from images provided by the million book project. secret memoirs william ii and francis joseph volume i [illustration: _william ii emperor of germany_ _from life_] secret memoirs of the courts of europe william ii _germany_ francis joseph _austria hungary_ by mme. la marquise de fontenoy in two volumes vol. i illustrated publishers' note the essential qualifications for an author of such a work as the present are an actual acquaintance with the persons mentioned, an intimate knowledge of their daily lives, and a personal familiarity with the scenes described. the author of william ii. and francis-joseph, sheltered under the _nom de plume_ of marquise de fontenoy, is a lady of distinguished birth and title. her work consists largely of personal reminiscences, and descriptions of events with which she is perfectly familiar; a sort of panoramic view of the characteristic happenings and striking features of court life, such as will best give a true picture of persons and their conduct. there has been no attempt to trammel the subject,--which embraces religious, official, social and domestic life,--by following a strictly sequential form in the narrative, but the writer's aim has been to present her facts in a familiar way, impressing them with characteristic naturalness and lifelike reality. to this task the author has brought the habits of a watchful observer, the candor of a conscientious narrator, and the refinement of a writer who respects her subject. hence she presents a true, vivid and interesting picture of court life in germany and austria. if such merely sensational, and too often fictitious, unsavory tales as crowd the so-called court narratives expressly concocted for the "society" columns of the periodical press are not the most prominent features of the present work, it is because they receive only a truthful recognition and place in its pages. william ii and francis-joseph chapter i "if only emperor william would be true to himself--be natural, in fact!" exclaimed count s----, a prussian nobleman, high in the diplomatic service of his country, with whom i was discussing the german emperor a year or so ago. then my friend, who had, a short time previously, been brought into frequent personal contact with his sovereign, in connection with his official duties, went on to say: "there are really two distinct characters, one might almost say two personalities, in the kaiser. when he is himself he is the most charming companion that it is possible to conceive. his manners are as genial and as winning as those of his father and grandfather, both of whom he surpasses in brilliancy of intellect, and in quickness of repartee, as well as in a keen sense of humor. he gives one the impression of possessing a heart full of the most generous impulses,--aye, of a generosity carried even to excess, and this, together with a species of indescribable magnetism which appears to radiate from him in these moments, contributes to render him a most sympathetic man." "but," interposed an englishman who was present, "that is not how he is portrayed to the outer world. nor is that the impression which he made upon me and upon others when he was at cowes." "that is precisely why i deplore so much that the emperor should fail to appear in his true colors," continued count s----. "all the qualities which i have just now ascribed to him are too often concealed beneath a mantle of reserve, self-consciousness, nay, even pose. during my recent interviews with his majesty, whenever we happened to be alone, he would show himself in the light which i have just described to you. but let a third person appear upon the scene--be it even a mere servant--at once his entire manner would change. the magnetic current so pleasantly established between us would be cut through, his eyes would lose their kindly, friendly light, and become hard, his attitude self-conscious and constrained, the very tone of his speech sharp, abrupt, commanding, i would almost say arrogant. in fact he would give one the impression that he was playing a rôle--the rôle of emperor--that he was, in one word, posing, even if it were only for the benefit of the menial who had interrupted us. but when the intruder had vanished, william would, like a flash, become his own charming self again. that is what made me exclaim just now, 'if only the kaiser would be true to himself!--be natural, in fact.'" "i fully agree with you, my dear s----," i remarked, after a short pause. "if the emperor has remained anything like what he was prior to his ascension to the throne, your estimate of his character is correct." and i went on to relate a little incident which occurred on the occasion of my first meeting with the emperor many years ago. this meeting took place on that particular spot where the empires of germany, austria, and russia may be said to meet, the frontier guards of each of those three nations being within hail of one another. the great autumnal military manoeuvres were in progress, and a merry party, including a number of ladies, were riding home from the mimic battlefield. we passed through a narrow lane, bordered on each side by groups of stunted willows and birch trees, under the sparse shadow of which nestled a few cottages painted in blue, pink, or yellow, in true polish fashion. suddenly our progress was arrested by terrifying screams proceeding from one of these hovels. several of us were out of our saddles in an instant and rushed in at the low door. before the hearth, where a huge peat-fire was burning, stood a young peasant woman, her face distorted with agonized grief, and holding in her arms a bundle of blackened rags. we found that her baby had fallen into the glowing embers, while she herself was occupied out of doors, and the poor mite was so badly burned that there seemed but little hope of its ever reviving from its state of almost complete coma. we were all busying ourselves eagerly about the child and its distraught mother, when raising my eyes from the palpitating form of the child, i caught sight of "prince william," as the kaiser was then called, standing near the door, apparently quite undisturbed and unmoved by this tragedy in lowly life. it even seemed to me in the dim light as if he were smiling derisively at our efforts to relieve the sufferings of the little one, and to soothe the grief of its mother. but my indignation vanished quickly when a slanting ray of the setting sun, piercing through the grime of the little window, revealed the presence on his cheek of two very large and _bona-fide_ tears, which had welled up in his eyes, to which the lad was endeavoring to impart an expression of callous indifference; and when at last we left the hut to seek a doctor for the tiny sufferer it was prince william's own military coat, none too new, and even, to say the truth, much worn, that remained as an additional coverlet upon the roughly-hewn wooden cot, over which the sobbing mother was bending. "nobody," i added, "will, therefore, make me believe that emperor william has not got a very soft spot in his heart, and that beneath the mannerisms which he considers it necessary to affect in order to maintain the dignity of his position as emperor,--those mannerisms which have given rise to so much misapprehension about his character,--there is not concealed a very kindly spirit, literally brimming over with generous impulses, which, if more widely known, would serve to render the kaiser the most popular, as he is the most interesting figure of old world royalty." it is because emperor francis-joseph and the veteran king of saxony are so thoroughly acquainted with his real nature, that they are truly and honestly fond of him. both of them old men, with no sons in whom to seek support for the eventide of lives that have been saddened by many a public and private sorrow, they entertain a fatherly affection for william, who as emperor treats them in public as brother sovereigns, and as equals, but accords to them in private the most touching filial deference and regard, remembering full well the kindness which both of them showed to him when he was still the much-snubbed, and not altogether justly-treated "prince william." they on their side are led by his behavior towards them to regard him in the light of a son. of course they cannot be blind to his faults, but they are disposed to treat them with an indulgence that is even more than paternal, and to see in them relatively trivial defects, due to the manner in which he was brought up, and which are certain to disappear with advancing years and experience. during his early manhood, prince william was by no means a favorite either at his grandfather's court or at that of any other foreign sovereign which he was occasionally allowed to visit. pale-faced and delicate-looking, very severely treated by his mother, who is what one is bound to call _une maîtresse femme_, the boy at seventeen was by no manner of means prepossessing, and his efforts to assert himself, and to crush down a good deal of natural awkwardness and timidity added to his singularly unlikeable appearance. in those days it could clearly be seen that everything that he did or said was meant to create an impression of dignity and of grandeur, to which his physique did not lend itself very easily, and the contrast between him and his bosom friend the courteous, graceful and dashing crown prince of austria, was very marked. good-hearted and endowed with a great many truly generous instincts the young fellow was, however, sorely handicapped by his education, the abnormal strictness displayed towards him at the court of berlin, and also by a continually and most distressingly empty purse. it is a hard and almost pitiful thing for the heir apparent of a great empire to find himself often without the necessary amount with which to cut the figure which his social rank forces him to adopt, and it must have been especially galling to the overbearing and proud nature of this boy to be continually obliged to borrow from his friends, nay even from his _aides de camp_, small sums wherewith to pay his way wherever he went. nevertheless his father and mother, then crown prince and crown princess of germany, believed it to be a thoroughly wholesome thing for the young man to have to humble his pride, should he not be content with the very small allowance made to him, this unfortunate idea being, however, the cause of a great deal of bitterness, which to this day has not completely faded from the heart of the now omnipotent ruler of the german empire. it is undeniable that many eccentricities and false moves on the part of william ii. have been grossly exaggerated and placed before the public in a false light, showing him up as a conceited, bumptious and silly person, whereas not only his state of health, but his _entourage_ should have been blamed for whatever he did that was out of place. during a great many years the young prince suffered from what is called technically _otitis media_, namely, a disease of the middle ear, very painful, exasperating and even somewhat humiliating to endure, and which he must have inherited in some extraordinary way from his great-uncle, king william iv. of prussia, who died insane. there are certainly some traits of resemblance between this hapless monarch and the present occupant of the german throne, for in both there exists and has existed the same exaggerated and narrow-minded religious beliefs, bordering on mysticism, and also an all-embracing faith in their absolute and unquestionable infallibility. it has long since become a well-anchored creed that william ii. has occasional fits of insanity. this is by no means the case, but it must be admitted that the peculiar malady to which i referred above, and which is as yet not eradicated from his system, causes him, at times, days of the most excruciating pains all over the back and side of his head, and it is scarcely surprising that at such moments the emperor should act in a way which astonishes the uninitiated. indeed, william ii. displays extraordinary force of character in suppressing physical agony, when the duties he owes to the state force him to come forward when unfit for anything else but the sick room. the truth of the matter is that there are but few who can boast of knowing him well, and the masses as well as the classes both at home and abroad seem to take a peculiarly keen delight in accepting for gospel truth any sweeping statements made about him by the press of all civilized countries. although twenty-nine years of age when he ascended the throne on june , , he may be said to have been at that time still but a raw youth, continually kept in the background, and treated more or less like a child, without any consequence or weight. it is, therefore, not remarkable that the first years of his reign should have been signalized by many errors of judgment; for it is not with impunity that one suddenly releases a person, locked up for years in a dark room and drives him into dazzlingly-lighted spaces without a guide, a philosopher, or a friend by his side to lead him on the way. the mental, as well as the physical optic has to gradually become accustomed to so complete a change, and this fact was not sufficiently taken into consideration by all the detractors of the young monarch, when he, to speak very familiarly, leaped over the saddle in his anxiety to secure for himself a firm seat on the throne of his forefathers. it is well to mention also that emperor frederick iii., who reigned alas! but for a few weeks, was positively worshipped by the german people, and not without cause, for he was undoubtedly one of the finest personalities of this century. his appearance, his demeanor, his unaffected dignity, kindness of heart, and loftiness of purpose were difficult to surpass, and it was a bitter disappointment to his subjects when death snatched him away before he had had time to carry out the grand plans and ideas which he had long cherished and reserved for the time when he would have the reins of government in his own hands. speaking with all kindness and good-will, one cannot but after a fashion understand the disappointment of the germans when this towering military figure, this magnificent specimen of perfect physical and mental manhood, vanished from their ken, to be replaced by the slender, pale-faced, somewhat arrogant and despotic young man, who resembled this father so little. emperor william ii. is an extremely intelligent personage, in spite of all that may have been said to the contrary. he thinks for himself when he has a mind to do so, and, what is more, thinks logically, and is quite capable of following a thus logically-attained conclusion to its furthermost point. he feels keenly his enormous responsibilities, and the tremendous international importance of his position as the ruler of over , , people, for he well knows that any man wearing on his head the double crown of king of prussia, and of german emperor, is a being endowed with powers which are bound to compel attention from every point of the european continent. being given, as i have just remarked, that his health and his physique are neither of them of a kind to aid him in the tremendous task which belongs to him by right of birth, it is easily explainable that his self-assertive ways and imperious manners should often be mistaken for posing and posturing. moreover, his imperfect left arm--a misfortune which has been a source of great distress to him ever since his birth--is but another one of those physical troubles which his pride makes him anxious to conceal, this only adding to his stilted and repellent attitude. in spite of all these drawbacks, the emperor fences exceedingly well, rides with pluck, and even skill, managing to hold his reins with his poor withered left hand when in uniform, in order to keep his sword-arm free, and during his visit to austrian poland, which i referred to at the beginning of this chapter, i more than once saw him with my own eyes, whilst we were riding across country, take obstacles which would have made a far older and more experienced hunter pause and reflect on. nobody, even the best-intentioned, can deny that emperor william has many faults; those are, however, either ignored altogether, or else exaggerated to an extent that eclipses all his good qualities, by his various biographers. very few pen-portraits of royal personages that pass through the hands of the publishers can be said to present a true picture of their subject. either the writer holds up the object of his literary effort as a person so blameless as to suggest the idea that he is an impossible prig, or else every piece of malevolent gossip is construed into a positive fact, his shortcomings magnified until they lose all touch of resemblance, while every word and action capable of misrepresentation is construed in the manner most detrimental to his reputation. in one word, he is either glorified as a preposterous saint, or else held up to public execration as an equally impossible villain. now, in pictorial art, a portrait, in order to present a satisfactory and successful resemblance to its subject, must contain lights and shadows. you cannot have all light, or all shadow, but it is necessary to have a judicious mixture of both. so it is with the art of biography. if one wishes to give in print a true, and above all, a human picture of one's subject, it is necessary to mingle the shadows with the lights. in fact, the former may be said to set off the latter, and there are many shortcomings, especially those which the french, so graphically describe as _petits vices_,--small vices--which, resulting from a generous and impulsive temperament, serve, like the rembrandt shadow of a portrait, to render the subject more attractive to the eye. it is my object, not to give a definitive biography of either of the two kaisers, or even a mere record of their _vie intime_, but rather to present to my readers a series of incidents, full of lights and full of shadows, showing their surroundings, describing as far as possible the atmosphere in which they move, the conditions of life which they are obliged to consider, the temptations to which they are exposed--and to which they sometimes succumb--and when i have completed my task i venture to believe that the readers of these volumes, while they may find the two emperors neither quite so blameless, nor yet quite so bad as they expected, may nevertheless experience a greater degree of sympathy and regard for them as being after all so extremely human. chapter ii while emperor francis-joseph is justly reputed to have played sad havoc with the hearts of the fair sex in his dominions, especially in his younger days, having inherited that frivolity with regard to women which is a traditional characteristic of the illustrious house of hapsburg, he has never at any moment during his long reign permitted his susceptibility to feminine charms to go to the length of influencing his political conduct, or the action of his government. emperor william, on the other hand, whose married life has been, from a domestic point of view, singularly blameless, and who has been an exceptionally faithful husband, has, in at least two instances, permitted himself to be swayed in his rôle of sovereign by ladies, who for a time figured as his "egerias." one of them was a woman of extraordinary cleverness, and an american by birth, who while she has long since ceased to exercise any influence upon him, has retained the affection and the regard of both his consort and himself. she is the countess waldersee, daughter of the late david lee, a wholesale grocer of new york, and who at the time that she became the wife of field-marshal count waldersee, was the widow of the present german empress's uncle, prince frederick of schleswig-holstein. the latter abandoned his royal rank and titles, and assumed the merely nobiliary status of a prince of noer, in order to make her his consort. the countess is treated as an aunt by both william and the kaiserin, and she may be said to have swayed her imperial nephew by her cleverness and intellectual brilliancy, rather than by her looks, for she is a woman already well-advanced in years. different in this respect was the influence of the emperor's other egeria, namely, the polish baroness, jenny koscielska, a woman of rare elegance and beauty, whose political importance during the time she reigned supreme at the court of berlin, was attributable to her personal fascination rather than to her sagacity or statecraft. she is the wife of that baron kosciol-koscielski, who was one of the most celebrated leaders of the polish party in the russian house of lords, and perhaps, also, the most popular of all modern polish poets and playwrights. it would be going too far to assert that william was infatuated by her loveliness. yet there is no doubt that as long as she figured at the court of berlin, he not only paid her the most marked attention, but likewise allowed himself to be advised by her in political matters. it was during the so-called "reign of the baroness" that the kaiser showed such an extraordinary degree of favor to his polish subjects as to excite the jealousy and ill-will of the people in many other parts of his dominions. he reestablished the polish language in the schools and churches of posen, that is of prussian-poland, nominated a polish ecclesiastic to the archbishopric of that province, and conferred so many court dignities, government offices, and decorations upon the compatriots of the fair jenny, as to give rise to the remark that the best road to imperial preferment at berlin was to add the polish and feminine termination of "ska" to one's name. old prince bismarck, who was at the time at daggers-drawn with his young sovereign, at length gave public utterance to the popular ill-will, excited by the rôle of egeria, which the baroness was accused of playing to the "numa pompilius" of emperor william. for, in the course of an address delivered by the old ex-chancellor at friedrichsrüh, and reproduced in extenso in the press, he declared among other things that: "the polish influence in political affairs increases always in the measure that some polish family obtains of more or less influence at court. i need not allude here to the rôle formerly played by the princely house of radziwill. to-day we have exactly the same state of affairs, which is to be deplored!" bismarck's allusion to the radziwills was an ungenerous reference to the romantic attachment of old emperor william for that princess elize radziwill, whom he was so determined to marry that he offered his father to abandon his rights of succession to the throne on her account. this king frederick-william would not permit, and william was compelled to wed goethe's pupil, princess augusta of saxe-weimar. a loveless match in every sense of the word, for he remained until the day of princess elize's death her most devoted friend and admirer, seeking her advice in many a difficulty, to the great annoyance of prince bismarck, who detested her, and after her death the old emperor continued to show the utmost favor and good-will to the members of her family in honor of her memory. of course this speech of prince bismarck created no end of a sensation throughout the empire, as well as abroad, the press being encouraged thereby to print in cold type what had until that time been merely whispered in official and court circles. it is possible that the young emperor might have remained indifferent to popular clamor about the matter, had not two other incidents occurred about the same time to cool his liking for the fair jenny. in the first place, she felt herself so much encouraged by the influence which she believed that she exercised over the emperor, that when during the annual army manoeuvres field marshal prince george of saxony, and other prussian and foreign royalties were quartered under her roof, she absolutely declined to hoist either the german flag, or the royal saxon standard, but insisted upon flying the national colors of poland from the flag staff that surmounted the turret of her château. naturally, prince george and his fellow royal guests complained of this breach of etiquette to the kaiser, and protested strongly against it. almost at the same time, her husband, the baron, having been invited to attend the opening of a provincial exhibition in the neighboring empire of austria, was so carried away by enthusiasm, due to the kindness with which the poles present were treated by emperor francis-joseph, that forgetting all he owed to emperor william, he publicly hailed francis-joseph as "sole sovereign of all polish hearts," and as "poland's future king!" about this time too, the empress paid a couple of rather mysterious visits to her mother-in-law at friedrichkron. court gossip ascribed these hurried trips to the fact that the empress had been prompted by her jealousy of the baroness to invoke the intervention of the strong-minded widow of frederick the noble. but it is far more likely that the empress visited the dowager kaiserin in order that she should call the attention of her son to the harm which the association of the name of the baroness with his own was doing him in a political sense both at home and abroad. whatever the cause of these consultations between the two empresses may have been, the fact remains that almost immediately afterwards baron and baroness koscielski received from the grand-master-of-the-court, count eulenburg, an official intimation that their presence at court was not desired in highest quarters until further notice, and that under the circumstances they would do well to remain at their country seat. in fact they were virtually banished, and when both husband and wife travelled all the way to berlin with the object of asking for an explanation from the emperor, he declined to receive either the one or the other. he had apparently come to the conclusion that the game was not worth the candle, and that in view of the fact that his intimacy with the baroness had never gone beyond platonic friendship and mild flirtation, it was ridiculous to incur the ill-will of his subjects and expose himself to slanderous stories concocted by his enemies on her account. the influence of the american born countess waldersee was of a far more lasting character, and may be said to have been inaugurated very shortly after his marriage. prior to becoming a benedict, prince william was as gay as his very limited financial means would permit. in fact, he was charged with playing the rôle of don juan to at least half a dozen beauties of the prussian court, while at vienna he became involved in a scandal of a feminine character, from which he was only extricated with the utmost difficulty by the then german ambassador to the austrian court, namely, prince reuss. the presumption is that he had allowed himself to become the prey of an adventuress, and with the object of avoiding publicity he was practically compelled to provide for the welfare and future of a child which may or may not have been his offspring. but as soon as he married, he turned over a new leaf, and became the very model of husbands. it has always been my conviction that this was due in part to the influence of the countess waldersee, and largely also to the unkindly treatment which his consort received during the early years of her marriage at the hands of his family. although a nice and gentle-looking girl, augusta-victoria was far from shining either by her beauty or her elegance at a court which is one of the most cruelly critical and satirical in all europe. moreover, she labored under the disadvantage of being the daughter of the duchess of augustenburg, who is not credited with a robust intellect, and, in fact has passed the greater part of her life in retirement, and of the duke of augustenburg, who was famed thirty years ago for the dullness of his mind. in fact, after prussia had undertaken in his behalf the conquest of the duchy of schleswig-holstein, to which he was entitled by right of inheritance, and which had been unlawfully seized by denmark, prince bismarck refused to permit the duke to assume the sovereignty thereof, on the publicly expressed ground that it would be an act of the most outrageous tyranny to subject any state to the rule of so intensely stupid a man as the duke. this utterance on the part of bismarck, which may be found in most of the german histories printed prior to the accession of the present emperor, was naturally recalled to mind at the court of berlin, when the daughter of the duke became the bride of prince william, and the widespread belief in her inherited dullness of intellect was further increased by the mingled impatience and pity which characterized the behavior of her husband's mother and sisters towards her. there is much that is chivalrous in the nature of the present german emperor, and it was precisely the unkindness and slights to which his bride was subjected that had the effect of drawing him more closely to her. he did not conceal the fact that he strongly resented the attitude of his family towards her, and his friendship with countess waldersee owes its origin to the motherly way in which she behaved to his wife, acting as her mentor, as her adviser and guide in the intricate maze of berlin society, and of court life. debarred from all intimacy with her sisters-in-law, who were ever ready to scoff at, and to make fun of her, augusta-victoria was wont to have recourse to the countess in all her difficulties, and inasmuch as count waldersee himself is the most brilliant soldier of the german army, and was designated at the time by the great moltke as his successor and his principal lieutenant, prince william and his wife ended by becoming very intimate indeed with the waldersees, and almost daily visitors at their house. the countess is of a deeply religious turn of mind, with a strong disposition towards evangelism, and already before the marriage of prince william, she had become conspicuous as one of the most influential leaders of the anti-semite party in prussia. it was in her salons at berlin that the great jew-baiter stoecker was wont to hold his politico-religious meetings, denouncing the jews, and it was through her influence, too, that he obtained appointment as court chaplain, in spite of the opposition of the father and the mother of prince william. it was also under the roof of the countess waldersee that the present emperor became imbued with that very religious,--one might almost say pietist--disposition, which has since been so marked a feature of his character. true, the hereditary tendency of the sovereign house of prussia is distinctly religious, leaning in fact towards fanaticism, and king frederick-william iii., his son frederick-william iv., and likewise old emperor william, entertained the most extraordinary ideas on the subject of providence, with which they believed themselves to be in constant communion, as well as its principal agent here on earth. in fact, there is hardly a public utterance of any of these three sovereigns, which is not marked throughout by a deep religious tone, and by a degree of familiarity with the almighty which would be blasphemous were it not so manifestly sincere. this hereditary tendency towards religion was, to a certain extent, obliterated by the education which william received, and which was of a nature to dispose him to be both a materialist and a free-thinker. he may be said in fact to have been brought up in an atmosphere of renan-ism and strauss-ism, for which his extraordinary and mercilessly clever mother, empress frederick, was largely responsible, and at the moment of his marriage it looked as if he were destined to figure in history as quite as much of a philosopher, and even atheist, as frederick the great, for whom he professed the most profound veneration. it was countess waldersee who revived all the inherited and latent religious tendencies of his character. up to the time when he ascended the throne, prince william and his consort were constant and devout attendants at the prayer-meetings held in the salons of the countess, and if he remains to this day a remarkably religious man, with a sufficient regard for scriptural commands to have shown himself a more faithful husband than any other prince of his house, either living or dead--if, to-day, piety is fashionable at the court of berlin instead of being bad form, if the building or endowment of a church, or of a charitable institution, is regarded as the surest road to imperial favor, it is due to the influence of william's american aunt, the daughter of that new york grocer, the first princess noer, and who is to-day countess of waldersee. it is natural that the influence exercised over william and his wife by the countess should have given rise to the utmost jealousy, especially on the part of his mother, empress frederick, and during the hundred days' reign of her lamented husband, she availed herself of her brief spell of power to secure the virtual banishment of the count and the countess from berlin, by causing the field marshal to be transferred from the chieftaincy of the headquarter staff to the command of the army stationed in altona. moreover, she did not hesitate to denounce the influence of the waldersees as disastrous, as illiberal, and in every sense of the word reactionary, and if her husband, emperor frederick, was led to share her views concerning them, it was because of his disapproval of the movement against the jews in which the countess had figured so conspicuously. it is a peculiar fact that although emperor william has always remained on the most affectionate terms with the waldersees, and never loses any opportunity of manifesting the warmth of his affection for them, he has never repealed the decree of banishment to which they were virtually subjected during his father's reign. he has transferred the field marshal from one post to another, but he has never appointed him to one which would admit of his coming back to live in berlin. i cannot help thinking that the emperor resented the imputation that he was subject to the sway of his wife's aunt, and was offended by the articles which appeared at one moment both in the german and foreign press intimating that she was the power behind the throne. he is sufficiently jealous of his dignity to object to be considered as subject to the influence of anyone, be it man or woman, and one of the chief causes of the dismissal of old prince bismarck was precisely because so long as he remained in office there was a disposition to regard the kaiser as a mere puppet in the hands of the old statesman. it is this aversion to being considered as swayed by any other influence than his own that has led the emperor on so many occasions to adopt a course diametrically opposed to that urged upon him by his clever and masterful mother, a woman with the most powerful intellect and the least tact to be found in all old world royalties. it was this, too, that led the emperor to banish, just a trifle unjustly, the pretty and dashing countess hohenau from his court. she had been guilty of no indiscretion with regard to him. she had done nothing wrong, and she was not only a brilliant ornament of the imperial _entourage_, but likewise a relative of the family. but he banished both her husband and herself almost at a moment's notice, owing to the fact that in the anonymous letters circulated at the time of the so-called kotze scandal, he was mentioned as altogether infatuated and subjugated by her beauty. count hohenau is the half-brother of that prince albert of prussia, who is now regent of the grand duchy of brunswick. old prince albert of prussia, his father, was married to the eccentric and half-crazy princess marianne of the netherlands. not long after the birth of the present prince albert, she lost her heart to such an extent to a chamberlain in her household that her husband was compelled to divorce her, whereupon she contracted a morganatic marriage with the gentleman in question, and lived and died at an advanced age only about twelve years ago. prince albert, the elder, thereupon married morganatically a young girl of noble birth of the name of baroness rauch, whose family had for more than one hundred and fifty years occupied leading positions at the court of berlin. on the occasion of her marriage to the prince, she received from the prussian crown the title of countess of hohenau, and the children whom she bore to prince albert the elder are now known as counts and countesses of hohenau. the elder of these counts hohenau bears the name of fritz, and his wife, before their banishment from the capital, was one of the most dashing and brilliant figures in the ultra-aristocratic society of berlin. no entertainment was regarded as complete without her presence, and in every social enterprise, no matter whether it was a flower corso, a charity fair, a hunt, a picnic, or amateur theatricals, she was always to the fore, besides being the leader in every new fashion, and in every new extravagance. although eccentric--she was the first member of her sex to show herself astride on horseback in the thiergarten--and in spite of her being famed as a thorough-paced coquette, and as a flirt, yet no one ventured to impugn her good name, until the disgraceful anonymous letter scandal; and both her husband and herself naturally resent most keenly that without any hearing or explanation they should have been banished from the court, and sent to live, first at hanover, then at dresden, but always away from berlin and potsdam, solely on account of an anonymous letter. the sympathy of society in the affair was all with the hohenaus, who although absent from berlin, may be said to have taken the leading part in that great controversy which is known to this day as "the anonymous letter scandal," and which not only divided all berlin society into separate hostile camps, but led to innumerable duels, some of them with fatal results; to the imprisonment of some great personages; to the ruin of others, and in one word to one of the most talked of court scandals of the present century. in fact, the anonymous letter affair, many of the features of which remain shrouded in mystery to this day, played so important a part in the history of the court of berlin during the first decade of the present emperor's reign, that it deserves a chapter to itself. what, however, i wish specially to impress upon my readers is that in spite of the many scurrilous stories that have been circulated on both sides of the ocean concerning the alleged intrigues of emperor william with the fair sex, since his marriage, nearly eighteen years ago, his wedded life has been singularly free from storms, and exceptionally happy. in fact, there are few more thoroughly-devoted couples than william and augusta-victoria, who is to-day far more comely as a woman than she was as a young girl. so domestic, indeed, are the tastes of the kaiser, so excellent is he both as a husband and a father, that his home life may be said to atone for many of his political errors and shortcomings as a monarch. his loyalty towards his consort is all the more to his credit, as the anointed of the lord in the old world are exposed to feminine temptations in a degree of which no conception can be formed in this country. in most of the capitals of europe it is in the power of the sovereign to make or mar the social position of any man, and of any woman. social ambitions coupled with an exaggerated degree of loyalty will lead many a beautiful woman to cross that border line which separates mere indiscretion from something worse, all the more that the reputation of being the fair favorite of a monarch, and able to influence his conduct, is regarded as a title to prestige, and has the effect of converting the fair one into one of the acknowledged powers of the land. for an ambitious woman it is something to be treated by statesmen and the representatives of foreign governments, as the power behind the throne, and provided this power is wisely exercised, the intimacy of the lady with the monarch is regarded by high and low with something more than mere indulgence. history has given so lofty a pedestal to madame de maintenon, that there are many women who are eager to emulate her rôle in present times, and to likewise figure in history. that is why royal personages, and especially kings and emperors, are exposed to such extraordinary temptations. most women put forth all their charms and powers of fascination to captivate the attention, and, if possible, the heart of their sovereign, who is, after all, but human. that is why emperor william deserves so much credit for having remained true to his wife, and why emperor francis-joseph of austria merits so much indulgence in connection with the indiscretions which had the effect of keeping him for so many years parted and estranged from his lovely consort, the late empress elizabeth. while on this subject, it should be stated that for many years past, probably for the last decade, the life of francis-joseph has been free from affairs of this kind, for it is hardly possible to treat in the light of a scandal his association with that now elderly actress, mlle. schratt, since it is virtually tolerated, accepted and, so to speak, recognized both by the imperial family and by the austrian people. indeed the only persons who have ever taken exception to this intimacy have been herr schoenerer, and some of his anti-semite colleagues who, to the indignation of every one, gave vent three years ago to their spite against their kindly old sovereign by calling attention in the reichsrath to the alleged questionable relations between the sovereign and the popular and veteran star-actress of the burg theatre. herr schoenerer, who was formerly a baron, but who was deprived of his title by the emperor at the time when he was sentenced to a year's imprisonment for a violent and unprovoked assault upon a jewish newspaper proprietor, declared in the legislature, to which he had been elected on emerging from jail, that public opinion was becoming outraged by the impropriety of the conduct of the emperor. the scene which ensued defied description. schoenerer was suspended, and had not steps been taken to assure his protection, would have been subjected to very violent treatment by the vast majority of the house, which is intensely loyal to the emperor, and the members of which resented criticism of his majesty's twenty years' friendship with old frau schratt even the late empress herself did not regard as serious or dangerous her husband's association with the actress. this is shown by the fact that on two separate occasions she honored frau schratt with a visit at the actress's villa near ischl. at the austrian court it is generally understood that whatever may have been the nature of the intimacy of the monarch and the actress in the past, it is now nothing more than a platonic affection between two old friends, the emperor being accustomed to spend half an hour or so with this witty and amiable lady nearly every day. the actress is a great favorite with the people at large, on account of her devotion to the emperor, and for her tact in declining to take any undue advantage of the favor which he accords to her. indeed, the degree of indulgence with which austrian society, as well as the masses, look upon this intimacy maybe gathered from the fact that one of the most--popular photographs on exhibition in the windows of the leading picture-shops at vienna, and at pesth, is a snapshot, showing the kindly-faced old emperor and the sunny-tempered old actress seated in the most domestic fashion opposite one another at a breakfast table with the actress's pet dog on a chair midway between stage and throne. chapter iii it was on the evening of june th, , that a carriage, the servants of which wore court liveries, drew up at the entrance of that old building on the avenue known as "unter den linden," which serves as a military prison of the berlin garrison. from this equipage alighted two men, each of them a well-known figure in the great world of the prussian metropolis. the one in uniform was general count von hahnke, chief of the military household of the emperor, while the other, who was in civilian attire, was baron von kotze, master of ceremonies at the court of berlin, one of the most well-to-do and jovial of _bons vivants_, and who up to that time had stood so high in the favor of the reigning family that his sovereign was accustomed to address him by his christian name, and by the so familiar equivalent pronoun in german of "thou." shortly afterwards general von hahnke reappeared alone, entered the carriage hurriedly, and drove back to the palace. on the following morning it became known that baron von kotze had been suddenly arrested, and lodged in the military prison by personal order of the kaiser, and without the warrant of any tribunal or magistrate, either military or civil. while the general public was speculating as to the cause of this mysterious and startling disciplinary measure against a nobleman so well known and so prominent in every way as baron von kotze, the court gossips were rubbing their hands, chuckling with satisfaction, and congratulating themselves on the fact that success had at length crowned the efforts made to bring to book the author of the hundreds of anonymous letters that had been circulated in the great world of berlin during the two preceding years. gradually the circumstances which had led to the arrest of baron kotze became public property, and people both at home and abroad were made aware for the first time of the existence of a scandal which for over four-and-twenty months had set court and society by the ears, and which had caused every man and woman to regard with suspicion not merely their acquaintances, but even their most intimate friends and nearest relatives. no one, with the exception of the emperor, the empress, and the widow of emperor frederick, can be said to have been altogether exempt from this reflection on their honor. for among those who were at one time most strongly suspected of being the author of these letters were the eldest sister of the kaiser, princess charlotte, and the only brother of the empress, duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein. color was given to these suspicions by the fact that many of the anonymous letters contained remarks and information that manifestly emanated from the imperial family, while some of the views expressed in the letters were known not merely to have been shared, but even to have been uttered in conversation by the prince and princess in question. what gave still further weight to these suppositions was the extraordinary fact that incidents which had occurred within what may be described as the most intimate circle of the court,--incidents, indeed, of which no one could be aware, save royal personages themselves and those few chosen friends and associates who were with them at the time when the incidents in question occurred,--were revealed a few days later in the anonymous letters, twisted and distorted in such a manner as to admit only of the most shameful interpretation. added to this was the knowledge that there are few women at the court of berlin more cruelly satirical or have a keener sense of ridicule than princess charlotte, or any more inveterate gossip than duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein. the anonymous letters had literally spared no one, not even that most blameless and excellent of women, the empress augusta-victoria; nor was there anybody of mark who had not received at least several of them. but for some reason or other which was not understood at the time, they seemed to be imbued with an especially relentless and savage animosity against the charming countess "fritz" von hohenau, who must not be confounded with her less attractive sister-in-law, countess "willy" von hohenau; for whereas the latter is by birth a princess of hohenlohe and a niece of the imperial chancellor of that ilk, countess fritz is by birth a countess von der decken, and rejoices in the christian name of charlotte. if countess fritz has one weakness which in any degree lends itself to unfriendly criticism and ridicule it is the pride which she manifests in her relationship through marriage to the reigning house of prussia, and in her being the sister-in-law of that prince albert of prussia, who is regent of the duchy of brunswick, her husband, count fritz von hohenau, being a half-brother to prince albert. it is owing to this very innocent weakness of the countess that she was nicknamed "_lottchen von preussen_," or "_die preussiche lotte_" that is to say "_lotte of prussia_" and at least a third of the hundreds of anonymous letters confided to the mails during the period extending between and were filled with the most scurrilous remarks concerning the unfortunate "_lottchen von preussen_." the letters imputed to the countess almost every crime under the sun. inasmuch as her husband's principal friend was baron schrader, who was of course frequently seen in her company at the races and at the opera, it naturally followed that she was charged with an altogether questionable intimacy with him. in fact, she was accused of sharing her favors between him and the emperor, and in the letters that reached both the kaiser and his consort, it was asserted that she was, moreover, in the habit of constantly boasting among her friends about the influence which as "_sultana"_ she was able to exercise over the ruler of the german empire. it was on the receipt of one of these letters that the emperor without a moment's warning abruptly ordered count and countess fritz hohenau to leave berlin and to transfer their residence to hanover. the count and countess were not long in discovering the cause of their disgrace, and bitterly incensed, at once resolved to leave no stone unturned in their efforts to discover the culprit. in this determination they were supported by the "willy" von hohenaus, by the various members of the hohenlohe family, by baron schrader, baron hugo reischach, chamberlain to the empress frederick, prince and princess aribert of anhalt, the latter being a granddaughter of queen victoria, prince and princess albert of saxe-altenburg, and last, but not least, baron von tausch, the chief of the secret police attached to the particular service of the emperor. i have already mentioned that suspicions had at first been directed against the empress's only brother, duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein. somehow or other, probably through reading the detective novels of gaboriau, baron schrader became imbued with the idea that the most successful manner of discovering the identity of the suspected writer of the anonymous letters would be to carefully examine the blotting-pads which either he or she were in the habit of using. accordingly, countess fritz von hohenau took advantage of the admiration and devotion entertained for her by count augustus bismarck to induce him to bring to her the blotting-pad habitually used by the duke, to whose household he belonged, as chief aid-de-camp. the count, very reluctantly, it is true, brought to madame von hohenau, the said blotting-pad, and it was immediately submitted to a most careful and even microscopical examination by her husband, herself, and their friends. but in spite of every effort it was impossible to discover the slightest analogy between the writing of the anonymous letters and the impressions left on the blotting-pad of the duke. the countess and her assistants in this queer task, therefore, came to the conclusion that they would have to search in a different direction. it is impossible to say with any degree of certainty how suspicion was then directed towards baron kotze. but i am under the impression that his name was first mentioned in connection with the affair by baron schrader, who like himself was a master of ceremonies of the court of berlin. the vast wealth enjoyed by the kotzes, as well as the extraordinary favor manifested towards them by the emperor and the members of the reigning family, had not unnaturally rendered them objects of no little jealousy on the part of other personages belonging to the court circle. the exceedingly sarcastic and malevolent tongue of the baroness kotze, and the somewhat coarse flavor of the ever-ready jest and quip of her jovial, loud-voiced, hail-fellow-well-met mannered husband did not tend to render the couple very popular. baron kotze's mother had been an heiress in her own right as the daughter of the court banker, krause, while the baron's wife is the daughter of that extraordinary old general von treskow, who for so long commanded the division of guards, and whose reputation as one of the bravest and most dashing officers of the war of , alone saved him from the ridicule which his corseted waist, his painted cheeks, his dyed moustache, and his youthful wig, would otherwise have excited. while he himself has no drop of jewish