpiifing to
me. I came into England, to crave her affiftance and
aid; and, ever fince, I have been confined to a prifon.
The miferies of captivity cannot be called a proteftion,
and the treatment I have fuffered is a violation of all
law.” Remonftrances, however, were in vain : and
Mary was obliged to Hand a trial before this unjuft
tribunal.
After various formalities, the lord chancellor opened 814
the cafe; and was followed by Serjeant Gawdry, whoT*16?^11**'
proceeded to explain the above ftatute, and endeavour-
ed to demonftrate that fhe had offended againft it. Hegainfther.
then entered into a detail of Babington’s confpiracy ;
and concluded with affirming, “ that Mary knew it,
had approved it, had promifed her affiftance, and had
pointed out the means to effeft it.” Proofs of this
charge were exhibited againft her, and difplayed with
gnat art. The letters were read which Sir Francis
Walfingham had forged, in concert with Gifford,
&c. and her fecretaries Naw and Curl. The three
fpies had afforded all the neccffary intelligence about
the confpiracy, upon which to frame a correfpondence
between Mary and Babipgton, and upon which dif-
46 D 3 patches
Scotland.
Stuart's
Hiftory.
Sij
Mary’s dC'
fence.
SCO [ 8064 ] SCO
patches might be fabricated in her name to her foreign
friends; and the ciphers were furnithed by her two
fecretaries. But beiide thefe pretended letters, ano¬
ther fpecies of evidence was held out againft her. Ba-
bington, proud of the difpatch fent to him in her name
by Walfingham and Gifford, returned an anfwertoit;
and a reply from her by the fame agency was tranf-
mitted to him. Deluded, and in toils, he communi¬
cated thefe marks of her attention to Savage and Bal¬
lard, the moft confidential of his affociates. His con-
feffion and theirs became thus of importance. Nor
were her letters and the confefiions of thefe confpira-
tors deemed fufficient vouchers of her guilt. Her two
fecretaries, therefore, who had lately forfaken her,
were engaged to fubferibe a declaration, that the dif-
patches in her name were written by them at her com¬
mand, and according to her inttru&ions. Thefe
branches of evidence, put together with fkill, and
heightened with all the impofing colours of eloquence,
were preflld upon Mary. Though fhe had been long
accultomed to the perfidious inhumanity of her ene¬
mies, her amazement was infinite. She loft not, how¬
ever, her courage ; and her defence was alike expref-
five of her penetration and magnanimity.
“ The accufation preferred to my prejudice is a moft
deteftable calumny. I was not engaged with Babing-
ton in his confpiracy ; and I am altogether innocent of
having plotted the death of Elizabeth. The copies of
Babington’s letters which have been produced, may in¬
deed be taken from originals which are genuine ; but
it is impoffible to prove that I ever received them.
Nor did he receive from me the difpatches addrefftd
to him in my name. His confefGon, and thofe of his
affociates, which have been urged to eftablilh the au¬
thority of my letters to him, are imperfeft and vain.
If thefe confpirators could have tettified any circum-
ftances to my hurt, they would not fo foon have
been deprived of their lives. Tortures, or the fear of
the rack, extorted improper confeffions from them ;
and then they were executed. Their mouths were
opened to utter falfe criminations, and were imme¬
diately fhut for ever that the truth might be buried
in their graves. It was no difficult matter to obtain
ciphers which I had employed ; and my adverfaries
are known to be fuperior to fcruples. I am informed,
that Sir Francis Walfingham has been earneft to re¬
commend himfelf to his fovereign, by pra&ices both
againft my life and that of my fon ; and the fabrica¬
tion of papers, by which to effeftuate my ruin, is
a bufinefs not unworthy of his ambition. An evi¬
dence, the moft clear and inconteftable, is neceffary to
overthrow my integrity ; but proofs, the moft feeble
and fufpicious, are held out againft. me. Let one let¬
ter be exhibited, written in my hand, or that bears my
fuperfeription, and I will inftantly acknowledge that
the charge againtt me is fufficiently fupported. The
declaration of my fecretaries is the effeft of rewards or
of terror. They are ftrangers ; and to overcome their
virtue was an eafy atchievement to a queen whofe
power is abfolute, whofe riches are immenfe, and
whofe minifters are profound and daring in intrigues
and treachery. I have often had occafion to fufpedt
the integrity of Naw ; and Curl, whofe capacity is
more limited, was always moft obfequious to him.
They may have written many letters in my aame,
without my knowledge or participation ; and it is not Scotland,
fit that I (hould bear the blame of their inconfiderate ~ ~ :"
boldnefs. They may have put many things into dif- Stuart.
patches which are prejudicial to Elizabeth ; and they
may even have fubferibed their declaration to my pre¬
judice, under the prepoffeffion that the guilt which
would utterly overwhelm them might be pardoned in
me. I have never didated any letter to them which
can be made to correfpond with their teftimony ; and
what, let me alk, would become of the grandeur, the
virtue, and the fafety of princes, if they depended up¬
on the writings and declarations of fecretaries ? Nor let
it be forgotten, that by afting in hoftility to the duty
and allegiance which they folemnly fwore to obferve
to me, they have utterly incapacitated themfelves from
obtaining any credit. The violation of their oath of
fidelity is an open perjury ; and of fuch men the pro-
teftatious are nothing. But, if they are yet in life, let
them be brought before me. The matters they de¬
clare are fo important as to require that they ffiould
be examined in my prefence. It argues not the fair-
nefs of the proceedings againft me, that this forma¬
lity is negledled. I am alfo without the affiftance of
an advocate ; and, that I might be defencelefs and
weak in the greateft degree, I have been robbed of
my papers and commentaries. As to the copies of the
difpatches which are faid to have been written, by my
direftion, to Mendoza, the lord Paget, Charles Paget,
the archbifhop of Glafgow, and Sir Francis Inglefield,
they are moft unprofitable forgeries. For they tend
only to (how that I was employed in encouraging my
friends to invade England. Now, if 1 (hould allow
that thefe difpatches were genuine, it could not be in¬
ferred from them that I had confpired the death of
Elizabeth. I will even confefs, that I have yielded to
the ftrong impulfes of nature ; and that, like a human
creature, encompaffed with dangers and infuked with
wrongs, I have exerted myfelf to recover my greatnefs
and my liberty. The efforts I have made can excite
no blufhes in me ; for the voice of mankind muft ap¬
plaud them. Religion, in her fterneft moments of fe-
verity, cannot look to them with reproach ; and to con-
fider them as crimes, is to defpife the fanftimonious re¬
verence of humanity, and to give way to the fufpici¬
ous wretchednefs of defpotifm. I have fought by every
art of conceffion a»d friendftiip to engage my fifter to
put a period to my fufferings. Invited by her fmiles,
I ventured into her kingdom, in the pride and gaiety
of my youth ; and, under her anger and the miferies
of captivity, I have grown into age. During a cala¬
mitous confinement of 20 years, my youth, my health,
my happinefs, are for ever gone. To her tenderrefs
and generofity I have been indebted as little as to her
juftice; and, oppreffed and agonizing with unmerited
affli&ions and hardfhips, I fcrupled not to befeech the
princes my allies to employ their armies to relieve me.
Nor will I deny, that I have endeavoured to promote
the advantage and intereft of the perfecuted Catholics
of England. My intreaties in their behalf have been
even offered with earneftnefs to queen Elizabeth her-
felf. But the attainment of my kingdom, the reco¬
very of my liberty, and the advancement of that reli¬
gion which I love, could not induce me to ftain my¬
felf with the crimes that are obje&ed to me. I would
difdain to purchale a crown by the affaffination of
SCO [ 8065 ] SCO
Scotland, the meaneft of the human race. To accufe me of
— • - fcheming the death of the queen my After, is to brand
me with the infamy which I abhor moft. It is my
nature to employ the devotions of Efther, and not the
fword of Judith. Elizabeth hevfelf will atteft, that I
have often admonifhed her not to draw upon her head
the refentment of my friends by the enormity of her
cruelties to me. My innocence cannot fincerely be
doubted ; and it is known to the Almighty God, that
I could not poffibly think to forego his mercy, and to
ruin my foul, in order to compafs a tranfgrellion fo
horrible as that of her murder. But amidft the incle¬
ment and unprincipled pretences which my adverfa-
ries are pleafed to invent to overwhelm me with cala¬
mities and anguiih, I can trace and difcover with eafe
the real caufes of their hoftility and provocation. My
crimes are my birth, the injuries I have been com¬
pelled to endure, and my religion. I am proud of the
firft ; I can forgive the fecond ; and the third is a
fource to me of fuch comfort and hope, that for its
glory I will be contented that my blood fhall flow
upon the fcaffold.”
To the defence of Mary, no returns were made be-
fide flout and unfupported affirmations of the truth of
the evidence produced to her prejudice. In the courfe
of the trial, however, there occurred fome incidents
which deferve to be related. My lord Burleigh, who
was willing to difeompofe her, charged her with a
fixed refolution of conveying her claims and titles to
England to the king of Spain. But though, in a
difeontented humour with her fon, fhe had threatened
to difinherit him, and had even correfponded on the
fubje£t with her feledl friends, it appears that this
projed is to be confidered as only a tranfient effed of
refentment and paffion. She indeed acknowledged,
that the Spaniard profefled to have pretenfions to the
kingdom of England, and that a book in juftification
of them had been communicated to her. She declared,
however, that (he had incurred the difpleafure of many
by difapproving of this book; and that no convey¬
ance of her titles to the Spaniard had been ever exe¬
cuted.
The trial continued during the fpace of two days ;
but the commiffioners avoided to deliver their opinions.