blood in his veins, both his daughter, madame kotze, and her brother possess the facial features of the semitic race in a most marked degree, and despite their protestations to the contrary, have undoubtedly hebrew ancestors, if not on the father's side, at any rate on that of the mother. old general treskow was very rich indeed, his country seat at friedrichsfeld being one of the most magnificent country seats in the neighborhood of berlin. during the early years of the reign of emperor william, his eldest sister, princess charlotte, and her husband, prince bernhardt of saxe-meiningen, occupied a lovely little palace, or rather, i should say large and roomy villa on the outskirts of the thiergarten, at berlin. among their near neighbors were baron and baroness kotze. little ursula kotze, the daughter of the baroness, was precisely of the same age as princess fedora of saxe-meiningen, the only child of princess charlotte, and the two young girls soon became inseparable friends. the relations thus established soon extended to the parents, and while princess charlotte,--herself disposed to satirizing and ridiculing everybody, and like many royal personages, passionately fond of gossip, especially when spiced with scandal,--found never-ceasing entertainment in the witty comments of the baroness about the social events of the day, and in her reports of the latest stories current concerning mutual acquaintances and friends, prince bernhardt, in spite of his seriousness, and his fond predilection for hellenic research, could not help laughing and enjoying the merry sallies of baron kotze. in fact, the kotzes ended by becoming the most intimate friends of the princely saxe-meiningen couple, whose taste for their society was eventually shared by the empress frederick to a degree that excited the utmost jealousy and ill-will of her chamberlain, baron reischach. the latter was, therefore, only too ready to accept the view expressed by his friend. baron schrader, to the effect that baron kotze was the author of the anonymous letters. i think that it was in the latter part of that the prince and princess of saxe-meiningen, having made up their minds to visit greece and the holy land, invited baron and baroness kotze to accompany them. some quarrel, however, took place between the princess and the baroness during this trip, which they did not complete together, and when they took up their residence once more at berlin the formerly so intimate relations between the two families ceased absolutely. it was about this time that it became known that princess charlotte either during her trip to the orient, or just before she started, had in some unexplainable manner lost the diary in which she had, like so many members of the fair sex, been accustomed to describe her daily impressions, and to the pages of which she was wont to impart sentiments and opinions that she did not venture to confide to anybody else. for a considerable time after the return of the princess from the orient the anonymous letters contained phrases and peculiarities of expression that clearly indicated princess charlotte, and to such an extent was this the case that those in pursuit of the sender of the missives would have ascribed their authorship to the princess, had it not been that she herself was referred to in many of the letters in a particularly savage and scurrilous manner. baron schrader, the hohenaus and their friends, being aware of the existence of the quarrel between the kotzes and the saxe-meiningens, naturally became more convinced than ever that it was either baron kotze, or his "viper-tongued" wife, as they described her, who were the culprits, and insisted that it was the baroness who had taken advantage of her intimacy with the princess to get possession of her royal highness's diary, the contents of which were now being used in so many of the letters. what has now become of the diary it is impossible to say, but judging by the excerpts used in the anonymous letters, it must have constituted a particularly piquant volume or series of volumes! thus there was one remark about the emperor which ridiculed "his intolerable swagger." there were also some comical references to princess victoria of prussia, who was jilted by the late prince alexander of battenberg, on the very eve of the day appointed for the wedding, and that for the sake of a little actress. this princess has since then married prince adolph of schaumburg, who was recently ousted from the regency of the tiny principality of lippe. "_poor vicky_" was described as being "_many-sided_" owing to the number of her _affaires de coeur_, notably those with baron hugo von reischach, at that time a very handsome lieutenant of the "garde-du-corps," but who afterward became gentleman-in-waiting to the widowed empress frederick, and married one of the princesses of hohenlohe. this flirtation between baron reischach and princess victoria formed the theme of quite a number of the anonymous letters, in which the princess was charged with every kind of indelicacy, while the unfortunate baron was ridiculed in connection with the modernity of his nobility. other love affairs of "_poor vicky_" were likewise discussed in no friendly manner, and she was represented as being to such a degree infatuated for count andrassy, the eldest son of the famous austro-hungarian statesman, that the young fellow, it is declared, was forced to resign his secretaryship to the austro-hungarian embassy, at berlin, and to flee from the prussian court, in order to escape from the demonstrative attentions of the princess: "if it is like this now," said one of the letters, "what in heaven's name will it be when '_vicky_' marries!" there were, moreover, all sorts of matters relating to the _vie intime_ of the imperial family discussed in these anonymous communications, such as bickerings between the emperor and his mother, quarrels with his english relatives, flirtations of the younger princesses, etc., which no one could possibly have known about, save members of the imperial family, and which were just the sort of thing that princess charlotte would have written in her diary, in her witty and sarcastic manner. in fact there was so much of the phraseology and style habitual to princess charlotte in the letters, that they would inevitably have been, as i remarked above, positively ascribed to her had it not been for the grossly improper and even disgusting twist and construction that was invariably added to her well-known manner of writing. although a terrible flirt as well as a daring coquette, the princess has never been charged with anything more serious than trivial _affaires de coeur_, excepting by the writer of the anonymous letters. then too, as i have also already stated many of these letters assailed the princess herself, in the most unscrupulous fashion; an abominable and impossible story, picked up from the filthiest of berlin gutters, impugning the legitimacy of the only child of the princess, being thus circulated far and wide. this vile fabrication alleged that charlotte had been married off in a hurry to prince bernhardt of saxe-meiningen, in order to avoid a public scandal. it is only necessary to recall the fact that the sole child of princess charlotte, princess fedora, now married to prince henry of reuss, was born twelve months after her mother's marriage, in order to show how utterly without foundation was this shameful slander. at least a dozen anonymous letters sent to the emperor and to various other personages dealt with an episode said to have taken place during a trip undertaken by the princess in norway and sweden. she was attended on that occasion by a captain von berger, and his wife, who were her gentleman and lady-in-waiting, and there was also in her suite a diminutive officer holding the rank of lieutenant, and bearing the old silesian name of count schack, who acted as aid-de-camp. according to the anonymous letters, princess charlotte made a kind of toy of the little officer, and behaved in a most volatile manner. there was evidence of such intense malignity in these letters against princess charlotte that they were attributed to a jealous woman, and that if not actually written by one, they had at any rate been inspired by a member of the fair sex. there can be no doubt that princess charlotte and her husband ended by sharing the opinion entertained by the schrader-hohenau clique, about the letters being inspired by baroness kotze, and written by her husband, and it must be confessed that there was a certain amount of ground for their doing so. the blotting pads used by baron kotze, both at the union club and elsewhere, were subjected to much the same microscopic examination as those of duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein, and when at length a distinct degree of similarity was discovered to exist between the caligraphy of the anonymous letter writer and the impressions which figured on the blotting pads habitually used by baron kotze, baron schrader drew up a report on the subject, charging baron kotze with being the author of the letters, and presented it to the emperor. the latter hesitated a little before taking any action in the matter, and would doubtless have yielded to the advice of the minister of the imperial household, prince stolberg-wernigrode, who urged him to institute a very careful secret investigation of his own before rushing the _denouement_, cautioning him that baron schrader's evidence was inadequate, had it not been for the pressure brought to bear upon his majesty by the saxe-meiningens and other members of his family, who were all convinced that baron kotze was the guilty party. it was due entirely to this pressure that the kaiser, incensed beyond measure at the persistency and the malignity of these letters, took the extraordinary step of having baron von kotze arrested by the chief of his military household, general von hahnke merely on the strength of his imperial order, dispensing with any legal warrant. that count hahnke should have been selected for this duty, and that a military prison, rather than the ordinary house of detention, should have been chosen for the incarceration of baron kotze, must be ascribed to the fact that the latter was at the time a captain of cavalry on the reserve lists, and that in a military prison the authority of the emperor, as head of the army, is supreme and absolute, which cannot be said of the ordinary civil prisons, the officers of which are subject above everything else to the tribunals and to the laws of the land. of course, from the very moment when the baron was arrested, the entire scandal, that is to say the existence of a conspiracy for the writing and distribution of anonymous letters, became public, and served to furnish material for articles both in the german and the foreign press on the alleged moral rottenness of the court of berlin. at first there is no doubt that society, and even the ordinary public, accepted the guilt of baron kotze as assured, and were further led to believe the story about the baroness having been the instigator of many of the letters, by her at once withdrawing to her country-seat at friedrichsfeld, and refusing to receive anyone. doubts as to the baron's guilt, however, commenced to arise when it was found that in spite of his incarceration, the anonymous letters continued to be sent as before, without any interruption, while all efforts to bring home the guilt to the baron completely failed in every sense of the word. not only did the famous expert in caligraphy, langenbuch, declare that the handwriting of the letters had nothing whatsoever in common with that of baron kotze, but that those written during his incarceration were exactly similar to the others. the emperor himself received anonymous letters, describing him to be a fool for having unjustly imprisoned an altogether innocent man, and recommending him to look after his brother-in-law, duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein. at the end of a fortnight, therefore, the military governor of berlin, old field marshal count pape, declared to his majesty that he would do well to immediately set baron kotze at liberty, since there was no adequate ground for keeping him under arrest. the field marshal, however, suggested that in view of the seriousness of the charge that had been made against the baron, the only thing to do would be to hold a court-martial, permitting the baron meanwhile to reside "_on parole_" at friedrichsfeld. the whole matter was thereupon turned over to general prince frederick of hohenzollern, brother of the king of roumania, commanding the metropolitan division of troops, to the reserve force of which baron kotze belonged. nine months after his arrest. baron kotze appeared before a court-martial, composed of a colonel, who acted as president, and eight other officers, and after a lengthy trial, during the course of which baron schrader acted not merely as witness against kotze, but likewise as prosecutor, endeavoring to show analogy between the writing of the anonymous letters, and the caligraphy, not merely of baron kotze, but also of the baroness, the court-martial acquitted the prisoner, and the emperor not only signified his approval of the verdict, but a week later took the occasion of the easter festivities to send to his former favorite kotze, a huge floral piece in the shape of an easter egg, bound with ribbons in the national colors. william, however, refrained from intimating to kotze his desire that he should resume his service at court as master of ceremonies, and this taken in conjunction with the fact that the procedure of the court-martial remained a secret, left a painful degree of suspicion resting upon the character of the unfortunate baron kotze. it is perfectly true that many of those members of the court, and of society, who had been most bitter in their denunciation of him, left cards at his residence, but the hohenau clique still remained obdurate, and in spite of every possible intervention, persisted in regarding baron kotze as having been unable to clear himself completely. his most obdurate detractor remained baron schrader. kotze learning the part which schrader had played in the entire affair, after having consulted with his friends, came to the conclusion that the injury done to him by his fellow master of ceremonies, was far too great to admit of its being expiated, or atoned for by a mere exchange of bullets on the duelling field, and he accordingly instituted criminal proceedings against him. the preliminaries to this sort of thing are exceedingly intricate and tedious in germany, and the legal authorities having received the impression in one way or another that the public trial in connection with the scandal would be viewed with displeasure in high quarters, naturally placed every obstacle in baron kotze's way. of course, having instituted legal proceedings against schrader, he was debarred by the so-called code of honor from challenging schrader, a circumstance of which the latter took advantage to insinuate that if kotze had refrained from calling him to account on the field of honor, it was because he did not feel sufficiently sure of his ground. this insinuation was taken up by kotze's cousin, captain dietrich kotze, who challenged schrader and fought a duel with him, slightly wounding him. kotze himself meanwhile challenged, and fought a duel with another of his persecutors, baron hugo reischach, the chamberlain of empress frederick, and received a rather severe wound, which kept him in bed for several weeks. as legal proceedings were pending, which were expected to eventually clear up the entire scandal, and show who was the author of the anonymous letters, it was generally assumed that baron von kotze could not be regarded as altogether cleared from the suspicion which rested upon him, until the case had come up for trial. meanwhile poor kotze remained under a cloud. nearly nine months elapsed before the criminal authorities declared that there was no ground for a criminal suit against schrader. kotze thereupon endeavored to institute a civil suit, this requiring still more time, and when at length the matter came into court, kotze was non-suited virtually without any hearing, on the ground that the statutes of limitation had disqualified him from any civil redress against baron schrader. kotze being thus frustrated in his efforts to obtain punishment for his foe and persecutor through the courts of law, came to the conclusion that there was no other means left him to vindicate his honor, but a challenge to fight a duel. his demand for satisfaction, however, was declined by baron schrader, on the ground that it was too late for kotze to resort to arms, and that if he had stood in need of satisfaction of this kind, he should not have allowed so long a period to elapse before demanding it. the matter was referred to a so-called court of honor, which sustained the contention of baron schrader, and declared that inasmuch as baron kotze had by his dilatoriness placed himself beyond the power of exacting satisfaction from baron schrader for the indignities to which he had been subjected, he was no longer worthy to wear the uniform of a prussian officer. this decision of the court of honor was ratified by prince frederick of hohenzollern, the general commanding the division of guards, to the reserve force of which baron kotze belonged, but it was annulled by the emperor, an action on the part of his majesty which led prince frederick to resign his command, and to withdraw for the time from the court of berlin. the emperor thereupon entrusted the affair to another jury of honor at hanover, which rendered a decision, blaming baron kotze for his dilatoriness in demanding satisfaction of baron schrader, but authorizing him to continue to wear the uniform, and to remain in the service of the emperor as an officer. this verdict was ratified by the emperor himself and on the strength thereof the long delayed duel took place between the two barons. in june, , baron schrader was wounded in the abdomen by baron kotze, a wound to which he succumbed on the following day. that seemed to settle, in the minds of all, the innocence of baron kotze, for after spending the customary few months in nominal imprisonment for infraction of the civil laws, which prohibit the fighting of those very duels which are prescribed by the military code, he was invited to resume his service as master of the ceremonies at court, was treated once more with the utmost distinction by the emperor, while his wife spent several weeks in the autumn of that year as the guest of princess charlotte of saxe-meiningen, at the latter's country seat. but who was the author of the anonymous letters? that is a question with which i propose to deal in the following chapter, at the same time showing how this most sensational court scandal of the latter half of the nineteenth century led to the exodus from berlin, and the desertion of its court by numerous royal personages and great nobles. chapter iv to this day the identity of the writer of the anonymous letters remains a secret to the general public in germany, as well as abroad, but it is pretty generally known in court circles at berlin and at vienna; and if steps have been taken by the authorities to prevent the true facts from getting into print, and the writer was merely expelled from germany, instead of being brought to justice and sentenced to a long term of imprisonment, it is only because the culprit could not have been tried and convicted without the name of one of the greatest personages in germany being dragged into the case. needless to add that the anonymous letter writer was a woman--a foreign lady of title--who for a time was one of the most admired beauties at the court of berlin, where, thanks to her inimitable chic, elegance and brilliancy of wit, everybody, men and women alike, were charmed. old emperor william, who was always very attentive to the fair sex, up to the very last, and easily smitten by a pretty face, had introduced the lady to his court without taking much trouble to investigate her antecedents or character, and of course, with such a sponsor, everyone took it for granted that she was above reproach, socially, as well as morally. she became very intimate with many of the court people, notably with the hohenaus, the kotzes, etc., and was even admitted to the intimacy of princess charlotte of saxe-meiningen, the emperor's eldest sister. she possibly might have, in spite of all, retained her social eminence, had she not allowed herself to be compromised, first, in the eyes of a few, and subsequently, in a more general fashion, by the only brother of the empress, duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein-augustenburg. the association of their names ultimately became such that the great ladies of the berlin court, commenced to cut adrift from the fair foreigner, whose resentment at this treatment naturally became particularly bitter against precisely those with whom she had been most intimate. her animosity against countess fritz hohenau was especially intensified by the particularly offensive manner in which she was cut by "charlotte of prussia," whose bitter and contemptuous remarks concerning her were naturally communicated to the foreign lady by the men who still frequented her salons. through these noblemen and princes she was kept _au courant_ of everything that went on at court, and there is no doubt that she was able to extract much information concerning the emperor and his family from the duke, who visited her daily, and who was infatuated by her potent and undeniable charms beyond all reason. of course, no one dreams to-day of accusing the duke of having knowingly played any part in the fabrication of the anonymous letters; but there is no doubt that, with his utter absence of discretion, his lack of intellectual brilliancy, and the thoroughly royal predilection for gossip and tittle-tattle, which monopolize to this day his interest, he imparted to her, in the course of his daily visits, a vast amount of news and information which she could not possibly have obtained from any one else. dissipated, foolish and indiscreet to an incredible extent, the duke is nevertheless an honorable man, and in spite of the suspicions entertained at one time concerning him by the schraders, the hohenaus, the anhalts, and the reischachs, there is no doubt that he had not the slightest conception of the manner in which the gossip which he retailed day by day to his _inamorata_ was used by her for the fabrication of her anonymous letters. it was baron von kotze's cousin, captain dietrich kotze, mentioned in the preceding chapter as having espoused the cause of his unfortunate relative with particular vigor, to whom belongs the credit of having discovered the culprit. he accomplished this more through a piece of good fortune than by design, for he was put on the right scent by a mere chance remark which he happened to overhear at a dinner party in paris. the information which he obtained was imparted to the emperor, and the latter without a moment's hesitation gave orders that his palace police should visit the "grande dame's" residence during the following night, take possession of all her papers and correspondence, and convey her to a small town, near the belgian frontier, where she was to be kept by the police under strict surveillance, without being permitted to see any one, until further orders. it is impossible to say exactly what was discovered among these papers, but it is generally understood that the police recovered possession of the missing diary of princess charlotte, and obtained ample proofs of the fact that the fair foreigner was the author of all the anonymous letters. after a twenty-four hours' detention, she was conducted to the frontier by the police, and warned against returning to germany. if no severer measures were taken against her, it is because it would have resulted in a more or less public disclosure of the indiscreet rôle played by the duke in the matter, and likewise because she really knew too much! in fact, there is scarcely a secret pertaining to the reigning family, or to the court of prussia, with which she is not acquainted, and the fact that she should have refrained from making any attempt to publish them to the world, gives rise to the presumption that means of a financial character, or else some threats of terrorism, have been used to insure her silence. at the time of the descent of the police upon her house, duke ernest-gunther was staying at lowther castle, in westmoreland, england, as the guest of lord lonsdale, and was to have gone on at the end of the week to sandringham, to stay with the prince and princess of wales. on receiving telegrams, however, from his beautiful friend, notifying him of her expulsion from germany, he left lowther castle, literally at an hour's notice, and without taking leave of his host, proceeded immediately to paris for the purpose of meeting her, in order to find out to what extent the situation was compromised. there is every reason to believe that it was not until then that he realized that the writer of the long series of anonymous letters was no other than the lady by whose fascinations he had been so completely captivated. a considerable time elapsed before he returned to berlin. in fact, a very serious estrangement between himself and the emperor ensued, william declining to hold any intercourse with a relative whose susceptibility to feminine charms, and whose extraordinary absence of even the most elementary discretion, had contributed to one of the most painful scandals that have overtaken the prussian court since the close of the last century. not even the kaiser's fondness for his wife, nor his anxiety to please her, could soften the anger which he felt against his brother-in-law, and when after a prolonged voyage to india and elsewhere, the duke on landing at trieste, ran over from there to the neighboring seaside resort of abbazia, for the purpose of visiting the german imperial couple, who were spending the early spring there with their children, the kaiser declined to receive his brother-in-law and went out shooting, so as to avoid an interview with him, the princely prodigal meeting with no one except his sister, the empress, with whom he had an interview of a couple of hours. it is generally believed that princess charlotte's missing diary is to-day in the possession of the emperor, after having been seized by the police among the correspondence of duke ernest-gunther's fair friend; for the former very warm affection manifested by william for his eldest sister, arising from the belief that she had been subjected to as harsh treatment as he imagined himself to have received at the hands of their mother, the imperious, masterful and immensely clever empress frederick, appears since the anonymous letter episode to have given way to feelings of distrust, and even dislike. princess charlotte and her husband have been ever since that time virtually banished from the court of berlin, at which they are rarely if ever seen. prince bernhardt of saxe-meiningen, was transferred to the command of the troops at breslau, although he has but little taste for a military career, and is far more devoted to art, literature, music, and the drama, than to soldiering. at berlin his duties as a general were more or less titular, and he had all the leisure which he required for the researches into the affairs of modern and ancient greece, which have won for him celebrity as one of the most erudite hellenists of the present time. he was surrounded by a congenial circle of friends possessed of the same disposition as himself, and had access to some of the finest libraries and museums in the world, while his still charming wife was the most conspicuous figure in a circle composed of all that was most elegant, witty, brilliant and clever in the so-called "_athens on the spree_" indeed, her palace in the thiergarten was the centre of everything that was eclectic and brilliant, and her salons were the rendezvous of all that was best in berlin society. imagine, therefore, a prince and princess with tastes and dispositions such as these compelled to close up their lovely home, to bid adieu to all their friends, and to take up their residence in the dullest, most uninteresting and provincial of cities, situated in the least picturesque portion of the empire; where the only society consists of bureaucrats of the most starchy description, with no ideas beyond their office, or of impoverished landowners, belonging to the district, whose nobiliary pretensions can only be compared with the paucity of their resources, and whose conversation and even intellect is restricted to mangelwurzels, potatoes, and the different grades of fertilizers. breslau, to say the whole truth, is a city utterly without any attractions, either social or intellectual; the only other royal personage in the place is an eccentric wurtemberg princess, a cousin of the now reigning king of wurtemberg. this lady sacrificed her royal rank and prerogatives in order to marry a physician of the name of dr. willim, who had attended her father in his last illness. she could not, however, bring herself to descend to the social level of her husband, who is of plebeian origin, and a mere commoner, but thought that she had done enough in that direction when she contented herself with the name and title of baroness kirchbach, which she now bears. of late years she has become a convert to socialism, much to the dismay and distress of her eminently respectable husband, and at the last socialist congress held at breslau, took a very prominent part in the proceedings, arrayed in a blouse of flaming red. i am very sorry to have to destroy the romance by which the name of this princess wilhelmina of wurtemberg has until now been surrounded, especially that portion thereof which represents her as a lovely and interesting woman. the truth is that she is fearfully homely, both in face and figure, while her eccentricities are such that in america, for instance, she would be described as a "crank." thus she distinguishes herself through her inordinate fondness for cats, goats and rabbits; escorted by whole herds of which she is wont to wander through the gloomy streets of breslau. her costumes are invariably as queer as the one in which she appeared on the platform of the socialist congress. compare this strange figure so utterly unfeminine in its lack of all elegance, with the dainty, spirituelle princess charlotte! yet baroness von kirchbach is the only lady of sufficiently lofty birth either in breslau or in the vicinity to associate with princess charlotte on terms of any thing like equality! it is probable that princess charlotte and her husband will be kept at breslau, virtually exiled from the court of berlin, until the accession of prince bernhardt to the throne of saxe-meiningen, through the death of his aged father. it is naturally surprising that prince bernhardt, as heir to his father's crown, should not take up his residence in the capital of the duchy of saxe-meiningen, instead of being condemned to vegetate at breslau. the fact of the matter is, however, that the atmosphere of the saxe-meiningen capital is even less congenial than that of breslau to prince bernhardt and princess charlotte, for the old duke is morganatically married to an actress of the local theatre, upon whom he has conferred the title of baroness helburg, and the princess finds it difficult to associate with this person. how unrelenting william remains with regard to his sister, may be gathered from the fact that when her only daughter, princess fedora, was married the other day at breslau, he himself, and the empress, pointedly avoided being present at the ceremony, although they were within a couple of hours' distance of breslau at the time, spending the day in shooting. the slight thus placed upon princess charlotte and her husband was all the more marked, as not only were all the other members of the reigning house of prussia present, but even the aged king of saxony, the king of wurtemberg and the grand duke of hesse, had all three taken the trouble to come from long distances in order to attend the wedding, at which queen victoria was represented by several members of her family, who had travelled from england for the purpose. the sensation created, not only over all germany, but even throughout europe by the absence of the emperor and empress from the wedding of the only child of the hereditary prince and princess of saxe-meiningen, when they were actually in the neighborhood, was so great that it can only be assumed that the emperor intended to give a public manifestation of his continued ill-will towards his sister; and that his so kind-hearted and good-natured consort should have thus joined him in this act of public discourtesy, can be explained by a story current at berlin to the effect that she, too, feels that she can neither forget nor forgive the mingled ridicule, satire and even downright contempt expressed not only about herself, but about the emperor, her sisters, and her mother in the missing diary of princess charlotte. another reason why princess charlotte and her husband are forced to conform themselves to the command, by means of which the sovereign keeps them almost permanently at breslau, is that prince bernhardt has little or no money at all, as long as his father lives, and that the couple are, therefore, almost entirely dependent upon the allowance which the princess receives as a member of the reigning house of prussia. now it is the kaiser who, as chief of the family of hohenzollern, controls all its vast private possessions, and, if at any time, a member of the house of prussia declines to yield obedience to his orders, he is empowered by the statutes of the hohenzollern family to suspend the allowances of those guilty of such insubordination. thus it is greatly because they are so poor that the prince and princess invariably travel incognito when they go abroad, although it has been asserted that the kaiser carries his irritation against his sister to the extent of declining to permit her to leave germany, save on the understanding that neither she nor her husband will anywhere exact, or receive the honors due to their royal rank. at the time of the visit of the emperor and empress of germany to rome, during the silver-wedding festivities of king humbert and queen marguerite of italy, prince bernhardt and princess charlotte were in the eternal city, entirely ignored by the italian court, as well as by all the foreign royalties present. indeed, while the emperor, and even the pettiest foreign princelets invited for the occasion, were driving about the streets and parks in royal equipages, the kaiser's sister and brother-in-law had to content themselves with the dingiest of hack cabs, and also with the rôle of ordinary sight-seers. those who imagine that princess charlotte prefers an incognito rôle to that of a royal princess are singularly mistaken. no one is fonder than she is of the prerogatives of rank, and like all clever and pretty women, she is ever eager to be the centre of attraction, and the object of much homage. she cannot, therefore, be said to relish the treatment and neglect to which she is subjected through her brother's displeasure. in the berlin great world the princess has always been popular, not merely by reason of her devotion to society, but because a certain amount of sympathy was felt for her in connection with the treatment which she had received at the hands of her mother. for some strange reason or other, princess charlotte was never appreciated by her mother, who showed her preference for her younger daughters in a very marked manner. charlotte was always treated with a far greater degree of strictness than any of the other girls, in spite of her being vastly superior to them in intellect and in looks. princess charlotte is still a very charming woman, and was in her younger days a singularly attractive girl, one of the fairest indeed of all queen victoria's numerous descendants, but her sisters are inclined to be homely, absolutely deficient in feminine elegance or chic, and, while accomplished, are extremely dull, and not a bit sparkling or witty. empress frederick always declared that her daughter charlotte was frivolous, and as much inclined to be forward and rebellious to discipline and control as her eldest son, the present emperor. therefore, as i have already stated, charlotte and william were treated by their mother with exceptional severity, were snubbed on every occasion, often in the most humiliating manner, and were made to feel that prince henry and their younger sisters held a higher place in the maternal heart than they. sad is it to add that the youth of neither william nor charlotte was a particularly happy one, and thus it is not astonishing that one as well as the other should have felt inclined to run a bit wild, like young colts, when first emancipated from the school-room. it was during the very few years that intervened between his leaving the university at bonn and his marriage, that william obtained his reputation for dissipation. his shortcomings, due to the exuberance of youth, were exaggerated until they were transformed from very venial offences into the most mortal of sins, while in the same way the delight manifested by princess charlotte at the admiration and homage to which her comeliness gave rise--a very natural feeling when one recalls the snubbings and humiliations to which she had been subjected until then--were construed into frivolity and deep-dyed coquetry, altogether unworthy of a royal princess. she was taxed, too, with an absence of that simpering modesty, more or less affected, which is _de mise_ with so many young girls in germany and in france, when they make their début in society, and even her most harmless flirtations were condemned by her mother as grave indiscretions. empress frederick became very soon imbued with the idea that it was necessary to marry off charlotte without delay, in order to avert the danger, as she conceived it, of one or another of these girlish flirtations developing into something calculated to compromise both her dignity and her fair name. had the princess been less hurried in this matter, it is probable that she would have found a more suitable husband, and above all one calculated to capture the fancy of a young girl, reared at a court which can boast of some of the finest specimens of manhood in the world. but she was married to the first princelet who happened to catch the eye of empress frederick, namely prince bernhardt of saxe-meiningen--aye, and she was hustled into matrimony in such a hurry, too, as to give a sort of foundation for some shameful and base slanders, cruelly unmerited, but which one hears even germans who profess loyalty to the crown repeating to this day. prince bernhardt, though an excellent man in his way, was very far from meeting the requirements of the "prince charmant" fit to be mated to a princess so gay and so brilliant as charlotte of hohenzollern. his appearance is effeminate, his manner finicky and old-maidish to a degree. he is neither stalwart nor good-looking; he excels neither as a dancer nor as a rider, nor yet as an athlete, and he gives one at first sight the impression of being an artist or a composer, rather than a son of that grand looking old fellow, the reigning duke of saxe-meiningen. indeed, there was at the time of the marriage but one voice in berlin society, condemning it as having been forced upon princess charlotte against her inclinations by her mother. and after the marriage the poverty of the prince rendered him to such an extent dependent upon the financial assistance of his mother-in-law, that he, as well as his wife, was compelled to remain subservient in every respect to her wishes. nor was it until william came to the throne and availed himself of his position as head of the family to grant princess charlotte an allowance suitable to her rank, that the princess and her husband were emancipated from the strict control of her mother, empress frederick. young married folks in america can form no conception of the extent of such tyranny, and when, some time after the wedding, prince bernhardt and princess charlotte secured permission from empress frederick--then only crown princess--to visit paris, and to make a stay there of three weeks, she only gave her consent on the condition that they should be accompanied by one of her chamberlains, and one of her ladies-in-waiting who had known the princess from childhood, and whose behests the prince and princess were obliged to obey throughout their sojourn in the french capital, just as if they had been a little boy and girl, instead of grown-up and married people. probably the happiest time of princess charlotte's life was the period which elapsed between the death of her lamented father and her exile to breslau. she amused herself to her heart's content, fluttered about in berlin like a butterfly, took a leading part in every social movement, was admired, fêted and petted by everyone, but gave her worthy husband no cause whatsoever for uneasiness, and avoided all scandals, save those contained in the anonymous letters, for which she cannot really be held responsible. to-day she must feel that she has exchanged the unbearable tyranny of empress frederick for the yet infinitely more oppressive despotism of her eldest brother, emperor william,--a despotism so harsh that it has won for her, somewhat late it is true, the kindly sympathy of her own mother,--a severity which may be said to have its source in that most dangerous of all the intimate friends and confidants of the princess, namely, that diary of hers which was stolen from her, and which is believed to be now in the possession of the kaiser. chapter v i am thoroughly aware that the point which is likely to excite the attention of my readers to a greater degree than any other in the previous chapter, is the reference contained therein to the tyranny exercised by the monarchs of the old world upon their relatives. in fact, it is far better in europe to be a mere subject than a kinsman or kinswoman of the sovereign. even the lowliest of the lieges of the anointed of the lord has certain constitutional rights and prerogatives which may be said to safeguard him from oppression and persecution, but princes and princesses of the blood have no such rights, and are exposed to every caprice and every whim of the head of their family, defiance of whose wishes entails exile, loss of property, even poverty and outlawry, without any redress. royal and imperial personages, in addition to being subjected to the ordinary laws of the land, are expected to yield blind and unquestioned obedience to another code, comprising what are officially styled the "family statutes" of the dynasty to which they belong. these are administered by the head of the family, who is free to construe them as he sees fit, and while they are binding upon the members of his house, they in no way can be said to constitute any limitation to the exercise of his authority. in fact, the latter is absolutely unrestricted, and extends to every phase of the life of a royal personage. thus, a prince or princess of the blood is debarred from contracting a marriage without the consent of the sovereign, and if any union has taken place without the sanction of the head of the family, it is regarded, not only at court, but even by the tribunals of the land, as invalid, and children that may be born of the marriage bear the stigma of illegitimacy. if a marriage has received the full authorization of the ruler, and there is any issue, the children cannot be educated without the sovereign's wishes being consulted. the parents, in fact, are regarded much as if they were either minors, outlaws, or demented people, unfitted to be entrusted with the control and bringing up of their offspring, for the sovereign is _ex officio_ the guardian of all children who are under age, belonging to the married members of his family, and his rights over the children are superior to those of the latter's father and mother. if the boy is to have a tutor, or the girl a governess, the appointment cannot be made by the parents without their previously obtaining the permission of the sovereign, and he has it in his power to reject their nominee, and to assign some candidate of his own, who may possibly be regarded as most objectionable to the unfortunate parents, for the duty of taking charge of the education of the young people in question. the royal or imperial mother, indeed, may esteem herself fortunate if the sovereign does not insist on personally selecting the nurses of her infants: when the present kaiser was born, not merely the late empress augusta, but likewise all the other members of the reigning house of prussia, and of the court of berlin, thought it quite right and natural that the old emperor william should exercise his authority for the purpose of prohibiting the young mother from herself nursing her baby; on the ground that it was contrary to the traditions of the house of hohenzollern, and a quite undignified proceeding. fortunately, the late emperor frederick, who had spent much of his time at the court of his mother-in-law, queen victoria, and who was aware that she had nursed every one of her numerous children herself, without permitting this motherly duty to interfere with the arduous official business of the state, expostulated with his father, and persuaded him to withdraw his prohibition, much to the horror of the courtiers, and greatly to the satisfaction of the royal lady, who is now empress frederick. in austria one of the principal sources of the domestic unhappiness of the lamented empress of austria, was the small voice that she was allowed by the sovereign--her husband--to have in the management and the control of her own children, as long as her mother-in-law, the late archduchess sophia, was alive. it was only after the demise of the archduchess that empress elizabeth first realized in their full measure the joys of motherhood. while on the subject of austria, i may cite the case of the widowed crown princess stephanie as another illustration of the extent to which royal parents are deprived of all authority over their children. thus when crown prince rudolph died at mayerling, his little daughter, at that time barely six years of age, was assigned to the guardianship, not of her widowed mother, but of her grandfather. a very general belief prevails that this arrangement about the care of the little archduchess elizabeth, was due to a piece of animosity on the part of the ill-fated crown prince against his wife, and i have seen it stated in print that he had left a will confiding his only child to his father, and directing that its mother should be allowed no voice in its education. there is no official authority for any such statement, but no matter whether the crown prince expressed any such testamentary wish or not, the fact remains that at his death his child was bound by the statutes of the house of hapsburg, to become the ward of the sovereign, who in this case happened to be her grandfather. gentle and soft-hearted as is emperor francis-joseph, he nevertheless exercised his authority over his grandchild in a way that cannot but have been galling in the extreme to its mother, a way, in fact, which i imagine would be beyond the endurance of any american woman. thus he insisted upon himself appointing and selecting her governesses and teachers; he nominated her entire household without consulting her mother, and its members, as well as the girl's instructors made their reports not to crown princess stephanie, but to him, from whom, also, they alone took their instructions. it was the emperor who decided where his grandchild was to stay, where she was to spend this part of the year, and where another season, and finally he strictly prohibited her from leaving his dominions. the position of the crown princess of austria since the death of her husband has been so extremely unpleasant and painful, that she has spent much of her time--indeed, at least nine months of the year--in foreign travel. the imperial family, the court and the people, hold her responsible for that domestic wretchedness which drove her so universally popular husband to his tragic death at mayerling. of a jealous disposition and of a temper that even at its best is difficult, she is generally understood to have driven him by her violence and injustice to seek, away from his home, the pleasures that he could not find by his own fireside. it had been known that she had been strangely lacking in dignity in her complaints concerning his behavior, and after his death she gave cruel offence both to his parents and to the people of her adopted country by her indifference to his terrible fate, and by the frivolity with which she bore her widowhood, not a little of which was spent at the gaming tables of monte-carlo in the gayest mourning costumes possible; a circumstance which horrified queen victoria, who was at that time at nice, and naturally cruelly embittered the bereaved and sorrowing mother, empress elizabeth, who, robed in deepest black, was at cap-martin, endeavoring to recover her health, which had been absolutely shattered by the tragedy. all these things led to the crown princess being regarded with deep disfavor in austria. difficulties were raised with regard to her rank and precedence at court, and the animosity manifested towards her was such at vienna, and elsewhere in the dual empire, that she found it preferable to spend the greater part of her time abroad. she was not, however, permitted to take her little daughter with her, and thus the young archduchess may be said to have grown up altogether away from her mother, whom she saw for barely two months of the year, and then more as a visitor and a stranger, than as a relative who had any voice in the ordering of her life. if, then, this control of the minor princes and princesses of his dynasty is insisted upon to such an extent by the aged emperor of austria, the kindliest, most warm-hearted and sympathetic of old men, always prone to patient forbearance and indulgence, it will be readily understood that it is exercised to its fullest extent by emperor william, in whose character the tendency to autocracy, and the spirit of command, is far more developed than in his brother monarch. indeed, he not only claims the right to act as the chief guardian of the junior members of the reigning house of prussia, of which he is the head, but likewise of the children of all those sovereign families of germany which have acknowledged him as their emperor. thus he insisted upon having entire control of his young cousin, the only son of the reigning duke of saxe-coburg and gotha, declaring that his own authority must be substituted for that of the lad's father, in spite of the latter being himself a reigning sovereign, and an ally rather than a vassal. the tragic fate of the young prince will be too fresh in the memory of my readers to need more than passing reference here. the boy, removed from parental care, was transferred by emperor william to berlin, with the avowed purpose of being under his own imperial eye. unfortunately, the duties and occupations of william are so multifarious that he was unable to fulfil his very excellent intentions with regard to prince alfred. the latter fell into bad hands, squandered large sums of money at cards, became involved in pecuniary difficulties, and in his endeavors to retrieve them, sunk deeper and deeper into the mire, until finally emperor william, suddenly alive to the results of his wholly-unintentional neglect of the royal lad, sent him back to his heart-broken parents, discredited, implicated in all sorts of unpleasant gambling transactions, and shattered alike in health and mind. in the midst of their silver-wedding festivities, they were forced to send their only boy off to a sanitarium in austria, where, in spite of the close restraint under which he was kept, he managed to put an end to his life, only a few days after his arrival, prompted thereto by either physical or mental agony, no one knows which. small wonder, when it became necessary to find a likely successor to the present reigning duke of saxe-coburg, and his younger brother, prince arthur of great britain, duke of connaught, was proclaimed heir, that the prince decided that it would be preferable to sacrifice his rights to this throne, rather than his rights over his only son. on being given to understand that if he accepted the position of heir apparent, his sixteen-year-old boy would become the ward of emperor william, and that the authority of the kaiser would be superior to his own over the lad, prince arthur declined to have anything to do with the saxe-coburg succession, and abandoned both his own claims thereto and those of his son, in favor of his young nephew, the fatherless duke of albany. it was precisely on the same ground that the duke of cumberland declined to complete the agreement whereby a reconciliation was to be effected between himself and the kaiser. born crown prince of the now defunct kingdom of hanover, he should have succeeded to the throne of the duchy of brunswick on the death of his kinsman, the late duke of brunswick, in . the german emperor, however, decided that he could not be permitted to take possession of the sovereignty of the duchy, nor to assume the status of one of the federal rulers of the confederation known as the german empire, unless he recognized the latter, as now constituted, that is to say with his father's kingdom of hanover incorporated with prussia. for a long time he refused to do this, but was ultimately persuaded by his brother-in-law, the late czar, and the prince of wales, to consent to a reconciliation with prussia, and to accept the present condition of affairs. the arrangements were on the eve of being completed when a conflict arose between the duke and the kaiser, as to the education of the former's eldest son, prince george. the duke wished to send him to the vizhum college, at dresden, where so many members of the sovereign families, and of the great houses of the nobility, have received their instruction, while the kaiser objected to this particular school on the ground that its teachings were calculated to increase instead of to diminish particularist and anti-prussian sentiments. the duke thereupon declared that he alone was competent to judge and determine how his boy should be educated, whereupon the kaiser put forth his pretension to the guardianship of all the junior members of the sovereign houses comprised in the german empire. rather than consent to this, the duke of cumberland, who has inherited much of the obstinacy for which his great-grandfather, king george iii. of great britain, was so celebrated, broke off all negotiations with emperor william, and refused to have anything more to do with him, for, like his cousin, the duke of connaught, he would rather sacrifice his rights to a german throne than his parental rights over a much-loved boy. but the despotism of the monarchs of the old world is by no means restricted to this question of the control and custody of the junior members of their respective families. every prince and princess of the latter, no matter what his or her age, or superiority in point of years to the sovereign may be, is subjected to the will of the head of the house. for instance, no russian grand duke or grand duchess can leave the muscovite empire without previously asking and obtaining the permission of the czar, and in the same way, the austrian archdukes and archduchesses have to crave the sanction of emperor francis-joseph, and the prussian princes and princesses, that of the kaiser, before they can leave their respective countries for a foreign trip. even empress frederick is compelled to obtain the permission of her son, the emperor, before taking her departure from germany for england or italy, and a few years ago when quietly enjoying herself in paris, she was forced by a peremptory command from her son to suddenly cut short her stay in the french capital, and to betake herself to england. to such an extent is this despotism carried that when prince henry of prussia was stationed at kiel, he had to ask his elder brother's permission before he could run up to berlin, although kiel is only a few hours' trip from the capital; and, as stated in the previous chapter, princess charlotte of saxe-meiningen and her husband, are kept at breslau, except when their brother william graciously condescends to permit them to leave their home. two years ago the emperor, for reasons which can only be surmised, and which were of a personal rather than of a political character--of which more anon--suddenly ordered his only brother henry off to china, and a little later, possibly with the object of showing to the world that his authority extended to the ladies of his house, as well as to the men, he directed princess henry to join her husband at hong kong. as the two little boys of the princess are exceedingly delicate, owing possibly to the fact that their parents are first cousins, the poor mother was very reluctant to undertake the trip, but she was forced by the emperor to go, and had scarcely reached hong kong before she learnt by cable that both her little ones were prostrated by a terrible attack of diphtheria. she was not, however, permitted to return, but was kept out in china away from her children until late in the spring, and reached home well on towards autumn, to find her little ones--the youngest was but two years old--more delicate than ever, but fortunately alive. in the memoirs of bismarck published by dr. busch, there is reproduced one of emperor william's letters, written prior to his accession to the throne, in the course of which he asks the great chancellor whether he approves of his "commanding" (the german word is "_befehlen_") his brother prince henry to make certain inquiries of the late prince alexander of battenberg. william in this letter does not talk of "requesting" his brother, but of ordering him to do this. if then william, as crown prince, already took upon himself the right of ordering his brother and his sisters to do this and to do that, it may be readily imagined that he is not less peremptory in his dealings with them now that he is their emperor and king. if they disobey him, he has various means of punishment at his command. he can banish them from court for a long term; he can deprive them temporarily, or for all time, of the prerogatives, the privileges, and the honors due to their rank; he can suspend their allowances from the national treasury, or from the family property, or can stop it altogether; he can take from them the control of any estates which they may have inherited, and confide the administration thereof to curators appointed for the purpose; finally, he can subject them to various forms of arrest, as he once did in the case of his brother-in-law, prince frederick-leopold; while in very extreme cases he can place the offending relative under restraint in an asylum for the insane on the pretext of dementia, as has been done in the case of princess louise of coburg, daughter of king leopold of belgium, and mother of princess "dolly" of coburg, who is now the wife of duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein. "_aux arrêts_," or confinement to one's quarters, is the most common form of punishment inflicted by old world monarchs upon those of their kith and kin who have failed to comply with their behests, and there is scarcely a single sovereign or prince of the blood, who has not been subjected to this species of discipline at one time or another of his career. thus the late emperor frederick, prior to his accession to the throne, but long after his marriage, was sentenced to several weeks' detention in his palace under strict arrest, as a punishment for a little joke which he had played during the course of a military inspection. he had been protesting for a long time against the tightness of the uniforms, and of the belts of the rank and file of the infantry, declaring that it impeded the movements and play of the muscles of the men, to such an extent as to deprive them of more than fifty per cent, of their usefulness. one day, during an inspection of the division of guards at potsdam, while the troops happened to be standing at ease, he walked along the front rank of the first regiment, accompanied by a number of officers, with whom he had just been discussing this very question of equipment; suddenly, he stopped short in his walk, and extracting a piece of gold from his pocket, dropped it on the ground, and told the men nearest him to pick it up, adding that whoever got hold of it first, might keep it! several of them made frantic attempts to bend down in order to get the money, but so tight were their uniforms and belts that they found it absolutely impossible to reach, the coin, which emperor frederick ultimately picked up himself, and handed to them. "and how do you expect to win battles with soldiers hampered to such an extent as that in their movements?" he exclaimed contemptuously to the officers around him. "what greater demonstration than this is needed to prove the justice of my argument?" the incident was reported to the then minister of war, who immediately lodged a complaint with frederick's father, the result being that "unser fritz," at that time crown prince of prussia, was placed by old emperor william for several weeks under arrest in his palace! prince rupert of bavaria, the heir apparent to the ancient throne of the wittelsbachs, was sentenced by his grandfather, the prince regent, to no less than three months' close arrest in his quarters at munich, for having left the kingdom without permission, in order to spend three days at paris, in fair but frail company; while the widowed duchess of aosta on one occasion was placed under arrest in her palace of turin by her brother-in-law, king humbert, because she had ventured to appear in public on her wheel wearing a pair of bloomers! prince and princess frederick-leopold, the latter a younger sister of the empress of germany, have both been condemned on several occasions by the kaiser to close confinement in their palace under the most stringent kind of arrest, for having disobeyed his majesty's commands with regard to the management of their household. duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein, the brother of the empress, has been subjected to more numerous orders of arrest by his imperial kinsman than any prince of the blood now living. severe as are european monarchs nowadays in punishing the disobedience of the members of their families, they do not, however, venture any longer to proceed to such extremities as the father of frederick the great, who when the latter was still crown prince, cast his son into prison, and ordered him to be shot, merely because he discovered that he was about to leave the kingdom without his permission for the purpose of undertaking a trip to england; and there is no doubt that the crown prince would have been put to death, and thus shared the fate of his two aids-de-camp, who were beheaded before his very eyes, in the fortress prison of küstrin, had it not been for the intervention of the ambassadors of austria, great britain, russia and france in behalf of his royal highness. yet another phase of this despotism, which the two kaisers,--namely their majesties of germany and of austria,--exercise over the members of their respective families, is the right which they claim to select and appoint the officers and ladies-in-waiting of every prince and princess of the blood. in order to appreciate what this means it must be explained that it is not merely contrary to etiquette, but absolutely forbidden by the rules and regulations instituted by emperor william and his brother sovereigns, that any such princes or princesses should venture to appear anywhere in public without being escorted either by a gentleman or a lady-in-waiting. these attendants, who are, it is needless to state, of noble birth, may be said to constitute the very shadow of the personage to whose household they are attached. in fact a royal or imperial prince or princess cannot even cross the street, far less leave home for a ride, a drive, a walk, or for the purpose of paying a visit, or of doing some shopping without being escorted, if a prince, by a gentleman-in-waiting, and if a princess, by a lady-in-waiting, and possibly by a chamberlain as well. nor are the duties of the ladies and gentlemen-in-waiting confined to attendance upon their royal charges in public, for they form part and parcel of the royal or imperial household to which they are attached, and if they do not occupy quarters in the palace, at any rate they take all their meals there, since their duties commence in the early morning, and only cease late at night. now, human shadows of this kind are all very well when one is at liberty to choose them one's self; but it is very different when one has no voice whatsoever in the matter, and when one is forced to submit to close and intimate attendance of this kind by ladies and gentlemen whom one neither likes nor trusts. in such cases as these, the gentlemen or ladies-in-waiting are apt to be regarded in the light of spies by their royal charges, and as people appointed by the sovereign to keep watch upon their actions. it is probable that no one has suffered so cruelly in this connection as the widowed empress frederick of germany. possessed of extremely liberal views in political matters--ideas which she imparted to her consort, she found herself, within a few years after her marriage, in complete opposition to prince bismarck. the latter regarded her as a very dangerous opponent, and responded to her openly avowed disapproval of his political methods by using his influence with her father-in-law, old emperor william, urging him to interfere with her management of her children; and above all, to appoint as members of her household personages with whom she could have no possible sympathy, political or otherwise, and who were, in every sense of the word, devoted to the iron chancellor. in fact, prince bismarck acknowledges in his reminiscences, as published by his boswell, dr. busch, that he caused the crown princess--as empress frederick was then--to shed many a bitter tear, by his interference, through her father-in-law, in her domestic affairs. bismarck made no secret of his enmity towards empress frederick and her husband before the latter ascended the throne, and it is on record that he even officially insisted that secrets of state should not be confided to "unser fritz," for fear that the latter's consort might communicate them to her english relatives. he even went so far as to accuse her of having, during the war of , betrayed to non-german relatives prussian military secrets, which were used by the french against her adopted country, and served to prolong the conflict. these odious charges, "_which have been abundantly disproved_" and for which "_there was not even the shadow of a foundation_," are merely referred to here in order to show the intense bitterness of the personal animosity entertained by the chancellor towards empress frederick. yet it was he, bismarck, who, through the old emperor, had the right of selecting and nominating, not merely the instructors and attendants of her boys, but her own gentlemen and ladies-in-waiting--nay, even the physicians and surgeons to be called in cases of illness. chapter vi it is to the part played by prince bismarck in selecting the attendants and tutors of the present emperor that must be ascribed the strained relations that notoriously existed between the kaiser and his mother during the few years immediately preceding and following his accession to the throne; while there is no doubt whatsoever that the last eighteen months of emperor frederick's so prematurely-ended life, were saddened and embittered by the feeling that a conspiracy was on foot to prevent his succession to the throne on the ground of the incurable malady from which he was suffering--a conspiracy in which some of the principal participants were members of his household and physicians who had been forced upon him by his father at instigation of prince bismarck. if i mention this, it is not so much with the idea of evoking a very painful chapter of the history of the court berlin, as it is for the purpose of explaining, and in a measure of excusing, the charges of unfilial conduct brought against the present emperor, and which contributed so much to his unpopularity both at home and abroad during the early years of his reign. i have related in a previous chapter how william, while a boy, was snubbed by his parents, and treated with considerable strictness. his father, like so many good-looking giants, utterly free from affectation and pose, believed that he saw in his eldest boy a tendency to posture, a forwardness of manner, and a disposition towards pride of rank, amounting to arrogance, which it was necessary, at all costs, to repress. prince william, therefore, was constantly receiving setbacks, often of a most humiliating character, from his parents, and i am sorry to say that this practice of regarding him as a presumptuous youth whom it was necessary to check, extended to other european courts, so that poor william can not be said to have had an altogether enjoyable time; and in this connection it is just as well to state that the prince of wales and his other english relatives, took their cue from his mother in their treatment of him, a circumstance which he has neither forgiven nor forgotten. indeed the notorious absence of cordiality between the prince of wales and his imperial nephew of berlin originates with the snubs which the british heir apparent, in his capacity of uncle, felt it necessary to administer to william, when the latter was a lad, and even when he had reached manhood. yet it would be unfair to ascribe any undue blame in the matter to the parents of emperor william. the responsibility must rest rather with those people with whom prince bismarck, acting through the old emperor, surrounded the young prince. the mission of these nominees of the chancellor was to counteract the influence of the then crown prince and crown princess over their eldest son, and this was achieved by setting the boy against his parents. every direction or command given by frederick or by his consort to their son was made the subject of critical discussion by the personages with whom bismarck had surrounded him, until the latter became convinced that the judgment of his parents was at fault in almost everything that could be imagined, and that all their views, political as well as social, were thoroughly out of keeping with prussian traditions and german patriotism. this in itself was bad enough: but what made matters infinitely worse, was that whenever william was subjected to any reproof or discipline by either his father or mother, those composing his immediate _entourage_ at once impressed upon the royal youth that he was the victim of the most gross and unpardonable injustice, that both his father and mother were inordinately jealous of his striking individuality, that the unmerited severity to which he was subjected was brought about by their consciousness that his intellect was superior to theirs, and that his ideas were too thoroughly prussian to constitute anything but a serious danger to their english liberalism. the effect of influences such as these upon a high-spirited and impulsive youth, at the time entirely devoid of experience or of knowledge of the world, may readily be conceived. it naturally led to an increase of what his parents regarded as his presumptuousness and forwardness of manner, and consequently to a growth of their severity towards him. he, on the other hand, became more and more embittered by the unduly harsh and rather unjust treatment to which he was being subjected by both his father and his mother. the persons in attendance on the imperial family, with the conspicuous exceptions of count seckendorff and countess hedwig brühl, were careful to fan the embers of bitterness rankling in the bosom of young william whenever any opportunity offered, and thus it happened that when emperor frederick, while still crown prince, was discovered to be suffering from that cancer of the larynx which ultimately carried him off, the relations between parents and son were so strained as to give rise to the very widespread belief that william was the ally of his father's enemies, and a participator in the disgraceful conspiracy which ensued for the purpose of barring him from succession to the throne on the ground of his fearful malady. as soon as the nature of the disease from which frederick was suffering had been ascertained, his opponents, prince bismarck first and foremost, dug out from the most remote recesses of the family archives of the house of hohenzollern an obsolete and forgotten law barring from the succession to the throne of prussia any prince of the blood who was afflicted with an incurable malady. of course, the original object of the statute in question was to enable the elimination from the line of succession of princes afflicted with hopeless insanity, or some such disease as would prevent them from administering the government, thus rendering the institution of a regency necessary. in one word, the purpose of the measure was to prevent such a situation from arising in prussia as prevails now in bavaria, where, since the throne has been occupied by a lunatic prince, who was incurably insane for many years before his accession to the crown, and whose dementia takes that peculiar form, which is described in the bible as having overtaken nebuchadnezzar. king otto of bavaria imagines himself to be alternately a quadruped or a bird, and when he is not browsing on leaves and grass in the gardens of his prison palace at fürstenried, under the impression that he is a sheep or goat, he will stand on one leg in the centre of a shallow pond, firmly convinced that he is a stork, occasionally flapping his long coat-tails in lieu of wings, and greedily attempting to devour any frogs or tadpoles that may come within his reach, unless prevented by his attendants from doing so. there have been, alas! numerous cases of insanity in the reigning house of prussia. old emperor william's elder brother and predecessor, king frederick-william iv., spent the last few years of his life under restraint, hopelessly insane, his brother and ultimate successor administering the government as regent. the late princess frederick of prussia was afflicted like her brother, the last duke of anhalt-bernburg, with a peculiar kind of lunacy which took the form of an invincible objection to clothing of any kind whatsoever; while one of her two sons, prince alexander, who died only a few months ago, suffered from a species of good-natured imbecility, which led him to offer his heart and his hand to every woman or young girl that he encountered, no matter what her age, or looks, or rank, sometimes making as many as thirty or forty offers of marriage in the same day! the above-mentioned law was created for the purpose of preventing a prince thus situated from ascending the throne of prussia, but the family statutes evoked by prince bismarck and his followers certainly never contemplated the deprival of a prince of his hereditary rights of succession to the throne because of some physical ailment or infirmity. this would have been entirely contrary to the spirit and ethics of the monarchical system of the old world; as will be readily seen when attention is called to the fact that both the late king of hanover, and the present reigning grand duke of mecklenburg-strelitz, were absolutely and totally blind at the time they succeeded to their present thrones. prince bismarck took the view, however, that the statute in question was sufficient to bar "unser fritz" from succeeding to his father, if it were once medically admitted that his malady was incurable, or if curable, that it was liable to permanently destroy the vocal chords, thus abolishing forever the power of speech. prince bismarck declared that in a matter of such extreme importance, where the succession to the throne, and the life of the heir apparent were at stake, the surgeons and physicians should be selected by the state--that is, by himself--and that their verdict should be final. chief among the medical experts whom he nominated for the purpose, was the celebrated german surgeon, professor von bergmann, who is as famed for his skill in the use of the knife as for his fondness in applying it in cases where it might possibly be dispensed with. having convinced himself that the malady from which crown prince frederick suffered was a cancer, he decreed that the only manner of saving the life of the illustrious patient was the extremely dangerous and almost certainly fatal operation of removing the entire portion of the larynx that was affected. this, as stated above, would have left the crown prince dumb for the remainder of his days, and according to the views of prince bismarck would have barred him from succession to the throne. it is related in court circles at berlin, that professor bergmann was on the point of operating upon the crown prince unknown to the crown princess, and under the pretext of making a very radical examination, for which anaesthetics were necessary, when, he was prevented at the very last moment by her imperial highness. it is even stated that she tore the instruments from his hands, and turned him out of the room with the most bitter and cutting reproaches. whatever may be true in this bit of court gossip, it is certain that a fierce quarrel did take place between the crown princess and the great surgeon, and that the cause of this quarrel was the decision taken by the latter to operate upon the crown prince as the only means of saving his life. [illustration: _the crown princess and professor von bergmann_ _after a drawing by oreste cortazzo_] the crown princess thereupon summoned to her assistance sir morel mackenzie, the greatest throat specialist in england, who throughout his long career was consulted by all the leading singers and orators of his day. mackenzie came to berlin, examined the crown prince, and utterly rejected the diagnosis of professor bergmann, and of the german physicians. he declared that the affection of the larynx, while cancerous, would not be bettered by using the knife, at any rate at that time, and that he believed the malady to be curable by treatment. needless to add that his opinion was reviled in germany as that of a charlatan, and that the teuton specialists declared that the crown prince was doomed to certain death within six months, unless the operation was performed. fearing that some further attempt might be made at berlin to operate upon her husband without her knowledge, or in spite of her opposition, the crown princess took him off to england, and from thence to the tyrol, from which place they eventually migrated to san remo. meanwhile, the german newspapers, that is to say, those which were believed to be receiving their inspiration from bismarckian sources, were filled with abuse of the crown princess, who was charged openly with being willing to sacrifice the life of her husband rather than her chances of becoming german empress. meanwhile the crown prince became worse and worse, and while at san remo had several fits of agonizing suffocation, to which he almost succumbed, and from the worst of which he was virtually saved by the late dr. thomas evans, of philadelphia, who displayed the utmost devotion and intelligence of treatment in the case of the imperial sufferer. it was at this juncture that one of the most dramatic scenes which can be imagined took place in the antechamber of the illustrious patient. the crown princess received letters which informed her that prince bismarck had submitted to the old emperor, then himself near death, a decree for signature, transferring the succession of the throne from crown prince frederick to the latter's son, prince william, a decree which, by the by, the old emperor could not bring himself to sign. furthermore, she learnt through the same sources that one of the principal members of her household at san remo, in fact, one of the chamberlains in attendance, was sending daily reports of the most venomous character to berlin, and to prince bismarck particularly, about everything that went on around the unhappy crown prince. not a thing was said, not a thing done, not a change for the worse or the better in the condition of the hapless crown prince, that was not instantly reported to the chancellor, in a sense most detrimental and inimical to the imperial couple at san remo. this traitor in the camp owed his appointment to the imperial household to prince bismarck, but by his charming manners, his professions of loyalty and of devotion, and his denunciations of prince bismarck, and of the latter's policy and ways, had completely captured the confidence of both the crown prince and crown princess. empress frederick has inherited from her mother, queen victoria, a singularly fiery temper. her passionate anger when she realized the base treachery to which her sick husband and herself had been subjected in their time of cruel tribulation and trouble can only be imagined by those who have the privilege of knowing her, and the scene that took place between herself and the offending chamberlain was not merely dramatical, but tragical in its fierce intensity. it was very shortly after this that the old emperor died. if prince bismarck entertained any further hopes of preventing the accession of crown prince frederick to the throne, they were frustrated by prince william, who declined to be a party to any such conspiracy. indeed, in spite of all that has been said to the contrary, i am firmly convinced that william at no time took any part, either directly or indirectly, in the bismarckian plot to oust his so sadly afflicted father from his rights to the crown. but, on the other hand, it is certain that he was suspected by his parents and relatives of being privy to the scheme, and that he was treated with still greater hostility and lack of affection by them than previously, which naturally served to embitter him more than ever before. emperor frederick's reign lasted not quite one hundred days, and throughout that period a conflict may be said to have raged around the bedside of the dying man. both he and his wife, aware how brief his tenure of the throne was destined to be, were bent on inaugurating some of those liberal reforms and popular measures which had been the dream of their entire married life, and which they wished to see put in force, as a lasting memorial of that monarch who figures in german history to-day as "frederick the noble." prince bismarck, and all the leading statesmen of prussia, it must be admitted, ranged themselves against the imperial couple in the matter. they expressed profound pity for the dying emperor, but they denounced the empress with the utmost virulence for taking advantage, as they described it, of his condition to endow germany with some of the most pernicious features of english political life, which, while all very well for britons, were destined to prove disastrous in the extreme if applied to prussia. the fiercer the opposition, the more resolute did both the emperor and empress become in their determination to attain their aim, before death once more rendered the throne vacant; and the position of william, who was now crown prince, became even more difficult than it had hitherto been. his political sympathies were, it is impossible to deny, with prince bismarck and his followers, and he could not with his training and with the influences by which he had been surrounded, ever since he had left school, but disapprove of the measures which his father and mother wished to adopt. this very naturally added to their distrust of him, and while they lavished every token of affection upon their other children, he was treated by them more as a political adversary and a personal foe than as a friend or a son. at length the end came. the pitiful sufferings of "unser fritz," uncomplainingly and patiently borne, were brought to a close by a death which in his case must have been a longed-for release; and within an hour afterwards, william, the present emperor, had startled his subjects and the entire civilized world, by taking an extraordinary step, which for a long time afterwards served as a theme for the denunciation of unfilial character hurled against him both in germany and abroad; this step being the giving of an order to the effect that the guards placed at all the entrances of the palace of potsdam, in which his father had breathed his last, should be doubled, that a cordon of troops should be drawn around the park walls, and that no one should be allowed to enter or leave the palace without his permission. while there is every reason to believe that this measure was suggested to him by prince bismarck, yet it must be admitted that it was to a certain extent justified by the circumstances. emperor frederick was known to have kept a most exhaustive diary throughout his entire married life, dealing day by day with all the political questions of the hour, the secrets of the prussian state, the incidents of court life, etc., just as they occurred. from a german point of view it was a matter of the most extreme importance that this collection of diaries should not be permitted to leave prussia, or to reach a foreign country, for it would practically have meant the placing at the mercy of a foreign land all the state secrets of prussia during the previous thirty years. emperor william and prince bismarck had both been led to believe that empress frederick had made arrangements to have these books conveyed to england by sir morel mackenzie, whom they both disliked as much as they distrusted him. the idea that these volumes should be in the care of mackenzie, even during the twenty-four hours journey separating berlin from london, was to them quite intolerable. before many hours had elapsed, however, the measures were relaxed. it was discovered that the diaries were no longer in the palace, and that they had been taken over to england either knowingly or unknowingly by queen victoria on the occasion of her visit to potsdam, when she came to bid adieu to her dying son-in-law. let me add that some time later, after a considerable amount of explanation and negotiation, queen victoria, of her own accord, returned the cases containing emperor frederick's diaries to her grandson at berlin, with the seals unbroken, taking the very sensible ground that inasmuch as there were many prussian state secrets therein contained, their place was in the archives of the house of hohenzollern, rather than in england. emperor william has never forgotten the course adopted by his grandmother in the matter, and by his manner towards her has repeatedly shown since then that he feels how greatly he can rely upon having his actions appreciated with perfect impartiality and all absence of prejudice at windsor. empress frederick was naturally deeply offended by the precautionary measures adopted by the emperor on his father's death, and saw therein a new and most insulting indication of his unfilial conduct towards herself. nor were the relations between the mother and the son improved, but on the contrary rather aggravated by the presence of the prince of wales at berlin. the latter remained in the prussian capital for a number of weeks after the funeral of emperor frederick, and the english newspapers, which had been most outspoken in their criticisms of the young emperor's attitude towards his parents, did not hesitate to declare openly that if the prince was continuing his stay in berlin, it was for the purpose of championing the interests of his favorite sister, and of protecting her from the insults of her son, and of the latter's mentor and chief counsellor, prince bismarck. there were all sorts of troublesome questions cropping up between the mother and the son during the first few months of her widowhood, many of which were inevitable; for certain courses of policy upon which emperor frederick had embarked were disapproved by the young sovereign's constitutional advisers. then, too, it would appear that frederick iii. had taken advantage of his brief tenure of power to unduly favor his wife and his younger children at the expense of the hohenzollern family property in a manner that was not in consonance with the traditions of the reigning house. it was also whispered that the late emperor had lent a very large sum of money to his brother-in-law, the prince of wales, and it was further asserted that the then minister of the imperial household had preferred resigning his post to countenancing such a use of the money belonging to the hohenzollern family. there was the question, moreover, of the distribution of the palaces. while william was perfectly ready to permit his mother to keep her residence at berlin, he felt that he was entitled, as emperor and chief of the family, to the new palace of potsdam, the finest of the lot, and the only one roomy enough for the abode of a reigning sovereign. it was, therefore, necessary that he should have possession thereof. his mother, on the other hand, took the ground that inasmuch as it had been her principal home throughout her married life, that nearly all her children had been born there, and that it was in many respects a creation of her husband's, she ought to be allowed to retain it. of course the emperor had his way, and this but served to increase the bitterness, particularly when he issued an order to the effect that its old name of "neues palais" should be restored in the place of "friedrichskron," which had been given to it by the widowed empress during her husband's brief reign. of course all these differences of opinion between the mother and the son were carefully intensified by prince bismarck, and aggravated by the continued presence of the prince of wales, who was regarded, probably unjustly, as largely responsible for the animosity which it was claimed was entertained and manifested by the imperial widow for her son. the newspapers took sides in the matter, and the press being very active, there is every reason to believe, in view of the wide field of german and foreign journalism over which the influences of the chancellor extended at the time, that he had a finger, not alone in the denunciation on the one hand of empress frederick as grasping, mercenary, and too much of an englishwoman to be a patriotic german, but likewise in the abuse of emperor william for unfilial conduct. every act of his that could possibly be construed as such, was painted in the blackest of colors, especially in the english press, manifestly with the idea of conveying to the kaiser the impression that the attacks originated with his english relatives, possibly with his mother herself; and i can recall seeing at the time a story to which the london papers devoted columns, and which was made the theme of editorials, the subject of which was that the emperor had sold to a carpenter the pony-carriage and pony used by his father daring the few weeks immediately preceding his death, for his drives in the palace gardens. the story related with much detail about how the pony trap was to be seen during the week in the streets of potsdam, laden with window-sashes, etc., while on sunday and holidays the seat where formerly the dying emperor reclined was occupied by the "herr tischlermeister" and his frowsy, vulgar-looking "frau." yet there was not a word of truth in this story. the pony-carriage used by "unser fritz" during the closing days of his life is preserved as a species of sacred relic in the imperial coach-house at potsdam, while the pony leads a life of ease, idleness and equine luxury, out of regard for the fact that it had the honor of drawing the moribund monarch around the grounds of charlottenburg and potsdam. inasmuch as this precious story about emperor william's selling the pony-carriage in question first made its appearance in a london newspaper, which, as long as bismarck remained in office, was regarded as his particular organ in the british press, being owned by a gentleman bearing a distinctly german name, there is every reason to believe that the tale in question originated with some of the journalistic myrmidons employed by the chancellor, and that its object was to embitter william against the english, against his british kinsfolk, and, above all, against his mother. it is not without significance that the mother and the eldest son have understood one another only since the dismissal from office of prince bismarck. from that time the relations between the two have been of the most affectionate and cordial character. perhaps at first there was at times a little difference of opinion, owing to the difficulty experienced by a woman of the imperious character of empress frederick in realizing the fact that her eldest son was no longer "her boy willie," to be ordered about and controlled, but that he had become, not merely emancipated from her control, but her sovereign master, whose commands she is now forced to obey, and whose wishes she is obliged to consult and consider. but every year since the fall of bismarck has had the effect of bringing the mother and the son nearer to each other. the empress seems to have come to the conclusion that she has judged her son harshly and unjustly, prejudiced by appearances which were frequently against him; while he, on the other hand, demonstrated to prince bismarck that, while he was grateful to him for his services to the empire, he found difficulty in pardoning him for the advantage which he had taken of his--the emperor's--youth and inexperience to estrange him from both his father and his mother. if i have repeated in this chapter some history that may be regarded as ancient, since it dates back to eleven and twelve years ago, it is for the purpose of relieving emperor william of much unmerited reproach heaped upon him, as the most unfilial of royal and imperial princes in modern times. william has a warm heart, and an affectionate disposition. he shows this in the happiness of his home life, and by the tenderness of his devotion to his wife and children. if he was for a time estranged from his parents, and in particular from his mother, it was less through any fault of his, or of theirs--i repeat it--than through the intrigues of bismarck, and of the latter's friends within and without the imperial household, who fondly imagined that they were serving the "vaterland" by keeping the parents and their son estranged from one another. chapter vii everyone, i presume, is acquainted with that old french saying, "_dis moi qui tu hantes et je te dirai qui tu es!_" which may be rendered in english: "tell me with whom you associate and i will tell you who you are!" while this adage is almost invariably true in the case of ordinary people, it would hardly be just to apply it where monarchs and princes of the blood are concerned. given that every form of pleasure, of entertainment and of amusement is always within their reach, thanks to the loftiness of their station, their wealth, and facilitated furthermore by the anxiety of their courtiers both to please them and to retain their favor, they naturally soon become blasé to such an extent that they become a prey to ennui--a thoroughly royal malady, from which few, if any, of the scions of the reigning houses of europe are exempt. "ennui," like "chic," is a french word difficult to translate and subject to much misinterpretation, especially in the united states, where it is practically unknown. the majority of americans are far too busy, and are environed by too much bustle and activity to experience such a thing as ennui, and even the american leisure class, still in an embryo condition, as a rule are too new to their privileges to have that feeling. to suffer from ennui implies so deep a knowledge of life, and a corresponding satiety of its pleasures, that all the ordinary routine events of existence have no longer any power to interest the mind. ennui is not weariness nor tediousness, as described in the dictionary; neither is it boredom, for the latter differs therefrom in its not necessarily being the outcome of a high degree of civilization, which ennui certainly is. an untutored savage of central africa, or of the wilds of australia may be bored; so are many of the ignorant houris of oriental harems and zenanas. nay, even an energetic business man may feel temporarily bored by enforced bodily or mental inaction, or by dreary associations; but that can scarcely be described as _ennui_, a feeling which in the true sense of the word means being thoroughly _blasé_ and oppressed by moral and physical satiety. you must know everything, have tried everything, have had all your personal wishes and desires satisfied, all obstacles removed from your path, and pass your way through life with the firm conviction that there remains nothing to interest or arouse your ambition in order to be a victim of _ennui_. the greatest sufferers from this disagreeable sensation are, as i have just remarked, the royal and imperial personages of europe, and although the emperors of germany and austria have the greater portion of their time taken up by the business of the state, and the administration of the government of their respective countries, yet neither of them is exempt from ennui. indeed, there are no princes whose features betray to such an extent unmistakable evidence of ennui, as those of the imperial house of hapsburg, while emperor william's choice of many of his friends is guided by the powers which they may possess to entertain him, and to deliver him in his hours of leisure from that dreaded complaint. of course there are exceptions to this rule, and there are several of emperor william's cronies who owe the friendship of their sovereign to kindnesses which they rendered, and devotion which they displayed to him, in the days prior to his accession to the throne. but in the majority of instances, the sometimes strange selection of friends made by the emperor is attributable to the fact that the personages to whom he accords his favor succeed in amusing and entertaining him during the time that he is not occupied with the cares of his empire. conspicuous among friends of this particular character, is baron von kiderlen-waechter, who holds the rank of minister plenipotentiary in the diplomatic service of germany, and who was recently, and possibly still remains, prussian envoy to the court of denmark, but who is known in the imperial circle at berlin by the nickname of "august," that being the "sobriquet" given to the clowns belonging to variety-shows and circuses in england, austria, and france. in fact, he certainly occupies among william's immediate circle of cronies and associates the position of court jester, and the emperor makes a point of taking the baron along with him whenever he goes on his annual yachting trips along the coast of sweden and norway. the latter is the life and soul of these imperial yachting parties, his witticisms, his antics, and, above all, his inimitable talent for mimicry keeping even the sailors of the _hohenzollern_ in continual roars of laughter. yet he can be grave and dignified on state occasions, and when one sees him at the court of berlin arrayed in full uniform, his breast covered with decorations, it is difficult to realize that this imposing-looking diplomat is the principal partner of the autocrat of germany in such juvenile games as "hot cockles," which is a very favorite game on board the _hohenzollern_, and in which the kneeling and blindfolded victim receives a terrific spank or smack, and then has to guess, under the penalty of ridiculous forfeits, who it is that struck him! no one would ever have dreamt of finding any fault with this intimacy between the emperor and the baron, had it not been for the fact that the latter laid himself open to charges of having taken advantage of the imperial favor won by mimicry and practical joking, to further political and personal intrigues in which he was interested. indeed, he was repeatedly accused in the german press of being largely responsible for the manifestation of animosity between the court of berlin and friedrichsrüh that characterized the last eight or nine years of the life of prince bismarck. the newspapers did not hesitate to assert that the baron, who had formerly been one of the confidential secretaries of the old chancellor, had deliberately fomented the irritation of the kaiser against the veteran statesman, believing that any reconciliation between the monarch and his former chancellor would entail the baron's disgrace. finally, the abuse of the baron in the berlin press became so pronounced that he was virtually obliged to challenge the editor of one of the most vituperative of the metropolitan sheets, and very gallantly lodged a bullet through the shoulder of this "knight of the quill!" for this escapade the baron was condemned to three months' imprisonment by the courts, duelling, as has been intimated already, being forbidden by law in germany. his incarceration in the military fortress of ehrenbreitstein on the rhine was absolutely unprecedented. ambassadors and envoys have in times gone by been imprisoned by sovereigns to whose courts they were accredited, in defiance of all the laws of international right regulating the intercourse between civilized powers, but this was the first occasion of a government taking the unheard-of step of jailing one of its own envoys. fortunately for the baron, the king of denmark was, before his accession to the throne, an officer of the german army, and as such was disposed to regard with the utmost leniency the offence for which his excellency was condemned to imprisonment. he realized that the baron had no alternative but to fight, his honor having been questioned by the paper whose editor he challenged. although duelling is forbidden by the criminal law of germany, under the penalty of imprisonment, yet, had the baron failed to fight, and taken shelter behind the law, he would not only have been compelled to resign his diplomatic office, his position at court, and his rank in the army, but he would have subjected himself to such odium as to have become to all intents and purposes a social outcast, and compelled to leave germany. appreciating this, old king christian raised no objections to the appointment of a chargé d'affaires, to represent the diplomatic interests of germany at his court, during the term of imprisonment served by the minister plenipotentiary, and from the moment when the latter completed his term, and was liberated from prison, he resumed his duties as envoy at the court of copenhagen, just as if nothing had happened. another intimate friend of the kaiser, who possesses much the same _talents de société_ as baron kiderlen-waechter, and whose position in the high favor of the kaiser has been a subject of much unfavorable comment, and even of open abuse in berlin, is baron holstein, popularly known as the "_austern-freund"_ or "oyster-friend," owing to his altogether phenomenal capacity for the absorption of bivalves, and his strongly developed fondness for good cheer! baron holstein, like baron kiderlen-waechter, was formerly one of the confidential secretaries of prince bismarck, and a daily guest at his table, and was treated as a member of the old chancellor's family for years, yet he became one of the most relentless foes of the bismarck family as soon as the prince was dismissed from office. prince bismarck was not the sort of man to submit in silence to the enmity of his former secretary, and a few years after his retirement to friedrichsrüh he took occasion, during the course of a public discussion of the circumstances which led to the disgrace and ruin of count harry arnim, for a long time german ambassador at paris, to disclose for the first time in speech, and in print, the part which baron holstein had played in the affair. according to the prince, baron holstein, while first secretary of the german embassy at paris, and though treated by count arnim as an inmate of his home, living in fact under his roof, and eating at his table, was in the habit throughout an entire year of sending secret reports to berlin against the chief under whom he was serving--reports which subsequently furnished the basis of the charges upon which count arnim was tried, convicted and disgraced. it is true that some mention was made in the parisian and english press at the time of the arnim trial of the questionable rôle which baron holstein had played in the affair, and there were a number of parisian papers that did not hesitate to hold up the baron to, at any rate, french obloquy, as a man guilty of the base betrayal of the kindest and most indulgent of chiefs. the only person on that occasion who had the courage to take up the baron's defence was m. de blowitz, french correspondent of the london _times_, of which he is described on the banks of the seine, as the "ambassador," and who possesses an immense amount of influence with the parisian press. blowitz's championship of the baron's cause was sincerely appreciated by the latter. he called upon the correspondent, thanked him effusively, and declared that it was his intervention alone that had made his stay at paris possible. during the conversation that followed, blowitz opened his heart to his visitor, telling him that his own position as the paris correspondent of the _times_ was in danger owing to some changes in the administration of the london office. a fortnight later, blowitz received from the managing editor of the _times_ in london a letter sixteen pages