My lord Burleigh, in whofe management Elizabeth
chiefly confided, and whom the Scotti/h queen difcom*
pofed in no common degree by her ability and vigour,
being eager to conclude the bufinefs, demanded to
know if (he had any thing to add to what (he had
811! urged in her defence. She informed him, that (he
fo be heard wou^ infinity pleafed and gratified, if it (hould be
before the permitted to her to be heard in her juftification before
parliament, a full meeting of the parliament, or before the queen
or before and her privy-council. This intimation was unexpec-
the queen. te(j. an(j ^ reqUeft implied in it was rcje&ed. The
court, in confequence of previous inftru&ions from
Elizabeth, adjourned to a farther day, and appointed
that the place of its convention fhould be the ftar-
chamber at Weftminfter. It accordingly a(fembled
there; and Naw and Curl, who had not been pro¬
duced at Fotheringay caftle, were now called before the
commiffioners. An oath to deelare the truth was put
to them ; and they definitely affirmed and protefted
that the declaration they had fubferibed was in every
jefpett juft and faithful. Nothing farther remained,
but to pronounce fentence againfi: Mary. The com- Scotland,
miffioners unanimoufly concurred in delivering it as §7^—“
their verdift or judgment, that fhe “ was a party to Judgment
the confpiracy of Babington ; and that fhe had com- g^en a'
pafied and imagined matters within the realm of Eng- £ain^
land tending to the hurt, death, and deftruflion of the
royal perfon of Elizabeth, in oppofition to the ftatute
framed for her proteftion.” Upon the fame day in
which this extraordinary fentence was given, the com¬
miffioners and the judges of England iflfued a decla¬
ration which imported, that it was not to derogate in
any degree from the titles and honour of the king of
Scots. Si®
The fentence againft Mary was very foon afterwards tencC
ratified by the Englifh parliament. King James was ed by tbe
ftrock with horror at hearing of the execution of his Englifli
mother; but that fpiritlefs prince could (how his re- parliament,
fentment no farther than by unavailing embaffics and
remonftrances. France interpofed in the fame in-
effe&ual manner; and on the 6th of December 1586,
Elizabeth caufed the fentence of the commiffionera
againft her to be proclaimed. After this (he was
made acquainted with her fate, and received the news
with the greateft compofure, and even apparent fatif-
fadlion. Her keepers now refufed to treat her with
any reverence or refpeft. They entered her apart¬
ment with their heads covered, and made no obeifance
to her. They took down her canopy of (late, and
deprived her of all the badges of royalty. By thefe
infulting mortifications they meant to inform her, that
(he had funk from the dignity of a princefs to the ab-
je& (late of a criminal. She fmiled, and faid, “ la
defpite of your fovereign and her fubfervient judges,
I will live and die a queen. My royal chara&eris in¬
delible ; and I will furrender it with my fpirit to the
Almighty God, from whom I received it, and to
whom my honour and my innocence are fully known.”
In this melancholy fituation Mary addrefled a magna¬
nimous tetter to Elizabeth, in which, without making
the lead felicitation for her life, (he only requefted that
her body might be carried to France ; that (he might
be publicly executed ; that her fervants might be per¬
mitted to depart out of England unmolefted, and enjoy
the legacies which ffie bequeathed them. But to this
letter no anfwer was given. Sip
In the mean time James, who had neither addrefa ImbeciiHtyi
nor courage to attempt any thing in behalf of his
mother, announced her fituation to his bigotted fub- treme jnf0.
je£ts,.and ordered prayers to be faid for her in all the lenceand
churches. The form of the petition he preferibed was Wgo‘ry of
framed with delicacy and caution, that the clergy lscer£»
might have no objedlion to it. He enjoined them to
pray, that it might pleafe God to enlighten Mary
with the light of his truth, and to protect her front
the danger which was hanging over her.” His own
chaplains, and Mr David JLhidf. y minifter of Leith,
obferved his command. But all the other clergy re¬
fufed to proftjtute their pulpits by preferring any pe¬
titions to the Almighty for a Papift. James, (hoeked
with their fpirit of intolerance and fedition, appointed
a new day for prayers to be faid for Mary, and iflued
a drifter injunftion to the clergy to obey him ; and
that he might be free himfelf from any infult, he com¬
manded the archbiftiop of St Andrews to preach be¬
fore him. The ecclefiaftics, difgufted with his injunc-
tioo,.
SCO t 8066 ] SCO
Scotlanc’. tlon, perfuaded Mr John Cowper, a probationer in
   divinity, to occupy the pulpit defigned for the arch-
bifhop. When the king entered the church, he teftified
his furprife ; but told Cowper, that if he would obey
his injunftion, he might proceed to officiate. Cow¬
per replied, “ that he would do as the fpirit of God
would direft him.” The king commanded him to re¬
tire, and the captain of his guard advanced to compel
him to obedience. The enraged probationer ex¬
claimed, that this violence “ would witnefs againft the
king in the great day of the Lord;” and denounced a
curfe againft the fpe&ators for not exerting themfelves
in his defence. The archbiihop now afcending the
pulpit, performed with propriety the fun&ion to which
he had been called, and took the opportunity to re¬
commend moderation and charity tothe audience. In
the afternoon Cowper was cited before the privy-
council; and was accompanied there by Mr Walter
Balcanqual and Mr William Watfon, two minifters
remarkable for their zeal. As a punifhment for his
audacious petulance, he was committed to the caftle of
Blacknefs; and his attendants having diftinguilhed
themfelves by an impudent vindication of him, were
^ prohibited from preaching during the pleafure of the
ftej^fotne Elizabeth, in the mean while, felt the torment and
remorfe. difquiet of unhappy and miferable paffions. At times
Hie courted the fadnefs of folitude, and refufed to be
confoled or to fpeak. In other feafons her fighs were
frequent, and fhe broke out into loud and wild ex¬
clamations expreffive of the ftate of her mind. Her
fubjedts waited the determinations of her will under
Stuart.', a diftradding agitation and uncertainty. He minifters,
who knew that it is the nature of fear to exclude pity,
w-tre induftrious in inventing terrifying intelligence,
and in circulating it through the kingdom. There
were rumours that the Spanifh fleet had arrived at
Milford haven ; that a formidable arriiy of Scottifh
combatants was advancing to the capital; that the
duke of Guife had difembarked many troops of veteran
loldiers in Suflex ; that Mary had efcaped out of pri-
fon, and was colkfting the Englifh Catholics; that
the northern counties had thrown afide their alle¬
giance ; and that there was a new plot to kill Eliza-
' beth, and to reduce London to allies. An a&ual
confpiracy was even malicioully charged upon L’Au-
befpine the French refident ; and he was forced to
withdraw from England in difgrace. From the panic
terrors which the minifters of Elizabeth were fo ftudi-
ous to excite, they fcrupltd not loudly and invariably
to infer, that the peace and tranquillity of the king¬
dom could alone be re-eftablilhed by the fpeedy exe-
gzI cution of the Scottilh queen.
But figns While the nation was thus artfully prepared for the
the warrant deftrudlion of Mary, Elizabeth ordered fecretary Da-
S V'df00 to fc'r‘ng to her the warrant for her death.
cat ' Having perufed it with deliberation, fhe obferved
that it was extended in proper terms, and gave it the
authority of her fubfeription. She was in a humour
fomewhat gay, and demanded of him if he was not
forry for what Ihe had done. He replied, that it was
affliding to him to think of the ftate of public affairs;
but that he greatly preferred her life to that of the
Scottilh princefs. She enjoined him to be fecret, and
defired, that before he Ihould deliver the warrant to
the chancellor, he ffiould carry it to Walfingham. Scotland.
I fear much, (faid Ihe, in a merry tone), that the Stuart"*
grief of it will kill him.”
This levity was momentary ; and fears and anxieties
fucceeded it. Though Ihe earneftly defired the death
of Mary, fhe was yet terrified to encounter its infamy.
She was folicitous to accomplilh this bafe tranfadion
by fome method which would conceal her confent to
it. After intimating to Mr Davidfon an anxious wifogs to
wilh that its blame Ihould be removed from her, Ihe have her
counfelled him to join with Walfingham in addreffing Privately
a letter to Sir Amias Paulet and Sir Drue Drury,mur<ierc<i’
recommending it to them to manifeft their love to her
by (hedding privately the blood of her adverfary. The
unlawfulnefs of this deed affeded Davidfon, and he
objeded to it. She repeated refolutely her injundions ;
and he departed to execute them. A letter under his
name and that of Walfingham was difpatched to Mary’s
keepers, communicating to them her purpofe. Cor¬
rupted by her paffions, and loft to the fenfibilities of
virtue, Elizabeth had now reached the laft extremity
of human wickednefs. Though a fovereign princefs,
and entrufted with the cares of a great nation, Ihe
blulhed not to give it in charge to her minifters to en¬
join a murder ; and this murder was conneded with
every circumftance that could make it mod frightful
and horrid. The vidim for whofe blood Ihe thirlted
was a woman, a queen, a relation, who was fplendid
with beauty, eminent in abilities, magnanimous under gt3
misfortunes, and fmiling with innocence. Sir Amias Which her
Paulet and Sir Drue Drury, though the Haves of re- keepers re¬
ligious prejudices, felt an elevation of mind which re- u e*
fleded the greateft difgrace upon the fovereign. They
confidered themfelves as grofsly infulted by the pur¬
pofe propoftd to them ; and in the return they made to
Walfingham, they allured him, that .the queen might
command their lives and thtir property, but that they
would never confent to part with their honour, and to
ftain themfelves and their pofterity with the guilt of
an aflaffination. When Davidfon carried their dif-
patch to her, Ihe broke out into anger. Their feru-
pulous delicacy, Ihe faid, was a dainty infringement
of their oath of alfociation ; and they were nice, pre-
cife, and perjured traitors, who could give great pro-
mifes in words, and atchieve nothing. She told him,
that the bufinefs could be performed without them;
and recommended one Wingfield to his notice, who
would not hefitate to ftrike the blow. The aftonilhed
fecretary exclaimed with warmth againft a mode of
proceeding fo dangerous and unwarrantable. He pro-
tefted, that if Ihe Ihould take upon herfelf the blame of
this deed, it would pollute her with the blackeft dif-
honour ; and that, if Ihe Ihould difavow it, Ihe would
overthrow for ever the reputation, the eftates, and the
children, of the perfons who Ihould affift in it. She
heard him with pain, and withdrew from him with
precipitation.