long, addressed to printing-house square, and entirely written and signed by baron holstein. it denounced blowitz as being one of the creatures of the late duc decazes, as wilfully ignoring and concealing for interested purposes of his own, a number of matters that should have found their way into the columns of the _times_, and urging the managers of the latter to send to paris some fitter and more impartial person, who would be better able to keep the great english newspaper _au courant_ of what was going on below as well as above the surface, than so unscrupulous a person as m. de blowitz. this letter was dated exactly three days after the latter's visit of gratitude to the correspondent, and the incident may be regarded as being in perfect harmony with the behavior of this favorite of the kaiser to both count harry arnim and subsequently to prince bismarck. the third of these cronies of the kaiser, to whom his subjects take objection on the ground that they are in the habit of using the favor shown to them by his majesty to further their own interests, and to injure those who, for one reason or another, have incurred their animosity, is count philip eulenburg, who has been again and again referred to in the berlin newspapers as "the troubadour." he is at the present moment german ambassador at vienna, whence his predecessor, prince reuss, was ousted in spite of the eminent services of a personal character which he had rendered to the emperor, in order to make way for the count. the latter's intimacy with his sovereign is largely due to his cleverness as a poet, a dramatist, and a composer, and while he has furnished the words to many of the musical compositions of the kaiser, william has, in turn, had much of his own poetry set to music by the count. philip eulenburg has been clever enough to foster william's very pardonable weakness as to his gifts as a musician and a poet, and being a man of the most charming manners, possessed of an unusual supply of tact, and extremely accomplished in many respects, he has acquired an extraordinary degree of influence over his sovereign. indeed it may be doubted whether there is any member of the imperial entourage who stands as high in the good graces of the german ruler as does his ambassador to the court of vienna. each year the emperor makes a point of spending a week at liebenberg, the country-seat of the count, and it has long been a matter of comment that these visits are invariably signalized by the inauguration of some political or administrative move on the part of the kaiser. it was, indeed, at liebenberg that the emperor decided upon the dismissal from the chancellorship of general count caprivi, who had been unfortunate enough to incur the enmity of the eulenburgs. count philip, who possesses a fine voice, and who during the annual yachting trip of the emperor on board the _hohenzollern_, is accustomed to sing duets with the monarch, and to play the latter's accompaniments, is not, as is generally supposed, the brother, but merely the cousin of botho, augustus, and the late count wend eulenburg. his career was almost wrecked at its very outset by an incident which developed into an international question. while stationed as a young sub-lieutenant of cavalry at bonn, he was one day inadvertently jostled in the street by a gray-haired and rather portly stranger, whom he at once addressed in the most insulting manner. upon the stranger responding in kind, the count drew his sabre and cut the man down, inflicting upon him such a wound that he expired a short time afterwards at the hospital. there it was discovered that he was one ott, a frenchman, and one of the chefs of queen victoria, momentarily detached from his duties at windsor castle, in order to attend her majesty's second son, the duke of edinburgh,--now the reigning sovereign of saxe-coburg-gotha,--during his stay on the continent. both the queen and prince alfred were indignant at the outrage, which was made the subject of an acrimonious correspondence between the english, french and prussian governments, the result being that count philip was sentenced to pay heavy damages to the widow and to the orphaned children of his victim, and to undergo a year's imprisonment in a fortress. he only joined the diplomatic profession in , when he was appointed as third secretary to the german embassy at paris, and he occupied very inferior rôles in the diplomatic service of his country until the accession to the throne of his friend and patron, emperor william, who promoted him a few weeks later, at one bound, from the post of second secretary of the legation at munich to the rank of prussian minister-plenipotentiary at aldenberg, whence he was transferred a year later to stuttgart, then, to the hague, and then back to munich, as chief of the legation, which post he retained until his nomination in to the german ambassadorship at vienna, that is to say, to the blue ribbon of the diplomatic service of the kaiser. he is generally regarded as destined in course of time to become chancellor of the empire, in spite of the human blood with which his hands are stained. both the court and the public object far less to the intimacy that exists between count augustus eulenburg and his imperial friend, for augustus, who is the grand master of the imperial household and the chief executive dignitary of the court, has been the closest associate of william since the latter's earliest boyhood. he was one of those officials whom prince bismarck forced upon the then crown prince and crown princess, in order to keep watch over their actions and to counteract their influence on their eldest son. it was he, count augustus, who acted as the comforter of william whenever he was subjected to reproof or to disciplinary measures by his father or mother; who invariably espoused the lad's cause, and who contributed more than anyone else to convince william that he was a victim of the most cruel and unmerited form of parental severity and persecution. he constituted himself the mentor and the guide of the prince, initiated him into all the intricacies of the imperial court, as well as into the secrets of its most prominent members. in one word, he rendered himself so indispensable to the prince, that as soon as the latter succeeded to the throne he at once appointed count augustus eulenburg to the grand mastership of the court and household. to what extent emperor and empress frederick were aware of the spirit characterizing the count's relations with their eldest son, it is difficult to say, but there is no doubt that during the last two or three years of emperor frederick's life, the position of augustus in the household of "unser fritz" was vastly improved and facilitated by the sensational quarrels of his elder brother, count botho eulenburg, the celebrated statesman, with prince bismarck, for both frederick and his wife, from, that time forth, ceased to look upon augustus as a creature and a spy of the chancellor. how great was the intimacy between william and the count, may be gathered from the fact that augustus was the invariable and sole companion of the emperor in that species of haroun-al-raschid nocturnal expeditions which his majesty was wont to undertake in the slums of his capital, for the purpose of learning what his people were saying about him. at that time, his features were far less familiar to the public than they are to-day, and by giving his moustache a different twist, and his hair another turn, he experienced no difficulty in disguising himself. the adventures which he met with during the course of these nightly prowls in the company of count augustus are numerous enough to fill a book. still, while they furnished plenty of amusement, excitement, and experiences not altogether unpleasant, they involved his majesty, on one or two occasions, in so much personal danger, that the count, realizing the responsibility which would rest upon his shoulders in the eyes not merely of the nation, but of the entire world, if anything untoward happened to the monarch, induced him, though with difficulty, to abandon this species of pastime so dear to crowned heads. let me add that it was on the occasion of one of these expeditions that the emperor met with a very severe injury to his hand. there is an old established usage in berlin, on new year's eve, which prescribed that any man appearing in the street in a high or stiff hat should be incontinently bonneted, that is to say, have his hat crushed down over his eyes and ears by a blow of the fist. emperor william, who is somewhat fond of rough horse-play, used to delight in this form of amusement, and on the first new year's eve after his accession to the throne, he sallied forth with augustus eulenburg in search of adventures. catching sight of a portly citizen of mature years walking along under the shadows of the trees that line the magnificent avenue known as "unter den linden," he immediately proceeded to crush the high silk hat which the man wore by a tremendous blow from his imperial fist! he was unable, however, to refrain from a cry of pain, and his companion the count, on seeing that his sovereign's hand was drenched with blood, at once summoned the two detectives who were following discreetly in the rear, and caused them to arrest the citizen. the man on being searched at the palace police station, was found to be a merchant of high standing, who, determined to get even with the practical jokers from whose brutality he himself had suffered on previous new year's eves, had devised a sort of thick leather hat-lining, armed with long and sharp prongs, pointed outward like the quills of a porcupine. the emperor, on smashing the hat, naturally had his hand dreadfully lacerated. the citizen was kept under arrest for twenty-four hours, during which the question was discussed as to whether he should be prosecuted and punished for inflicting personal injury upon the sovereign, or not. finally, william himself, with that good sense which so often characterizes him, gave orders for his liberation, on the ground that he could not possibly have dreamt that he would be bonneted by his sovereign, that he was, therefore, quite innocent of any intention to inflict injury upon the person of the emperor, and that he, william, had, after all, got nothing but what he deserved for playing such a prank. moreover, in order to show the citizen that he bore him no grudge, he sent him, by way of consolation for his arrest and the destruction of his hat, a portrait bearing the autograph signature of the kaiser, as well as the words: "in memory of _sylvester-nacht_."--new year's eve is sacred to saint sylvester. count botho eulenburg, the elder brother of augustus, has repeatedly held the offices of cabinet minister and premier of prussia. he happened to be at the head of the department of the interior at the time when the attempts were made by nobiling to assassinate old emperor william, and ever since that time has been the sworn foe of socialism, and identified with everything that is reactionary and despotic in prussian legislation. his influence with the emperor is very great, and there is no doubt that he has contributed in a great measure to the somewhat extravagant views which the kaiser entertains with regard to the divine rights of monarchs, and especially concerning their responsibility, not towards their people alone, but also towards the almighty. count botho's quarrel with prince bismarck, originated in the following manner. the count, in accordance with a decision reached at a cabinet meeting, spoke as minister of the interior in the prussian diet in favor of placing the communal councils under the provincial board, instead of under the central government. he had no sooner sat down than a member arose and said that he was instructed by the prime minister, prince bismarck, to disavow the view taken by the minister of the interior. this extraordinary action of the prince was due to the fact that he had suddenly decided upon coquetting with the liberals, for the sake of obtaining their support upon the subject of another of his little inaugurations. count botho immediately sent in his resignation, and did not resume office until after the disgrace of prince bismarck. previous to this quarrel, however, as i have already stated, the most intimate relations had subsisted between the eulenburgs and the bismarcks. indeed, countess marie, only daughter of prince bismarck, was at one time betrothed to wend, the youngest of the three eulenburg brothers. three days before the day fixed for the wedding, the young man was suddenly seized with typhus, and forty-eight hours later succumbed to this awful disease. countess marie, it may be added, subsequently married count rantzau, after having been between times engaged to baron eisendecker, once german envoy at washington, and now the kaiser's adviser in yachting matters, whom she jilted in consequence of differences of religious opinion. so much for the eulenburgs, who may be said to constitute the most influential family at the court of berlin, and without a description of whom no history of the life and surroundings of emperor william could possibly be regarded as complete. other cronies of the kaiser, who are less influential in a political sense, and, therefore, less obnoxious to the people, are counts douglas, count dohna, and count goertz. public attention, however, has often been drawn to the friendship of the kaiser for the dohnas by the frequency of the imperial visit with which count richard dohna is honored at his superb old château of schlobitten, and likewise by reason of the fact that on two occasions william almost lost his life through carriage accidents which he sustained while out driving with the count. [illustration: _the runaway at proeckelwitz_ _after a drawing by oreste cortazzo_] the dohnas are one of the most ancient houses of the old german nobility, and schlobitten, with its grand old park, shaded by glorious trees, has been in the possession of the family since the fourteenth century. the castle, as now arranged, is only two hundred years old, having been reconstructed on the site, and with the ruins, of an ancient monastery and dwelling. the name of dohna is recorded in the most important pages of prussian history. statesmen, generals, and in particular, confidants and cronies of their successive rulers have borne that name, and there is not a king who has reigned over prussia, and previous to that an elector who has ruled over brandenburg, who has not stayed at the castle of schlobitten and occupied the antiquated four-poster bed, in which the present emperor sleeps whenever he makes a visit there. count richard dohna is a great breeder of blooded horses, a magnificent whip, and the accidents which happened to the kaiser, while out driving with him, were merely due to the fact that in each case the horses were too young, and not sufficiently broken in. on one occasion, the drag was upset into a ditch not far from schlobitten, the kaiser and the count being severely bruised and shaken up; while at another time a splendid team got beyond the control of the count, smashed harnesses and pole, and dashed helter-skelter into the little town of proeckelwitz, where they were fortunately stopped without further mishap. the intimacy of the kaiser with the dohna family serves to recall the fact that there was a daughter of this house, countess anna dohna, who claimed to have become the wife of the late emperor william. she lived for a time in london, geneva, and then in new york, and was wont to style herself countess dohna-brandenburg, having added the name of brandenburg to that of dohna by reason of this alleged marriage. while in new york she lived in a large house in lexington avenue, which she furnished handsomely, and she never seemed to be in want of money. according to her own story she met the late emperor william in , during the lifetime of his father, king frederick-william iii., when she was sixteen years of age. after several clandestine meetings, she claimed that they were married late one night at clegnitz, in silesia, by a young country parson. the latter did not know the prince, who gave the name of william count brandenburg, and his occupation as that of an officer of the royal guards. the marriage certificate was duly made out, and then her husband told her that it would be expedient to keep their union secret for a time. to this she reluctantly assented. when at length, urged by her entreaties, her husband revealed their marriage to his father, king frederick-william iii., he flew into a terrible rage, forced him to sign a renunciation of the countess's hand, and she was conveyed to a small castle near königsberg, in east-prussia, where she was kept a close prisoner for years. in , always according to her story, she succeeded in escaping, and crossing the polish frontier reached warsaw, where in the following year she was recognized at a state performance of the opera given by czar nicholas, in honor of the king of prussia and prince william, who were visiting the russian court. she was arrested at the theatre, and on the following morning conveyed to eastern russia, where she was kept under strict surveillance until the death of frederick-william iii., in , led to her release. she was then permitted to return to prussia, and the new king, frederick-william iv., offered to compromise the matter with her. this she refused to do. her father's death placed her in possession of a large fortune, and she spent several years in travelling. in she intended to appeal to the prussian national assembly for justice, but the police got wind of it, and she was interned in her château in silesia. on william becoming king of prussia, she was given the alternative of leaving the country or of becoming an inmate of a lunatic asylum, so she transferred her abode to paris, and after living for awhile in london and geneva, came to new york in . the truth of this story having been questioned, it may be mentioned that the prussian _staats anzeiger_, or official berlin gazette, of june , , contains the following royal decree: "by order of his majesty the king, anna countess dohna having claimed to be the wife of prince william of prussia, i hereby decree that such a union if it ever took place, be null and void. "frederick william, rex. "anthony von altenstein, "secretary of state." i have seen it mentioned both in german and foreign publications that the three counts of brandenburg, two of them distinguished generals, and the third for many years prussian envoy at brussels, were the issue of the union of countess anna dohna and old emperor william of germany. but this is not true; for their father, a famous premier and soldier, of whom a fine statue exists at berlin, was the son of king frederick-william ii. of prussia, and his morganatic wife, the countess of dohenhoff. with regard to count douglas, i may state that the kaiser's intimacy with him dates back to many years prior to his accession to the throne. like his twin brother, count louis douglas, the swedish statesman, who until a few weeks ago occupied the post of minister of foreign affairs at stockholm, count willie douglas may be said to have royal blood in his veins, for his father, old count douglas, now dead, married the morganatic daughter of a royal princess of the reigning house of baden. on the old count's death, william, the elder of the twins, inherited his mother's vast property, while louis, the younger, took possession of his father's estates in sweden. william was educated in germany, is an officer of the prussian army, as well as a member of the prussian house of lords: louis was brought up in sweden, entered the swedish army, became chamberlain to the crown prince of sweden, married the daughter of count ehrensward, late minister of foreign affairs at stockholm, and eventually succeeded to his father-in-law's post at the head of sweden's foreign office. like his twin brother in prussia, he is exceedingly conservative, imbued with the necessity of retaining the old feudal prerogatives, and of placing every obstacle in the way of the rising tide of democracy. indeed, whatever influence he exercises over the king and crown prince of sweden, is as reactionary as any influence which his german brother may be said to enjoy over the kaiser. the douglas twins are descended from the great scotch family of douglas, and are therefore allied to the duke of hamilton and the marquis of queensberry. their ancestors emigrated to prussia from scotland at the time of the thirty years' war, fought under gustavus-adolphus, and afterwards returned with him to sweden, where they became members of the swedish nobility. count willie, like his brother, displays all the hereditary traits of the scotch house that bears his name, having the peculiar jaw, falling underlip, and dark complexion of the celebrated "black douglas." yet neither of the twins speaks a word of english, nor has ever visited the land of his sire, though they bear the douglas motto of "do or die." count willie has few british sympathies, but some british tastes, being famous as a four-in-hand whip, and as a magnificent shot. he is also very hospitable, and entertains at berlin in a right royal fashion, his wealth, derived from the mines which he owns in the hartz mountains, enabling him to do so without hesitation on the score of expense. it is no secret that emperor william has, on two or three occasions, offered a cabinet office to his friend william douglas, who has, however, invariably declined it, much to the relief of those who are convinced that the same peculiar moral and psychological affinity exists between the douglas twins as that attributed to the corsican brothers. it would have been, they declare, a dangerous experiment to have had one of them directing the foreign policy of germany, and the other that of the kingdoms of sweden and norway. it may interest my american readers to add that a few years ago count willie douglas was the defendant in an extraordinary lawsuit at berlin which had an american end to it. it seems that some thirty years ago a man of the name of brandt died in the united states, leaving a fortune of several millions of dollars. having no near relatives in america, the lawyers advertised for any heirs that he might have left behind him in germany. the father of count douglas was at the time burgomaster of the little town of aschersleben, and one day some of the inhabitants of the place bearing the name of brandt placed a lot of papers in his hands, asking him to glance over them, and to see whether there was any truth in the statement that they were heirs to an immense fortune in america. the old count, in his capacity of burgomaster, declared that the affair looked to him very questionable, that he believed it was a mere swindle, and that there was surely nothing in it for them. whether he returned to them the papers or not, is unknown, but he declared to the day of his death that he had restored them, whereas the brandts of aschersleben swear that he did not. eventually, they brought suit against his son, not merely for the recovery of the documents, but likewise for the fortune, actually alleging that the latter had been appropriated by old count douglas, with the connivance of the late prince bismarck, who had received a large share of the plunder. it is scarcely necessary to state that they were non-suited. emperor william's intimacy with count and countess goertz may be said to be a sort of inherited friendship, the count's father, president of the hessian house of lords, and his consort, a princess of sayn-wittgenstein, having been the most intimate friends of emperor and empress frederick, whose acquaintance they made through the late grand duke and grand duchess of hesse. in order to show the affectionate relations existing between the parents of the kaiser and those of the present head of the ancient and illustrious house of goertz, it is merely necessary to state that professor hintzpeter, who for a number of years directed the education of emperor william and his brother henry, and who, as their old tutor, retains much influence over both the imperial brothers, was selected by emperor and empress frederick for the purpose, on the personal recommendation of the late count and countess goertz, in whose family he had resided for a number of years as tutor to their son. in fact, the present count goertz, who is some eight or nine years the senior of the emperor, can boast, like the latter, of having been a pupil of old hintzpeter, who in some respects is the german counterpart of the late czar alexander's tutor, m. pobietnotzoff. that william shares the confidence placed by his parents in the goertz family is shown by the fact that when he found it necessary, at one time, to obtain the services of a tutor for one of his young relatives, in a case, it must be added, of particular delicacy, he at once nominated to the post professor krenge, who at the time was tutoring the sons of the present count goertz. countess goertz is a woman of great beauty, which she may be said to have inherited from her mother, the so-celebrated countess of villeneuve, wife to the brazilian envoy to the court of brussels, and renowned throughout europe on account of her loveliness. although the admiration which the kaiser displays for the fascinating countess is of the most undisguised character, it fails to excite the jealousy either of his consort or the count, and the relations between the empress and the countess are so close that the former has been known to lend to her friend articles of jewelry, and even of dress, for use at fancy dress balls and elsewhere. the emperor and the count are also as united and unrestrained with each other as two men can be who have the same tastes, who have been intimately acquainted since childhood, and whose parents have been close friends before them. it is doubtful whether william ever enjoys himself so much, or feels so thoroughly at home, as when visiting the goertzes at schlitz. there his days are spent in shooting and hunting with the count, and the evenings in composing new melodies, and setting songs to music with the countess. the emperor's children and the young goertzes are bound by equal ties of affection, and are old-time playmates, so that there seems every likelihood of this friendship between the hohenzollerns and the former reigning sovereign house of goertz being continued in the third generation. no account of the emperor's private life can be properly written without including a brief sketch of general count von hahnke, and of baron von lucanus. the former is the chief of the military cabinet of the emperor, and the other is at the head of his civil cabinet, that is to say, he occupies the post of principal private secretary. both of them accompany the emperor wherever he goes, and in fact constitute his very shadow, enjoying by reason of their proximity to the sovereign, and by their close association with him, a far greater degree of power and influence than any cabinet minister. baron lucanus is an extremely good-looking man, whose popular nickname at berlin, namely, "the emperor's blackie man," is in nowise due to any swarthiness of complexion, but to the fact that among the great dignitaries in attendance on the emperor, he is the only one in civilian attire, while moreover he is invariably selected by the sovereign to convey to any cabinet minister, whose resignation is required, the imperial intimation "_that he has ceased to please_." it was baron von lucanus who communicated to prince bismarck the emperor's request and subsequent peremptory command for the surrender of the chancellorship of the empire, and it was he, too, who was sent to ask bismarck's successor, general count caprivi, for his resignation; in fact, there has not been a single ministerial head to fall during the last ten years--and they have been very numerous during the present reign--where herr von lucanus has not been the imperial emissary of these evil tidings. this is so well known in berlin that the moment the baron is seen to be calling at the residence of any distinguished statesman who happens to be in office, it is at once taken for granted that the axe has once more fallen, and that it is another case of a ministerial downfall. the berliners declare that emperor william pitches upon lucanus for these particular jobs in consequence of his being the son of a halberstadt druggist, and as such, more likely to be proficient in the art of sugar-coating the bitter pills than any mere military officer! he owes his patent of nobility to the late emperor frederick, who entertained a very high opinion of his intelligence, and it is worthy of note that he first came to the fore in the entourage of the emperor when prince bismarck's power as chancellor commenced to wane. he is a man of about fifty, and served for a quarter of a century in the department of public worship. it was, however, as an expert in art matters, and as an intelligent assistant in the organization of the imperial museum of science and art at berlin, that he first attracted the notice and good-will of the late emperor, and particularly of the empress frederick. his military colleague, general count von hahnke, although a charming man, is, nevertheless, one of the most bitterly-hated officers of the german army; this is due to the fact that he has virtually usurped the prerogatives and the power of the minister of war, who has been reduced to a mere instrument of his wishes. this is not altogether the fault of the general, for the emperor insists on retaining absolute control of the army in his own hands, and of exercising its command in every particular, no appointment being made without his initiative and sanction, while everything is done through count hahnke as supreme head of the military cabinet of his majesty. a few years ago the general lost his son under singularly tragical and somewhat mysterious circumstances. the misfortune occurred during one of the annual yachting trips of the kaiser, young hahnke being a lieutenant on board the yacht. according to the official version, the young officer met with his death while coasting down a mountain road at one of the norwegian ports at which the yacht had touched, his bicycle getting beyond his control, and precipitating itself with its rider over a low stone parapet into a fierce torrent hundreds of feet below. the emperor happened at the time to have a bruise on the face, caused by a block and tackle swinging against him during a squall, while on deck, and on the strength of this temporary disfigurement, a story most painful to the emperor was circulated to the effect that his black eye was due to a blow from young hahnke, who resented some indignity in connection with the practical jokes and rough horse-play so frequent on board the _hohenzollern_ during the emperor's annual holiday. it was added that the young officer had been given by military and naval etiquette the alternative of blowing out his brains, or of taking his life in some other way, as the only means of saving his name from disgrace and his honor from loss; and a certain degree of color was given to the tale by the fact that it was published at full length in a london society newspaper, at the very time when its proprietor and editor was sojourning at marienbad with the prince of wales, and in daily intercourse with the british heir apparent, who was naturally supposed to know the truth about young hahnke's death. perhaps the most striking and convincing evidence of the absurd fabrication of this story, which has given much sorrow, both to the emperor and empress, is to be found in the fact that the young officer's father remained at the head of the emperor's military cabinet, and has never abandoned, even temporarily, his service near the kaiser; this the general would certainly not have done had william been in any sense of the word responsible for the death of his boy. in fact it was the kindly and tactful sympathy of both the emperor and the empress that enabled the bereaved father to bear his loss with fortitude, and his gratitude for the kindness shown to him by his sovereign is of a deep and undying quality. chapter viii great is the contrast between the court of berlin to-day and the aspect which it presented during the closing years of the reign of old emperor william, and were any of the latter's familiars to return to the place where so much of their existence had been spent, they would indeed find themselves amidst strange surroundings and strange faces. in those days, grey and white hair were the rule rather than the exception. to-day the contrary is the case, and not merely do the dignitaries of the court and of the army belong to a younger generation, but also the members of the imperial circle, that is to say, the princes and princesses of the blood, with whom the emperor and empress associate as kinsfolk and near relatives. the few older members of the reigning house of prussia who survive--the contemporaries of the grandfather and father of william ii.--find the atmosphere of the court so different from what they have been accustomed to in the past, so out of keeping with their ideas--in one word, feel themselves so little at home there, that they prefer to stay away as much as they can. thus prince albert of prussia, one of the grandest looking soldiers of the imperial army, and certainly one of the most gigantic in stature, divides his time between brunswick, where he holds a court of his own as regent, and england, where he is accustomed to spend his holidays. the widowed princess frederick-charles lives nearly all the year round in italy with her chamberlain, baron wangenheim, whom she is understood to have morganatically married, and in whose company she occasionally visits the pope, a circumstance which has led to the rumor that she has joined the church of rome. the widowed empress frederick is either at her lovely castle of kronberg, near homburg, which is stocked from garret to cellar with those art treasures of which she is one of the finest _connaisseuses_ in europe, or else is traveling about in italy, austria or england. indeed the only contemporary of the old emperor who still remains at berlin, and who is occasionally to be seen at court, giving one the impression of a spectre of the past, is prince george, who bears a startling resemblance to the old kaiser particularly when arrayed in uniform. while slightly eccentric, he is remarkably accomplished, and has not only written a number of german plays over the pen-name of "george conrad," which have been successfully staged in germany, but is even the author of a drama written in the purest and most exquisitely correct french, sparkling with parisian wit and brilliancy, which has had long runs in many theatres without either the actors or the public being aware that it was from the pen of a prince of prussia. until the war of , prince george was on terms of the utmost intimacy with the de goncourts, the dumases, de girardin, and all the principal literary lights of france, with whom he was wont to foregather on a footing of artistic equality each year at ems, a german watering-place much frequented by the french prior to the great struggle of ; of course, since that time his intercourse with french people has been much more restricted, and through a feeling of delicacy and tact, with which he is not usually credited, he has refrained from visiting paris, or even from setting his foot on french territory since the war. this, however, has not prevented him from keeping himself _au courant_ of every literary and dramatic event that takes place on the banks of the seine, and a french academician of my acquaintance who was presented to him last summer at ems, and who spent several days there in his company, could not sufficiently express his amazement, not merely at the extraordinary purity of the prince's french, but likewise at the amazing manner in which he seems to have kept track of everything that has happened at paris in the world of letters and art, as well as of the french idioms, figures of speech, and even witticisms of the present day. the delicacy which prince george manifests with regard to the french people, and his fear lest his admiration for them should be misinterpreted, is largely due to the treatment that he received at the hands of empress eugénie at carlsbad, in or . having been a frequent and welcome guest at the tuileries during the reign of napoleon iii., the prince, when he found that the widowed empress had arrived at carlsbad, and had taken up her residence at the very hotel at which he was staying, naturally considered that he could not do otherwise than take some notice of her presence; if he affected to ignore her, he would have exposed himself to the reproach of gross discourtesy; at the same time he felt that any public form of attention might prove unwelcome to her, and might possibly serve to impair her son's prospects of recovering his father's throne; so he contented himself with sending her every day magnificent baskets of flowers, and with bowing to her with the utmost deference, but without attempting to accost her when he met her in the gardens or park. he likewise caused it to be intimated to her secretary, m. pietri, that if at any moment she felt disposed to accord him an audience, he would be only too glad of the opportunity to "lay his homage at the feet of her majesty." that was all. yet such as it was, the empress managed to turn it to political account, for she suddenly left carlsbad, making it known throughout france, by means of the press, that she had been compelled to quit the baths, and to interrupt the cure, in consequence of the undesirable attentions which prince george of prussia persisted in forcing upon her. naturally, the newspapers made the most of her story, and were filled with denunciations and abuse of the prince, some of the sheets asserting, by way of explanation of his conduct, that he was mentally unbalanced, his mother having been an acknowledged lunatic, and his brother. prince alexander, an imbecile. nothing can be further from the truth. it cannot be denied that he has a few harmless and kindly eccentricities which would attract no attention whatever in an ordinary septuagenarian, but which excite comment merely by reason of his rank as a prince of the blood. he is a gentle, brilliantly accomplished, chivalrous old fellow, without an enemy in the world, and is a great favorite with the emperor's children, who will deeply miss him when he passes over to the majority, and is laid to rest in the family vault of the house of hohenzollern. with this exception, the princes and princesses of the blood of the court of berlin are all of much the same age as the emperor. they comprise prince henry, his only brother, who is due home from china in the spring of , and his consort, princess irene of hesse, sister of the young czarina. then there is prince frederick-leopold, the extremely wealthy son of prussia's celebrated cavalry general, prince frederick-charles, to whom belonged the credit of taking the french stronghold of metz, in the war of . he is married to a younger sister of the empress, and is, therefore, not only the cousin, but likewise the brother-in-law of the kaiser. prince adolph, of schaumburg-lippe, although nominally stationed at bonn, is also accustomed to spend the entire season at berlin, with his wife, princess victoria of prussia, a sister of the kaiser. the latter is credited with the intention of investing prince adolph with the regency of brunswick, should it be vacated by prince albert, or else of appointing him viceroy of alsace-lorraine. princess aribert of anhalt and her husband, too, are very conspicuous figures in the imperial circle, the princess being a special favorite of the kaiser. she is his first cousin, being the offspring of queen victoria's daughter helena, who married prince christian of schleswig-holstein, the guardian of the present empress, who spent much of her girlhood in england with prince and princess christian, so that her friendship with princess aribert may be said to date from childhood. duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein, the only brother of the empress, has quieted down to a great extent since his marriage a year ago to princess dorothy of coburg, and inasmuch as his eighteen-year-old wife appears to be supremely happy, there is every reason to believe that he has demonstrated the truth of the good old adage, according to which "reformed rakes make the best husbands!" the only daughter of the king of wurtemberg has made her home at potsdam and at berlin since her marriage to the prince of wied, and as she is not only the cousin, but likewise the most intimate friend of the young queen of holland, the kaiser finds considerable political advantage in lavishing tokens of his affection and regard upon both her and her husband. another young couple belonging to the court of berlin are prince and princess william of hohenzollern. the princess is a daughter of the sicilian branch of the house of bourbon, while her husband is the eldest son of that leopold of hohenzollern, on account of whose election to the throne of spain in , france embarked upon her disastrous war with germany. young prince william of hohenzollern, it may be added, figured for a time as crown prince of roumania, and as heir to the throne of his uncle, king charles; but after living for some time at bucharest, he came to the conclusion that life in roumania as crown prince was infinitely less agreeable than that of a scion of the house of hohenzollern at berlin, so he renounced his rights to the roumanian throne, and came back to berlin to live. his younger brother, charles of hohenzollern, divides his time between berlin and potsdam; he is married to princess josephine of belgium, daughter of that count of flanders, who is brother and next heir to king leopold. besides these, there are prince and princess albert of saxe-altenburg, and several other young couples belonging to the junior sovereign houses of the german empire, who prefer to make their home at berlin, and at potsdam, rather than in the smaller and infinitely less brilliant capitals of their respective countries. moreover, it has now become the fashion among the various non-prussian rulers of the german confederation, to send the junior members of their families--the young men--to berlin for a time, in order to complete their military education under the eyes of the kaiser, and to be in touch with that general staff which is virtually the supreme council of war of the german army. it is for this reason that prince louis of bavaria, although he notoriously dislikes the kaiser and resents his assumption of superiority, claiming that the members of the wittelsbach family are not the vassals, but the allies of the emperor, nevertheless has sent first his eldest son, and then each of his younger ones in turn, to spend a year or two at the court of berlin, under the immediate direction and eye of the kaiser. prince louis was particularly anxious that his eldest son, rupert, as future king of bavaria, should get in touch with the emperor, and become thoroughly acquainted, not only with prussian methods, but also with the leading statesmen and generals, and with the trend of political aims and aspirations at berlin. the example of prince louis has been followed by all the other petty german sovereigns, so that there are always about a score of non-prussian but german young princes of the blood, giving life and gayety to the courts of berlin, and potsdam, and taking a leading part in berlin society. among the princes there is none, however, who possesses so striking an individuality as william's only brother, henry. his assignment to the command of the german naval forces in the far orient a couple of years ago, created much comment and speculation, being construed by many, both in germany and abroad, as a banishment resulting from the kaiser's jealousy and dislike of the very popular sailor prince. i do not believe for one moment that this supposed jealousy exists, although everything that can possibly be conceived has been done, unintentionally and intentionally, to create it, in a manner which i will describe a little further on. the reason of prince henry's being sent to the far orient was of a twofold character. in the first place, the chinese empire seemed to be on the eve of a break-up, and each of the various great powers of europe, was exerting its utmost energies to secure the lion's share in the game of grab in progress at pekin. scions of european royalty who visit china and japan are few and far between, and the emperor very naturally thought that the presence of prince henry at the head of the german naval forces in chinese waters--a prince who in addition to being the kaiser's only brother, is brother-in-law to the russian czar, and a grandson of the queen of england,--would have the effect of giving to the cause of germany in the orient an importance and a prestige which would atone for the inferiority of its naval strength in that part of the globe. then, too, the emperor is generally believed to have foreseen the conflict between spain and the united states, and to have known beforehand of the intention of the latter to make a dash upon manila, in order to secure possession of the rich and fertile philippine archipelago at the first outbreak of hostilities. germany's navy is of such relatively recent origin that its flag-officers are far from possessing either the spirit of resource, or the cleverness and diplomacy for which the commanding generals of the german army are so distinguished. they are men who, officially, intellectually, and socially, are of an inferior calibre, the majority of them being of plebeian birth. the emperor held, therefore, that it was all-important that germany's squadron in the far orient should be, at that particular juncture, under the command of an officer such as prince henry, who, by reason of his royal rank and his intimate knowledge of his brother's views and wishes, would have the necessary boldness, tact, and presence of mind to know exactly how to deal with any crisis that might arise. i am perfectly aware that there is a disposition in the united states to blame prince henry for the bad feeling which was caused by the attitude of the german warships at manila during the few months that followed the great american naval victory gained under the guns of that city, but the trouble was due to the prussian rear-admiral, diederichs, who, to use the expressive phrase of the english captain, sir edward chichester, in endeavoring to excuse him in the eyes of admiral dewey, "had no sea-manners," and there is no doubt that had prince henry been at manila, instead of diederichs, at that moment, there would have been no friction whatsoever, either between the naval commanders, or subsequently between the two nations, for prince henry possesses precisely those qualities which would have resulted in feelings of good-will and friendship with admiral dewey. he is modest, honest, broad-minded, speaks english perfectly, and is entirely free from any affectation or pose. he is a man, indeed, who has so many qualities in common with dewey that it is impossible that they should not have understood each other, and under the circumstances it is most unfortunate that the prince happened to be in the northernmost portion of the china seas at the very time that the battle of manila was fought. it may be remembered that matters went on very much more smoothly between the germans and the americans at manila after the withdrawal of admiral diederichs. there was another very important reason for sending prince henry to manila; he is, of all the members of his house, the one most strongly imbued with liberal and progressive ideas in political affairs. in fact, he seems to have inherited all those political views of his father, emperor frederick, which were a source of so much concern and apprehension to the late prince bismarck. to tell the truth, the political views and aspirations of henry are diametrically opposed to those of his elder brother, a circumstance which does not, however, in any way impair the affection existing between the two. at the time when he sent off prince henry to china, the kaiser was far from well, and was suffering more than usually from the painful malady of the ear already referred to, and which is identical with the disease which first of all wrecked the mind and then killed his grand-uncle, king frederick william iv. added to this, he is firmly imbued with the idea that he is destined to meet with a sudden death at the hands of an assassin, a conviction which never leaves him, and which is perhaps responsible for that species of stern and even aggressive air with which he, gazes at the cheering crowds when he rides home at the head of his troops through the streets of berlin or of potsdam after a day spent in military manoeuvres on the great plains of tempelhof. if any of my readers feel disposed to condemn him for this apprehension,--it would be unjust to style it fear,--let them try to imagine how they themselves would feel if they knew that there were scores of desperate men and women who had sworn to take their lives by means of bullets or explosive bombs, fired or hurled from the centre of some dense crowd, which would destroy the life of the victim of such an outrage without a moment's warning, or without being able to even so much as raise a hand in self-defense. now at the time when prince henry sailed for china, the young crown prince was sixteen years of age; that is to say, he lacked two years of the attainment of his majority. had anything untoward happened to the kaiser during the minority of the crown prince, prince henry would, according to the laws of the house of hohenzollern and of the prussian constitution, have been appointed as regent until his nephew came of age. prince henry's right to the regency, as nearest male relative, was one of which he could not be deprived, save by altogether exceptional and questionable methods, which both policy and fraternal affection forbade the emperor to employ. yet he realized that were henry to be entrusted with the regency he would change in the most radical fashion the course of the ship of state; would introduce measures dear to the late emperor frederick, but to which he, the kaiser, was unalterably opposed, and would, in short, undo everything that he himself had done; so that when eventually the crown prince came of age there would be no longer any possibility of his continuing his father's policy, a policy which the emperor has been at great pains to inculcate into his boy. with prince henry at the antipodes, there was an excuse for vesting the regency either in the harmless hands of frederick-leopold, or in those of prince albert, whose ideas on the subject of government are to a great extent in keeping with those of the kaiser. that was one of the reasons why henry was sent off to china, and any doubt upon the subject will be removed by remembering the fact that his sojourn in the far east will terminate with the eighteenth birthday,--the coming of age--of his nephew, the young crown prince. that such real and lasting affection should subsist between william and henry is indeed surprising, and speaks volumes for the warm-heartedness, and i might almost say magnanimity of the kaiser's character. for everything that could possibly have contributed to render him jealous of his brother, has been done, as i remarked above. henry was always favored at the expense of william by his father and mother, as well as by the entire imperial family. in fact, the late emperor gave a striking expression of his preference for his younger son, when at the time of the prince's marriage to princess irene of hesse, he pressed into henry's hand a slip of paper--he could not speak any longer, owing to the awful malady which carried him off,--on which he had written, "_you at least have never given me a moment's sorrow, and will make as good a husband as you have been a loving son_;" and when soon after this emperor frederick breathed his last, it was found that he had left the major part of his fortune either to henry directly, or to empress frederick, in trust for this, his favorite son. this privileged position in the affection of his parents, aye, and it may be added in the hearts of the german people, is due in a large measure to prince henry's education. he was brought up, so to speak, at sea, and the moral profession is of all others the one which calls forth all the best qualities of a man, develops manliness, and diminishes pride and affectation. before he was twenty years of age, he had twice circumnavigated the globe, visiting every corner of the earth, and carrying the flag of germany into regions where it had never been seen before. this in itself was sufficient to interest germans in the young prince, the first of his house to seek adventures in such far distant climes; and this healthy, manly, interesting mode of life was compared to his advantage with the somewhat dissipated existence of a young army officer, which his elder brother, prior to his marriage, indulged in at berlin. occasionally, stories reached the public through the press of feats of gallantry performed by the royal sailor, such as the plunging overboard once in a squall, and at another time in shark-infested waters, to save drowning sailors; while every incident which thus became known concerning the young prince served to confirm his countrymen in the belief that he was endowed in an altogether exceptional degree with those qualities which we are so fond of ascribing to "those who go down to the sea in ships." these long sea voyages had, moreover, the effect of keeping him clear of all those court and political intrigues with which emperor william was surrounded, as if with a very network, prior to his accession to the throne; intrigues, i may add, which since william became emperor, have been devoted to many a futile endeavor designed to create mischief between the two brothers. it is probable that they will have less effect than ever from henceforth, since william, now that his eldest boy has attained his majority, will have no longer any reason to apprehend the possibility of henry's undoing, in the capacity of regent, all the work that he, the kaiser, has accomplished during the eleven years of his reign; indeed, now that this danger is eliminated, the two brothers are likely to become more intimate than ever, and the court of berlin will probably see much more of the sailor prince than heretofore. henry is the very life of his brother's court, as he is not only extremely fond of making fun, even at the expense sometimes of his majesty, especially about the excessively earnest attitude which the emperor assumes, with regard to the most trivial questions. absolutely unconventional, save on his own quarter-deck, he carries about with him an atmosphere of brightness and breeziness which is almost as infectious and as bracing as a whiff of sea air. for all his love of skylarking, and the freedom of his manners, his name has never been associated with any questionable story, save by the gutter element of the parisian press, which endeavored to drag him into the dreyfus case by declaring that germany's strange attitude in the affair was due to the alleged knowledge the french war department of terrible immorality proved to have been committed by prince henry during frequent secret visits to paris. of course there is not a word of truth in these contemptible stories, and the prince's reputation as a perfect husband and a healthy-minded gentleman, stands high, even in berlin, where people are overfond of scandalous gossip. certainly there are plenty of stories current about the pranks that he has played, but these are all of an innocent and boyish character. the prince creates the impression of the most complete wholesomeness; his six feet of well set up manhood, his bright eyes and clear, tanned skin, seem the outward and visible sign of a thoroughly clean and sound mind; common sense, frankness, fearlessness, dignity and kindness, are written in his every feature in a way that reminds people vividly of his lamented father; while the easy movements of an athletic body, always apparently in the pink of condition, are evidently allied to the smooth serenity of a mind confident in itself, but modest with the humility of knowledge. after having said so much that is pleasant of the prince, i must, in pursuance of my determination to give the shadows as well as the lights of my portraits, admit that there are two particulars in which prince henry cannot be said to shine. one of these is public speaking, and the other is shooting; he is as unfortunate in the one respect as in the other. his only public utterance of any importance was made at the time of his departure for china, when he addressed the emperor in such extravagant terms, referring to his "consecrated majesty," and so on, that it created mingled feelings of amazement and amusement from one end of the civilized world to the other! there has always been an impression in my mind that there was in this extraordinary speech just a suspicion of a disposition to guy his brother: for not only were the terms that he used entirely foreign to his character,--their _outré_ tenor bordering on the ridiculous,--but it is impossible for anyone who has ever heard him chaffing his seasick brother while out yachting, putting his head in at the cabin door every now and again, and calling out, "well, willie, how do you feel now, and what has become of your imperial dignity?" to believe that he was really serious when he so solemnly ascribed divine attributes to this selfsame willie. i heard that after the prince's arrival in china, where banquets were given in his honor by the german and english leading colonists, he was repeatedly asked to make a few remarks in reply to the toasts drunk in his honor, but that on each occasion he politely informed his hosts that he would see them in jericho before he got on his feet to address them. "only once in my life," he was wont to say, "did i make a speech, and i shall never hear the end of that to the close of my days!" a little later on, when the shanghai correspondent of the london _times_ was presented to him, he himself referred to this most celebrated and oft-quoted speech by inquiring good-humoredly, and withal plaintively, "by the way, don't you think your newspapers have roasted me enough about it?" with regard to his shooting, there is no scion of royalty who has been the cause of more gun accidents than the prince. he had not attained his majority before he managed, while shooting in the game preserves of his uncle, the grand duke of baden, to wound a gamekeeper so severely that the man was crippled for life, and has since been in the receipt of a generous pension from the prince. then in corfu, while clambering up a steep hill, he had the misfortune to unintentionally discharge his gun, the lead lodging in a greek gentleman who was following a few feet behind him and grievously injuring him; while at a later period he succeeded in inflicting serious damage upon a turkish dignitary appointed by the sultan to attend him during his shooting trips in syria. it is of him, too, that is related the story of how, when asked as a youth of twenty, by queen victoria, during one of his stays at balmoral, what sport he had had while out deer stalking, he replied proudly: "well, grandma, i did not succeed in killing a stag, but i hit quite a number." it is recorded that there was a painful silence after this remark, and that the prince was not again urged to go out deer stalking during his stay at balmoral! princess henry is probably the least favored, both as to beauty and brilliancy of intellect, of the daughters of the late grand duke of hesse, and of his consort, princess alice, second daughter of queen victoria. her three sisters, the grand duchess sergius of russia, princess louis of battenberg, and the young czarina, are renowned for their loveliness and their cleverness, the latter inherited from their talented mother; whereas princess irene and her brother, the reigning grand duke of hesse, take far more after their father. princess irene was born in , during the seven weeks' war, when her father was called upon to fight his own brothers in the prussian army, and his brother-in-law, the late emperor frederick, then crown prince of prussia. her baptismal sponsors were the officers and men belonging to the two cavalry regiments under her father's special command during that war:--there is no other princess in europe who has ever had two entire regiments of cavalry for godfathers! the name of irene was bestowed upon her by way of gratitude for the restoration of peace, and she used always to be known in her young days at darmstadt as the "friedenskind," or "child of peace." after her mother's death from diphtheria, it was the latter's eldest sister, the now widowed empress frederick, who endeavored, as far as possible, to look after the children, and it was perhaps this that led to prince henry's falling in love with his cousin. the match was strongly opposed by prince bismarck, partly upon the ground of the close relationship of the parties, but mainly on account of his hatred for the reigning house of hesse. but when prince henry declared that he would remain single all his life unless he were allowed to marry princess irene, consent was given, and the wedding took place at charlottenburg in the presence of the dying emperor frederick, this being the last public ceremony at which he was present. one of the saddest of sights, indeed, was that presented by "unser fritz," almost too weak to stand, giving his voiceless blessing after the ceremony to his favorite son, and to his new daughter-in-law, who, having been born in a time of war and misery, was entering upon her new life as a wife at a time when the whole nation was once more sorrowing. while princess irene is perhaps less attractive than her sisters, she is more interested in philanthropic movements than any other member of her family, and at kiel, where she makes her home, she is greatly liked, especially by the poor. she is a magnificent equestrienne, and a very clever shot, being infinitely more successful in this respect than her husband, who is so devoted to her that he bears this superiority with the greatest equanimity. although prince frederick-leopold has certainly relieved himself from any imputation of effeminacy by the conspicuous part he took in the long-distance rides between berlin and vienna, and by his magnificent horsemanship, yet he does not convey to people the impression of manliness that constitutes so distinguishing a characteristic of his cousins, prince henry and the kaiser. he is lacking alike in virility and intellect, and seems to have no other aim and aspiration in life than to live up to his name and reputation as the leader of masculine fashion or "gigerl könig," which may be rendered into english as "king of the dudes." they say at the court of berlin that he is so particular about the fit of his clothes that he will never remain seated for more than five minutes at a time, not even when traveling, for fear of spoiling the crease in his trousers or of making them baggy at the knees! he does not attempt to disguise the fact that the faultlessness of his coats or of his uniforms is an object of paramount importance. these are, however, very harmless weaknesses, which are more than atoned for by the fact that he is an excellent father and husband, but the obstinacy of his temper and his vagaries as a leader of masculine fashion at berlin have often been a source of impatience and irritation to the kaiser. it is only just to lay stress on his excellence both as a husband and a father, as all sorts of stories have been circulated, not merely in the foreign press, but also in the german newspapers, charging him with intemperance and with brutality towards his wife, who is a younger sister of the empress, such as to necessitate the intervention of the kaiser. these stories are pure calumnies, and originate in a confusion between the prince and his father, the celebrated cavalry general. the latter, popularly known as the "red prince," was the commander to whom metz capitulated in , and was not only noted for his hard drinking, but likewise for his rough usage of his amiable and formerly lovely consort when he was in his cups. he is credited with having frequently beaten her, either with his fist or with his riding whip, when crazed with drink; and it is no secret that she left him on three occasions with the avowed intention of securing a separation and even divorce, and was only persuaded to return to her husband by the entreaties of the old emperor. of course all this was a matter of court gossip at the time, and three or four years ago the stories formerly current concerning the father, who has been dead for more than a decade, were revived with regard to his son, for no other reason than that the prince had quite frequently rendered himself subject to disciplinary measures by the kaiser. if the latter has, however, ordered him to remain under arrest in his palace at various times, it has not been as a punishment for having horsewhipped his wife when drunk, as some foreign illustrated papers would have the world believe, but only because the prince had been guilty of some neglect in military duty, or had disobeyed the wishes of the emperor in connection with the management of his household. thus, some two or three winters ago, princess frederick-leopold was almost drowned while out skating near potsdam; she broke through the ice, was completely unconscious when miraculously rescued by four peasants who happened to be in the neighborhood, and was only brought back to life with the utmost difficulty. the emperor and empress were naturally much concerned and distressed by this accident; but william's sympathy changed into very serious anger when he learnt that the princess had remained so long under the ice and had been dependent on the courage and bravery of the peasants who rescued her, only because neither her husband nor any of the gentlemen of his household had been in attendance upon her. in fact, she was quite alone with a lady-in-waiting, who lost her head, and was completely unable to offer any assistance when the mishap occurred. the emperor also discovered that on the previous day the princess had, without any escort whatsoever, skated alone all the way from potsdam to brandenburg and back, a remarkable feat, calling for much endurance and attended by no little danger. now, as i have already stated, it is contrary to the rules of court etiquette and usage for any prince or princess of the blood to leave their residence, unattended, and it was on account of the infraction of this regulation that the kaiser sentenced both the prince and his consort to several weeks' arrest in their palace. it was this circumstance that gave rise to the ridiculous and sensational tale of the prince having been punished by the emperor in consequence of the latter having caught him in the act of beating the princess while in a fit of drunken fury. prince frederick-leopold is a great traveller, and has not only spent a considerable time in india as the guest of his brother-in-law, the duke of connaught, when the latter was in military command at bombay, but, moreover, he has visited china and japan, and devoted several months to a tour in the united states, which was wound up by some rather exciting events at coney island before his return home to berlin. [illustration: _scene in duke ernest gunther's quarters_ _after a drawing by oreste cortazzo_] of the bachelorhood days of the kaiser's other brother-in-law, duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein, already mentioned several times in these pages, especially in connection with the anonymous letter scandal, the least said the better. a hard-drinking, dissipated, and somewhat coarse-mannered cavalry officer, he has often been a source of perpetual anger to the kaiser and of distress to his sister, the excellent empress. he managed to get his name involved in all sorts of unsavory speculations on the stock exchange and in gambling scandals, invariably, it is true, as a victim; while at least three foreign footlight favorites were expelled from germany by the police on account of the scandals created by his association with them. on one occasion, he even had the audacity to appear at charlottenburg with a notorious american "_demi-mondaine_" seated beside him on the box of his drag, although his sister, the empress, was present at the races, as well as a large number of ladies of the court and many great dignitaries. seeing the servants of his coach arrayed in the familiar liveries of his house, they all naturally imagined that the lady beside the duke was one of his sisters, either princess frederick-leopold or princess fedora, and accorded to her the homage which would have belonged by right to either of these two princesses, but which was totally misplaced when conceded to a woman of such unenviable notoriety as the fair stranger who sat beside the duke. needless to add that the emperor was furious when he heard of the affair, and after giving orders for the immediate expulsion of the woman, directed the prince to leave berlin, and to remain at his castle of prinkenau until he had expiated his gross and flagrant breach of the proprieties. duke ernest-gunther was a suitor for the hand of quite a large number of princesses, and among those to whom he proposed were the daughters of the prince of wales and of the latter's brother, the duke of coburg, his suit being rejected with touching unanimity in each instance, in consequence of his unenviable reputation. yet strangely enough, as stated previously, he seems to have developed into an exemplary husband, although his marriage was contracted under circumstances which, verged on a tragedy; for his wife, a mere seventeen-year-old girl, just issuing from the school-room when he made an offer for her hand, was literally flung into his arms by both her parents, who were determined to separate from each other, and who had been informed by emperor francis-joseph of austria, and by king leopold of belgium, that no such step could be tolerated until after the marriage of little princess "dolly," the only daughter of this ill-matched couple. the betrothal took place in due course at vienna. but before the marriage could follow, the young girl's mother, namely, princess louise of coburg and of belgium, deliberately eloped from the austrian capital with her husband's chamberlain, the hungarian count keglewitch; and what was worse, took her daughter with her. the trio fled to nice, where they were visited by king leopold, who after endeavoring in vain to persuade the princess to return to her husband at vienna, discarded her in hot anger, declaring that she was no longer his daughter! the next act in the drama was a challenge issued by prince philip of coburg against count keglewitch, who left nice for the encounter: the duel was fought in the army riding-school at vienna, the commander of the metropolitan garrison and the minister of war acting as seconds to prince philip, although duelling is strictly forbidden by law in austria, as it is in germany. prince philip received a painful wound in the hand, and the count forthwith left to rejoin the princess at nice. the publicity given to this duel had the unfortunate result, however, of calling attention to the presence of poor little princess dorothy at nice with her misguided mother and the count, and the princess having been warned by the austrian authorities and the french police that her daughter would be taken from her by force unless she relinquished her hold upon the child, she sent her back to vienna, whence the girl was immediately dispatched to dresden and placed under the care of the mother and the unmarried sister of the german empress, with whom she remained until her marriage. shortly after her departure from nice, her mother was forced to take flight in consequence of the persecution to which she was subjected by her creditors; and with a shamelessness that can only be explained on the score of an unbalanced mind, she deliberately returned to austria with her lover, and coolly took up her residence at his castle near agram, where the count actually made preparations for a siege, in order to resist by force any attempt on the part of the authorities to take the princess from him. ultimately, both were captured by strategy, and while the princess was conveyed under police escort to vienna, and lodged at the request of her husband in a lunatic asylum, on the sworn statements of two court physicians concerning her insanity, the count was placed under close arrest at agram on the charge of grossly immoral conduct, unbecoming an officer and a gentleman. before he had been very long in the military prison, this charge was changed to one of forgery; for it was discovered that there were notes in circulation at vienna and paris to the extent of more than a million dollars, which the count had negotiated, and which bore the forged signature of princess louise's sister, the widowed crown princess stephanie of austria. the count of course denied that he had forged the signature, but as the fact remains that he negotiated the notes, and that princess louise, who, failing himself, can alone have been the culprit, is officially declared insane, and legally irresponsible, he has had to bear the brunt of the affair, and is now, after having undergone the terrible ceremony of military degradation, working out a sentence of five years' penal servitude in a fortress; doubtless comparing his fate with that of the celebrated baron trench, who was imprisoned for years in the dungeons of spandau, and of magdeburg, for having compromised the fair name of the sister of frederick the great by indiscreet attentions. princess louise is now under strict restraint in an asylum for the insane near dresden, and inasmuch as both her father, king leopold of the belgians, and her husband, have declined to pay any of her debts, public sales of her belongings, even of her dresses and her under-garments, were permitted to take place at vienna and at nice for the benefit of her creditors. it is only fair to the unfortunate princess to state that her entire married life has been one of uninterrupted misery, owing to the brutality and drunken habits of her husband, who is noted as one of the most dissolute princes in all europe. in fact if court gossip at berlin and vienna is to be believed, the princess first became enamored of count keglewitch when the latter, in attendance on the princely couple as their chamberlain, interfered one day to protect her from the blows of her husband. it was amidst circumstances such as these that princess dorothy was married to duke ernest-gunther of schleswig-holstein, neither her father nor her mother being present at her marriage; the reigning duke of coburg, as chief of the coburg family figuring in the place of her parents, and giving her away at the altar. that with such a father, such a mother, and with a husband of such a past reputation for dissipation and wildness, the little princess should have found happiness in marriage, is, to say the least, surprising. but the duke seems devoted to his little wife, while she on her side is completely wrapped up in her husband, and thinks him perfect, in every way. yet another brother-in-law of the kaiser who is a conspicuous figure at the court of berlin, is prince adolphus of schaumburg-lippe, married to princess victoria, the least attractive and least popular of william's sisters. after several flirtations of a rather sensational character with young count andrassy, and several other gay diplomats and noblemen, which were a source of amusement to the court, although of great concern to her mother, she ultimately fell in love with prince alexander of battenburg, who at the time had just been forced to abandon the throne of bulgaria, and who was certainly one of the handsomest and most fascinating of european princes. the prince, who was at the time, to put matters plainly, out of a job, being without fortune or future, was persuaded by his relatives, notably by his brother henry, who had married princess beatrice of england, to apply for her hand; this he did, on the understanding that his marriage to her would facilitate his restoration to the german army, from which he had resigned on ascending the throne of bulgaria; for as a general of the prussian army, he anticipated retrieving the prestige and fame which he had lost as ruler of bulgaria. prince bismarck, however, set his face strongly against the match on the ground that it would impair the friendly relations between the courts of berlin and st. petersburg, prince alexander being for personal reasons an object of the most intense animosity to the late czar. indeed, it was this hatred on the part of the late emperor of russia that had rendered it impossible for prince alexander to retain his throne of bulgaria. old emperor william, supported his chancellor in the matter, and while the late emperor frederick, at that time merely crown prince, remained quite passive, the cause of princess victoria and prince alexander was strongly championed by empress frederick and queen victoria. the controversy continued even after the death of old emperor william, and finally, in face of the persistent hostility in the matter displayed by prince bismarck, and by the present kaiser, it was arranged that the couple should be married, not in germany, but in england, at windsor castle, and that they should make their home elsewhere than in germany. this, however, did not meet the views of prince alexander, who thus saw all his ambition for a military career in the german army frustrated instead of promoted by the union. so at the very last moment, within a few days of the date appointed for the wedding at windsor, and after all the trousseau had been purchased and the wedding presents bought, he deliberately jilted his royal fiancee, and married at nice, an actress named mlle. lösinger, an offspring of the valet and the cook of the old austrian general faviani. the prince, it may be remembered, subsequently abandoned the title and status of a prince battenberg, secured the title of count hartenau from his father's old friend and comrade, the emperor of austria, as well as a colonelcy in the austrian army, and died as major-general in command of a brigade at gratz. it was more than a year after this, that princess victoria found a husband in the insignificant-looking and inoffensive prince adolph of schaumburg-lippe, son of prince george of that ilk, the prince at that time serving as captain of hussars at bonn. soon afterwards, emperor william learning that prince waldemar of lippe was dying, took advantage of the fact that he was rather weak-minded to induce him to sign a species of will bequeathing the regency of the principality at his death to prince adolph of schaumburg-lippe, the next heir to the throne of lippe; his brother alexander of lippe being an incurable lunatic. on the strength of this document, which was of a purely personal character, and which was neither ratified by the legislature of the principality of lippe, nor recognized by the federal council of the german empire, prince adolph, with the assistance of a couple of prussian regiments, coolly took possession of the principality of lippe, proclaimed himself regent, and assumed the reins of government. according to the laws of germany governing the succession of its sovereign houses, the regency in such a case as that presented by the principality of lippe, should have fallen to the lot of the nearest living agnate. the latter happened to be count ernest of lippe, chief of the beisterfeld branch of the lippe family. prince adolph, however, and his brother-in-law, emperor william, took the ground that count ernest was debarred from the regency, and from succession to the throne on the death of the crazy prince alexander, by the fact that sometime in the early part of the last century one of his male ancestors had contracted a mésalliance, and thus brought a plebeian strain into the family. this contention was accepted neither by the people of lippe, nor by the count; they appealed to the tribunals of the empire, and to every reigning family of germany in turn, the entire non-prussian press, as well as many newspapers in prussia itself, espousing their cause. finally, the emperor and his brother-in-law were forced by popular clamor to consent to bring the matter before a tribunal of arbitration, composed of the principal judges of the supreme federal court at leipzig, presided over for the occasion by the dean and veteran of german sovereigns, king albert of saxony. the tribunal, after due deliberation, rendered a decision against the emperor and prince adolph; directing the latter to at once surrender the regency and the lippe estates, which are immensely valuable, yielding an income of eight hundred thousand dollars, to count ernest of lippe, on the ground that if a mésalliance such as the one contracted by the count's eighteenth-century ancestor were to be considered sufficient to invalidate his rights to the regency and to the succession to the throne, as the nearest living male relative of the crazy reigning prince, half the thrones of germany would have to be vacated by their present occupants. it was pointed out by the arbitrators that if the contention of prince adolph and the kaiser were admitted, the grand duke of baden would have to abandon his throne; the branch of the baden family to which he belonged being descended from a prince of baden who contracted a mésalliance at the close of the last century; that all the children of the emperor himself would be barred from succession to the throne of germany, since the great-grandfather of the present empress of germany was the offspring of a terrible mésalliance; while last, but not least, prince adolph himself was descended from a prince of lippe who towards the close of the last century, fell in love with and married the daughter of a mere writ-server, whose blood flows in the veins of the emperor's brother-in-law. emperor william and prince adolph bitterly resented the setback to which they were subjected by this decree of the king of saxony; and although they were forced to yield in the present instance, they threatened to reopen the entire question should anything untoward happen to the present regent, count lippe, for they insist that under no circumstances can any of his sons be permitted to inherit either his rights or his honors, owing to the fact that his wife, the countess of lippe, is also the issue of a mésalliance, her mother having been an american girl, a native of philadelphia, who married count leopold wartensleben. on the strength of this, prussian authorities, military as well as civilian, while directed to accord to the count of lippe the honors due to the regent of a german sovereignty, are forbidden to recognize in any way either the count's consort or his children, on the ground that these can only be regarded as morganatic, and as such debarred from the tokens of respect due to full-fledged members of a sovereign house. naturally, all this has served to render prince adolph and his wife extremely unpopular throughout the length and breadth of germany; and when a short time ago there was a question of appointing the prince as regent of the duchy of brunswick in succession to prince albert of prussia, who is tired of the post, or as a stadtholder of alsace-lorraine in the place of prince herman hohenlohe, the press throughout germany, and even in prussia, raised its voice in protest against the emperor's forcing his brother-in-law into places for which he was in no sense of the word fitted, either by his talents, his administrative skill, his tact, or his intellectual abilities. chapter ix although germany's young crown prince has until now been more or less of a stranger to court functions and gaieties at berlin, his time being absorbed by his studies at the military academy of plön, and his holidays spent in travel and alpine expeditions, yet, as he is about to celebrate his majority, and has passed from the stages of boyhood to those of manhood, he will be from henceforth a personage of the utmost importance--second only in rank to the emperor. destined, in course of time, to succeed to the throne and to the immense responsibilities of his father, and to become virtually the autocratic ruler of a nation of fifty million people, as well as the absolute master of the greatest military power on the face of the globe, every scrap of information concerning this youth must naturally be of vast interest, not only to his future subjects, but also to the entire civilized world. under the circumstances, therefore, it is satisfactory to be able to say truthfully that germany's future kaiser is a fine, healthy-minded, healthy-bodied lad, disposed to take an extremely serious view of his duties and his obligations, and who, thanks to the excellent education which he has received both from his parents and his teachers, seems destined to prove a wise as well as a popular monarch. it seems but the other day that the young crown prince, as a chubby ten-year-old lad, was being introduced by his father to the officers and men of the first regiment of foot guards at potsdam, to which, in accordance with traditional usage, he was appointed on his tenth birthday as lieutenant. there may be some of my readers who were present on that occasion, and who may remember the spectacle presented by the little fellow, vainly endeavoring to keep step with the giant strides of these huge grenadiers, the tallest men in the german army, during the march-past that followed the ceremony. since then there have been so many portraits of the crown prince published, as he appeared at that time, that this taken in conjunction with the rapid flight of years, renders it difficult to realize that he is now no longer a little boy, but a youth considerably taller and almost as broad and stalwart as his father, whose best friend he has become. william and his eldest boy are fondly devoted to each other. to the crown prince, his father is in every sense of the word "william second to none;" while the kaiser himself is entirely wrapped up in his heir. for the last few years the emperor has given every spare moment that he could snatch away from his multifarious occupations to the task of instilling his ideas and views into the crown prince. in talking and reasoning with him, he has treated the lad as far older than his years, has discussed with him, in fact, as if he were a man; and it is due to this that germany's future emperor is at the present moment remarkably mature for his age, and really in a position to view matters with a degree of experience and knowledge that are unrivalled in so young a man. as a general rule, young people are unwilling to accept the advice of their elders, or to benefit by their experience, convinced that their seniors are behind the spirit of the age, and in no sense of the word up to date. but with the german crown prince this is different: he is so imbued with the idea that his father is wiser and better than anyone else in the world, that he is willing and glad to accept the paternal recommendations and to benefit by paternal advice. yet with all this the lad is not a prig, nor is he forward or presumptuous. true, he has a keen sense of his own dignity, but it takes the form of an extreme simplicity, and of an absolute lack of affectation, since he is intelligent enough to realize that his rank and position are sufficiently assured to render it unnecessary that he should call attention thereto either by his manner or by his speech. he is modest too, very frank, particularly courteous to old people, boyishly chivalrous to women, and firmly convinced that there is no member of the fair sex in the entire world who is so ideally perfect in appearance, as well as in character, as his mother. i would not for all the world that this description of the crown prince should in any way convey the impression to my readers that he is a milksop or an overgrown child! devoted to every form of sport, a splendid gymnast, a clever oarsman, a skilful driver and a bold rider, an excellent shot, he is in every sense of the word a manly young fellow, who, however, has been kept free from all contact with the darker sides of life, and who still retains, therefore, mingled with the experience of a grown man, much of the innocence and freshness of mind of a mere boy. indeed, he is a son of whom any father and mother might well be proud! fair-haired and blue-eyed, with the down of a blond moustache upon his upper lip, the young prince is a typical hohenzollern, and resembles his grandfather, emperor frederick, more than he does his father. he is passionately devoted to everything military, and keenly relishes the idea that the six months following the attainment of his majority are to be devoted to military duties at potsdam, for although he has held a commission of lieutenant of the first regiment of foot guards since his tenth year, he is only now about to be called upon to fulfil the duties of his rank with the regiment. it will be in every sense of the word an arduous training, for the first regiment of guards being considered all the world over as the crack corps of the german army, and as the embodiment of military perfection in every sense of the word, its officers, realizing that it is, so to speak, the star phalanx of germany, are engaged, morning, noon and night, in maintaining it at its proper standard, and there are no officers anywhere in europe who are so hard worked as those of the first regiment of prussian guards;--that regiment which in the days of frederick the great's father was composed entirely of giants, recruited, or rather purchased often, at a cost of several thousand dollars apiece, from all parts of the world! the prince must be on the drill grounds and the manoeuvre fields as early as four o'clock in the morning, returning for a sort of luncheon towards ten or eleven; he must devote his afternoon to military studies of one kind or another; while from four o'clock till seven his time will be taken up by barrack-room inspections, company reports, and the other thousand and one duties incidental to regimental life in germany. in the case of the crown prince the work will be exceptionally heavy, as he is expected to acquire in the course of six months an experience which other subalterns take years to obtain. at the end of the term in question he is to go to bonn, there to take his seat, like his father before him, on the benches of the celebrated university as an ordinary student. from his eighteenth birthday the crown prince will have an establishment and a civil list of his own. he will have his court marshal, who will be at the same time the treasurer, governor, and chief officer of his household. he will have his aids-de-camp, who will, as far as possible, be young men of his own age and alive to the responsibilities of their office; he will also have a palace of his own, stables of his own, and his own shooting. indeed the forest of spandau has already been for some time past strictly preserved in view of his coming of age. this particular forest has from time immemorial been assigned as the particular game-park of the heir to the crown. the crown prince is to make his home in the so-called "stadtschloss" at potsdam, where he will occupy the same suite of apartments that was tenanted by his parents during the alterations that recently took place at the "neues palais." this palace was erected at the close of the seventeenth century, and contains, among other objects of interest, the furniture used by frederick the great, the coverings of which were nearly all torn to shreds by the claws of his dog; his writing-table covered with ink-stains, his library filled with trench books, music composed by himself, etc. the various halls and rooms are kept nearly in the same manner, indeed, as when he used them. adjoining his bedroom there is a small cabinet, where he used to dine alone or with voltaire, without attendants, everything coming through the floor on a dumbwaiter, the king himself placing the dishes on the table. it is in this palace, haunted, one might almost say, at every point by memories and by the spirit of the most famous of prussian kings, a monarch distinguished as a general, as an administrator and as a philosopher, that germany's future emperor will from henceforth make his home until he in turn, on the death of his father, will migrate, as did the latter, from the so-called stadtschloss to the "neues palais," two miles and a half distant. the crown prince is also to have a residence of his own at berlin, where he is to occupy the bellevue palace during the court season. among other characteristics of the young crown prince is his fondness for animals, and the extraordinary influence which, even as a child, he has always seemed to exercise over them. he succeeded in training his ponies, his dogs and other domestic pets to perform such clever tricks that on several occasions he managed, with the assistance of his brothers, to organize very creditable circus performances, usually in honor of the birthday of his father or his mother. there was one instance especially that i may recall, which took place some years ago. this particular performance began in the afternoon at three, with a prologue spoken by prince august william, in which he mentioned the different items of the programme. then each of the royal lads led his pony in front of the box in which the imperial couple sat with their guests, and the crown prince put his horse "daretz," through all kinds of tricks, of a high school character, winding up by making the horse kneel in token of salute before the emperor and empress. more trick riding on another horse named "puck," belonging to the crown prince, followed, and thereupon there was a comical _intermezzo_, in which prince adalbert and prince eitel took the part of two clowns. later on, the crown prince's dogs were brought on the scene, and his favorite "tom" went through some extraordinary antics, walking about all over the ring on his hind legs, tolling bells, driving other of the prince's dogs with reins, and jumping through hoops covered with tissue paper. the whole affair lasted over two hours, was very entertaining, even to grown-up people who did not happen to be related to the organizers of the entertainment, and did great credit to the cleverness of the crown prince, and above all to the marvellous influence which he exercises over animals of every description. military tastes in the royal lad have been developed by the games and pastimes in which he and his brothers were encouraged to indulge; hence, in the grounds of the bellevue palace at berlin, as well as in a corner of the great park of the neues palais at potsdam, the boys constructed full-fledged forts with water-filled moats, and cleverly constructed bastions, which were stormed from time to time in due form, and being defended with the utmost tenacity, hard knocks were ofttimes given and received. the playmates of the crown prince and his brothers have been not merely the sons of nobles forming part of the imperial household and court, but likewise the children of employés of much less exalted rank, such as the sons of lodge-keepers, gardeners, game-keepers, etc., who all played and tumbled with the young princes on a footing of the most perfect equality, drubbing one another totally irrespective of rank. it is a pleasant thing to know that friendships thus formed subsist in after life; as an instance, when the kaiser's sister, now crown princess of greece, sent to germany some time ago for a nursery governess for her young children, she was able to acquire the services of her old girlhood playmate, the daughter of one of the gardeners employed at the "neues palais." the crown prince may be said to have traveled over all germany, and that, too, in the most democratic and sensible fashion. in germany, and, in fact, all over the continent of europe, a pedestrian tour, domestic and foreign, constitutes part and parcel of the education of every youth, especially those of the industrial classes. no apprenticeship is considered complete without the accomplishment of a trip of this kind, which is usually performed with a knapsack on the back, and in the most economical manner imaginable. this portion of the youth's life is known as his "_wanderjahr_" and the traveler is known by the name of "_wanderbürsche_" the trip serves to broaden the mind of the "_bürsche,_" to render him self-reliant, and to give him a knowledge and experience of the world--aye, and of his craft as well--that he could never obtain if he remained at home. emperor william, who in many things is so exceedingly reactionary, and so apparently assured that royalty is constructed of an entirely different clay than that used for ordinary folks, gave a manifestation of those democratic notions which constitute such a paradox to the remainder of his character by sending forth his three eldest boys each year during their holidays on a pedestrian tour through the length and breadth of his dominions, just as if they were the sons of artisans, and were compelled to learn a trade for a living. the crown prince and his brothers traveled, not in a palace-car, nor in carriages, but on foot, with knapsacks on their backs, and spending the nights at mere roadside inns. they had no servant with them, only their military governor, colonel von falkenheyn, and his assistant, the latter a lieutenant of the guards, and the name tinder which they journeyed was an incognito one; indeed, so cleverly did they manage to conceal their identity that it was hardly ever revealed. it is difficult to imagine anything that appealed more to the masses in germany than this manner adopted by the kaiser for making his sons acquainted with the world. it was felt that the royal lads, with their knapsacks on their backs, afoot, and with no indication of their rank, would obtain by actual experience a contact with the people and a knowledge which they could never hope to acquire if they had toured through the land in special trains, on horseback, or in splendidly-appointed carriages. moreover, it makes every german youth, trudging along the dusty roads, and ignorant for the most part of where and how he is to sup and sleep that night, feel that after all his lot is not such a very unenviable one, since even his future monarch has been a "_wanderbürsche_," like himself. it is probable that before the education of the crown prince is considered complete, he will be sent on a trip around the world, mainly with the object of endowing him with that breadth of mind which foreign travel alone can give, and partly also with the idea of reviving the dormant loyalty of germans who have settled in foreign lands. emperor william has frequently expressed the opinion that among the hitherto unused factors in german politics, are the germans established in the united states, in australia, and in other equally distant climes. while he does not in any way expect or imagine that germans who have thus emigrated from the fatherland, will render themselves guilty of any disloyalty to the land of their adoption, yet he believes that by keeping alive their memories of the old country, and their affection for its reigning house they may help germany by using their political influence in their new home for the benefit of germany. thus william, in spite of all that has been said to the contrary, has in contemplation an eventual understanding if not an actual alliance with the united states; this result to be brought about largely through the influence of the immense and prosperous german population in america, and he believes that the project is likely to be promoted and fostered by a visit of his eldest son, the crown prince, to the united states for the purpose of making himself acquainted, not only with the country, but above all with its german inhabitants. in making the grand tour of the world, the crown prince will be but following in the footsteps of the heirs to the thrones of austria and belgium, who have both visited the united states for the purpose of improving their minds, and of fitting themselves more thoroughly for their duties as twentieth century rulers. the present emperor of russia, and his younger brother, the late czarevitch george, likewise started on a tour round the world, which in the case of george was cut short at bombay by that sickness to which he subsequently succumbed, while the globe-trotting tour of nicholas was brought to a sudden close through his attempted assassination in japan. no pen-sketch of the young crown prince of germany would be complete without a reference to his remarkable skill as a violinist, an instrument which he has been studying steadily ever since his eighth year, under the direction of the berlin court violinist von exner. he seems to have inherited all the musical talent for which the reigning house of prussia is so celebrated, and to which i propose to devote at least a part of the following chapter. chapter x if it is observable that the taste, ear, and talent for music prevail among the inhabitants of the mountain districts of the world far more extensively than among the populations of the plains, it is no less true that nearly all persons belonging to the exalted spheres of life, for instance, emperors and kings and their consorts, as well as princes and princesses of the blood, are not only passionately fond of music, but frequently absolute melomaniacs. in none of the reigning houses, however, is this particular branch of art developed to such an extent as in the hohenzollern family. thus the collection of the compositions for the flute by frederick the great discovered some ten years ago in the lumber rooms of the "neues palais" at potsdam, and recently published after being edited by professor spitta, proves that the royal patron of voltaire, and the founder of prussia's military power was no mere dilettante, but a real genius in the art of composition. prince louis ferdinand, the son of frederick the great's brother, who courted and met with a premature death at saalfeld, while rashly engaging the french enemy, against strict orders, showed, with all his eccentricities, remarkable musical gifts, leaving in fact behind him a variety of compositions for orchestras. he also wrote a march which is published under his name. among the collection of marches constantly used in the prussian army, is one composed by frederick-william iii. in , which occupies a place between that of frederick the great, written in , and the well-known dessauer march. in that very same collection are the so-called _"geschwind marsch," no. , for infantry_, the _"parade marsch" no. , for cavalry_, and the _"marsch für cavallerie" no. _, which emanate from the pen of princess charlotte of prussia, niece of old emperor william, and first wife of the present reigning duke of saxe-meiningen. it is doubtless from her that prince bernhardt of saxe-meiningen, married to the eldest sister of the present kaiser, has inherited his powers of composition, for his name figures on the title page of many a piece of music; and among his other more important works has been the setting to music of _"the persians of aeschylus,"_ which has been most successfully staged at athens. this is published under the initials of _"e.b." (erbprinz bernhardt)_. though king frederick-william iv. did not himself add anything to royal musical literature, as did his predecessors on the throne, he devoted much attention to ecclesiastical melody and song. the berlin cathedral choir of men and boys--trained to sing without musical accompaniments--owes its origin to his ambition for having a choir in his own protestant basilica at berlin, corresponding more or less to the pope's in the sistine chapel of rome. it was he who engaged mendelssohn as director of this choir, as well as composer; and it was the latter's successor, the director of the music of the chapel royal at the prussian court, who compiled a collection of volumes containing settings of many of the psalms of david, most beautifully arranged. among living hohenzollerns, musical talent is most strongly developed. prince albert, regent of brunswick, is not only a composer of rare genius, but likewise a most talented organist. his son, prince joachim, has inherited his talent for composition, and is the author of some eight works, which have been printed for circulation, in court circles only, and have not become the property of the public; the cleverest of them being a festal march, written for his father's birthday, and a grand funeral march. he shares his father's intense devotion to bach and handel, as well as his fondness for the works of mendelssohn, beethoven and mozart, and is a most accomplished performer on the violoncello, being a pupil of the well-known master of that instrument, professor luedemann. prince albert's sister, the widowed duchess william of mecklenberg-schwerin, has been particularly active as a composer of songs for mezzo soprano, but none of her works, which are printed for private circulation under the initials of "a.h.m.", have been placed on public sale. her songs, some thirty in number, are melodious and full of feeling. she seems to thoroughly understand how to bring out the meaning of the words of her composition, the melody of one of them, _"ein duerres blatt"_ furnishing a particularly striking illustration of this peculiarity; they left a very lasting impression upon my mind. among her collections is an english song, beginning with the words: "no ditch is too deep, and no wall is too high, if two love each other they'll meet by-and-by." the music of this is