The warrant, after having been communicated torphewar-
Wallingham, was carried to.the chancellor, who putrantpafles
the great feal to it. This formality was hardly con* the great
eluded, when a meffage from Elizabeth prohibitedfea1,
Davidfon from waiting upon the chancellor till he
ftiould receive farther inftru&ions. Within an hour
after, he received a fecond meffage to the fame pur¬
pofe. He battened to court; and Elizabeth allied ea-
SCO [ 8067 ] SCO
Scotland, gerly if he had feen the chancellor. He anfwered in
the affirmative; and fhe exclaimed with bitternefs
Stuart, againft his hafte. He faid, that he had afted exa&ly
as fhe had dire&ed him. She continued to exprefs
warmly her difpleafure : but gave no command to flop
the operation of the warrant. In a ftate of uneafiuefs
and apprehenfion, he communicated her behaviour to
the chancellor and the privy-council. Thefe courtiers,
however, who were well acquainted with the arts of
their miftrefs, and who knew how to flatter her, paid
no attention to him. They perceived, or were fecret-
ly informed, that fhe defired to have a pretence upon
which to complain of the fecretary, and to deny that
he had obeyed her inftruftions. They obferved to
him, that by fubfcribing the warrant, fhe had per¬
formed whatever the law required of her; and that it
was not proper to delay the execution ^ny longer.
While they were anxious to pleafe Elizabeth, they
were confcious of their own cruelty to Mary, and did
not imagine they could be in perfect lecurity while fhe
lived. They difpatched the warrant to the earls of
Shrewfbury and Kent, with inftrudiions to them to
8&5 fulfil its purpofe.
Mary is When the two earls and their retinue reached Fo-
acquainted theringay caftle, they found that Mary was (ick, and
fete1 ^ repofing upon her bed. They infilled, notwithftand-
ing, to be introduced to her. Being informed by her
fervants that the meflege they brought was important
and, preffing, fhe prepared to receive them. They
were conducted into her prefence by Sir Aroias Paulet
and Sir Drue Drury; and with little formality they
told her, that Elizabeth had confented to her death, and
that fhe was to fuffer the next morning at S'o’clock.
Then Beale, one of the clerks of the privy-council, who
accompanied them, read over the warrant. She crofled
herfelf in the name of God, and with an unfhaken
courage, and an unaltered countenance, faid to them,
“ The news you bring cannot but be moft welcome,
fince they announce the termination of my miferies.
Nor do I account that foul to be deferving of the feli¬
cities of immortality which can fhvink under the fuffer-
ings of the body, or fcruple the ftroke that fets it free.”
They affe&ed to juftify their miftrefs by entering
into details concerning the confpiracy of Babington.
She put her hand upon the Scriptures, which lay
upon a table near her, and fwore in the moft foleron
manner, that fire never devifed, confented to, or purfued
the death of Elizabeth in any fhape whatfoever. The
earl of Kent, unwifely zealous for the Proteftant reli¬
gion, excepted againft her oath, as being made upon
a Popifh bible. She replied to him mildly, “ It is
for this very reafon, my lord, to be relied upon with
the greater fecurity ; for I efteem the Popifh verfion
of the Scriptures to be the moft authentic.” Indul¬
ging his puritanical fervour, he declaimed againft Po¬
pery, counfelled her to renounce its errors, and re¬
commended to her attention Dr Fletcher dean of Pe¬
terborough. She heard him with fome impatience ;
and difcovered no anxiety to be converted by this ec-
clefiaftic, whom he reprefented as a moft learned di¬
vine. Rifing into paffion, he exclaimed, that “ her
life would be the death of their religion, and that
her death would be its life.” After informing him
that fhe w;s unalterably fixed in her religious fenti-
ments, fhe defired that her confefibr m:ght have the
liberty to repair to her. The two earls concurred in Scotland
obferving, that their confciences did not allow them
to grant this requeft. She intimated to them the fa- Stuart-
vours for which fhe had applied by her letter to Eli¬
zabeth, and exprefled a wifh to know if her filler had
attended to them. They anfwered, that thefe were
points upon which they had received no inftru&ions.
She made inquiries concerning her fecretaries Naw and
Curl; and allied, whether it had ever been heard of,
in the wickedeft times of the moft unprincipled na¬
tion, that the fervants of a fovereign princefs had been
fuborned for the purpofe of deftroying her. They
looked to one another, and were filent. Bourgoin her
phyfician, who with her other domeftics was prcfent
at this interview, feeing the two earls ready to depart,
befought them with an emphatic earneftnefs to reflect
upon the fhort and inadequate portion of time that
they had allotted to his miftrefs to prepare herfelf for
death. He infilled, that a refpe& for her high rank,
and the multiplicity and importance of her concerns,
required at leaft a period of fome days. They pre¬
tended, however, not to underftand the propriety of
his petition, and refufed it.
Upon the departure of the two earls, her domeftics she pre¬
gave a full vent to their affli&ions ; and while fhe ex-pares for
perienced a melancholy pleafure in their tears, lamen-^eattl*
tations, and kindnefs, fhe endeavoured to confole them.
Their grief, fhe faid, was altogether unavailing, and
could neither better her condition nor their own.
Her caufe had every thing about it that was moft ho¬
nourable ; and the miferies from which fhe was to be
relieved were the moft hopelefs and the moll afflidling.
Inftead of dejeAion and fadnefs, fhe therefore enjoined
them to be contented and happy. That fhe might
have the more leifure to fettle her affairs, fhe flipped
early, and, according to her nfual cuftom, file eat
little. While at table, fhe remarked to Bourgoin her
phyfician, that the force of truth was infurmountable ;
for that the earl of Kent, notwithftanding the pre¬
tence of her having confpired againft Elizabeth, had
plainly informed her, that her death would be the fe¬
curity of their religion. When fupper was over, fhe
ordered all her fervants to appear before her, and drank
to them. They pledged her upon their knees, ming¬
ling tears with the wine, and entreating her forgivc-
nefs for any offences they had ever committed againft
her. She condefcended in her turn to beg their
pardon for her omiffions or negkfks; and fhe recom¬
mended it to them to love charity, to avoid the un¬
happy paffions of hatred and malice, and to preferve
themfelves ftedfaft in the faith of Chrift. She now
confidered the inventory of her goods and jewels, and
put down the names of the domeftics to whom fhe de-
Ained them. To her confcflbr fhe fent a letter, in¬
treating the favour of his benedi6lion and prayers.
With her own hand fhe wrote out her tellamenr, fet¬
tling her affairs with great prudence. To the king
of France and the duke of Gnife fhe addreffed feparate
difpatches; in which fhe recalled to them her misfor¬
tune?, afferted her innocence, and pointed out her fer¬
vants as proper objedls of their generofity. Her fon
fhe alfo mentioned to them ; recommending him to-
their anxious cares, if he (hould prove worthy of their
efteem; but delicately intimating a fear, that the.
coarfe of his 9ondmSt might difpleafe them. Having
finiflied
SCO [ 8068 ] SCO
Scotland, finirtied thefe attentions, flie entered her bed-chamber tating, (he was affe&ed with the infolent and ftupid
^with her women ; and, according to her uniform prac- indignity of his malice; and exclaimed, “lamcoufin"
Stuart. ^ce» employed herfelf in religious duties, and in read- to your miftrefs, and defcended from Henry VII. I
ing in the Lives of the Saints. At her accuftomed time am a dowager of France, and the anointed queen of
fhe went to fleep ; and after enjoying fome hours of Scotland.” The earl of Shrewfbury interpofing, it
found reft, (he awaked. She then indulged in pious was agreed, that fhe (hould feleft two of her women,
meditation, and partook of the facrament by the means who might afiift her in her laft moments, and a few of
of a confecrated hofte, which a melancholy prefenti- her men-fervants, who might behold her demeanour,
s ment of her calamities had induced her to obtain from and report it.