particularly sweet, graceful and tender. prince henry, the sailor brother of the kaiser, has written a number of pieces, one of the best known and most popular of which is called the _"matrosen marsch,"_ which is to be purchased in all large music stores. he also holds his own as a first-class amateur performer, both on the violin and the piano. his sister, the crown princess of greece, a pupil of rufer, excels on the organ, as does also the widowed empress frederick, while there is not one of the children of the present kaiser who does not possess musical gifts of a high order, which are being developed both in theory and in practice by celebrated professors and masters. there is no doubt that, but for the weakness of his left arm, emperor william would have been as skilful a performer as the other members of his family. as it is, his devotion to music is restricted to composition and to conducting. the kaiser is very fond of acting as bandmaster during the musical soirées given at court, and other entertainments of this kind honored by the presence of the reigning family. it has been claimed that he is the first prussian ruler to thus wield the bâton since the days of frederick the great. but this is not the case, for i recall being present, many years ago, at a dinner at the palace of koblenz, given by empress augusta in honor of her consort, old emperor william, who had come over from ems for the purpose, when during the dinner the old emperor remarked that the band of the augusta regiment, which was playing at the further end of the white hall, had played the ballet melody of _"satanella"_ in too fast a time. rising from his seat, and pushing aside the screen which concealed the band from view, he took the bâton from the hand of the bandmaster, and after exclaiming: "very quietly and slowly, gentlemen, if you please," he tapped twice on the music-stand in front of him, and then commenced to conduct with as much skill and art as if he had never done anything else in his life. several times during the course of the piece he exclaimed "noch rühiger," (still more gently) and when the end of the piece was reached he laid down the bâton with the remark, "now, that was fine," and, thanking the band with a very friendly and kindly smile, returned to his seat at table. the present kaiser's principal contribution to music is undoubtedly his composition of the melody to the "_sang am aegir,_" a poem of considerable power by his friend count philipp eulenburg. the composition begins as follows: [illustration: o ae-gir herr der flu-then dem nix und nex sich beugt!] the words may be rendered as: "of aegir, lord of the waves, whom mermaids and mermen revere." the bars that follow rivet the attention of the listener on account of their weird originality. they are full of feeling, very melodious, and easily caught by the ear. towards the close, the melody breaks off into a purely military strain, so that the final bars are suggestive of the sound of trumpets, recalling to mind some ancient martial fanfare. william has a very marked predilection for wagnerian music, and is the life and soul of the "potsdam-berlin wagner society," which is one of the most influential social institutions of the prussian capital. his principal lieutenant and adlatus in the management of this association, which is in every sense of the word a court institution, is major von chelius, who holds a commission in the kaiser's own body regiment of hussars of the guard. the major is a particular favorite of both the emperor and the empress, and he takes a very prominent part in all the musical entertainments at court, almost invariably playing the piano accompaniments for the singing of princess albert of saxe-altenburg, and of prince max of baden, who possesses a rich baritone voice. the major is the composer of the popular opera "_haschisch,_" and has inherited his musical talents from his mother, a hamburger by birth. his father is a dignitary of the court of baden, while his wife, a most charming woman, was, prior to her marriage, a fraulein von puttkamer, a member, therefore, of the same family as the late princess bismarck. but although manifesting a preference for wagner, the kaiser is not averse to mozart, or to the italian school. "_der freischuetz_" is one of his favorite operas, and while he does not care for falstaff, he is very fond of "_i medici_," and greatly admires leon cavallo. he possesses a very correct ear, and a most pleasing voice, and many of his evenings are passed in trying new songs, his wife, who is an excellent pianist, playing the accompaniment. though quite as passionately fond of music as the hohenzollerns, the hapsburgs have achieved less distinction as composers, and even as performers. indeed, there are but two scions of the reigning house of austria, who can be said to have won any kind of fame as composers, namely, the missing archduke john, who was the author of an exceedingly pretty and catchy ballet that still figures on the repertoire of the imperial opera, and archduke joseph, so well known by the name of the "gypsy archduke," who has done more than anyone else in europe to place on record, both in writing and in print, the weird music and extraordinary quaint melodies of the tziganes, melodies which he has arranged exquisitely for orchestral use. true, there is not a single archduke or archduchess in austria and hungary, who does not play with taste and feeling. indeed, music seems to be inborn in them, and while the widowed crown princess is devoted to her piano, on which her performances are characterized by a superb technique, but coupled alas! with a complete absence of sentiment, her husband, the lamented crown prince rudolph, was a composer of no mean power and seemed at times to pour forth his entire soul in the melodies which he coaxed from this instrument. indeed he often sat at the piano for hours, playing, in a manner indescribably expressive and touching, airs improvised on the spur of the moment, which, while they remained impressed on the minds and ears of those present, would seem to fade at once from the memory of the prince himself. his was what may be called a true genius for music. the member of the house of hapsburg most famous in the annals of music of the present century, was undoubtedly that archduke rudolph, son of emperor leopold ii., who died a cardinal. he was the protector, the friend and disciple of beethoven, many of whose most famous works, would assuredly have remained unwritten had it not been for the fact that he received the same powerful support, both material and moral, from the imperial cardinal as richard wagner obtained from king louis of bavaria. with regard to archduke joseph, the above-mentioned "gypsy archduke," there is no doubt that without him the outer world would still have been left in ignorance of the incalculably rich mine of tzigane music. he is only distantly related to emperor francis-joseph, being the senior member of a branch of the house of hapsburg which has been settled for more than one hundred years in hungary. his father's entire life was spent there, where he held the office of viceroy, and it is there that archduke joseph himself was entirely brought up, and where he has spent his whole existence. at an early age he was attracted to the gypsies by their music, and it was this that led him to think of their welfare, and to devote himself to the study of the characteristics, the history and the origin of these mysterious nomads. until he took them under his protection, they were regarded more or less as pariahs of central and southern europe, the hand of every man being against them, and the authorities and people at large combining to subject them to persecution of the most cruel character. their gratitude to the archduke when he obtained better treatment for them knew no bounds, and was shown, among other instances, in a notable manner during the austro-prussian. war, when joseph was at the head of a division of magyar troops. "our retreat," so the archduke tells the story, "before the advance of the prussian army, immediately preceding the battle of sadowa, led us to camp one night in the neighborhood of a town in bohemia. i was lodged in a peasant's cottage, when about midnight i heard the sentry at my door hoarsely challenging some new-comer. my aid-de-camp entered, and reported that a gypsy wanted to see me in private. "on my asking the dusky visitor in romani what was the matter, he told me that the enemy was approaching to surprise us. "'the outposts have not heard anything suspicious?' i remarked. "'no, your imperial highness,' he replied, 'because the enemy is still a long way off.' "'but how do you know this?' i asked. "'come to the window,' replied the zingari, leading me forward to the narrow glazed opening in the rough wall, and directing my gaze to the dark sky, lighted by the silver rays of the moon. 'do you see those birds flying over the woods towards the south?' "'yes, i see them. what of it?' "'what of it? do not birds sleep as well as men? they would certainly not fly about at night-time thus had they not been disturbed. the enemy is marching through the wood southwards, and has frightened and driven the birds before it.' "i at once ordered the outposts to be reinforced, and the camp to be alarmed. two hours later, the outposts were fighting fiercely with the foe, and i was able to realize that my camp and my division had been saved from surprise and destruction only by the keen observation and sagacity of a grateful gypsy." the archduke spent a large sum of money, some years ago, in endeavoring to turn the gypsies from their nomadic life, and to induce them to settle down, in order to devote their time and energies to the practice of the wonderful art of working metal, which they possess to so marked a degree, instead of roaming aimlessly about, and sometimes thieving, as is unfortunately their habit. he built a number of villages for them in the district surrounding presburg, and organized gypsy settlements. but the scheme proved a failure. the tziganes, true to the instincts that they have inherited from countless generations, abandoned the comfortable houses, the fields and blossoming gardens with which they had been provided by their imperial benefactor. they refused to till the soil, and commenced once more their interminable wanderings. in spite of this fiasco, the archduke still continues to consider himself as the protector of the romanys, and remains proud of his title of "gypsy prince," being sagacious enough to realize that it is impossible for a race to eradicate from their character, in a comparatively short space of time, traits that have been theirs for hundreds, nay thousands of years; for the origin of these gypsies is still shrouded in mystery and lost in the gloom of prehistoric ages, although it is probable that they are of persian descent. while emperor william's taste as regards music meets with very widespread approval, and his gifts as a composer are very generally recognized, he has been less fortunate with regard to other branches of art; notably in the matter of painting, where he finds himself in frequent conflict with his people, especially with the great painters of his empire. of all the muses there is none so truly democratic as that of pictorial art. the pictorial muse displays a truly republican intolerance of control on the part of either king or government. hence it is only natural that germany, which has produced in the past, and still possesses, so many world-famed painters and architectural designers, should strongly resent the kaiser's assumption of the supreme arbitership in all matters relating to art. his subjects submitted to his claim of "_regis voluntas suprema lex_," in matters connected with the administration of the government, in diplomacy, in the drama, in music, and in literature, but they deny his power to impose upon them his taste in pictorial art. it is no exaggeration to state that the emperor is in almost perpetual conflict, and at open war with the great majority of german painters and designers--a notable exception being the case of professor von menzel. indeed, their discontent occasionally breaks forth with an intensity altogether new in the annals of german loyalty to the throne. a very remarkable instance thereof is the means which they adopted to show their disapproval of the emperor's treatment of wallot, the designer of the palace of the imperial parliament. wallot is universally recognized as the foremost architect of the age in germany, and his original design for the building, as accepted by the authorities, was a very grandiose and magnificent conception. financial considerations necessitated the modification of some of the features of the building, while others were forced upon the architect sorely against his will by the emperor, with the result that the palace is not quite so superb as originally projected. it remains, however, a magnificent and imposing pile, well worthy of the purpose for which it has been erected, and in no way a displeasing monument of german art and architecture as understood in the nineteenth century. all the recognized authorities, both teuton and foreign, in questions of art and architecture, have pronounced themselves in this sense, the only discordant note being that to which the emperor has given utterance. not only has he publicly declared the new reichshaus to be "the very acme of bad taste," but he even went to the length of striking the designer's name from the list of gold medalists at the exhibition of art and architecture held at berlin shortly after the completion and inauguration of the building. the gold medal had been voted to herr wallot by a jury composed of all the most celebrated artists in germany, whose verdict, representing that of the nation, might have been considered as definite and final. the kaiser, however, when the list was submitted to him for final approval, substituted, in lieu of the name of professor wallot, that of his favorite portrait painter, madame palma parlaghy, whose work is, in the eyes of germany's leading artists, so execrable that the hanging committee of the berlin academy have repeatedly refused to accord places to any of her pictures on its walls. madame parlaghy is a pupil of makart and of lenbach, and a native of hadji-dóròg, in hungary. she is between thirty and forty, possessed of glittering, enigmatic eyes, highly-colored cheeks and lips, and the almost too profuse head of hair that one sees so often on the shores of the danube. her beauty may, nevertheless, be described as majestic, and she conveys the idea of being a woman possessed of considerable strength of mind, as well as much diplomacy. she was first recommended to the emperor by the present czarina of russia, to whom she gave drawing lessons, prior to the marriage of the empress, and after william had obtained an idea of her skill by a very pleasing portrait which she painted of field marshal von moltke, which was, however, rejected by the hanging committee of an art exhibition at berlin, he purchased the picture in question for a large sum, and likewise gave her an order to paint several portraits of himself, declaring openly that if the judgment of the leading berlin artists were to be final in the matter of admitting paintings to public galleries and exhibitions, there would never be a single work of art worthy of the name on view. madame parlaghy's portraits of the emperor, though questionable as works of art, are, it must be confessed, very flattering likenesses of his majesty. it was shortly after this slight inflicted by the emperor on professor wallot, and the honor conferred upon madame parlaghy, that the national society of architects and the national association of artists, the two principal organizations of the kind in germany--composed of all that is most eminent in the realms of architecture and art--jointly invited professor wallot to a great banquet in berlin, at which over six hundred guests were present, in the course of which william was guyed in a most merciless manner! the chief ornament on the principal table was a model of the reichshaus in "schwarzbrod," cheese and confectionery. the dome consisted of a dutch cheese, the "germania" on the top was represented by a smartly aproned chambermaid on horseback, the horse being led by a footman in imperial livery, while the whole was labeled "der gipfel des geschmack,"--the acme of taste. another item of the programme was a sort of automatic machine, which, when a gold medal was placed in the slot, would perform "der gesang an ihr,"--the song to her--meaning, of course, madame parlaghy. the joke, i need hardly say, consisted in the parodying of the title of the emperor's musical composition "sang am aegir!" the lustre hanging from the ceiling, which is known in germany as a "kronleuchter" was in the form of an old crinoline. at the entrance to the banqueting hall hung the representation of a gold medal, which a lady painter was trying in vain to grasp. the tone of the speeches throughout the evening was in thorough keeping with the decorations, and it is doubtful whether such a bold exhibition of independence, and even disloyalty towards the sovereign, has ever been seen in the prussian capital. it speaks well for william's good sense that he should have refrained from proceeding against any of the organizers of the entertainment on the ground of _lése majesté_. there is, as i stated above, one prussian painter, however, of whom the kaiser is exceedingly fond, whose eminence in art is acknowledged, not only in germany, but all the world over, and upon whom william has lavished the highest honors that it is in his power to bestow. the painter in question is professor von menzel; popularly known in berlin as "his little excellency," owing to his diminutive size, his stature being about four feet nine inches! professor menzel, who is of the most humble origin, is to-day a knight of the order of the black eagle, which is the prussian equivalent of the english order of the garter, or of the austrian order of the golden fleece, this decoration carrying with it a patent of hereditary nobility. he is now considerably over eighty, but from his twelfth year he has earned his living by means of his brush and palette. all his principal paintings are devoted to the illustration of historic episodes of prussian history and of the reigning house of hohenzollern. one of his masterpieces is entitled "the flute concert," and represents frederick the great in his palace at sans-souci, at a concert with the principal members of court and his household around him. one evening the emperor sent for old menzel, and asked him to join the royal family at sans-souci. when the little painter alighted he was conducted to the imperial presence, and was somewhat astonished to notice that the sentinels at the various doors instead of being arrayed in their ordinary uniform, wore the military garb of the time of frederick the great. but his surprise developed into downright amazement, when at length two folding-doors were thrown open, and he found himself in the same apartment which had furnished the scene of his painting of "the flute concert." the room was lighted, as in olden times, with wax candles, the old-time furniture was disposed identically as represented in his painting, and, moreover, the company assembled was composed of men in the costumes of the time of frederick the great, and of ladies attired in the picturesque dress of the middle of the last century. there advanced to welcome the astounded artist a personage who, but for the moustache, was the very image of frederick the great, and in whom the little professor had some difficulty to recognize the kaiser. william greeted him with old-fashioned courtesy, using the elaborate politeness of our great grandfathers, and after having presented the little painter to all the guests, the ladies curtsying deeply in the fashion of the court of versailles, and the men bowing low, menzel was led by the emperor to a seat beside the empress, and the emperor's private band, whose uniforms were in perfect keeping with the costumes of the guests, played first of all several of frederick the great's compositions for the flute, and then a few of bach's loveliest _morceaux_. the emperor himself remained standing beside the little painter's chair throughout the entire concert, the empress alone and some of her ladies being seated, while the remainder of the fair guests, as well as all the men, stood about the apartment endeavoring as far as possible to group themselves in the same way as the personages figuring in menzel's painting. after the concert was finished, the company adjourned to an adjoining room, menzel occupying the place of honor to the right of the empress, while the emperor toasted the little fellow with more than ordinary eloquence and cordiality. it is doubtful whether any sovereign has ever gone to such lengths in order to honor the leading artist of his dominions, and it is difficult to speak too highly of the delicacy of the compliment, or of its originality. it might have been sufficient to turn the head of any other painter than menzel. but while he is devoted to the reigning family there is certainly no one who is less of a courtier. in fact he is terribly outspoken, and never hesitates to speak to his sovereign with the fearless sincerity of a diogenes. of a truth, there is no end to the stories current, illustrating his independence of character. once, having been commissioned by the grandfather of the present kaiser, namely, old emperor william, to paint a picture of his coronation as king of prussia, he reproduced with too much exactitude, and too little flattery, the features of the emperor's exceedingly vain and by no means youthful consort, empress augusta. her majesty insisted that he should alter his portrait of her, and render it more attractive, but this menzel absolutely refused to do, and the consequence was that the empress on numerous occasions made him feel the weight of her displeasure. the old painter bided his time, and eventually got even with her in a very characteristic fashion. being entrusted with the task of reproducing on canvas the scene of the emperor's departure for the seat of war in , he portrayed the empress augusta with her face entirely concealed in her handkerchief, as if weeping, although she prided herself on not having shed a single tear on that occasion. another time during the life of old field marshal wrangel, a lady of the court, more famous for her vanity than her beauty, complained to him that menzel had done her scant justice in a large picture representing some important event of contemporary court history. wrangel, who was famous as a brow-beating bully of the good old prussian type,--people trembling at the mere sight of him,--promised to see menzel, and to make him change the portrait of the lady to a more flattering likeness. greatly to his surprise, however, when he broached the subject to menzel, he discovered that the latter greatly resented such meddlesomeness. indeed, menzel even had the temerity to suggest that field marshals would do far better to attend to subjects that they knew something about than to the art of painting, of which they knew nothing. wrangel flared up, so did menzel, and soon the air was blue with finely characterized and bona-fide prussian oaths, punctuated with the angry sarcasms of the enraged painter. the upshot of the interview was that wrangel, who had never before turned his back on an enemy, was compelled to beat an ignominious retreat without having accomplished his object; but before disappearing through the door of the studio, he turned and positively yelled at the painter: "you are a disgusting little toad, and your picture is vile." while most of the members of the house of hapsburg paint and sketch with a good deal of cleverness and skill, there is only one, namely, the now widowed archduchess maria-theresa, who can be regarded as an artist in every sense of the word. she excels alike with the chisel and the brush, while during the lifetime of her husband, her salon became, in spite of the strictness of austrian court etiquette, the one place where eminent artists were certain to find a cordial welcome, irrespective of birth or social status. the studio of the archduchess is situated on the second floor of her palace, in the favoritenstrasse, and is a very lofty, long and narrow apartment, looking out on the street. it is particularly remarkable for its simplicity, presenting therein a powerful contrast to the magnificence of the two salons through which it is necessary to pass in order to reach it. the few stools, tabourets, armchairs and divans therein contained, are upholstered with soft-toned oriental rugs, the walls are hidden by some sort of olive-colored velvety fabric, and the wall opposite the windows is divided in the middle by a species of gallery, the exquisite wood carvings of which were brought by the archduchess herself from meran. the parqueted floors are partly concealed by the skins of tigers and polar bears, shot in the arctic regions and in india by her brother, dom miguel, duke of braganza, the legitimist pretender to the throne of portugal, while on easels, and suspended from the walls, are oil-color portraits by the archduchess of baroness c. kolmossy, to whom she is indebted for her knowledge of painting, of her husband, the late archduke charles-louis, and of her sister-in-law, the lamented empress elizabeth, in riding habit and in ball-dress. there is also a very pretty picture of a cat in the act of effecting its escape from the basket in which it had been confined, and a wonderful crayon sketch of maria-theresa's stepson, archduke francis-ferdinand, the heir to the austro-hungarian throne. the colossal fire-place niched in one of the corners of the studio, is surmounted, not by a mirror, but by a panel of well-nigh priceless oriental embroidery, the brilliant colors of which have been softened and rendered harmonious and mellow by age. the doors are draped by portieres of flemish tapestry, and shielded by mucharabieh screens of curiously-carved wood from cairo. preserved from dust and damage beneath plate-glass are some unique pieces of antique venetian point lace, presented by another brother-in-law, don alfonso of spain, the younger brother of the pretender don carlos, while on a huge square writing-table, the equipments of which are of oriental gold filigree-work, richly jewelled, are usually found letters either to or from the favorite brother-in-law of the archduchess, duke charles-theodore of bavaria, the celebrated oculist, who during the course of his practice has performed more than three thousand successful operations for cataract without accepting a single penny-piece by way of remuneration. true, the patients of this royal physician are nearly all of them poor people, and it is for their benefit that he has converted one of his castles into an ophthalmic hospital, and another palace into a species of convalescent home and resort, where poor gentlefolk and government servants with inadequate means can spend a couple of weeks in the country free of all cost. it is difficult to refrain from a deep degree of sympathy for this so brilliant and accomplished archduchess maria-theresa, whose character is best illustrated by the fact that she is literally worshipped by her grown-up step-children. the sudden death of her husband was not only a cruel bereavement, but was also the destruction of great and much-cherished ambitions. through the death of crown prince rudolph, her husband, as next brother to emperor francis-joseph, became heir to the throne, and owing to the refusal of empress elizabeth to take any part whatsoever in court life, the archduchess was from that moment, to all intents and purposes, the "first lady in the land." it was she who presided at all court ceremonies and official functions, who received the presentations, and who filled the post of empress alike at vienna and at pesth. her husband was entirely swayed by her, and completely subject to her influence, and it is notorious that she looked for the day when, through his accession to the throne, she would become the virtual ruler of the great dual empire, and be in a position to inaugurate all sorts of political ideas, peculiar to herself, notably in connection with a reversal of austria's present foreign policy. she has never made any secret of her disapproval of the austrian alliance with italy, and has even gone so far as to attend with her husband public meetings in favor of the restoration of the temporal power of the papacy, at which king humbert was bitterly denounced and abused as a usurper! there seemed no reason whatsoever why her consort should not live to succeed his elder brother, and as the archduke possessed a singularly strong constitution, and had scarcely suffered a single hour's illness since his childhood, there was no cause to fear any untoward event. indeed he might have been alive at the present moment had it not been for his unfortunate pilgrimage to jerusalem, where in some way he contracted the malady which carried him off so very suddenly. he enjoys the distinction of being the only member of his house whose whole body reposes in the vault of the capuchin church at vienna, where so many hundred hapsburgs sleep, some in coffins of silver and gold, others in caskets of exquisitely ornamented copper. according to a very gruesome custom in vogue with the reigning house of austria for many centuries, the heart is extracted from the body of the imperial dead within twenty-four hours after their demise, placed in a silver urn filled with spirits of wine, hermetically sealed, and then conveyed with the utmost pomp and ceremony, though at night, to the old cathedral of st. stephen, where it is received with much solemnity by the clergy, and placed in niches of the wall, near the high altar. the entrails are in the same way removed, and conveyed with identically the same ceremonies to the ancient church of the augustines, and it is only what is left that is buried in the vaults of the capuchin church. archduke charles-louis did not relish this extraordinary yet traditional treatment of his remains after death, and fervently believing in the resurrection of the body in the flesh, thought it distinctly uncanny that his heart and his entrails should each have to go hunting through the city for his body on the day of judgment. accordingly, he was laid to rest just as he died, instead of being entombed, like all the other members of the house of hapsburg, in sections. chapter xi if i have refrained in the preceding chapter from making any mention of the attainments of the dowager empress frederick, either as a sculptor or as a painter, it is because she is so immeasurably superior to all other royal personages in the realms of art that she can no longer be regarded as a mere amateur, no matter how clever. besides this, her individuality is so strong, her intellectual gifts so great, and the part which she has played in german politics so important that she really deserves separate treatment. if i link her name with that of her daughter-in-law, empress augusta-victoria, it is because the latter's influence on german affairs has been even still more weighty, though she is far less brilliant and clever than her husband's mother. indeed my readers after perusing this chapter may feel disposed to ask themselves whether ordinary intelligence in high places does not work more successfully than genius. it is difficult to describe empress frederick as anything else than a genius. certainly i have never known a more gifted woman. the diversity, the scope, and the depth of her knowledge are simply amazing. in conversation it is difficult to broach any subject, no matter what it is, that she has not mastered. her acquaintance with the mediaeval, renaissance and modern schools of painting, and with every form and work of art industry is unsurpassed even by those men who have devoted their entire lives to these studies. i have on one and the same evening heard her converse on venetian art with ludovic passini, proving herself his equal in her astounding knowledge of venice, past and present; talk with a distinguished physician, who was amazed by the theoretical knowledge which she displayed of the throat and breathing organs, and who declared that if she had only had practical experience, she would have been the finest throat specialist in the world; and discuss literature with a celebrated englishman of letters, chiding him upon his admitting his inability to cap a passage from pope, which she quoted! the late sir richard wallace, than whom no one possessed a more profound knowledge of the masterpieces of the painters, goldsmiths, jewelers and potters of bygone centuries, was wont to declare that empress frederick surpassed him as an expert, although, with unlimited wealth at his disposal, he had devoted more than half a century of his life to the collection of "chefs d'oeuvre" in all parts of the world. the depth of her researches into chemical science exceeds that of lord salisbury, who is her most intimate personal friend in england, and at whose elizabethan country seat she invariably visits when in her native country, most of her time while under his roof being spent with him in his laboratory. but it is particularly as an artist, both with brush and chisel, that she excels, and while as a painter she ranks with some of the leading professional masters of the present day, as a sculptor she surpasses anything achieved or even attempted as yet by a woman. the subject which naturally stimulates her most to artistic effort is the portraiture of her fondly-loved husband. his memory, although he has been dead eleven years, is so fresh in her mind, her eye is so capable of recalling his image, and her hand is so well trained to follow her impressions, and to reproduce what she can visualize, that no sculptor could vie with her in reproducing his splendid form and manly features. she once gave a commission to the celebrated german sculptor uphues for a colossal statue of "unser fritz," and calling at the artists' studio, whilst he was at work on his clay model, she pointed out to him some points in which he had not caught the right expression. verbal explanations not adequately conveying her meaning, she asked permission to use the roughing chisel, set to work, and in half an hour with a touch here and a touch there, modified the features to such a degree that the sculptor was astounded at the striking improvement. the model has since been transferred to marble, and is universally considered to be the best portrait extant of emperor frederick. no greater tribute to her brilliancy and penetration in the matter of statecraft could possibly be given than the undisguised and openly acknowledged animosity with which she was, throughout her married life, regarded by the late prince bismarck, who feared her more than all his masculine rivals and opponents together. she was a political foe worthy in every respect of his steel, for she repeatedly checkmated his moves; and if he sometimes spoke of her with a brutality and a degree of vehemence altogether out of place, this must be regarded as more in the light of a compliment than as an intentional piece of discourtesy, as it was a virtual admission of the fact that her opposition to his projects was of altogether too masculine and virile a character to admit for one moment of his according to her that forbearance and chivalrous deference which men as a rule are wont to concede to women as a tribute to their sex. she fought him unceasingly, from the time when he violated the prussian constitution, shortly before the war with denmark, until the day when through her efforts and statecraft he was driven from office,--a vanquished foe. he had used in vain every weapon against her that his ingenuity could devise. he had even gone so far as to publicly charge her with treason in betraying to the english, and through them to the french, military secrets which had been imparted to her by her husband, during the war of . he had, in short, done everything that lay in his power to prevent her husband from succeeding to the crown, mainly, as he admitted, with the object of preventing her from sharing the throne as empress; and after having grossly insulted her in the presence of her dying, voiceless and helpless husband by refusing to transact any state business, or to communicate any confidential reports to the monarch as long as she was in the room, he incited her eldest son, whose mind he had deliberately poisoned against her, to take steps which could only intensify the sorrow of the grief-stricken woman immediately after her so fondly loved husband had been taken from her. yet she carried the day in the end, and her son is now the very first to acknowledge his mother's cleverness and the fact that she showed herself more than a match in statecraft for the man reputed as the greatest statesman of the century, namely, bismarck. one of the cleverest of the many clever things that she did, was the manner in which she brought about the fall of bismarck. she was too shrewd to dream of exercising any direct pressure on her son. it was done indirectly, and with so much diplomacy, that william never dreamt at the time of dismissing the iron chancellor that he was playing his mother's game. abstaining from any steps towards a reconciliation with her son, she merely took advantage of the kaiser's visit to westphalia, to place in his path his old tutor, professor hintzpeter, a pedagogue of whom william had been very fond, and whose teachings had left a deep impression upon the mind of his imperial pupil. the empress knew the professor's characteristics, his fads, and his views. she likewise recognized and understood, as only a mother can do, the complex character of her son, and she foresaw the effects that were likely to be achieved by bringing the two men once more into communication with each other. like william ii., hintzpeter is full of contrasts, for while on the one hand he has always professed the most advanced radical and even socialistic doctrines,--doctrines with which he impregnated the mind of his princely charge,--yet he would tolerate no familiarity or condescension on his part towards inferiors, and was even wont to force william to wash his hands when he had so far forgotten himself as to shake hands with anyone of a subordinate or menial rank. another trait of character of professor hintzpeter, is his firm conviction that difficulties, no matter how vast and intricate, are always capable of being settled and satisfactorily arranged by means of eloquent phrases and good intentions. at the time when william renewed his acquaintance, in the capital of westphalia, with his old tutor, the socialistic and labor problems were engaging the attention not merely of germany, but likewise of all europe. prince bismarck was in favor of a continuance of harsh measures with regard to labor, and of persecution of the most resentless nature so far as the socialists were concerned. hintzpeter, full of his former sympathies for autocracy and socialism at one and the same time, called william's attention to the fact that bismarck's policy had merely had the effect of vastly increasing the strength of the socialists as a factor in german politics, and of rendering the labor difficulties more acute. he, therefore, suggested to the emperor the idea that he should endeavor to solve both problems by means of an international congress, under his own presidency, at which means should be devised for reconciling the interests of socialism with the state, and those of capital with labor. william, with all his common-sense and cleverness, has inherited from his ancestress, queen louise, and one might almost say from his grand-uncle, king frederick william iv., a very strongly developed tendency towards idealism. it was to this phase of his nature that the recommendation of professor hintzpeter particularly appealed, and the more he considered the matter, the more he discussed it with his old tutor, the more convinced he became that it was in his power to solve the difficulties of both socialism and labor, and thus to earn the gratitude, not only of his own people, but of the entire civilized world. of course, prince bismarck immediately realized the utopian character of the scheme, saw its impracticability, and proceeded to condemn it with more than his ordinary irritability and _brusquerie_. finding, however, that the emperor was not to be argued out of the idea of holding a labor conference, he proceeded to ridicule it, and what was worse, to cause it to be scoffed at and treated with derision as the vaporings of an inexperienced and altogether too generous-minded youth, in german as well as foreign papers, which william knew derived their inspiration from the chancellor's palace in the wilhelmstrasse. all this served to embitter the relations between the emperor and the prince. the latter perceived that the kaiser was getting beyond his control, and was subject to other influences, while the emperor now commenced to appreciate the extent to which, he had been made subservient to the policy and to the wishes of his chancellor. meanwhile the necessity became apparent of taking some immediate step, one way or another, in connection with the prolongation of the exceptional measures against the socialists which were just expiring. the chancellor was determined that they should be renewed, while the emperor felt that, with the international congress coming on, he would be handicapped in his rôle of arbitrator, and his good faith would justly be suspected by the socialists were he to consent to the continuance of repressive measures against them that were extra-legal, that is to say, beyond the laws of the land, and as such, strictly speaking, unconstitutional. finally, william discovering that bismarck was negotiating with the various party leaders, notably with the late dr. windhorst, leader of the catholic party in the reichstag, with a view to the prolongation of the anti-socialist measures, made up his mind to dismiss him, and called for his resignation for having ventured to negotiate with the opposition leaders in the reichstag, without his knowledge or consent, in order to obtain their support to a measure about which he had expressed his disapproval. that was the real cause of bismarck's fall, despite all other stories current on the subject, and had not empress frederick engineered the meeting in the westphalian capital between her son and his former tutor, it is possible that prince bismarck might have died in office. it is scarcely necessary to remind my readers that, as predicted by the old chancellor, the international labor congress resulted in a fiasco, while the emperor ultimately became so embittered by the failure of the socialists to appreciate his kindly intentions towards them, that he now regards them as his most bitter enemies, and practically calls upon every soldier who joins the army to be prepared to use his rifle, not only against the enemies from without, but also against the enemies within--that is, the socialists. naturally william to-day regrets that he permitted himself to be talked into any such schemes as the reconciliation of the socialists with the crown, and of capital with labor, and professor hintzpeter, while retaining the affection of his former pupil, has long ceased to enjoy his confidence as a political adviser. he is no longer looked upon in the light of a german richelieu, as the foreign newspapers were wont to describe him when he was at the climax of his power, and he no longer possesses anything in common with his russian counterpart, professor pobiedenotsoff, except in a singular peculiarity of appearance. indeed, hintzpeter's looks invite caricature. he is lanky, ungainly and lantern-jawed, and seems like a man who has never been young, and who has not yet obtained the venerability of old age. his manners are exceedingly ungracious, and even repellent, but when once he becomes interested in a discussion he seems to undergo an entire transformation. he is no longer the same man, and gives one at that moment the impression of being nothing but a bundle of seething nerves, the vibrations of which seem to extend to, as well as to influence, all those who are within range of his voice. the empress frederick was shrewd enough to keep in the background all the time! she took no part in the fight between her son and prince bismarck, and was particularly careful to avoid identifying herself in any way with professor hintzpeter. the result was that the kaiser did not dream of ascribing to her any responsibility for the mistake into which he had been led by his former tutor. as foreseen by empress frederick, with prince bismarck once in retirement and disgrace, and the emperor disposed to reverse the entire bismarckian policy, it commenced to dawn upon his majesty that among other errors into which he had been led by his ex-chancellor was his own harshness and unfriendliness towards his mother. it was while under this impression that he took the first steps towards a reconciliation with the imperial widow, who, by showing herself particularly affectionate and amiable, made her son feel still more bitterly the unfilial nature of the conduct which he had been led by bismarck to adopt until then towards his mother. the friendly relations thus established between mother and son have subsisted ever since, and the emperor does not disdain now to seek empress frederick's advice in a number of matters, having realized how clever she is, while there is no one whose approval he values more highly than hers. most people are in the habit of portraying the empress frederick as a woman embittered and soured by disappointment. yet if the truth were known, there are few whose existence at the present moment is of a more ideal character, she has lost a noble and devoted husband, but this bereavement must, to a certain extent, have been softened by the genuine sorrow manifested by all, not only in his own country, but throughout the civilized world, when he died. her marriage was a singularly happy one, unclouded by even the faintest difference of opinion with her consort, and she is now enjoying a delightfully contented eventide of life. she resides during the greater part of the year in a home constructed in one of the loveliest portions of germany, near homburg, according to her own designs, and her own ideas; she possesses a vast fortune, which renders her independent of all her relatives, and which she is free to spend as she wishes. with all her sons and daughters married, she has no domestic cares of her own, and is at liberty to order her mode of existence as she pleases, unhampered by any obligations or restrictions, save those which her son may see fit to impose. her rank is of the highest, for she is the eldest daughter of queen victoria, and the mother of the present german emperor, besides which she has the status and title of an empress-queen. in fact, she has the rank of a sovereign, without any of the responsibilities that are attached thereto, and while she may have experienced, at one moment, disappointment at being deprived by her husband's premature death of engineering a number of political, social and economic reforms in germany, upon which she had set her heart, yet she cannot but have realized by this time that her existence as an empress-dowager is infinitely more agreeable than that of an empress-regent would have been, for had she been at the present moment seated by her husband's side on the throne, she would have found no time to devote to those arts and sciences to which she is so passionately devoted, and which nowadays occupy the greater portion of her life. in spite of being a great-grandmother, empress frederick is still in splendid bodily health and vigor. she rides on horseback daily in summer, and in winter spends a considerable amount of time skating on the ice. she is not handsome, and, in fact, has never been even pretty, but has always had a bright, intelligent and pleasing face. moreover, she has inherited her mother's peculiarly melodious voice. unfortunately, she is imperious, and intolerant of stupidity; it is this, coupled with her lack of tact, which is responsible for her unpopularity. in spite of all her philanthropy, her generosity, and her cleverness, and notwithstanding the blamelessness of her life, she is not liked by the people of her adopted country, and this, while it has not prevented her from playing a preponderant rôle in german politics, as above described, has proved an obstacle to her exercise of any influence upon the german people. after all, this absence of tact may be excused, for it is usually wanting in people of genius. she is very tender-hearted, and will not, if she can prevent it, allow any living thing on the estate to be disturbed or killed. no description of empress frederick seems complete without adding thereto a brief reference to the grand-master of her court, count seckendorff, who may be said to have devoted his entire life to her service, and to that of her husband. a scion of one of the oldest houses of the prussian aristocracy, and bearing a name that figures frequently in the pages of german history, he was attached to the household of empress frederick as chamberlain in the early days of her marriage, and the only time since then when he has been absent from her side was during the war; for the count is no mere drawing-room soldier, as is the case with so many military men who are in attendance on royalty. he has seen active service in the wars of , and , winning the iron cross for bravery in the latter campaign, and was likewise attached to lord napier's expedition to abyssinia, which found its climax in the storming of magdala, and in the death of emperor theodore. as an artist he may be said to be almost as gifted as empress frederick is herself, and his paintings have won distinctions of the highest order at many national and foreign exhibitions. indeed, it is this sympathy of artistic tastes that has contributed in no small measure to the altogether exceptional position which he enjoys in the favor and confidence of the widowed empress. he has seen all her children grow up around her, has been the confidant of many of her sorrows, and at a moment when both she and her dying husband were surrounded by chamberlains and officers who were devoted to the interests of bismarck, and virtually traitors in the camp, he alone remained loyal in evil as well as in happier days. being a bachelor, he makes his home with the empress, attends her wherever she goes, and, after having been the object of much abuse and even calumny,--the latter originated and circulated by the so-called "reptile press,"--that is to say, the newspapers, domestic and foreign, drawing pay and inspiration from prince bismarck,--he now enjoys the regard and the good-will of everyone at the courts of berlin and windsor, particularly at the latter, where his lifelong devotion to the widowed empress is keenly appreciated by her mother, queen victoria. no greater contrast can be conceived than that which exists between empress frederick and her daughter-in-law, the empress-regnant. far less brilliant than either her husband's mother or grandmother, she has nevertheless managed to achieve, as i have remarked before, not only an infinitely greater degree of popularity, but likewise a more extensive influence upon the german people. experience and history show that ordinary sense on the throne is far more beneficial to the population than a lofty order of intellect, and empress augusta-victoria merely offers another illustration of the truth of this assertion. none of the queens of prussia, nor either of the first german empresses, can be said to have left any impress upon the subjects of their respective husbands. there is no doubt that the so celebrated queen louise of prussia was the cause of prussia's receiving infinitely harsher treatment at the hands of napoleon than the kingdom would otherwise have experienced; while the consort of old emperor william, a pupil of goethe, and famed for her culture and accomplishments, was disliked by the people, and was just as little in touch with them as her still more talented daughter-in-law, empress frederick. for empress augusta-victoria, however, a most profound sympathy extends throughout the length and breadth of germany. every housewife, every mother, looks to her as to a model, knows that she is satisfied to excel in her purely domestic duties, and that she does, not strive to render herself superior to her sex by intellectual brilliancy and scientific attainments. thanks to this sympathy which she inspires, and to the fact that she is looked upon by men and women alike in her husband's dominions as the ideal of what a german "_hausfrau_" should be, she has been able to exercise an influence of infinitely greater importance upon the nation at large than any other consort of a prussian sovereign can have boasted to achieve. it is to this estimable woman, whom some were disposed at first to denounce as narrow-minded and witless, that must be attributed the very strongly developed religious revival apparent throughout protestant germany since the present emperor came to the throne. prior to the present reign, church-going was as a rule eschewed by the male sex, women constituting the backbone of the congregation, while the clergy of the lutheran persuasion was looked down upon, being treated by the territorial nobility much in the same way as upper servants, that is to say, on a par with the farm bailiffs, the stewards and the housekeepers in a word, religion and everything pertaining thereto was not considered fashionable. to-day all this is changed. under the guidance of the empress, her husband, reared by his broad-minded mother in the ideas of strauss and of renan, has become a strict churchman, and court, nobility, bureaucracy and in fact the middle and lower classes too, have followed suit. free-thinking and neglect of religious duties are at present considered the acme of bad form in germany. everybody professes the most profound interest in questions and enterprises relating to the church, and a large number of daughters of the most illustrious houses of the german nobility have conferred their hands and their hearts upon penniless lutheran pastors, whose social status has thereby been entirely changed. moreover, if during the past ten years more churches have been built, particularly in berlin, than had been the case in the entire previous half-century, this is because every one has become aware that the most facile way of winning the good graces of the empress, and the favor of her consort is by building a church, or endowing some hospital. the empress is ever ready to help in every good work, and her private charities are very great, but she does not approve of the higher education or the emancipation of women, and entertains a holy horror of everything pertaining to the female suffrage movement. women, according to her views, should remain in their own sphere, and should regard their duties to their husbands, their children, and their homes as their first and foremost obligations; the nursing of the sick, the training of young people, and the organization and direction of charitable institutions, affording plenty of scope for those members of the fair sex who have no domestic tasks to occupy their time. [illustration: _auguste victoria empress of germany_] _from life_ she claims that in this way a woman is able to exercise a far more important and beneficial influence than by endeavoring to supplant men in professions essentially masculine, and certainly she herself constitutes a striking illustration of the truth of her contention, for the influence of the present german empress is felt throughout the length and breadth of the land--a gracious womanly influence in every sense of the word. among the many philanthropic organizations which owe their origin to the empress, is the central association of german actresses, which has of late years done more towards elevating the stage than has ever been accomplished by members of the aristocracy who have seen fit to join the dramatic profession with that avowed object in view. the work of this society is to enable actresses to provide themselves, at the lowest possible cost, with the costumes considered necessary by the managers of the theatres. it is well known that while in germany the pieces are beautifully put on the stage, the salaries paid to the actresses do not in many cases cover the expenses of the stage dresses. the empress makes a point of giving all her court and evening gowns, which were formerly the perquisites of her dressers and maids, to the association, and has invited the ladies of the court of berlin to follow her example. those ladies who feel that they cannot afford to give the dresses, are asked to sell them to the association as cheaply as possible, and the latter then turns them over at a merely nominal cost to such ladies of the dramatic profession as are considered worthy of support and assistance. this organization is managed entirely by great ladies, the empress herself acting as president, and in this manner they are brought into personal contact with actresses both of high and low degree. the intercourse thus established has been most beneficial, for it has not only helped to place the social status of the stage on a more agreeable basis, but it also constitutes an incentive to actresses to keep their names and reputations free from blemish, since they naturally understand that the empress and the great ladies of the aristocracy can only treat them as friends, so long as they live up to the same standard of respectability as that which prevails in the highest circles of society, and at court. one of the most valuable qualities of empress augusta-victoria is her extraordinary tact. it is due to this, more than anything else, that she has been able to retain, not only a hold upon the affection and regard of her impulsive and brilliant husband, but also an influence over him without his being aware of the fact. by the leading members of his court, and by his principal ministerial advisers, she is regarded not merely in the light of his guardian angel, but as his most sensible counsellor. she may be relied upon at all times to soothe his anger, soften any bitterness which he may entertain towards this or that person, and call forth at critical moments the most generous and chivalrous phases of his, on the whole, very attractive character. she is claimed by those who know the true state of affairs to act in the capacity of a brake and a safety-valve to her husband, and it is no secret that both the classes and the masses feel an additional sense of security when they know their popular empress to be by the emperor's side; for every mistake that he has made since he ascended the throne has taken place during her absence, and he himself is the first to acknowledge that she is largely responsible for every success that he has achieved. the sentiments of the empress towards bismarck have been much misunderstood and misconstrued. it is perfectly true that she was brought up from her earliest childhood to regard him as the enemy of her house, the prince having, as i have already related, been the author of the indefensible act of spoliation, by means of which her father had been deprived of the duchies of schleswig and holstein, now forming part of the kingdom of prussia. the manner in which the iron chancellor was viewed in the home of the empress when a young girl, may best be gathered from the fact that whenever her nurses and governesses were desirous of putting a stop to her naughtiness and of frightening her into obedience, they would exclaim: "_bismarck's coming! wow! wow!_" this childhood impression has continued so deep that even to this day, whenever the empress shows any signs of reluctance to comply with her husband's wishes, or betrays irritation, the kaiser is in the habit of springing upon her the familiar old cry of "_bismarck's coming! wow! wow!_" which at first always makes her start as she did in infancy and girlhood, and then causes her to burst into laughter, and restores her to good humor. these sentiments of aversion to bismarck were to a great extent modified at the time of her marriage by the knowledge that it was the chancellor who had contributed more than anybody else to facilitate and bring about the match. the latter was opposed by many of emperor william's kinsfolk, as well as by influential people at court, on the ground that her rank was inadequate to render her a suitable match for the heir to the throne of germany. bismarck, however, took the ground that a marriage between the heir presumptive and the eldest daughter of the _de jure_ duke of schleswig-holstein would go a long way to reconcile the inhabitants of the above-named duchies to their annexation by prussia, while at the same time it would constitute the reparation of an act which he himself admitted was extremely unjust, but to which he was compelled by imperative considerations of policy. empress augusta-victoria has been so supremely happy in her married life that she has always felt a certain amount of gratitude to bismarck, which tended to obliterate her childhood's impressions against him; and no more striking indication of her sentiments towards the famous statesman can be given than the fact that she travelled all the way to friedrichsrüh at a moment when the sickness of her children demanded her presence by their bedside, in order to attend the private and home funeral of the man who had publicly described her father as the most stupid prince in all europe; who had deprived him of his throne, and who had sent him to an early grave as a broken-spirited and thoroughly embittered man. while the empress takes but little part in politics, on her favorite ground, that women should have no concern whatsoever in the conduct thereof, she has at least on two occasions, to my knowledge, intervened in important crises. thus in , when general count caprivi, having differed with william on the subject of the new education laws, had written to tender his resignation of the office of chancellor, the empress at once indicted an autograph letter, in which, with expressions of mingled pathos and dignity, she appealed to him so strongly not to desert her husband, or to subject the latter to the anxiety, the trouble, and even the odium of another ministerial crisis, that he at once traveled down to hübertüsstock, where the emperor was staying, and informed him that he withdrew his resignation, and would remain in office. two years later, when caprivi again resigned, it was largely the personal entreaties contained in the letters which she addressed to old princess hohenlohe which led to the latter's withdrawal of the opposition that, until then, had stood in the way of prince hohenlohe's acceptance of the chancellorship. like most other consorts of reigning sovereigns and princesses of the blood, empress augusta-victoria holds the colonelcy of a number of prussian and russian regiments, whose uniform she occasionally wears in a somewhat feminized form at those grand military reviews of which the kaiser is so fond. her favorite garb of this kind is the uniform of the second regiment of pomeranian cuirassiers, one of the oldest and most celebrated corps of cavalry of the prussian army. the regimental tunic is of snow-white cloth, and held in its place by the silver shoulder-straps of a colonel is the orange ribbon of the order of the black eagle, which crosses her breast to the left hip, where the jewel of the order is attached by a large rosette. the star of the order is worn on the left breast, while just above it are a number of smaller decorations. with this white tunic, with its silver buttons, its silver embroidery and scarlet facings, a white cloth skirt is worn, while in lieu of the helmet now in use by the regiment, the empress has adopted the old-fashioned, broad-brimmed cavalier hat, with the flowing white ostrich plumes which the officers of the corps were wont to don in the early part of the last century. thus attired, the empress takes her place by the side of her husband at the saluting point at any of the grand reviews at which she may happen to be present, and as soon as a regiment of which she happens to be colonel approaches, she at once canters, takes her place at its head as commanding officer, and leads it past her husband in true military fashion, saluting with her riding whip before returning to his side. sometimes she is accompanied by one or another of the emperor's sisters, or else by the handsome young grand duchess of hesse, all of whom hold honorary colonelcies, and who appear on such occasions on horseback and in uniform. the grand duchess of hesse, who holds the command of an infantry regiment, wears not merely the tunic, but likewise the helmet of the corps in question, and looks particularly fascinating on these occasions. empress augusta-victoria and her mother-in-law, the empress frederick, are the only two women who have ever been admitted to the order of the black eagle, the highest order of the kingdom of prussia, and neither the consort of old emperor william nor any of the earlier queens of prussia, not even queen louise, ever received this distinction. the innovation dates from the time of the late emperor frederick. the first thing he did on becoming emperor was to take the ribbon of the order from his own uniform and hang it across the shoulders of his wife, in token of gratitude, and in recognition of the fact that, had it not been for her championship and faithful guard of his interests, bismarck would have carried the day, and debarred him from accession to the crown. while the emperor's action, of course, excited a good deal of criticism amongst the older dignitaries of the order, and among the members of the government and court, it was heartily approved of by the world at large, as being not only well deserved, but also a singularly pathetic demonstration on the part of the dying monarch of his profound sense of obligation to his most devoted consort. when emperor william in turn ascended the throne, he at once proceeded to follow his father's example, and to invest his own wife with the black eagle, in order to place her, as the reigning empress, upon the same level in this particular respect, as her mother-in-law, the dowager empress. it may be taken for granted that henceforth the order of the black eagle will remain a prerogative of all the consorts of the kings of prussia and emperors of germany. the whole youth of the empress was spent at prinkenau, the fine country seat of her parents, which is now owned by her brother. those days were varied only by visits to her uncle, prince christian of schleswig-holstein, who makes his home in england, where he is married to queen victoria's daughter helena, and to her relatives, the prince and princess hohenlohe. the emperor first made her acquaintance during a day's shooting at prinkenau. he was _en route_ to the château, when, having lost his way in the forest, he met a young girl, of whom he inquired his whereabouts and how to proceed. this was the princess augusta-victoria, and he always declared that he fell in love with her from that moment. she was, therefore, a total stranger to berlin court life and berlin society at the time of her marriage, and at first found it very difficult to adapt herself to the formal etiquette by which royal personages are surrounded at berlin. it was here that her american aunt, countess waldersee, came to her assistance, instructed her, and acted as her mentor, not only in matters of etiquette and manner, but in the attitude to be observed towards the various members of berlin society as well. it is as a mother that the empress shows herself in one of her most charming lights. she is, indeed, an ideal mother, and, in spite of her manifold duties, personally supervises, not merely the education of her children, but even every little detail connected with their comfort and well-being. in fact the empress, as well as the emperor, are at their best when surrounded by their children, in whose company they spend far more time than fashionable people in less exalted spheres of society consider it necessary or pleasant to do. the empress is extremely economical as regards the clothing of her children, and the suits of the elder princes are cut down to fit their younger brothers. with her own wardrobe the empress is equally careful, and she has a staff of dressmakers who are always at work remodelling her gowns, so that it is possible for her to appear in them several times without their being recognized. on state occasions she is always superbly dressed, and covered with the most gorgeous jewels, but when in the country she delights in the simplest costumes; a serge skirt, a pretty blouse, and a plain straw hat, being her favorite garb. her grand court costumes, as a rule, hail from vienna, and empress augusta-victoria probably shares with her grandmother, queen victoria, the distinction of being one of the two ladies, occupants of thrones, who do not patronize any of the great parisian couturiers. the empress never orders her dresses herself. that is done by her principal lady-in-waiting, who has patterns sent to the palace, from which she selects a certain number to show the empress. when the imperial lady has made her choice, she settles from plates the way in which the gown is to be made, after invariably submitting her selections to the emperor, who has excellent taste in such matters. the empress usually breakfasts alone with the emperor. in summer, often at the unearthly hour of six in the morning! the meal is a substantial one, american and english, rather than continental in fashion, and she is apt to declare that it is the only time throughout the entire day when she is able to discuss matters of a private or domestic character with her husband. the imperial couple often ride out on horseback together in the early morning, after breakfast, before the kaiser repairs to the palace to begin his day's work at nine o'clock. the empress looks very well on horseback, as she has an excellent seat, and the plain habit suits her rounded figure extremely well. her stable is quite distinct from that of the emperor, and with the exception of one white horse all the mounts that she uses are brown in color. at luncheon the emperor and empress generally have a few guests, and it is the same at dinner, which takes place at seven in the evening. on rising from the table, the empress frequently takes her place at the piano to accompany the emperor, who has a fine baritone and most expressive voice. it is asserted by those who know the empress best, that she has kept a diary since her earliest girlhood, in which she has set down her daily experiences, although it is claimed that these diaries have been seen by no one, not even by the emperor. the empress, who never fails to write her diary every evening, keeps the precious volumes under lock and key in a large cabinet situated in her bedroom. perhaps some day the personal experiences of empress augusta-victoria will be published, and while they may possibly throw light on many dark places in the history both of the nation and the court, there is no doubt that their revelations will be characterized by that kindliness of heart, that forbearance, and, above all, that sound common sense which are so conspicuous in empress augusta-victoria. chapter xii since the days of the canonized rulers of hungary, bohemia, russia, and france, there have been no sovereigns of the old world who have been so distinguished for their piety and for the fervor of their religious belief as the present emperors of germany and austria, for they both take very seriously to heart their official and liturgical designation as the anointed of the lord. it is no mere cant or hypocrisy in their case, but a profound belief in the teachings of the scripture in which they truly believe is to be found the most powerful bulwark of the throne against the ever rising tide of democracy, and the fundamental basis of the entire monarchical system. save for this, their manifestations of christianity may be said to differ. francis-joseph, now in the eventide of a singularly sad and stormy life, and of a reign that was inaugurated by a most sanguinary civil war, reminds one, in spite of the hereditary title of "_apostolic majesty_" conferred upon his forbears by the papacy, of nothing so much as of the publican of the parable going up to the temple to pray, so deep and unaffected is the humility with which he approaches the altar or kneels at the priedieu in the chapel of his palace, or beside the tombs of those most near and dear to him. emperor william's piety, while equally fervent, does not give one the same idea of self-abasement in the sight of the almighty. it would be unfair to compare him to that other personage of the parable, namely, the pharisee, for the latter was obviously lacking in sincerity; but at the same time, william in his moments of religious fervor, invariably recalls to mind that pretty story told by the late alphonse daudet, entitled the "dauphin's deathbed," in which the little boy-prince, on the eve of his departure for a happier world, responds to the exhortations of his chaplain with the exclamation: "but one thing consoles me, m. l'abbé, and that is that up there in the paradise of the stars i shall still be the dauphin. i know that the good god is my cousin, and cannot fail to treat me according to my rank!" emperor francis-joseph will be prepared, in, a future existence, to take his place among the very humblest of his subjects, realizing that in the eyes of the divinity all human creatures are equal, whereas emperor william, on the other hand, in his heart of hearts, is certainly convinced that there will be a special place reserved for him above--a place in keeping with his rank here on earth. true, he has never actually said this in so many words, but he has assuredly indicated this belief both by his utterances and his actions. he makes no attempt to conceal his conviction that personages of royal birth, and, in particular, reigning sovereigns, are fashioned by the almighty with clay of a quality vastly superior to that employed for the composition of ordinary human creatures. notwithstanding all the spartan rigor and severity to which he was subjected in his youth, for the purpose of dispelling exaggerated pride of birth and station, he feels assured that the rights and privileges which he enjoys above his fellow-men are of divine origin. although a constitutional sovereign, he is never tired of declaring that he is responsible for the performance of his duties as ruler of germany to the almighty alone, and that god alone is able to appreciate and to pass judgment upon his actions. that emperor william considers himself to be far nearer to the throne of god, and in an infinitely closer degree of communion with the almighty than any ordinary being, is apparent from many of his public utterances. in fact, the amazing intimacy which he professes with his maker, and the strange manner in which he implies that he and the creator have interests in common, and joint understandings that are beyond the comprehension of ordinary mankind, would savor of downright blasphemy, were it not for the undeniable sincerity of his teutonic majesty, who really regards himself as a divine instrument. indeed, there is no doubt that it is this belief which he honestly entertains that has served to keep his private life, since he ascended the throne, so thoroughly blameless. for there is no doubt that william does his utmost to live up to the teachings of his faith, to order every phase of his existence in conformity with the precepts of christianity, and to avoid everything that could tend to impair his status as a vice-regent of providence in the eyes of the devout. few are the incidents and events of his reign to which he does not impart a religious flavor. thus it was only last summer, on the completion of a new fort at metz, that he insisted on its inauguration taking place with much religious pomp and ceremony, and he himself christened the fortress in the name of the father, and of the son, and of the holy ghost, thus calling down the blessing of the trinity on a stronghold, the guns of which are pointed against france, and the success of which can only consist in the destruction of innumerable french foes! it is he, too, who has originated the practice of christening with religious ceremonies the great guns furnished by krupp for use afloat and ashore against germany's enemies; and on the blades of the swords which he has presented to his elder sons, and to his favorite generals and officers, there is invariably inscribed on the one side, "in the name of the father, and of the son, and of the holy ghost," and on the other, averse from the bible, surmounted by the imperial cypher. william has even gone to the length of drawing up an extraordinary argument in defence of duelling based upon quotations taken from the bible. the emperor takes as the text of his argument that verse of the writings of st. paul, in which the apostle declares that he would rather die than that anyone should rob him of his good name. william infers from this that the most eloquent and forcible of all the fathers of the church was prepared to fight to the death for the honor of his name. "nowhere in the bible," adds his majesty, "is there any prohibition of duelling, not even in the new testament, which, unlike the old testament, is not a book of law. indeed, every attempt to use the new testament as the basis for a new code of law has resulted in failure." with regard to the use made by the opponents of duelling of that law in the old testament which proclaims, "thou shalt not kill," the emperor draws attention to another portion of the old testament, wherein is mentioned that the sword shall not be carried in vain. then invoking st. paul's epistle to the galatians, in which the apostle exclaims: "oh! ye foolish galatians. this only would i learn of you. received ye the spirit by the works of the law, or by the hearing of the faith? are ye so foolish, having begun in the spirit, that ye wish to perfect yourselves in the flesh?" the emperor declares that to twist the word of god into a prohibition of duelling is nothing else than to perfect one's self by the flesh--that is to say to attribute an altogether material and common-place interpretation to what is meant spiritually. he adds that this is just as reprehensible in the eyes of the almighty as the attempts by the pharisees to adapt the mosaic law to their own convenience, attempts which were so bitterly denounced by christ. finally, the emperor generally concludes this extraordinary exposition of his views by the following exordium: "he who after careful self-examination finds himself compelled to fight a duel, and whose conscience is clear of sentiments of hatred and of vengeance, may do so in the conviction that he is in no wise acting contrary to the word of god, to the obligations of honor, or to the accepted customs of society. as in battle, so also in the duel, which has been forced upon him in one way or another, he may say to himself: _if we live, we live in the lord, and if we die, we die in the lord, amen_." it must be borne in mind that emperor william delivered himself of these utterances, not merely in his capacity of emperor of germany, king of prussia, and commander-in-chief of the entire german army, but also in his self-assumed rôle of _summus-episcopus,_ or spiritual as well as temporal chief of the lutheran church throughout the empire. such a speech was delivered on the occasion of the endeavor made by certain members of the court circles to induce the lutheran synod to institute disciplinary measures against the potsdam pastor who had declined to accord the rites of christian burial to baron von schrader, killed in a duel by baron kotze, the encounter being the outcome of the anonymous letter scandal already described. the synod, however, thoroughly endorsed the attitude of the lutheran minister in question, and availed itself of the opportunity to pass a resolution to the effect that no person killed in a combat of this kind, or even dying from wounds received in a duel, could be regarded as having met his death as a christian, and as such entitled to christian burial. curiously enough this view was endorsed by the gallant old general bronsart von schellendorf, at that time minister of war, who, in expressing his approval of the resolution, called upon the emperor as commander-in-chief to take more radical steps for checking the phenomenal growth of the practice of duelling. william, however, declined to comply with the request, dismissed the general shortly afterwards from office, and, on the contrary, proceeded to condemn both the action of the synod and of the potsdam pastor who had declined to officiate at baron schrader's obsequies, giving as the reason for his position in the matter the argument from which i have just given some extracts. this was by no means the first time that william found himself in conflict with the provincial synods of the lutheran church in his dominions. on one occasion the consistory of the lutheran church of the province of east prussia, in which the imperial game preserves of rominten are situated, passed a unanimous vote of censure upon the kaiser for having desecrated the sabbath, and violated the secular laws with regard to its observance, by giving a big hunting-party on sunday at rominten. it was understood at the time that the consistory would have abstained from taking this extreme step had it not been for the comment excited throughout germany by the somewhat malicious juxtaposition in most of the newspapers of two articles, one of which gave an elaborate description of the sunday shooting-party of the emperor at rominten, while in a parallel column was a proclamation just issued by the civil governor of the province of westphalia, calling attention to the lax observance of the sunday laws, and reiterating the pains and penalties that are prescribed by statute for those who shoot, sing, dance, play skittles or indulge in any recreation, whether in public or in private, that is inconsistent with repose on sunday. of course, the vote of the consistory of eastern prussia was eventually quashed, and its members disciplined. but the publicity given to the affair served to call the attention of the people at large to the emperor's disregard of the laws which he himself had caused to be enacted. previous to his reign, sunday had been looked upon as a day of recreation, revelry, and festivity throughout germany. in the days of the old emperor all the finest performances of the court theatres were reserved for sunday, the principal state banquets took place on that day, as well as the imperial hunting parties and battues. among the _bourgeoisie_, dances, balls and picnics were the order of the lord's day, while the lower classes thronged the beer gardens and the beer halls that constitute so important a feature of german life. regattas, parades, race-meetings, and popular entertainments and festivals of one kind or another, were, in fact, all reserved for sunday. all this was changed when the emperor came to the throne, and among the earliest laws enacted on his initiative, were those to which the governor of westphalia called attention in the proclamation just described, and which prohibited every form of revelry on the sabbath. for instance, a few months after william's accession he was invited by the berlin yacht club to attend the annual regatta, which was to take place on the following sunday morning, but he declined on the ground that it would prevent his going to church, and when the committee offered to postpone the races until the afternoon he declared that his principles would not permit him to regard sunday as a day to be devoted to regattas, and analogous forms of popular entertainment. it must be explained that he was at the time strongly imbued with the evangelistic views which he had derived from his wife's aunt, the american countess of waldersee, and from her protégé, ex-court chaplain stoecker, who combined with his strict and puritanical views on the subject of the sabbath, the most intense animosity towards the jews, and a virulent hatred for the late emperor frederick. this strange divine, so famous for many years as the leader of the so-called "jüdenhetz" movement, is one of the most displeasing figures in german public life, and emperor william, who has long since turned his back upon him, and dismissed him from his court chaplaincy, must bitterly regret that he ever accorded him any favor or intimacy, and permitted himself to be influenced by his views. how is it possible to speak with any patience of a minister of the church who, in a weekly paper, "the ecclesiastical review," of december , , actually had the audacity to write in an editorial article signed with his name the following cruel sentence? "let us pray every day and every hour for our royal family, and in particular for the old man (the old kaiser) and for the young man (the present emperor) of this race of heroes. may god in his mercy grant that the terrible punishment which has overtaken the sick prince frederick (the late emperor frederick) bear fruit, and may it bring resignation to his mind, and peace to his conscience." at the moment when the article appeared, in which it was publicly intimated that the crown prince's malady was a just and well-merited punishment for his sins, the imperial patient, so sorely afflicted, whose life had been so blameless, was at death's door, a fact over which the court chaplain openly rejoiced, proclaiming that "a brilliant future is about to open up before us." since william has cut himself adrift from pastor stoecker, the strictness of his views with regard to the observance of sunday, has undergone a change. at any rate, he has modified them in so far as he himself is concerned, and while he is very regular in his attendance at church on sunday morning, he no longer seems to consider it a sin to go out sailing, shooting or hunting on sunday afternoons, or to attend theatrical performances or other kinds of entertainment in the evening. inasmuch as the sunday observance laws have not been repealed, one can only take it for granted that he considers himself and his consort as being above the law of the land, and in no wise bound thereby. yet neither of their majesties has a legal right to any such immunity. according to the terms of the prussian constitution the emperor and empress are just as amenable to the laws that figure in the statute book, and equally required to obey them as any ordinary german citizen. the only advantage that the emperor enjoys is that he possesses certain prerogatives in connection with the giving of evidence, and with the punishment of offences that are directed against his person and his honor. in this obligation to submit to the laws of the land he differs from his grandmother queen victoria, and from his ally, emperor francis-joseph, the tenure of whose thrones was originally based on what in olden times was known as the divine right of kings. thus, in england, as in austria, and even in spain and portugal, the mediaeval theory still prevails that "_the king can do no wrong!_" queen victoria, for instance, is not below the law like emperor william, but above it. no court has jurisdiction over her, and legally speaking there is no jurisdiction upon earth to try her in a civil or criminal way, much less to condemn her to punishment. of all the prerogatives enjoyed by queen victoria, the one, however, of which the kaiser is the most envious is her supremacy of the state church of england. his ambition is to acquire the same position with regard to the whole lutheran church as she enjoys over the anglican denomination. this dream, difficult of execution for reasons which i will proceed to explain, originated with his great-grandfather, king frederick-william iii., who first conceived the idea of a species of lutheran kaliphate, with its headquarters at berlin, and its mecca at jerusalem. his successor, king frederick-william iv., took up the notion with all the enthusiasm natural to his mystic character, and kept one of his most trusted statesmen and confidants busily employed for years in endeavoring to federate all the reformed churches, with the exception of that of england, under the protectorate and supremacy of the hohenzollerns. emperor william goes still further. he aspires to become, not merely the temporal head of the lutheran church throughout the world, but likewise its spiritual chief, its pontiff, in fact, in the same manner that the czar is the chief ecclesiastical dignitary and the duly consecrated spiritual head of the national church of russia. william bases his claims to the dignity of a _summus-episcopus_ on the fact that he is a titular bishop and archbishop, some nineteen times over, for his ancestors, when annexing the various petty states and sovereignties in bygone times, always made a point of getting the mitre with the crown, and the crozier with the purple and ermine. many of the petty states of germany in mediaeval days were ruled, not by temporal rulers, but by archbishops possessing the rank of sovereign and the title of prince. the ecclesiastical dignity was, in fact, inherent, and part and parcel of the sovereignty. consequently, when emperor william's ancestors acquired the one, they likewise secured possession of the other, and thus among his many ecclesiastical titles is that of prince archbishop of silesia, and it is in his ecclesiastical capacity that he has conferred canonries and deaneries upon the military and civil members of his household. of course, the difficulty in the way of the emperor's recognition as the supreme head of the lutheran church is the fact that the lutheran faith is by no means confined to his dominions. lutherans constitute the major part of the population in würtemberg, saxony and baden, as well as in all the other non-prussian states of the confederation, save bavaria. besides this, there are millions of lutherans in austro-hungary, the netherlands, russia and scandinavia, who could not recognize his supremacy without disloyalty to their own rulers, all of whom, with the exception of the king of saxony, the czar and the austrian emperor, are, like himself, members of the reformed church. his celebrated pilgrimage to jerusalem a year ago, the first pilgrimage of a german emperor to the holy land since the days of the crusades, clearly showed the trend of the kaiser's aspirations. he had invited all his fellow-protestant monarchs to accompany him to jerusalem, either in person or to send one of the princes of their houses as their representatives, and to ride in his train when he made his entry into the holy city of christendom. but not one of the sovereigns thus invited responded to the invitation tendered, and william had no german or foreign prince with him during this memorable pilgrimage. it was the most extraordinary thing of the kind that has ever been seen, the strangeness of the affair being intensified by that same mixture of the mediaeval with the intensely modern and up-to-date ways which constitutes so peculiar a phase of william's character. the emperor rode into jerusalem by the same route as that followed by the founder of christianity on the first palm sunday, wearing a flowing white mantle, and mounted on a milk-white steed. he prayed at dusk with the members of his suite in the garden of gethsemane, piously kneeling on the ground, pronounced a religious discourse on the mount of olives, received the holy communion in the coenaculum, that is to say, the house in which, according to tradition, christ celebrated the last supper,--nay, he even preached a full-fledged sermon on the occasion of the dedication of the church of the saviour at jerusalem, and traveled by road from jerusalem to damascus! and yet, destroying all the romance and old-time glamor that might otherwise have surrounded this imperial crusade, was the fact that he was a "_personally conducted" cook's tourist_, that his meals were prepared by french chefs, that champagne was the ordinary beverage at his table, and that, while tramcars were used to go about damascus, the railroad was selected by him to get back from jerusalem to jaffa! emperor william has a weakness for preaching, and it must be confessed that he does it well. he possesses a very ready gift of speech, and his fervent religious belief seems to serve as a species of inspiration to his eloquence. thus on board the hohenzollern, during his annual yachting cruise along the coast of norway, he invariably conducts divine service on sunday morning, taking his place in front of an altar erected on deck, upon which the german war-flag is spread, in lieu of an altar-cloth. luther's hymns, accompanied by the trombones of the band, are sung. then the emperor reads the epistle and the gospel with great feeling, and recites the liturgical prayers with considerable fervor. next he preaches a sermon, which, as a rule, is of his own composition, and extemporary, though occasionally he will read the sermon of some well-known pulpit orator. it has been observed that he is always much more indulgent in cases of inattention on the part of the congregation when he reads a sermon than when he preaches one of his own. any sailor who has the misfortune to fall asleep during the discourse is disciplined, and his name figures, of course, on the punishment roll on the following morning, when the day's report is presented to the emperor as the commanding officer of the ship. if the sermon has been one of his majesty's own composition, as a rule he allows the punishment to stand. but if the discourse happens to have been of less illustrious origin, he will almost invariably order the penalty to be remitted, adding, with a smile of indulgence, that "the sermon was rather dreary, wasn't it?" at berlin and at potsdam the kaiser keeps his court chaplains under very strict discipline, and they expose themselves to a stern reprimand if they presume to extend their pulpit orations beyond the term of ten or, at the most, fifteen minutes. emperor william very justly takes the ground that if they are sufficiently concise in their remarks, they can say all that they have to say within that space of time, and if their discourse is prolonged beyond the stipulated period it loses its force and its power of retaining the interest and the attention of the congregation. the emperor does not hesitate to call the divines to account when they enunciate doctrines of which he does not approve, and whereas in former reigns a court chaplaincy was regarded in the light of an office for life, it is now considered as a merely temporary appointment, so frequent are the dismissals. at the dome at berlin, and at the garrison church at potsdam, the emperor follows the service with an air of mingled devotion and authority that is rather amusing. while most devout and fervent in his prayers, and joining in the hymns in such a manner that his ringing baritone voice is easily discernible above the rest, his eyes wander in a stern fashion around the church, quick to note any member of the congregation who is not behaving with proper decorum and reverence. he conveys the impression that he considers it to be his duty to keep the congregation in proper order, and if he finds that either he, or the imperial party is being stared at with any degree of persistency or curiosity, he at once sends off one of his officers to sharply warn the offenders. indeed, he has more than once caused it to be made known through official communications to the press that he thoroughly disapproves of being stared at when attending church, and engaged in his devotions. like william, francis-joseph has made a pilgrimage to jerusalem and the holy land, but it was without any fuss or pomp. in fact, there are few persons, save those connected with the court of austria, who are aware that austria's ruler ever visited the holy land. he went there in , traveling in the strictest incognito, and attended only by two of his gentlemen-in-waiting and two servants, after the inauguration of the suez canal, at which he had been present. there was no solemn entry on horseback into the city that witnessed the foundation of christianity, and while he prayed at the holy places like emperor william, he did so quietly and unobtrusively, without attracting any attention. his pilgrimage was characterized by the same unaffected humility that distinguishes his religion from that of his brother monarch at berlin. william's faith still retains the enthusiasm and, if i may use the word, the exuberance of youth, whereas that of francis-joseph, though even more fervent, is chastened, humbled and mellowed by the experience of many a cruel sorrow and many a hard blow. to some of these he would have succumbed had it not been for his religious belief. there have been at least three different occasions during his fifty years' reign when he would have abandoned his throne, and abdicated his crown had it not been pointed out to him by his spiritual adviser that it was his duty--his religious duty--to remain at his post, and to bear with bravery the trials with which he was overwhelmed. the first of these occasions was at the close of the disastrous wars of , when the march of the prussians on vienna was only stayed within a few hours' distance of the capital by the ignominious peace of nicolsburg. the second time was when he lost his only son by the frightful tragedy of mayerling, and he saw his boy's body refused even christian rites of burial by the church, until he had been able to convince the kindly old pontiff at rome that the poor lad's mind was unbalanced at the time that he took his life. the third occasion was when his lovely consort, to whom, in spite of all that is said to the contrary, he was so deeply devoted, was taken from him by the hand of an assassin in a foreign land, and under peculiarly heartrending circumstances. moreover, he saw the body of his brother maximilian brought home from the mexican plain of queretaro, where he had been shot down by a file of soldiers as if a vulgar criminal; he stood by the deathbed of a favorite niece, burnt to death before his eyes in the palace of schoenbrunn, when her dress had caught fire from a lighted cigarette which she was endeavoring to conceal from him and from her father; he followed to the grave another favorite of his, a nephew, accidentally killed while out shooting. indeed, there is no end to the tragedies which have gone to sadden the life of this now septuagenarian monarch, and while on ordinary occasions, especially when engaged in military inspections or in great court functions, he appears to retain the elasticity, vigor and temperament of a man still in his prime, yet when in church or chapel, attending divine service, and so wrapped up in his devotions that he becomes oblivious to his surroundings, the restraint which he puts upon his feelings at other times disappears, and one is able to realize the extent of his sufferings, and how supreme is the consolation that he finds in his religion. vienna is the only capital in the world where one can see a full-fledged monarch kneeling bareheaded in the streets, and offering up prayers in the most fervent manner, the spectacle exciting not ridicule, but sentiments of profound reverence and sympathy on the part of the people--christians, jews, and mohammedans from herzegovina and bosnia--who throng the thoroughfares of the beautiful city on the danube. the sight is witnessed each year, on the occasion of the _corpus christi_ procession. this glorious procession starts out from the cathedral of st. stephen at an early hour in the morning, and the entire route through the various streets which it traverses is kid with boards, over which grass is strewn. at various points along the way there are altars, or so-called _reposoirs_, where the sacred host is placed for a few moments, the emperor and the great personages with him kneeling piously on the ground and offering up prayers. the procession is opened by choristers, then come priests and monks with hands crossed upon their breasts, next the rectors of the various metropolitan parishes, displaying their distinctive banners like the knights of old. the municipal authorities, the officers of the imperial household, the knights grand cross of the various orders, the cabinet ministers, and the principal dignitaries of the army, of the navy, and of the crown. finally, comes a magnificent canopy borne by generals, under which walks the tall and stately cardinal archbishop of vienna, carrying the host, to which the troops lining the route bend the knee while presenting arms, the civilians behind them baring their heads, while the women cross themselves. immediately behind the host, bareheaded and alone, with a lighted candle in his hand, and wearing the full uniform of an austrian field marshal,--a snow-white cloth tunic with scarlet and gold facings,--strides the aged emperor, still erect as a dart, with all the slender, shapely elegance of a man of thirty, in spite of his three-score years and ten. he is followed by the archdukes, conspicuous among them the gigantic archduke eugene, grand master of the teutonic order, in the semi-ecclesiastical habits of his rank, while the procession is brought to a close by escorts of the superbly arrayed archer and hungarian body guards. the spectacle is impressive, and the silence along the route, save for the chanting of the choristers, and the recitation of prayers in an undertone by the clergy, adds to the solemnity of the occasion. in days gone by, the murdered empress used to figure in the procession in full court dress and followed by her ladies, but now women take no part therein. another remarkable religious ceremony in which the emperor plays the leading part, and which is only to be witnessed nowadays at the court of vienna, is the washing of the feet of twelve aged men on the thursday of holy week, in memory of the washing of the feet of the twelve apostles on the first holy thursday by the founder of christianity. the ceremony takes place at the imperial palace, in the presence of the entire court. the twelve old men, each carefully dressed for the occasion, who have been brought from their homes to the palace in imperial carriages, are seated in a row, and, after a brief religious service celebrated by the cardinal archbishop, the emperor kneels in front of each, and washes his feet in a golden basin filled with rose water, the ewer being carried by the heir to the throne, while the prelate who holds the office of court chaplain hands to his majesty the gold-embroidered towel with which the feet are dried after having been washed. when the emperor has reached the end of the line there are more prayers, and the blessing; then a banquet is served to the old men, at which they are waited on in person by the emperor, the various dishes being handed to him by the archdukes and princes of the blood. the old people are finally sent home, each with a purse containing gold pieces, and a large hamper, wherein are placed several bottles of fine wine and the remains of the various dishes and gastronomical masterpieces which have figured on the table during the banquet. as a rule, the old men dispose of these for considerable sums of money to wealthy viennese, who are only too delighted to purchase them, and thus to be able to boast of having partaken of the emperor's hospitality! brought up by parents who axe renowned for their religious bigotry, in the absolutist school of the great prince metternich, emperor francis-joseph has experienced the utmost difficulty in reconciling his religions belief with his obligations as a constitutional monarch, for he has been repeatedly obliged to give his sanction as a sovereign to reforms enacted by the legislature of austria, and particularly of hungary, which were strongly opposed by the roman catholic church, fiercely denounced by the clergy, and condemned by the vatican. that he should in matters such as these have sacrificed his religious prejudices and conscientious scruples to what he conceived to be his duty as a constitutional monarch, speaks volumes for his strength of character, and for his uprightness as a ruler. there is only one thing that he has declined to do, in spite of all the pressure brought to bear upon him by his ministers and by his allies: he has absolutely declined to visit rome so long as the pope remains deprived of his temporal sovereignty. ordinarily the most chivalrous and courteous of monarchs, and extremely punctilious in the fulfilment of all the obligations imposed by etiquette, he has up to the present moment refrained from returning the visit paid to his court at vienna by king humbert and queen marguerite nearly twenty years ago. leo xiii., like his predecessor, has intimated that he would regard any visit paid to the king of italy in the former papal palace of the quirinal at rome, by a catholic sovereign, as a cruel affront to the occupant of the chair of st. peter. the only catholic ruler who has visited king humbert at the quirinal, in spite of this papal protest, is prince ferdinand of bulgaria, who was at the time subject to the ban of the church, in consequence of the conversion of his little son from catholicism to the greek orthodox rite, in order to insure his own (ferdinand's) recognition by russia as ruler of bulgaria. but francis-joseph has never consented to set his foot in rome, although it has been pointed out to him that the existence of the triple alliance was imperilled by this slight placed upon king humbert and queen marguerite. he did not hesitate to declare that he would rather forego the alliance than