Pius V. She entered the hall where fhe was to fuffer, and
Account of J^-t l^e break of day fhe arrayed herfelf in rich, but advanced with an air of grace and majefty to the fcaf-
the execu- becoming apparel; and calling together her fervants, (he fold, which was built at its fartheft extremity. The
tion. ordered her will to be read, and apologized for the fpeftators were numerous. Her magnanimous car-
fmallnefs of her legacies from her inability to be more riage, her beauty, of which the luftre was yet daz-
generous. Following the arrangement fhe had pre- zling, and her matchlefs misfortunes, affe&ed them,
vioufly made, (he then dealt out to them her goods, They gave way to contending emotions of awe, ad-
wardrobe, and jewels. To Bourgoin her phyfician, miration, and pity. She afcended the fcaffold with a
fhe committed this care of her will, with a charge that firm ftep and a ferene afpeft, and turned her eye to
he would deliver it to her principal executor the duke the block, the axe, and the executioners. The fpec-
of Guife. She alfo entrufted him with tokens of her tators were diffolved in tears. A chair was placed for
affeftion for the king of France, the queen-mother, her, in which fhe feated herfelf. Silence was com-
and her relations of the houfe of Lorraine. Bidding manded ; and Beale read aloud the warrant for her
now an adieu to all worldly concerns, fhe retired to death. She heard it attentively, yet with a manner
her oratory, where (lie was feen fometimes kneeling at from which it might be gathered, that her thoughts
the altar, and fometimes Handing motionlefs with her were employed upon a fubjeft more important- Dr
hands joined, and her eyes directed to the heavens. Fletcher dean of Peterborough taking his ftation op-
In thefe tender and agitated moments, (he was dwell- pofite to her without the rails of the fcaffold, began a
ing upon the memory of her fufferings and her virtues, difcourfe upon her life, paft, prefent, and to come,
repofing her weakneffes in the bofom of her God, and He affe&ed to enumerate her trefpaffes againft Eliza-
lifting and folacing her fpirit in the contemplation of beth, and to defcribe the love and tendernefs which
his perfections and his mercy. While (he was thus enga- that princefs had (hown to her. He counfelled her
ged, Thomas Andrews, the high (heriff of the county, to repent of her crimes ; and while he inveighed
announced to her, that the hour for her execution was againft her attachment to Popery, he threatened her
arrived. She came forth dreffed in a gown of black with everlafting fire if fhe fhould delay to renounce
filk; her petticoat was bordered with crimfon-velvet; a its errors. His behaviour was indecent and coarfe in
veil of lawn bow’ed out with wire,and edged with bone- the greateft degree ; and while he meant to infult her,
lace, was faftened to hercawle, and hung down to the he infulted (till more the religion which he profeffed
ground; an Agnus Dei was fufpended from her neck and the fovereign whom he flattered. Twice fhe in-
by a pomander chain ; her beads were fixed to her terrupted him with great gentlenefs. But he pertina-
girdle ; and (he bore in her hand a crucifix of ivory, cioufly continued his exhortations. Raifing her voice,
Amidft the fcreams and lamentations of her women (he fhe commanded him with a refolute tone to with hold
defcended the flairs ; and in the porch (he was recei- his indignities and menaces, and not to trouble her
ved by the earls of Kent and Shrewlbury with their any more about her faith, “ I was born (faid (he)
attendants. Here, too, (he met Sir Andrew Melvil in the Roman Catholic religion ; I have experienced
the mafterof her houfehold, whom her keepers had de- its comforts during my life, in the trying feafons of
•barred from her prefence during many days. Throw- ficknefs, calamity, and forrow ; and I am refolved to
ing himfelf at her feet, and weeping aloud, he deplo- die in it.” The two earls, afhamed of thefavage ob-
red his fad deftiny, and the forrowful tidings he was ftinacy of his deportment, admoniftied him to defift
to carry into Scotland. from his fpeeches, and to content himfelf with pray-
After (he had fpoken to Melvil, (he befought the ing for her converfion. He entered upon a long
two earls that her fervants might be treated with ci- prayer; and Mary falling upon her knees, and difre-
vility, that they might enjoy the prefents (he had be- garding him altogether, employed herfelf in devotions
flowed upon them, and that they might receive a fafe- from the office of the Virgin.
conduft to depart out of the dominions of Elizabeth. After having performed all her devotions, her wo-
Thefe flight favours were readily granted to her. She men affifted her to difrobe ; and the executioners of-
then begged that they might be permitted to attend her fering their aid, (he repreffed their forwardnefs by ob-
to'the fcaffold, in order that they might be witneffes of ferving, that (he was not accuftomed to be attended by
her behaviour at her death. To this requeft the earl of fuch fervants, nor to be undreffed before fo large an
Kent difeovered a ftrong reludlance. He faid that affembly. Her upper garments being laid afide, (he
they would behave with an intemperate paffion ; and drew upon her arms a pair of filk gloves. Her women
that they would praftife fuperftitious formalities, and and men fervants burlt out into loud lamentations,
dip their handkerchiefs in her blood. She replied, She put her finger to her mouth to admonifh them to
that (he was fure that none of their adfions would be be filent, and then bade them a final adieu with a
blameable ; and that it was but decent that fome of fmile that feemed to confole, but that plujiged them
her women (hould be about her. The earl ftill hefi- into deeper wo. She kneeled refolutely before the
/       ~ block,
Scotland.
Stuart.
SCO
Scotland, block, and faid, “ In thee, O Lord! do I truft, let
me never be confounded.” She covered her eyes with
a linen handkerchief in which the eucharift had been
inclofed ; and ftretching forth her body with great
tranquillity, and fitting her neck for the fatal ftroke,
fhe called out, “ Into thy hands, O God! I commit
my fpirit.” The executioner, from defign, from un-
fkilfulnefs, or from inquietude, Chuck three blows be¬
fore he feparated her head from her body. He held
it up mangled with wounds, and ftreaming with blood;
and her hair being difcompofed, was difcovered to be
already grey with affliftions and anxieties. The dean of
Peterborough alone cried out, “ So let the enemies
of Elizabeth periih.” The earl of Kent alone, in a
low voice, anfwered, “ Arpen.” All the other fpec-
tators were melted down with the tendereft fympatby
and forrow.
Her women haftened to proteft her dead body from
the curiofity of the fpe&ators; and folaced themfelves
with the thoughts of mourning over it undifturbed
when they fhould retire, and of laying it out in its fu¬
neral garb. But the two earls prohibited them from dif-
charging thefe melancholy yet pleafing offices to their
departed miftrefs, and chafed them from the hall with
indignity. Bourgoin her phyfictan applied to them
that he might be permitted to take out her heart for
the purpofe of preferving it, and of carrying it with
him to France. But they refufed his intreaty with
difdain and anger. Her remains were touched by the
rude hands of the executioners, who carried them into
an adjoining apartment; and who, tearing a cloth
from an old billiard-table, covered that form, once fo
beautiful. The block, the cufhion, the fcaffbld, and
the garments, which were ftained with her blood, were
corvfumed with fire. Her body, after being embalm¬
ed and committed to a leaden coffin, was buried with
a royal fplendour and pomp in the cathedral of Peter¬
borough. Elizabeth, who had treated her like a cri¬
minal while (he lived, feemed difpofed to acknowledge
her for a queen when (he was dead.
Infamous On the death of his mother, the full government
diffimula- of the kingdom devolved on James her fon. Eliza-
tion in beth, apprehenfive of his refentment for her treatment
dZ.ab,nr- of his mother, wrote him a letter, in which (he dif-
renc^in claimed all knowledge of the foQ. James had recei-
James. ved intelligence of the murder before the arrival of this
letter, which was fent by one Cary. The me(Tenger
was (lopped at Berwick by an order from the king,
telling him, that, if Mary had been executed, he fhould
proceed at his peril. James (hut himfelf up in Dal¬
keith caftle, in order to indulge himfelf in grief; but
the natural levity and imbecillity of his mind prevented
him from afting in any degree as became him. Inftead
of refolutely adhering to his firft determination of not
allowing Cary to fet foot in Scotland, he in a few
days gave hisconfent that he (hould be admitted to an
audience of certain members of his privy-council, who
took a journey to the borders on purpofe to wait upon
him. In this conference, Cary demanded that the
league of amity between the two kingdoms (hould be
inviolably obferved. He faid, that his miftrefs was grie¬
ved at the death of Mary, which had happened without
her confent} and, in Elizabeth’s name, offered any fa-
tisfaftion that James could demand. The Scots eom-
jniffioners treated Cary’s fpeech and propofal with be¬
coming difdain. They obferved, that they amounted to
Vol, IX. 2
SCO
no more than to know whether James was difpofed to Scotland:
fell his mother’s blood padding, that the Scottifh no-
bility and people were determined to revenge it, and
to intereft in their quarrel the other princes of Eu¬
rope. Upon this Cary delivered to them the letter
from Elizabeth, together with a declaration of his
own concerning the murder of the queen ; and it does
not appear that he proceeded farther.
This reception of her ambaffador threw Elizabeth
into the utmoft confternation. She was apprehenfive
that James would join his force to that of Spain, and
entirely overwhelm her ; and had the refentment or
the fpirit of the king been equal to that of the nation,
it is probable, that the haughty Englifii princefs
would have been made feverely to repent her perfidy
and cruelty. It doth not, however, appear, that
James had any ferious intention of calling Elizabeth
to an account for the murder of his mother; for which,
perhaps, his natural imbecillity may be urged as an ex-
cufe, though it is more probable that his own necef-
fity for money had fwallowed up every other confide-
ration. By the league formerly concluded with Eng¬
land, it had been agreed that Elizabeth (hould pay an ‘
annual penfion to the king of Scotland. James had
neither oeconomy to make his own revenoe anfwer his
purpofes, nor addrefs to- get it increafed. He was
therefore always in want; and as Elizabeth had plen¬
ty to fpare, her friendfhip became a valuable acquifi-
tion. To this confideration, joined to liis view of a-
fcending the Englifh throne, muft chiefly be afcribed
the little refentment (hown by him to the atrocious
conduft of Elizabeth. ^
Elizabeth was not wanting in the arts of diffimula-secr7etarr
tion and treachery now more than formerly. She pro-Lindfay
fecuted and fined feeretary Davidfon and lord Bur-an<^ l<>r f
leigh for the adlive part they had taken in Mary’s
death. Their punifhment was indeed much lefs thari
they deferved, but they certainly did not merit any
fuch thing at her hands. Walfiugham, though equal¬
ly guilty, yet efcaped by pretending indifpofition, or
perhaps efcaped becaufe the queen had now occafion
for his fervices. By her command he drew up a long
letter addreffcd to lord Thirlfton, king James’s prime
minifter; in which he (howed the nece-ffity of putting
Mary to death, and the folly of attempting to revenge
it. He boafted of the fuperior force of England to
that of Scotland ; fliewed James that he would for
ever ruin his pretenfions to the Englifh crown, by in¬
volving the two nations in a war; that he ought not
to truft to foreign alliances; that the Roman-Catholic
party were fo divided among themfelves, that he could
receive little or no affiftance from them, even fuppofing
him fo ill advifed as to change his own religion for
Popery, and that they would not truft his fincerity.
Laftly, he attempted to (how, that James had already
difcharged all the duty towards his mother and
his own reputation that could be expe&ed from an
affectionate fon and a wife king that his interce¬
ding for her with a concern fo becoming nature,
had endeared him to the kingdom of England; but'
that it would be madnefs to puffi his refentment far¬
ther.
This letter had all the effeA that could be defired..
James gave an audience to the Englifh ambaffador; and.
being affured that his blood was kc/ tainted by the ex¬
ecution of fa s mother for treafon againft Elizabeth,
40 E but
[ 8069 ]
SCO [ 8070 ] SCO
Scotland, but that he was ftill capable of fucceeding to the
crown of England, he confented to make up matters,
and to addrefs the murderer of his mother by the title
of loving and affe&ionate filler.
The reign of James, till his accelfion to the crown
of England by Elizabeth’s death in 1603, affords
little matter of moment. His fcandalous concefilons to
Elizabeth, and his conflant applications to her for
money, filled up the meafure of Scottifh meannefs. E-
ver fince the eKpulfion of Mary, the country had in
fad been reduced to the condition of an Englifh pro¬
vince. The fovereign had been tried by the queen of
England, and executed for treafon ; a crime in the
very nature of the thing impofiible, had not Scotland
been in fubjeflion to England ; and to complete all,
the contemptible fucceffor of Mary thought himfelf well
off that he was not a traitor too, to his fovereign the
queen of England we mu ft fuppofe, for the cafe will
830 admit of no other fuppofition.
Dlfhirban- During the reign of James, the religious difturban-
the reiffn ofCes began at the reformation, and that violent
J»mes. ftruggle the clergy for power which never ceafed
* till the revolution in 1688, went on with great vio¬
lence. Continual clamours were raifed againft Po¬
pery, at the fame time that the very fundamental prin¬
ciples of Popery were held, nay urged in the mofl in-
folent manner, as the effe&s of immediate infpiration.
Thefe were the total independence of the clergy on
every earthly power, at the fame time that all earthly
powers were to be fubjeft to them. Their fantafticde- Scotland,
crees were fuppofed to be binding in heaven ; and they
took care that they fhould be binding on earth, for
whoever had offended fo far as to fall under a fentence
of excommunication was declared an outlaw.
It is eafy to fee that this circumftance muft have contri¬
buted to difturb the public tranquillity in a great degree.
But befides this, the weaknefs of James’s government
wasfuch, that, under the name of peace, the whole king¬
dom was involved in the miferies of civil war; the feudal
animofities revived, and (laughter and murder prevailed
all over the country. James, fitted only for pedantry,
difputed, argued, modelled, and re-modelled the con-
ftitution to no purpofe. The clergy continued their .631
infolence, and the laity their violences upon one ano-
ther; at the fame time that the king, by his unhappy crueit}r>
credulity in the operation of demons and witches, de¬
clared a moft inhuman and bloody war againft the
poor old women, many of whom were burnt for the
imaginary crime of converfing with the devil.
In autumn 1600, happened a remarkable confpiracy,Cowrie’s
if indeed that can be called a confpiracy, which, fromconfpiracy.
various circumftances, we might be rather induced to
confider as merely the fally of a madman, magnified by
the fears of James. As this tranfa&ion, known in hi-
ftory by the name of Cowrie's confpiracy, appears, in
any view, of a naure extremely problematical; we have
been contented with giving, in a note (a), a firaple ac¬
count of it, from the particulars that were drawn
up
(*) By the above-mentioned account it appears, that, on the 5th of Auguft 1600, as James was taking horfc
in the morning to go a-hunting in the neighbourhood of Falkland, he was accofted in a manner more re-
fpedtful than ufual by Alexander Ruthven brother to the earl of Cowrie, and fon to that earl who had
been beheaded in this reign. It may be here proper to inform the feader, that the two brothers had re¬
ceived their education abroad; that they were looked upon as being more learned than noblemen generally
are; and that they had not only been reftored by James to their family-honours and eftate, but diftinguifhed by
him with particular marks of his bounty. Having finifhed the courfe of their education and travels, they returned
through England to Scotland, where they redded at their family-feat near Perth ; but it is pretty certain, that Eliza¬
beth had found means to fix the earl in her intereft, and that fhe intended to make him her principal agent in Scotland.
Be that as it will, this Alexander,who,it feems,was very handfome,andwhomJamesfufpedted to have an intrigue with
his wife, informed his majefty, that, the evening before, he had feized a fufpicious fellow, muffled up in a cloak, which
concealed a large pot full of gold coin : that he had fecured thefellow and his pot in a fequeftered houfe, till he Ihould
know his majefty’spleafure; for which purpofe he had come to Falkland. Ruthven added, that none, not even the earl his
brother, knew of this adventure : but prefied James to give forae orders about the gold and the prifoner. James at firft
declined having any thing to do with either; but, upon farther examination, he began to fufpeft that the fellow might
be an agent from the pope or the king of Spain, and might be entrufted with the gold to make difturbances in his
kingdom- He offered to fend back one of his fervants with Ruthven, and a warrant diredted to the magiftrates of
Perth, to receive the fellow and the money into their cuftody, and to detain both till his pleafure fflould be farther
known- Ruthven ftrongly oppofed this expedient. He obferved, that if either the magiftrates or his brother ftiould
hear of the prifoner and the money, James would get but a poor account of the latter; in which cafe he (Ruthven)
muft lofe the reward of his zeal and loyalty ; and therefore he intreated James to examine the fellow in perfon, en¬
tirely referring his own recompence to his majefty’s generofity. The fport of the field being at a ftand during this
long conference, James joined his attendants; but told Ruthven, that he would confider further of the matter.
Ruthven endeavoured ftill to prevail upon James to examine the prifoner, who, he faid, in cafe of delay, might
make a noife, which would defeat the whole difcovery-' Though it does not appear by the narrative drawn up by
James himfelf, that he agreed to this propofal; yet Ruthven difpatched Henderfon, one of the two fervants who at¬
tended him, to ride poft-hafte back to acquaint the earl of Cowrie, that in about three hours James would be at his
houfe, and defiring him to prepare dinner. James, during the chace, was ftartled with what he heard from Ruth¬
ven; and riding again up to him, told him, that when the fport was over he would attend him. Upon the death of
the ftag, James called for a frefh horfe, and, unarmed and defencelefs as he was, left word with the duke of Lennox,
the earl of Marre, and his other attendants, that he was gone to Perth upon bufinefs with the earl of Cowrie, but
that he would be back at night. Moft of the company got freih horfes; and imagining that James was gone to appre¬
hend the matter of Oliphant, who was then Ikulking as an outlaw about the country, they gallopped after him, ap¬
prehending danger to his perfon.
Ruthven endeavoured to prevail on James to countermand their attendance upon his perfon, and to be fatisfied
•with that of three or four fervants. James fays, that this difcourfe began to give him fufpicions of Ruthven’s inten¬
tions ; but thinking that his brother’s fevere ufage of him might have difturbed his brain, (a conjecture which was
confirmed by the uncommon wildnefs of his looks, his penfivc air and incoherent difcourfe), he was contented with
ordering the noblemen hi$ followers to attend him ; and, after informing the duke of Lennox of Ruthven’s difco¬
very;
SCO [ 8071 ] SCO
Scotland, up by the king himfeif, and publiihed by authority.
~ ' The moft mememorable tranfaftion of James’s reign,
The We- an£^ t^a!; mo^ to ^,s honour, is the civilizing of the weft-
flern iflan- cfn iflanders. For this purpofe, he inftituted a company
ders civi- • of gentlemen adventurers, to whom he gave large privi-
lizcd. leges for reforming them. The method he propofed was
to tranfport numbers of them to his low countries in
Scotland, and to give their iflands, which were very
improveable, in fee to his lowland fubjefts who fhould
choofe to refide in the iflands. The experiment was
to be made upon the Lewes, a long range of the E-
budae j from whence the adventurers expelled Murdoch
Macleod, the tyrant of the inhabitants. Macleod,
however, kept the fea; and intercepting a fhip which
carried one of the chief adventurers, he fent him pri-
loner to Orkney, after putting the crew to the fword.
Macleod was foon after betrayed by his own brother,
and hanged at St Andrew’s. The hiftory of this new
undertaking is rather dark; and the fettlers themfelves
feem to have been defeftive in the arts of civilization.
40 E z The
very, and his own fufpicions of his infanity, he ordered him not to leave him, efpecially when he entered the houfe
where the fellow and the treafure was confined. Their difcourfe was interrupted by Ruthven, who again peremp¬
torily infifted, that none of the royal attendants fhould be prefent at the fellow’s examination : but James told him
with a fmile, “ That being himfeif but a poor accountant, it was neceffary he fhould have fome affiftance in telling
the money.” Ruthven inlifting with his ufual earneftnefs that none fhould be prefent, James grew at laft apprehen-
five of fome treafonable defign; but, by his own account, he was alhamed to own his fufpicions, and rode forward.
When they came within two miles of Perth, Ruthven difpatched another fervant to advertife his brother of the king’s
approach; and after riding a mile farther, he left James for the fame purpofe-
Gowrie was at dinner when he underflood by his brother that the king was at hand ; and was fo far from having
made any preparation for his majefty’s reception f, that having received him at the head of three or four fcore of his
attendants, (thofe of James hot exceeding ij, and armed only with fwords), it was a full hour before his dinner could
be got ready. During this interval, James prefled Ruthven to introduce him to the prifoner ; but he pretended that
there was ho hurry till his majefty’s dinner was over. James defcribes the earl of Gowrie as being extremely reftlefs,
unquiet, and uneafy, while his majefty was dining. When James was ready to rife from the table, Ruthven whif-
pered him that it was now time to vilit the prifoner; but he wifhed that his majefty would get rid of the earl his bro¬
ther, by deliring him to entertain the other guefts- When James left the room, he defired to be attended by Sir
Thomas Erlkine ; but Ruthven defired him to go forward with him, “ and perfifting that he fliould make any one
or two follow him that he pleafed to call for; deliring his majefty to command publicly that none Ihould follow him”
It does not appear that the king gave any fuch order; but that, palling through the end of the hall where his atten¬
dants were at dinner, he mounted a winding ftair, (called in Scotland a turnpike), and after palling thro’ feveral rooms,
the doors of which were all carefully locked by Ruthven, at laft he entered a fmall clofet, where he faw a man with
a dejedted countenance, Handing at liberty with a dagger at his girdle. Ruthven locking the door, and clapping his
hat on his head, drew the dagger from the man’s girdle, and pointing it to the king’s bread, he fwore bitterly, that
it Ihould go to his heart if he offered to cry out or open a window; affirming, that he was fure the king’s confcience
was burdened for murdering his father.
James does not inform us why Ruthven did not immediately plunge the dagger into his bofom, (which he natu¬
rally would have done, had he been determined to murder him); but difplays his own eloquence, in recounting the
arguments he made ufe of to divert Ruthven from his barbarous purpofe, while the third perfon flood by, trembling
and quaking, rather like one condemned than an executioner of fuch an enterprife. If we believe James, his rheto¬
ric made fuch an impreffion upon Ruthven, that it laved his life. “ At his majefty’s perfuafive language (fays James
in his narrative) he appeared to be fomewhat amazed, and, uncovering his head again, fwore and protefted that his
majefty’s life Ihould be fafe, if he would behave himfeif quietly, without making noife or crying, and that he would
onlv bring in the^earl his brother to fpeak with his majefty. Whereupon his majefty inquiring what the earl would do
with him, fince (if his majefty’s life were fafe, according to promife) they could gain little in keeping fuch a prifoner,
his anfwer only was, that he could tell his majefty no more ; but that his life Ihould be fafe, in cafe he behaved him¬
feif quietly; the reft the earl his brother, whom he was goingfor, would tell hts majefty at his coming. With that,as he
was goingfor {he earl his brother, as he affirmed,he turned him about to the other man,faying thefe words unto him,
“ I make you here the king’s keeper till 1 come back again, and fee that you keep him upon your peril: and there¬
withal faid to his majefty, “ You mull content yourfelf to have this man now your keeper until my coming back.”
After this fudden tranfition from murder to mildnefs. Ruthven left the room, but took the key with him. His ma¬
jefty a Iked the fellow who was left with him, “ Whether he was appointed to be his murderer ?” which he de¬
nied with marks of fear and horror ; and faid, that he had been locked in there a very little while before his majefty’s
arrival. The king then ordered him to open the window, which he readily did- Mean time, while Gowrie was en¬
tertaining the king’s fervants, one of them told him that the king had taken horfe; upon which the company rufhed
out to follow him. They underftood from the porter that the king was not gone; but Gowrie running back to the
houfe,immediately returned, and told them the king had fet out by a back-gate. Asthey were haftening to take horfe,
young Ruthven returned, and told James that he muft die,(offering to bind his majefty’s hands at the fame time with
a garter- James and he inftantly collared each other; and before Ruthven could draw his fword, James drew him by
force to the window, from whence he called out that they were murdering him in that place, at the very inftant his
fervants were ruuning pad it to take their horfes. The king’s voice was inftantly known by the earl of Marre and the
duke of Lennox- They attempted to run up the turnpike by which the king entered ; but the earl of Gowrie
mounted by another flair-cafe, which was left open- By this time James had the better in the ftruggle between him
and Ruthven, and he had drawn the latter to-the door of the ftudy, his head being under his majefty’s arms, and him-
^Such^vasThTfituation of the combatants, when Sir John Ramfay luckily found his way to the acceffible turnpike,,
and mounting it, wounded Ruthven two or three times with his dagger; upon which James threw his antagonift
down from the top of the flairs to the bottom, where his life was finiflied by Sir Thomas Erikine and Sir Hugh Her-
*ies. His laft words were, “T am not to blame for this.” Before Erfkine performed this feat, he had collared the
earl of Gowrie, who was delivered by his fervants. Erlkine and Henries having difpatched Ruthven, ran up the
+ This is not furprifing when we confiderhow ill prepared he was for his royal vifitant; for it appears, from the king’s o wn re¬
lation, that neither of his brothers fervants had delivered their meffage: befides, if Ruthven was (as there is too much reafon to be*
lieve he was) infane, the earl’s concern muft have been increafed at fueh an adventure.
Scotland.
SCO
Scotland. The arrangements they made were confidered by the
— inhabitants as being oppreflive ; and one Norman, of
the Macleod family,, attacked and fubdued them fo
effe&ually, that they not only confented to yield the
property of the iflands to him, but engaged to obtain
g34 the king’s pardon for what he had done.
James fuc In 1603 James was called to the throne of England
ceeds to theby the death of Elizabeth, and the fame year took a
crown of fina] ieave 0f Scotland (a). From this period the
Eng and. 0f Scotland being blended with that of Eng¬
land, is included in the article Britain ; to which
therefore we refer the reader, and lhall proceed to give
8?j a general account of the country.
General The firft and great divifion of Scotland is into the
defeription Highlands and Lowlands. The former engrofs more
land^' t^an one Scotland ; extending from Dumbar-
tonfhire to the mod northern part of the ifland, a fpace
of 200 miles in length, and in breadth from 50 to too.
This tradl, however, includes feveral extenfive diftri&s
of low, fruitful ground, inhabited by people who are
in all refpefts different from the mountaineers. No¬
thing can be more favage and tremendous to-the eye
of a ftranger, than the appearance of the Highlands,
compofed of blue rocks and duiky mountains heaped
upon one another even above the clouds, their inter-
ftices rendered impaffable by bogs, their fides embrown¬
ed with heath, and their fummits covered with fnow,
which lies all the year unthawed, pouring from their
jagged fides a thoufand torrents and roaring catarafts
that fall into gloomy vales or glens below, fome of
them fo1 narrow, deep, and difmal, as to be altoge¬
ther impenetrable by the rays of the fun; yet even
thefe mountains are in fome places floped into agree¬
able, green hills fit for pafture, and fltirted or inter-
fperfed with pleafant ftraths or valleys capable of cul¬
tivation. It may be unneceffary to obferve, that the
Lowlanders of Scotland fpeak an ancient dialed of the
Englifh language, interlarded with many terms and
idioms which they borrowed immediately from France,
in a long courfe of correfpondence with that kingdom:
they likewife copy their fouthern neighbours in their
houfes, equipage, habit, induftry, and application to
commerce. As to the inhabitants of the mountains,
fee the article Highlanders. They are all, how¬
ever, comprehended under the name of Scots, governed
by the fame laws, and tried by the fame judges; and,
SCO
whatever may be their diffenfions at home, they always, Scotland.
when abroad, acknowledge and aflift one another as ~7  
friends and countrymen- Some authors have divided
Scotland into that part which lies to the fouthward of
the Frith, and that which lies to the northward ; but
the true divifion is, like that of England, into Ihires,
counties, ftewartries, or bailiwicks, of which there are
above 40 within the kingdom of Scotland. 83(;
The face of this country exhibits a very, mountain-Principal
ous appearance, efpecially to the weft and northward; mountains,
but, at the fame time, it difplays many large and long^c'
trafts of plain ground fit for all the purpofes of agri¬
culture. It is divided from eaft to weft by a chain of
huge mountains, known by the name of Grant’’s-bain
or the Grampian hills. There is another chain called
the Pentland hills, which run through Lothian, and
join the mountains of Tweedale ; a third, called Lam-
mer muir, rifing near the eaftern coaft, runs weftward
through the Merfe: but befides thefe, there is a vaft
number of detached hills and mountains, remarkable
for their ftupendous height and declivity. There is
no country in the world better fupplied than Scotland
with rivers, lakes, rivulets, and fountains. Over and
above the principal rivers of Tweed, Forth, Clyde,
Tay, and Spey, there is an infinity of fmaller ftreams
that contribute to the beauty, convenience, and ad¬
vantage of the kingdom. Tweed takes its rife from
the borders of Annandale ; ferves as a boundary be¬
tween Scotland and England ; and, after a long fer-
pentinc courfe, difeharges itfelf into the fea at Ber¬
wick. Forth rifes in Monteith near Callendar, paffes
by Stirling, and after a courfe of 25 leagues, runs
into the arm of the fea called the Frith of Forth, which
divides the coaft of Lothian from Fife. Clyde takes
its rife from Errick hill, in the fliire of Lanerk; tra-
verfes the fliire of Clydefdale, to which it gives name ;
wafhes the city of Glafgow, widens in its paffage to
the caftle of Dumbarton, and forms the frith of Clyde
adjoining to the Irifti fea. Tay, the largeft river in
Scotland, derives its fource from Loch-Tay in Braid-
albin ; and, after a fouth-eaft courfe, difeharges itfelf
into the fea below Dundee. Spay, or Spey, iffues
from a lake of the fame name in Badenoch: and, run¬
ning a north-eafterly courfe, falls into the German
ocean, near Aberdour. Some of the frefh-water lakes
arc beautiful pieces of water, incredibly deep, and fur-
prifingly
[ 8072 ]
•turnpike; and were followed by the earl of Gowrie, who had on his head a fteel helmet, and a fword in each hand,
and leven of his fervants, each with a fword; all the force of James (whom his fubjedts had flint into the elofet)
amounting only to the three knights abovementioned, and one Wilfon. A conflict enfued in the adjoining room, in
which the king’s attendants were wounded; but Sir John Ramfay ran his fword through Gowrie’s heart; and he
expiring without fpeaking a work, his fervants were driven down fiairs- The duke of Lennox and the earl of Marre
had now forced their way into the turnpike by which James had mounted, and found him upon his knees, thanking
God for his deliverance- The townfmen of Perth had by this time taken the alarm; and, upon hearing thkt their
provoft the earl of Gowrie was killed, furrounded the houfe- James ordered them to be admitted, fhewed them
the dead bodies of the earl and his brother, and informed them both of his danger and deliverance. To them he
committed the cuftody of the bodies; but before he left the town, he “ caufed to fearch the earl of Gowrie’s pockets,
in cafe any letters that might further the difeovery of that confpiracy might be found therein. Bat nothing was found
in them but a little clofe parchment-bag, full of magical charadters and words of inchantment, wherein it feemed
that he put his confidence, thinking himfelf never fafe without them, and therefore ever carried them about with him;
being alfo obferved, that, while they were upon him, his wound, whereof he died, bled not; but, incontinent after
taking them away, the blood gufhed out in great abundance, to the great admiration of ail the beholders: an in¬
famy which hath followed and fpotted the race of this houfe for many defeents, as is notorioufly known in the
whole country.”
(b) In 1589 James was married to Anne princefs of Denmark, for whom he made a voyage on purpofe to that
country; This princefs feems to have intermeddled very little with ftate-affairs, fince we find her fcarce ever men¬
tioned either by Scots or Englifli hiftorians. In her private conduit Ike is faid to have been unprincipled, vindictive,
and unfaithful to her hufband.
SCO [ 8073 ] SCO
Scotland, prlfingly extended. There are feveral large forefts of
fir in Scotland, and a great number of iVoods; which,
however, produce very little timber of any confequence:
but the country, in general, is rather bare of trees; and in
many places neither tree, ftirub, nor any kind of plan¬
tation, is to be feen. The cafe has been otherwife of
old ; for huge trunks of trees are often dug from un-
837 der ground in almoft every part of the kingdom.
Clmuteand in t{je n0rth of Scotland, the day at midfummer is
lengthened out to 18 hours and 5 minutes; fo that
the (horttft night does not exceed 5 hours and 45
minutes: the night and day, in winter, are in the fame
proportion. The air of this kingdom is generally moift
and temperate, except upon the tops of high moun¬
tains covered with eternal fnow, where it is cold, keen,
and piercing. In other parts it is tempered by warm
vapours from the fea, which environs it on three fides,
and runs far up into the land by friths, inlets, and in¬
dentations. This neighbourhood of the fea, and the
frequency of hills and mountains, produce a conftant
undulation in the air, and many hard gales, that pu¬
rify the climate, which is for the moft part agreeable
and healthy. Scotland affords a great variety of foil
in different parts of the country, which, being hilly,
is in general belt adapted to pafturage : not but that
the Lowlands are as fertile, and, when properly in-
clofed and manured, yield as good crops of wheat, as
any grounds in the ifland of Great Britain. The wa¬
ter in Scotland is remarkably pure, light, and agree¬
able to the ftomach : but, over and above that which
is ufed for the ordinary purpofes of life, here are many
medicinal fprings of great note.
Scotland abounds with quarries of free-ftone eafily
worked, which enable the people to build elegant
houfes, both in town and country, at a fmall expence,
efpecially as they have plenty oflime-ftone, and labour
very cheap. The eaft, welt, and northern parts of
the country produce excellent coal ; and where this is
wanting, the natives burn turf and peat for fuel.
Cryftals, variegated pebbles, and precious ftones, are
found in many parts of Scotland ; talc, flint, and fea.
fhells, fuller’s earth, potter’s clay, and metals in great
plenty. The country produces iron and copper ore,
a prodigious quantity of lead, mixed with a large pro¬
portion of filver ; and in fome places little bits of fo-
lid gold are gathered in brooks immediately after tor¬
rents.
The Lowlands of Scotland, as has been obferved,
when duly cultivated, yield rich harvefts of wheat;
and indeed it muff be owned that many parts of this
kingdom rival the beft fpots of England in agriculture :
but thefe improvements have not yet advanced into
the weftern and northern extremities of the ifland,
where we fee nothing but fcanty harvefts of oats, rye,
and barley. The Highlands are fo defe&ive even in
thefe, that they are fain to import fupplies of oatmeal
from Ireland and Liverpool. This fcarcily, however,
we muft not impute to the barrennefs of the foil, fo
much as to the floth and poverty of the tenants, op-
preffed by rapacious landlords, who refufe to grant
fuch leafes as would encourage the hufbandman to im¬
prove his farm, and make himfelf better acquainted
with the fcience of agriculture. This is perfectly well
underftood in the Lothian?, where we fee fubftantial
inclofures, plantations, meadows for hay and pafturc,
wide-extended fields of wheat, the fruits of fkill and Scotland,
induftry, and meet with farmers who rent lands to the
amount of 4001. or 5001. a-year. Of plants this
country produces an immenfe variety, growing wild,
exclufive of thofe that are raifed by the hands of the
hufbandman and gardener. Their farm-grounds are
well flocked with wheat, rye, barley, oats, hemp,
and flax? their gardens produce great plenty of kitchen-
roots, falads, and greens ; among which laft we reckon
the colewort, known by the name of Scotch kail: their
orchards bear a variety of apples, pears, cherries,
plumbs, ftrawberries, goofeberries, rafpberries, and
currants: here alfo apricots, nedlarines, peaches, and
fometimes grapes, are brought to maturity. In a
word, there is nothing, whether fhrub, fruit, or flower,
that grows in any part of South Britain, which may
not, with a little pains, be brought to the fame per-
feftion in the middle of Scotland. Among the trees
and fhrubs which are the national growth of this
country, we may reckon the oak, the fir, the birch,
the poplar, the alder, willow, elder, hazle, mountain-
afh, crab-tree, and juniper; which laft abounds to
fuch a degree in fome parts of the Highlands, that in
the fpace of a few miles many tons of the berries
mightbeyearlygathered: befldesthefe, we findthehaw¬
thorn, the floe, the dog-rofe, furze, broom, fern, and
whole trafts of land and mountains covered with ftrong
heath. This affords fhelter for the myrtiilis, the fruit
of which, called bilberries, is here found in great abun¬
dance, as well as the brambleberry, cranberry, and
wild ftrawberry. The afh, the elm, the fycamore,
lime and walnut-tree, are chiefly planted about the
houfes of gentlemen; but even the inclofures ofquick-
fet appear naked for want of fuch hedge-rows as adorn
the country of England. Indeed, great part of this
kingdom lies naked and expofed like a common ; and
other parts have no other inclofure than a paltry wall
huddled up of loofe ftones, which yields a bleak and
mean profpeft, and ferves no other purpofe than that
of keeping out the cattle. All the fea-coaft is covered
with alga marina, dulfe, and other marine plants.
The Highlands are well flocked with red deer, and
the fmaller fpecies called the roe-buck, as well as with
hares, rabbits, foxes, wild cats and badgers; and
they abound with all forts of game. The rivers and
lakes pour forth a profufion of falmon, trout, jack, and
eels ; the fea-coaft fwarms with all the productions of
the ocean. The hills and mountains are covered with
fheep and black cattle for exportation, as well as do-
meftic ufe. Thefe are of fmall fize, as are alfo the
horfes bred in the Highlands ; but the Lowlanders ufe
the large breed, which came originally from Eng¬
land.
New Scotland, or Nova Scotia, one of the Bri-
tifh fettlements in North America, fituated between
62° and 720 W. Long, and between 430 and 510 N.
Lat. It is bounded on the north and north-weft by
the river St Laurence, on the eaft by the bay of St
Laurence and the Atlantic ocean, on the fouth by
New England and part of the Atlantic ocean, and
on the weft by Canada.
This country received its name from the firtl pro¬
prietor Sir William Alexander, afterwards created earl
of Stirling; but the French, when they obtruded them-
felves into this country, called it Asadia, Thegreatefl
part
SCO [ §074 ] SCR
Scotomii part of it lies on the continent; the remainder, which
Screw may *3e ab°ut one-third, is a peninfula, feparated from
 L_ the main by §n arm of the fea called the Bqy of Funciy,
and joined to it at the north end by a narrow tdhmus.
The climate is cold> 3nd the country much infefted
by fogs ; which are, hqwever, not unwholefome,
though unpleafant. 'J.’he foil, where it is cleared,
if we may credit both Englifh and Ereqch autho¬
rities, is very fertile ; yielding corn, grafs, and ve¬
getables of every kind. The continent efpecially is
mountainous ; and the far greateft part of it remains
ilill a foreft. There are many lakes, feveral beautiful
rivers abounding with a variety of fi(h, and nothing
wanting to encourage the indultry, and of courfe to
increafe the number, of its inhabitants. The principal
places therein are Annapolis, which the French called
Port Royal, feated on one of the fineft havens in the
world, capable of receiving any number of the largeft
fhips ; and, which is very remarkable, the tide riling
there 28 or 30 feet. On the oppofite fide of the pe¬
ninfula Hands Halifax, the feat of government, where
a noble eftablifhment hath been made at the expencc
of Great Britain, and all the difpofitions requifite for
the fervice of his majefty’s Ihips when a fquadron is
fent into jhefe Teas. The prefent exports of this
country, are peltry, lumber, filh, oil ; and in prq-
cefs of time, mads, pitch, tar, hemp, and all other na¬
val ftores, may be fupplied from hence.
SCOTOMIA, in medicine, a vertigo accompanied
with dimnefs of fight, frequently the forerunner of an
apoplexy.
SCOTT (John), an eminent Englilh divine, was
born in 1638, and became minifier of St Thomas’s in
Southwark. In 1684 he was collated to a prebend in
the cathedral of St Paul’s. Dr Hickes tells us, that,
after the revolution, “ he firft refufed the bilhopric of
Chefter, becaufe he would not take the oath of ho¬
mage ; and afterwards another bilhopric, the deanery
of Worcefter, and a prebend of the church of Wind*
for, becaufe they were all places of deprived men.”
He publilhed feveral excellent works, particularly
The Chriftian Life, See. and died in 1695. was
eminent for his humanity, affability, lincerity, and
readinefs to do good; and his talent for preaching was
extraordinary. r
SCOTUS (Duns). See Duns.
Scotus (John). See Erigena.
SCOUTS, in a military fenfe, are generally horfe-
men fent out before, and on the wings of an army, at
the diftance of a mile or two, to difeover the enemy,
and give the general an account of what they fee.
SCRATCH-pans, in the Englilh falt-works, a
name given to certain leaden pans, which are ufually
made about a foot and an half long, a foot broad, and
three inches deep, with a bow or circular handle of
iron, by which they may be drawn out with a hook
when the liquor in the pan is boiling. Their ufe is
to receive a fclenitic matter, known by the name of
foft fcratch, which falls during the evaporation of the
fait-water. See the article &?<i-Salt.
SCRATCHES, in farriery. See there, § xxxvi.
SCREW, one of the fix mechanical powers. A
ferew is a cylinder cut into feveral concave furfaces, or
rather a channel or groove made in a cylinder, by
carrying oa two fpiral planes the whole length of the
ferew, in fuch a manner that they may be always Screw
equally inclined to the axis of the cylinder in their (!
whole progrefs, and alfo inclined to the bafe of it in Scr'k°n*a**
the fame angle. See Mechanics, n° 54, &c.
N° I. To confruB a common, or one-thrtadsd Scrtui.
—Make a parallelogram of paper equal in length to piatc
the cylinder which is to be ferewed, and equal inCCLXII.
breadth to the circumference of that cylinder. Divide *•
the fide of the parallelogram, which is equal to the cir¬
cumference of the cylinder, into two equal parts. Di¬
vide the other fide of the parallelogram, which is equal
in length to the cylinder, into as many parts as the
thicknefs or breadth of the intended thread will run
over. Then join the fecond point on the circumference
fide, to the fecond point on the length-fide of the pa¬
rallelogram, and fo join all the fucceeding points, as
you fee in the figure.
N° 3. To make a four-threaded Screw, or that'which
is commonly ufedfor the letter-prefs.—Make a parallel¬
ogram, as deferibed before ; divide that fide which is
equal to the circumference of the cylinder into eight
equal parts, or twice the number of threads. Divide
the other fide into as many parts as the diftance be¬
tween two threads will run over, then join the points
as in n° 1. (fig. 1.)
Corollary. To snake a left-handed ferew.—
Make the parallels to the right inftead of the left, as
expreffed by the figures.
This is the true and only practicable way of making
#11 kinds of ferews that are cut on a cylinder.
Archimedes's Screw. See Hydrostatics, n°34.
Endlefs or Perpetual, freon, one fo fitted in a com¬
pound machine as to turn a dented wheel; fo called,
becaufe it may be turned for ever without coming to
an end.
If in the endlefs or perpetual ferew, A B, ( n° 4.) whofe
threads take the teeth of the wheel CD, you take the
diftance of two threads, according to the length of
the axis AB; or the diftance of two teeth in the wheel
CD, in the dire&ion of the circumference; and if a
weight W aft at the circumference of the wheel:
then, if the power D be to the weight W, as that
diftance of the teeth or threads, to the length deferibed
by the power P in one revolution, the power and weight
will be in equilibrio ; becaufe in one revolution of P,
the wheel DC, with the weight W, has moved only
the diftance of one tooth.
SCRIBE, an officer among the Jews, whofe bufinefs
was to write; of which there were three kinds.
The firft and principal were the feribes of the law,
whofe office it was to write and interpret feripture :
thofe were in great credit and efteem among the Jews,
and had even the precedency of the priefts and facri-
ficers ; and their decifions were received with almoft
the fame refpeft as the law of God itfelf. The fecond
kind, properly called feribes of the people, were a fort
of magiftrates. The third were public notaries, or
fecretaries of the council; which were the leaft conft-
fiderable.
The feribes, among the Romans, wrote out decrees
or afts, and made out authentic copies of them.
SCRIBONIUS (Largus), an ancient phyfician in
the reign of Auguftus or Tiberius, was the author of
feveral works; the beff edition of which is that of
John Rhodius.
SCRIP-
: V,
f / Tlafce CCJxSJl .
vS CREW.
^1.
Scripture
II
Scudding.
SCR [ 8075 ] SOU
SCRIPTURE, an appellation by way of eminence
given to the facred and infpired writings of the Bible.
See Bible.
SCRIVENER, one who draws contraAs, or whofe
bufinefs it is to place money at intereft. If a fcrive-
ner is entrufted with a bond, he may receive the in¬
tereft ; and if he fails, the obligee (hall bear the lofs :
and fo it is if he receive the principal and deliver up
the bond ; for being entrufted with the fecurity itfelf,
it ftiall be prefumed that he is trufted with power to
receive intereft or principal; and the giving up the
bond on payment of the money (hall be a difcharge
thereof. But if a fcrivener fhall be entrufted with a
mortgage-deed, he hath only authority to receive the
intereft, not the principal; the giving up the deed in
this cafe not being fufficient to reftore the eftate, but
there muft be a reconveyance, &c. It is held, where a
fvrivener puts out his client’s money on a bad fecurity,
which upon inquiry might have been eafily found fo,
yet he cannot in equity be charged to anfwer for the
money j for it is here faid, no one would venture to
put out money of another upon a fecurity, if he were
obliged to warrant and make it good in cafe a lofs
fhould happen, without any fraud in him.
SCROPHULA, the king’s evil, in medicine. See
there, n° 446, and p. 4870.
SCROPHULARIA, Ficwoitf ; a genus of the
angiofpermia order, belonging to the didynamia clafs
of plants. There are 17 fpecies ; the moft remark¬
able of which is the aquatica, or greater water-fig-
wort, which grows naturally by the fides of ditches in
many parts of Britain. It has a fibrous root, fending
out ftrong four-cornered ftalks, which grow near four
feet high; garniftied with heart-fhapedleaves, rounded
at their points, and crenated on their edges, fomewhat
like thofe of betony ; from whence it has got the name
of water-betony. ,The flowers are produced in clu¬
tters, forming a kind of loofe fpike, and are of a red-
difti colour. The leaves are ufed in medicine as a cor-
re&or of fena, and in powder to promote fneezing.
SCROTUM, in anatomy. See there, n° 371. g.
SCRUPI, in natural hiftory, foffils formed into
large detached maffes without crufts, and compofed
of a varioufly debafed cryftalline matter.
SCRUPLE, a weight equal to the third part of a
dram, or 20 grains.
SCRUTINY, a ftrift examination of any thing. .
SCUDDING, the movement by which a (hip is
carried precipitately before a tempeft. As a fliip flies
with amazing rapidity through the water whenever
this expedient is put in pra&ice, it is never attempted
in a contrary wind, unlefs when her condition renders
her incapable of fuftaining the mutual effort of the
wind and waves any longer on her fide, without being-
expofed to the moft imminent danger. See the article
Trying.
A fhip either feuds with a fail extended on her fore-
maft, or, if the ftorm is exceffive, without any fail;
which, in the fea-phrafe, is called feudding under burs
poles. In floops and fchoorfers, and other fmall veffelst
the fail employed for this purpofe is called the fquare-
fail. In large (hips, it is either the ’forefail at large,
reefed, or with its goofe-wings extended, according
to the degree of the tempeft ; or it is the fore-top-fail
clofe reefed, and lowered on the cap ; which laft is
particularly ufed when the fea runs fo high as to be¬
calm the forefail occafionally, a circumftance which
expofes the fhip to the danger of broaching-to. The
principal hazards incident to fcadding are generally, a
pooping fea ; the difficulty of fleering, which expofes
the veffel perpetually to the rifle of broaching-to ; and
the want of fufficient fea-room. A fea ftriking the fhip
violently on the ftern may dafh it inwards, by which
fhe muft inevitably founder. In broaching-to, (that
is, inclining fuddenly to windward), fhe is threatened
with being immediately overturned ; and, for want
of fea-room, fhe is endangered by fhipwreck on a lec-
fhore* a circumftance too dreadful to require explana¬
tion.
SCUDERY (George de), a French writer of emi¬
nence in his day, defeended from an ancient family of
Apt in Provence, was born at Havre-de-Grace in
1603. The greateft part of his life was fpent in wri¬
ting ; and his works confift of profe, dramatic pieces,
and poetry of all kinds ; but which are now little read.
He died in 1667.
Scudery (Magdalene de), fifterof George de Scu-
dery, was born in 1607, and became very eminent for
her wit and writings. Neceffity firft ftimulated her
genius ; and as the tafte of the age was for romances,
fhe turned her pen that way, and fucceeded wonder¬
fully in gratifying the public humour. This lady held
a correfpondence with all the learned as well as with
all the wits; and her houfe at Paris was a kind of little
court, where numbers of both kinds ufed conftantly to
affemble. She died in 1701, at 94 years old. Her
principal works are, 1. Artamanes, or the Grand Cy¬
rus. 2. Clelia. 3. La Promenade de Vrafeilles. 4.
Ibrahim, or the Illuftrious Baffa. 5. Almahide, or
the Royal Slave. 6. Celinda. 7. Matilda of Agui¬
lar. 8. Converfations, lovolumeSj See. All of them
are written in French.
Scudding
II ■
Scudery.
END OF THE NINTH VOLUME.
Directions for placing the Plates in this Volume.
Number of
Plates.
261, or Plate CCXLIV. To face
262 CCXLV.
263 CCXLVI.
264 CCXLV II.
263 CCXLVIII.
266 CCXLIX.
267 CCL.
268 CCL I.
269 CCLII.
270 CCLIII.
Number of
Page 6537
6485
6497
6538
65Si
6540
6573
6576
$59i
Plates.
2 71, or Plate CCLIV.
272 CCLV.
273 CCL VI.
274 CCLV 11.
275 CCLVIII.
276 CCLIX.
277 CCLX.
278 CCLXI.
279 CCLXII
To face
Page 6594
^ 6622
6711 >■'
6893 ,
6925
6984
8oZ4
N. B. Erratta, Omissions, &c. noticed and fupplied in the APPENDIX at the end of the Work.