affront the pope by visiting rome under the present circumstances. one little scene, in conclusion, which i witnessed at vienna, has always remained impressed upon my mind, illustrating as it does the democracy of the catholic church, if i may use that expression, and demonstrating the good old emperor's belief,--so different from that of emperor william,--that in the eyes of the almighty all men are equal. it transpired at the funeral of cardinal gangelbauer, the popular and universally venerated archbishop of vienna. the obsequies took place in the ancient cathedral of st. stephen. military and ecclesiastical pomp were combined with the magnificent ceremonial of the austrian court for the purpose of rendering the last honors to the dead prelate. the entire metropolitan garrison was under arms, and lined the streets through which the funeral procession passed. the bells of all the churches in the metropolis were tolling throughout the ceremony, and added to the solemnity of the occasion. the stately papal nuncio performed the funeral service in the most impressive manner, and when he stood on the step of the high altar, and raised his hands aloft to pronounce the absolution, the whole of the vast assemblage bowed down, the wintry sunlight streaming through the rich stained glass windows, falling alike upon the reverently bent head of the monarch, and those of the peasant mourners who stood by his side at the head of the bier. for the dead cardinal was the son of an old farmer, and his brothers, his sisters, and his nephews, all of them plain, humble peasants of upper austria, were kneeling there in their peasant garb with the emperor in their midst, and surrounded by the glittering uniforms of the archdukes, the princes, the generals, cabinet ministers and ambassadors assembled around the coffin. there was no undue exaltation or timidity on the part of the peasants, no undue condescension or contempt on the part either of emperor or dignitaries for the lowly rank of their fellow mourners. all seemed thoroughly to realize that they were equal in the face of death, and in the presence of their creator. it is only in a metaphorical sense that william can be described as an anointed of the lord. for whereas francis-joseph was both anointed and crowned as king of hungary in , emperor william has never been the object of either of these ceremonies. the fact of the matter is that there is a good deal of difference of opinion concerning the dignity of a german emperor; for while william claims that it is identical with the status of the emperors of austria and russia, the non-prussian states of germany insist that it is merely titular, inasmuch as he has no control or jurisdiction in the various federal states which constitute the empire, such as bavaria, saxony and würtemberg, each of which has an independent king in nowise subject, but merely allied to the prussian monarch. it is only in time of war, and for the sake of successful co-operation that the supreme command of the united german military forces is by special agreement vested in the hands of the german emperor--a tribute to the superiority and pre-eminence of the prussian military reorganizations. it is true that prussia has since then, by degrees, endeavored to encroach upon the independence of the federal states. but this is strongly resented, to-day more than ever, and william is constantly being reminded by the non-prussian press, by the non-prussian governments, and even by the non-prussian reigning dynasties that they are not vassals, but allies of prussia. the german emperor has no crown as such, nor any civil list, and with the solitary exception of his eldest son, all the members of his family figure merely as royal prussian, not imperial german princes. thus, for instance, prince henry, the brother of the emperor, is addressed not as imperial highness, but only as royal highness. had william attempted to have himself crowned as german emperor, it would merely have had the effect of attracting public attention to the difference existing between his own status as emperor and that of his fellow-sovereigns of austria and russia, besides which it would have raised all sorts of troublesome questions with the non-prussian courts, and intensified their sensibilities and prejudices. if, on the other hand, he had caused himself to be crowned king of prussia in the ancient city of königsberg, where all prussian kings have been crowned, the ceremony would have had the effect of impressing upon the world at large the fact that the only real crown to which william can lay claim, and which he is entitled to wear, is the crown of the kings of prussia. that is why he has never been either crowned or anointed, differing in this respect from francis-joseph, emperor nicholas and queen victoria, all of whom have experienced both ceremonies, which by the masses of europe, especially among the uneducated and ignorant, are considered indispensable to endow the majesty of the sovereign with a sacred character. the hungarians did not consider francis-joseph as entitled to their allegiance and loyalty until he had been crowned at pesth with the crown of st. stephen, and anointed with the sacred oil, and there is no doubt that the bohemians would be transformed from the most turbulent, malcontent, and troublesome of his subjects into his most devoted lieges, were he to comply with their demands, and have himself anointed and crowned as king of bohemia, with the crown of saint wenceslaus. nor was emperor nicholas of russia considered a full-fledged czar of russia, nor his consort a czarina, until he had been anointed and crowned at moscow, nearly two years after his accession to the throne. in fact, until the time of his coronation, his mother, the dowager empress, enjoyed precedence of his wife on all official occasions, on the ground that she was the widow of a crowned czar, and had herself been solemnly crowned as the consort of alexander iii., by her imperial husband, whereas her daughter-in-law, the younger empress, had enjoyed no such advantage up to that time. only those who know william well can realize how deeply he feels this difference which exists between himself and the rulers of more ancient dynasties, or how glad he would be to find some means of being crowned and anointed, not as a mere titular german emperor, but as emperor of germany. it is difficult to see how this ambition of his could be fulfilled so long as the austrian empire remains in existence. the dignity of emperor of germany belonged for centuries to the house of hapsburg, in relation to the head of which the chief of the hohenzollern family ranked merely as a cup-bearer, being compelled to stand behind the chair of the hapsburg monarch at all state banquets, and to keep his cup supplied with wine. the whole of the ancient insignia of the former emperors of germany, including the sceptre, the orb, and the sword of state, are in the possession of emperor francis-joseph at vienna, and are comprised in the imperial austrian regalia. indeed, at the time when king william of prussia was proclaimed german emperor at the palace of versailles, in , the emperor of austria wrote to the then widowed queen marie of bavaria, that he protested, "from the very bottom of his heart, against the dignity and crown of his father being vested in persons without a shadow of right thereto, and that he had placed his rights in the hands of providence." although he entertains the friendliest sentiments towards emperor william, there is no reason to believe that either he or the members of his house have modified their resentment in connection with this quasi-usurpation of the dignity of emperor of germany by the prussian family of hohenzollern. chapter xiii there is no more restless man in all europe than the kaiser. it is related of him at the court of berlin that when on one occasion he inquired of his brother, prince henry, if he could suggest to him anything new wherewith to startle both his own subjects and the world in general, the sailor prince, with a merry laugh, proposed that his majesty should remain perfectly quiet, without saying or doing anything, for an entire week! that, he assured his imperial brother, would amaze and dumbfound the entire universe more than anything else that could possibly be conceived. while this lack of repose on the part of william is the source of a good deal of fun both at home and abroad, there is no doubt that it has had the effect of strengthening the monarchial system in prussia to a far greater degree than in any previous reign. it is not that the kaiser is more popular than his predecessors on the throne. on the contrary, it may be doubted whether he holds the same place in the affections of the german people as did his father and grandfather. but while it is possible to imagine a prussia without either of them, it is difficult to picture to oneself a germany without william! it seems as if he were indispensable to the existence of the nation, and that if anything untoward were to happen to him, everything in germany would suddenly stop working, precisely as if the mainspring of a watch were to break. he conveys the impression of being the source from which proceeds every action, every phase of activity and every enterprise, no matter what its character. to such an extent is this the case, that practically nothing seems to be done throughout the length and breadth of his dominions without his influence in the matter being both felt and apparent. there is nothing so trivial that it does not interest him. he will turn from the greatest and most important matters of state to the most petty question concerning court etiquette or domestic mismanagement, and will not hesitate to interrupt an interview with the chancellor of the empire, or with some foreign ambassador, to spank one of his youngsters if he happens to have been misbehaving himself! he keeps absolute personal control over the army, the navy, the state administration, and his court, and yet finds time to supervise his children's lessons and amusements. he attends even to the pulling out of the milk teeth of his little ones and permits no one else to do it, as the following little anecdote, concerning prince oscar, his fifth son, will illustrate. the boys had, and i believe still have, an english governess, who is very strict and independent with them, and who just on that account, probably, is highly esteemed and liked by her young pupils, as well as by their parents. on the occasion of her last anniversary, the empress with her usual kindness prepared a pretty birthday table for her, decked out with all kinds of presents from the imperial couple, and from each of the children. prince oscar's gift, which he had carefully done up himself in ribbons and tinted paper, and inscribed with his name, turned out to be a small and empty cardboard box. on being taken to task by his mother as to what he meant by this, he informed her that the box was destined to hold the first tooth, which he was about to lose, and which his father, the emperor, was to pull for him with a string that very afternoon, at the conclusion of a "kronrath," or council of the crown, at which his majesty was to preside. the little prince regarding that tooth as the greatest treasure at his disposal, was convinced that he could bestow upon his governess no more acceptable gift. she now wears it in a gold bangle presented to her by the empress. among other domestic affairs which have occupied the kaiser's attention, has been the tendency of his boys to dyspepsia and digestive troubles, owing to their habit of eating too rapidly, a fault which they have certainly inherited from their father, for he has subjected them to the same process that was adopted in his case when a child, to make him eat slowly; to wit, whenever apples or pears are given to the boys they are not permitted to get them whole, and to munch them, like any ordinary boy, but only to receive them cut into quarters, each bit being wrapped in a number of pieces of tissue paper, the unfolding of which requires time, thus preventing the young princes from eating too fast! the kaiser often alludes to the fact that he was subjected to the same formalities and will add: "you see nothing was made easy for me in my youth. even the matter of eating an apple was rendered as difficult for me as possible!" the kaiser is followed wherever he goes by an extremely clever stenographer, dr. weiss, who was formerly official shorthand writer to the imperial parliament. he now forms part of the emperor's household, and accompanies his majesty on all his numerous travels. it is the doctor's duty to place on record and preserve all the pearls that drop from the imperial lips, or perhaps, to put it more correctly, to give the emperor and his advisers an opportunity of editing and revising his public utterances before they find their way into print. dr. weiss has several assistants who help him in the transcription of his shorthand notes, and none of the emperor's public speeches or casual remarks find their way into print nowadays except through dr. weiss. thanks to the tact of this precious secretary, there exists, very often, a considerable diversity between what the emperor says, and what he is represented as having said, and it is in consequence of this wise provision that the imperial speeches appear to have become so much more discreet, and at the same time less sensational, than was the case during the early part of his reign. quick-tempered, passionate, generous-hearted, and extremely impulsive, the emperor, often speaking on the spur of the moment, frequently said more than he intended to say, and thus laid himself open to both domestic and foreign criticism and abuse. he has not yet outgrown this fault, although he has become much more cautious than formerly, and moreover, with dr. weiss at his elbow, and with the care that is observed by the authorities to let none of the imperial utterances reach the public in print, save through dr. weiss, after being duly edited by him, most of the former perils have been averted. the emperor is very particular, indeed, about having dr. weiss by his side, and frequently at public functions himself directs the doctor where to stand and where to sit, so that he may not lose a word of what his imperial master says. like the aged pontiff at rome, william manifests a great predilection for the telephone. there are telephonic instruments in his library, in his workroom, and even in his bed-chamber, and quite a considerable portion of the day is spent talking over the wires to his ministers, government officials, relatives, courtiers or mere friends. he seems to find the same pleasure in calling up the various government departments that he does in alarming the various garrisons at night time, being evidently under the impression that by so doing he keeps the officials strictly attentive to their duties, and convinced that if not the eye, at any rate the ear of the emperor is on the _qui vive!_ nor are the government offices safe from being rung up by his majesty over the wires even at night time. for the past two or three years he has insisted that at the ministry of foreign affairs, at the ministry of the interior, and at the war and naval departments, at least one of the divisional chiefs and half a dozen clerks should be kept on duty all night long, in order to attend to any business or to communicate to him without delay anything that they may regard as needing his immediate attention. berlin is the only capital where the principal government offices are thus kept open for official business all night long, and the circumstance serves to furnish another illustration of the extraordinary activity, energy, and impatience of delay that distinguish the emperor, who wants everything done right away, without a moment's waiting! emperor william gives the telephone companies at berlin and at potsdam far more trouble than any other of their subscribers, for when he telephones to any of the government departments, or to dignitaries or officials of high rank, the operators at the central office are under the strictest orders to abstain from listening to the conversation, and are forced to rise from their seats and remove to a distance from the wires. anyone caught disobeying in this particular is subject not only to dismissal, but to serious unpleasantness on the part of the police. when the emperor rings up anybody, he does not announce his identity, taking it for granted that the tones of his voice are sufficiently well known to reveal it. it has been noted, moreover, that he commences all his conversations over the wire with the pronoun "i," while the verb "command," either in the past or in the present tense, almost invariably follows. this is quite sufficient to show who is talking. william is the first sovereign of his line to accept the hospitality of his subjects. prior to his advent to the throne, such a thing as the monarch attending any private entertainment or dinner given by one of his lieges was altogether unknown. neither king frederick-william iii., king frederick-william iv., nor old emperor william, whose reigns extended over nearly ninety years of the nineteenth century, ever once honored any member of the nobility, no matter how high in rank, with their presence for a single evening or night, except during the course of the annual manoeuvres, when the monarch, as commander-in-chief of the army, was quartered in some château, much in the same manner as the officers of minor rank and the soldiers. emperor william, however, following the example of his british relatives, and greatly to the dismay of all the old-fashioned authorities on the etiquette of the court of berlin, has adopted the practice of inviting himself out to dinner in town, and to shooting-parties in the country, in a manner that is absolutely startling, even to his english relatives; for whereas the latter never dine out anywhere, unless the list of guests invited to meet them is previously submitted to them for consideration and revision, in order to avoid being brought into contact with people that are not congenial, the kaiser, on the other hand, when he hears that a dinner is about to be given by one of his friends or followers, frequently invites himself either at the last moment, an hour or two before the time fixed for the meal, or else arrives unannounced and uninvited, knowing full well that he will always be welcome, since his coming can only be regarded as a particular mark of imperial regard and favor toward the giver of the entertainment. thus, while count shuvaloff was still russian ambassador at berlin, the emperor was in the habit of dropping in unannounced about luncheon time, and of sitting down with the count and countess, the latter being as often as not in the négligée of a mere tea-gown, and more than once when he had sat with them longer than he intended, and found that there was no time left to return to the palace before proceeding to the railroad station to take his departure for potsdam or some other place, he would ask leave of the count to use his telephone, ring up the empress, and not only bid her adieu, but also dispatch her a kiss over the wires, in the most charmingly domestic fashion. william prides himself in no small degree on his descent through queen victoria in an unbroken line from the biblical king david, and claims that he, therefore, belongs to the same family as the founder of christianity. hanging in a conspicuous position in his workroom in the "neues-palais" at potsdam, is a copy of the royal family tree, showing the name of king david engrossed at the root of it, with that of emperor william at the top. according to this tree, the reigning house of england is descended from king david through the eldest daughter of zedekiah, who, with her sister, fled to ireland in charge of the prophet jeremiah,--then an old man,--to be married to heremon, the king of ulster of the period. curiously enough, a mr. glover, a clergyman of the church of england, who had devoted the greater portion of his life to the study of genealogy, wrote to queen victoria a letter in , informing her that he had discovered her to be descended in an unbroken line from king david. her majesty sent for him to come to windsor, and to his astonishment informed him that what he thought he had been the first to discover had been known to herself and to the prince consort for many years. naturally, william, with his religious ideas, has always been deeply interested in this family tree, and soon after his accession to the throne requested his grandmother to let him have a copy thereof, which was sent to him most handsomely engrossed and magnificently framed. its contemplation has, of course, tended to increase his belief in the divine origin of his authority, since, if he does not, like the old kings of france, describe himself as "first cousin of the almighty," he can at any rate claim to be a near kinsman of the founder of christianity. notwithstanding all the emperor's manifest desire to render himself agreeable to the french, and his evident eagerness to assuage by gracious and chivalrous courtesy the bitterness resulting from the war of and the annexation of alsace-lorraine, he has absolutely declined since he ascended the throne to permit france's national hymn, "the marseillaise," to be played at his court, at any of the imperial and royal theatres, or by any german military or naval band. when he entertains the french ambassador at dinner or receives him in state and wishes to pay him musical honors, he causes the old "march of st. denis," in use at versailles prior to the great revolution, which is in every sense of the word a bourbon hymn, to be played. the ambassador who now represents france is the marquis de noailles, a scion of one of the oldest ducal houses of the french nobility, whose origin dates back to the crusades. this being the case, the envoy naturally offers no objection to the attitude of the emperor with regard to the "marseillaise." the kaiser, after all, acts in the matter with a far greater degree of logic and reason than any of his fellow-sovereigns, for the strains of the "marseillaise" are familiar in the palace of the czar at st. petersburg, at windsor castle, in the royal palace of madrid, in the imperial hofburg at vienna, and even at the vatican, and it is difficult to conceive anything more paradoxical than a royal band of music playing for the delectation of royal and imperial ears a national hymn, the words of which passionately call upon the people to rise up and to put to death all kings and emperors, queens and empresses, denounced as bloodthirsty tyrants. emperor william, even before his accession to the throne, manifested such a pronounced hostility towards the practice of gambling at cards, which is one of the curses of the corps of officers of the german army, that a very widespread impression prevails to the effect that he objects to card games in any shape or form. this is a mistake. it is the gambling and not the game itself to which the kaiser is opposed. in fact, he is very fond of a game of cards, provided the stakes are merely nominal, and i have known him to play an entire evening after a dinner at the castle of kuckelna, which marked the close of a great pheasant "drive" organized in his honor by prince lichnòwski. the game which the emperor played was the german one called _skat_, and the point was a german penny. the emperor was the principal loser, having had poor hands dealt to him throughout the entire game, and when he arose from the table he was out of pocket exactly six cents. in thus limiting the stakes to a merely nominal amount he has followed the example of his old friend and adviser, the veteran king of saxony, who is accustomed to play every night his game of _skat_ after dinner, his stakes, like those of the kaiser, never exceeding one penny. i have often wished that i could see the face of the kaiser's uncle, the prince of wales, were such truly regal stakes as these proposed to him. his ordinary points and stakes are any sum from five guineas to fifty, and even a hundred, and the only time that i can recollect his having played for less than a guinea was at hughenden when on a visit to the earl of beaconsfield. bernal osborne, father of the duchess of st. albans, was one of the party when the prince proposed a game of whist at five-guinea points. lord beaconsfield was a poor man, obliged to count every penny, and bernal osborne caught sight of the manner in which his face fell when the proposal was made. grasping the situation, and remembering that lord beaconsfield had but a few weeks previously added the imperial crown of india to the british regalia, by causing queen victoria to be proclaimed empress of india, he turned to the prince and remarked: "would it not be more appropriate, sir, to play for crown stakes?" the prince grasped the situation at once, made a flattering reference to the old premier, and the points played for were, as suggested, five shillings instead of five guineas! apropos of this question of cards, william has done everything in his power to check gambling, especially among the army officers, and before succeeding to the throne, while still only prince of prussia, he actually went to the length of issuing a stringent order to the officers of the hussar regiment, of which he was colonel, forbidding them to cross the threshold of the union club, on account of the high play for which that institution was notorious. the club deeply resented being thus placed under a ban, and sent its president, the late duke of ratibor, to the aged emperor to entreat him to rescind his grandson's order, on the ground that it was a reflection upon the most aristocratic and exclusive club of all germany, besides being unjust to the officers of the regiment, some of whom were among the most brilliant and popular members of that institution. old emperor william, after inquiring whether prince william had really issued such an order, shook his head rather seriously for a few minutes, and then told the duke that he would see what he could do, but that knowing his grandson well, he feared that there would be a good deal of difficulty about the matter. on the following morning, when young prince william came to pay his daily visit to his grandfather, the latter broached the subject to him with the utmost caution, and with manifest expectation of encountering a refusal. nor was he disappointed. for no sooner had he mentioned the matter than the young prince declared in the most positive manner that nothing would induce him to rescind his order, and that rather than give way, he would resign command of the regiment, arguing that in such a matter especially he could brook no interference. the old emperor admitted in a rather shame-faced way that his grandson was in the right, excused himself for having mentioned the matter, did all that he could to soothe what he believed to be the ruffled feelings of the prince, and on the following day told the duke of ratibor that he was very sorry, but that, in spite of all his efforts, he had been unable to accomplish anything with his grandson in the way desired. immediately after he came to the throne he requested the resignation of a number of officers, some of them bearing the greatest names in the empire, for instance, the late prince fürstenberg and prince george radziwill, for no other reason than their fondness for cards, and in consequence of the large sums of money which they were accustomed to stake. all the princes and nobles thus forced to leave the army also quitted berlin, in token of their disapproval of an emperor who took upon himself to interfere with what they were pleased to regard as their private amusements, and there is no doubt that for a time the brilliancy of the berlin court and the prosperity of trade in the prussian capital suffered through the closing of so many princely palaces and grand houses. it is strange that in spite of all that the emperor has done to stop gambling, the play has been higher, and the card-scandals more frequent since he became emperor than during any previous reign, with the exception of that of his grand-uncle, king frederick-william iv. the latter's crusade against gambling culminated in the tragic death of his chief of police, and most intimate friend and crony, baron von hinkelday, whose spectre he was wont to see before him during his moments of temporary dementia, previous to his becoming entirely insane. emperor william's reign has been saddened much in the same way through the suicide of his young cousin, prince alfred of coburg; the self-destruction of the young prince, who had been placed under the immediate care and guardianship of his majesty, having been due, as i have intimated, to enormous losses at the card tables of berlin and potsdam. in spite of all the well-meant efforts of the kaiser, and notwithstanding all his threats and disciplinary measures, gambling is more rampant to-day among the officers of the german army, and overwhelming a greater number of illustrious names with ruin and disgrace than ever before. with all his keen sense of dignity, his shortness of temper, and his impulsiveness, the emperor is nevertheless more easily diverted from anger to good humor by means of a piece of wit than most of his fellow sovereigns. some time ago, when old baron boetticher, secretary of state for the interior, was discussing with his majesty the most suitable nominations to be made in the case of a number of vacant offices, the latter became greatly irritated by the old statesman's unanswerable objections to the candidate for whom he himself desired to obtain a certain post, his anger grew quite violent, and when the baron inquired if there were no other person upon whom he would like to confer the appointment, william replied, curtly, "oh, confer it on the devil if you like!" "very well," replied the old minister, with a twinkle in his eye, but in his most suave and courtly manner, and with a most unruffled demeanor: "and shall i allow the patent signed by your majesty in that case to go out in the usual form, 'to my trusted and well-beloved cousin and counsellor?'" the kaiser saw the joke at once, burst into a loud peal of laughter, his ill-temper having vanished in a moment. another amusing incident in which the devil was called upon to play a part occurred on the occasion of the emperor's inspection of a number of newly-joined recruits for the first regiment of foot guards. in accordance with his invariable custom, he was examining-them as to what they would do in this or that emergency. addressing one burly pomeranian grenadier, he inquired what he would say to a man who annoyed him while on sentry duty. "go to the devil! get out! your majesty," responded the man. "all right, my friend," exclaimed the emperor, laughing, "i'll get out; but i'll be hanged if i'll go to the devil," and with that he turned to the next man. military inspections very often furnish the occasion for amusing and sometimes rather disconcerting episodes. i can recall as an illustration an inspection of recruits for the navy at kiel. on that day the emperor had been holding forth, as he so often does, about the duty of sailors as well as soldiers to defend the crown against the foes beyond the frontiers of the empire, as well as against the enemies within the boundaries of the latter. he then singled out a stolid-looking recruit, and having ascertained that he was the son of a bavarian farmer, with a strongly developed taste for the sea, he proceeded to question him with regard to the address which he had just delivered. "and who are our foreign foes, my good fellow?" he inquired. "the russians and the french, your majesty," replied the recruit. "and who are the enemies within the empire?" proceeded the emperor, expecting of course that the sailor would say that they were the socialists. "the prussians, your majesty," answered the jack-tar that was to be, without apparently realizing that he had said anything wrong or impolite, and merely giving a frank utterance to the sentiment in which he, like all his countrymen in bavaria, had been brought up. one of the most pleasing features about emperor william is his readiness to forgive and forget, and his inability to bear a grudge for any length of time against those who have either insulted or injured him. no more striking instance of this can be given than his treatment of general baron von krosick, who expected to be dismissed from the army, possibly even banished, when william ascended the throne, but who instead has been overwhelmed by his sovereign with every conceivable honor, having received not merely his promotion from the rank of brigadier-general to that of inspector-general of the army, but also investiture with the exceedingly rare distinction of the order of the black eagle, which, as i have already stated before, is the prussian equivalent to the english order of the garter, and the austrian order of the golden fleece. the baron enjoys the well-deserved reputation of being the most phenomenally rude and rough-spoken man in the german army, and was at one time colonel in command of the hussar regiment in which william, prior to becoming emperor, received his cavalry training. on one occasion an almost incredible scene took place. it was at a regimental mess banquet, to which william, at that time only a captain, had invited crown prince rudolph of austria, then on a visit at berlin. during the course of the dinner, the conversation turned upon some projected reforms in cavalry drill and movements, which ultimately turned out to be impracticable and were not carried into effect. william, in his impulsive, impetuous, and somewhat arrogant way, declaimed in a loud tone of voice on their superlative merits, declared himself in their favor, and added that he would do his utmost to see them carried through, as he regarded them as indispensable to raise the standard and tone of the german cavalry. colonel von krosick, like the remainder of the officers, had drunk his fair share of wine. he never liked his royal subaltern, and took no pains to conceal his sentiments. the arrogance of the prince's utterances, as well as his assumption of superiority, exasperated him beyond measure, and, breaking into the conversation, he exclaimed in tones that were heard throughout the apartment: "_aber das ist ja der blödste unsinn_ [but that is the most ridiculous nonsense];" and then proceeded to contemptuously ridicule william's arguments. much nettled, and quite as short-tempered as his colonel, william called out, half jokingly, half bitterly: "that is all very well, colonel. you are my superior officer at present, and i am bound to defer to your opinion. but our positions may change one of these days, and then you will see." perfectly frantic and purple in the face, colonel von krosick thundered forth: "when that day comes to pass, prince, i will rather break my sabre across my knee than serve under your command." immediately the whole place was in an uproar. the austrian crown prince being the first to jump from his seat, and a minute later both princes had left the mess-room and the barracks. contrary to general expectation, prince william made no report about the matter, either to his father or grandfather, and colonel von krosick heard nothing more about the affair. of course he expected to receive his discharge when william ascended the throne. but to his amazement, he has ever since been made the object of the most signal favor, kindliness and respect: the respect that is frequently entertained by a man after he has grown up toward the head master who caned him when he was at school. indeed, william seems never to be able to forget that he was for several years under the old martinet's direct command. in spite of emperor william being at the present moment over forty years of age, he still retains a great store of boyishness, and in particular, a liking for practical jokes, though never when they are at his own expense! it is not so very long ago that he had notified a number of generals and military dignitaries to meet him at the railroad station at potsdam, at half-past eleven in the evening, in order to accompany him to manoeuvres that were to be held at a place several hours' distance on the following day. leaving the palace on foot shortly after eleven, he entered the railroad station by a back door, and managed to slip in without being recognized. shielded by the darkness, he made his way unobserved to the special train, which was in waiting, got into his carriage by the door on the opposite side from the platform. for at least half an hour he amused himself by peeping at the officers on the platform, whose faces expressed surprise and vexation that his majesty, ordinarily so punctual, should be so long in coming. suddenly he raised the blind, opened the window, and intimated by loud and prolonged laughter his presence in the carriage, and the success of his little trick. the astonishment and the dismay depicted on the visages of those on the platform can be more easily imagined than described. emperor william is not fond of the press, and has never taken any trouble to conceal his dislike for that branch of the literary profession. it is true that he has been subjected to a good deal of abuse at its hands, and that he has been made the object of calumny sufficient to drive a man so hypersensitive to public comment into a lunatic asylum. many of the most intricate troubles and most annoying episodes of his life and his reign have been in a large measure due to the press, inasmuch as they were either originated or envenomed by the newspapers. william is as nervous about what the papers will say as a young débutante on the stage. not only does he keep an anxious watch upon the utterances of all german editors, but he ordains a vigilant scrutiny of the articles printed in foreign countries from the pens of correspondents stationed in berlin, who, if any unfriendly mention of his name is brought home to them, are ultimately driven out of the country. one of the first acts of emperor william's reign was the expulsion from berlin of a number of foreign journalists, whose criticisms and comments on his attitude towards his mother, as well as on his opposition to the political views of his dead father, had been distasteful to the imperial eye. a year later he caused a new series of press laws to be presented to the reichstag, which contained such arbitrary provisions for stamping out the remaining liberties of the press that even the _cologne gazette_ denounced it as "putting a frightful weapon into the hands of the government for suppressing freedom of speech and silencing opposition." this measure did not pass, in spite of all the efforts of his majesty, and its rejection merely served to embitter the emperor still further against the press. as far as the german press is concerned william manages to get even with it by insisting upon the strict execution of the laws concerning the crime of _lése majesté_ with a severity that savors of the middle ages rather than of modern times. indeed, while there are few prominent journalists in germany who have not undergone imprisonment since he ascended the throne, for writing of him in a manner that he considered disrespectful, there are some newspapers that are literally obliged to employ distinguished members of their staff for no other purpose than doing time in jail, as the penalty of too free utterances of the sheet with which they are connected. of course, william has no such means of dealing with the foreign press, which being more fearless, thanks to its immunity, has naturally subjected him to worse treatment than that of germany. occasionally though, he gets even with some of his foreign assailants, and the following story is told of the manner in which he dealt with a newspaper proprietor in new york, who after rendering his journal conspicuous above all others for its personal attacks on his majesty, had the audacity to write him a letter, asking him for a brief article from his, the kaiser's, pen. the editor in question gave as a pretext for his request, the alleged existence of a widespread belief in the united states that his majesty was not quite right in his mind, and suggested that a brief message, for which a check of five thousand dollars was enclosed, might relieve the anxiety of millions of germans in america, and convince them that the kaiser was quite sane. some weeks later the enterprising editor received a visit from the german consul-general in new york. on being admitted to the august presence of the editor the consul-general extracted an envelope from his pocket, and from the envelope the five-thousand-dollar check, to the order of his majesty, the german emperor, and bearing the signature of the editor; the consul-general then made a bow to the latter, handed him the check, made another bow, and withdrew without having said a single word, or opened his mouth, even to greet him! chapter xiv emperor william, like his brother monarch at vienna, is seldom seen out of uniform. soldiers above everything else by profession, it constitutes the garb to which they have been accustomed from their boyhood, and both look ill at ease and uncomfortable in civilian clothes. francis-joseph, in fact, never wears "mufti" except when abroad, and it is doubtful whether anyone in switzerland or in the south of france would have recognized the emperor of austro-hungary in the elderly gentleman who was there on several occasions, and who wore a black round hat, and a rather badly-fitting morning or sack suit of dark cloth, had it not been for the striking appearance of the beautiful and slender black-garbed empress by his side. in the same way, emperor william, although he gets his civilian clothes from some of the leading london tailors, invariably looks by no means to advantage in them, and suggests the french description of _endimanché_, that is to say, like a young man in his sunday, go-to-meeting attire. the uniforms ordinarily affected by francis-joseph are the undress regimentals of an austrian general, the blue-gray short tunic, faced with scarlet and gold, trousers with broad red stripes, and that peculiar, oval-shaped, rather high-crowned soft cap, with a small vizor, which constitutes the undress headgear of officers belonging to every rank of the austrian army. the only token of his imperial rank is the small badge of the order of the golden fleece peeping forth from between the first and second buttons of his tunic, the cross of maria-theresa, and the medal accorded to every officer and soldier who has served fifty years in the army attached to his breast. on state occasions at vienna the emperor dons the full-dress uniform of an austrian general, consisting of a white short tunic or "atilla," faced with gold and scarlet, scarlet trousers, with broad gold stripes, and a general's three-cornered _chapeau_, surmounted by a big tuft of green plumes. when francis-joseph is in hungary he invariably wears either the undress or full-dress uniform of a hungarian general, and it must be confessed that, in spite of the somewhat theatrical appearance of the gold embroidered, tight-fitting scarlet pantaloons and gold-topped high boots, the scarlet gold-laced tunic of the full dress, with the heron-plumed kálpàk, or the slightly less gorgeous "shako," and blue-grey, gold-laced tunic of the undress uniform, he looks remarkably well, thanks to the extraordinary elasticity and elegance which he has retained in spite of his three-score years and ten. emperor william's ordinary garb is the familiar undress uniform of a prussian general, the dark-blue long frock coat, with its double row of silver buttons, its scarlet collar, and its silver shoulder-straps. the trousers are of the same hue as the coat, with broad scarlet stripes, the latter being worn only by generals. hanging from the collar is usually the cross of the brandenburg langue of the order of st. john of jerusalem, while on the breast is fastened a sort of star, consisting of the letter "w" encircled by gold laurel leaves, which has been accorded to all the officers who formed part of the household of old emperor william. the cap is the ordinary flat, black vizored undress headgear of all the officers of the german army. the uniforms which the emperor wears on state occasions are either the full-dress uniform of a prussian general, richly-embroidered, dark-blue tunic, and epaulets, with a helmet surmounted by the white plumes of a field officer, or else the regimentals of a colonel-in-chief of the gardes-du-corps. in the latter, the emperor looks exceedingly well, especially on horseback. the helmet is surmounted by a silver eagle with outstretched wings, the white tunic is partly concealed by a silver cuirass, adorned with a gold sun, and with the white, tight-fitting knee-breeches are worn high jack-boots. in fact, it is no flattery to emperor william to declare that his appearance in this uniform invariably suggests "lohengrin." at court entertainments, in the evening, he frequently wears the so-called gala, or court dress of this regiment. the coat is scarlet instead of white, while the cuirass is abandoned. sometimes the emperor attires himself in the uniform of a colonel of the hussar regiment which he commanded at the time of his accession to the throne. it is scarlet, gold-laced, and the tight-fitting scarlet pantaloons are worn with knee-boots, topped with gold. the emperor is likewise very fond of donning naval attire, being particularly proud of his connection with the fleet of germany and those of a number of foreign countries. indeed, it may be safely asserted that if there is any one foreign dignity which he cherishes extremely, it is that of admiral of the fleet in the british navy, conferred upon him by his grandmother, queen victoria. emperor william was only a brigadier-general at the time of his accession to the throne. it was not until several months after becoming emperor that he assumed the insignia of a general of division. inasmuch as some curiosity exists as to how a monarch can promote himself, it may be stated that old field marshal moltke, who was then possessed of the highest rank in the german army, called one day upon william, and, presenting him with a pair of silver shoulder-straps, adorned with the insignia of a general of division, entreated his majesty in the name of the entire army, and in particular on behalf of the corps of officers, to assume the rank of a full general. the same request was presented to the present czar at the time of his coronation, but met with a refusal on the part of his muscovite majesty, for he pointed out that peter the great had throughout his entire reign contented himself with the rank of colonel. there is also another reason which nicholas did not mention officially, but which is well known to the members of his immediate _entourage_. at the present moment his name figures on the army list as the principal orderly officer and personal adjutant of the late czar. this is an office which can only be held by military men below the rank of general. the moment young nicholas acquires that rank his name _ipso-facto_ disappears from the list of his dead father's adjutants, and he is far too attached to his memory to desire this, preferring the minor rank of colonel and the association with his beloved predecessor, to all the pomp and glory of a generalissimo. of all the other sovereigns in europe there is not one who travels with such an immense amount of luggage as emperor william. he seldom undertakes a trip without taking along at least one hundred huge trunks of the so-called saratoga pattern, which fill several wagons of the imperial train; indeed, an entire special train is not infrequently chartered solely for the conveyance of his luggage. like some french _élégantes_ at a fashionable seaside resort, he changes his garb five, six, and even seven times a day. the consequence is that it is necessary to have at hand not only a vast number of naval and military uniforms, but also a diversity of shooting suits, hunting suits, civilian clothes, tyrolese jäger costumes, and even the kilt, sporran and tartan of a highlander, for he is very proud of the fact that stuart blood flows in his veins, and considers that he is quite as much entitled to wear the stuart tartan as his uncle, the prince of wales. all these clothes are not under the charge of a mere valet, but of a grand dignitary of the court of berlin,--count perponcher-sedlinzky,--who holds the rank of privy councillor, and who is addressed as "your excellency." the count has a perfect army of dressers and valets under his orders, but it is he who is responsible, not only for the uniforms being in good trim, but likewise for their being on hand whenever the emperor happens to need them. in order to understand what this entails, it must be remembered that the kaiser is not only colonel of some hundred or more german regiments, but also of a very great many foreign corps, belonging to every country in europe, except turkey, bulgaria and france. now for each regiment, there are sometimes six, sometimes eight different uniforms--one each for parade, fatigue duty, court wear, an undress uniform, and others too numerous to mention. when the emperor travels and is likely to be brought into contact with english princes, with russians or with austrians, it is necessary that he should have within his reach, not merely one of his english, austrian or russian uniforms, but all of them--that is to say, thirty or forty at least, in addition to his german uniforms and ordinary clothes. an immense amount of importance is attached to these sumptuary questions by the reigning families of europe. on one occasion an imperial meeting between the kaiser and the late czar was delayed for three whole days, while government stocks all over the world declined in value, and the utmost apprehension prevailed on the score of peace, merely because the prince who held the office of grand-master of the czar's wardrobe had neglected to bring with him the german uniforms of his master. it may be added that he lost his office in consequence. this peculiar form of royal and imperial courtesy, consisting in the sovereign and royal princes of one country donning the uniforms or livery of the foreign monarch whom they wish to compliment, originated with frederick the great. in , he had to pay a visit to the emperor of austria at the castle of neustadt, in moravia. only seven years before, prussia had been engaged in her great struggle with the empire, and had thoroughly beaten austria. frederick feared that the too familiar blue prussian uniform might awaken unpleasant memories on the part of the emperor and his court. so, with the utmost delicacy, he and all his staff appeared at neustadt in the white austrian uniforms, an act of courtesy on the part of the victor to the vanquished which was warmly appreciated both by emperor joseph and all his austrian _entourage_. the fashion thus inaugurated has remained in existence ever since, being facilitated by the fact that every sovereign in europe, including even queen victoria, the queen regent of spain, and the two queens of holland, holds honorary commands in a number of foreign regiments. during the reign of old emperor william, those who did not possess the right to wear any civil or military uniform were permitted to make their appearance at court in ordinary evening dress, which ultimately had the effect of giving a sort of _bourgeois_ flavor to imperial entertainments. the present kaiser, however, proceeded to change all this before he had been very long on the throne, and having noticed that at the court of his english grandmother, no one is allowed to appear at any of the state entertainments or functions in ordinary evening dress,--the only exception made being in favor of the united states embassy,--he inaugurated similar regulations at berlin. according to these sumptuary decrees gentlemen who are invited to entertainments at court, and who for any reason have no right to military, naval or civil service uniform, are compelled to appear in a species of court dress, consisting of a coat cut after the fashion of the last, rather than of the present century. its color is black, or dark blue, as are also the revers, the collar and the cuffs; with it are worn black, tight fitting knee breeches, black silk stockings, and low patent leather shoes with gold buckles. a three-cornered _chapeau_, without feathers, and a court sword, complete this costume. the emperor likewise directed that all officials of the court and the civil service, namely, every man who did not happen to belong either to the army or to the navy, should wear at court balls and at all great state entertainments, white knee breeches, and white silk stockings, with low, gold-buckled shoes, in lieu of the blue, black, or white gold-laced trousers that had until then been habitually worn with the gold-embroidered swallow-tail coat, which constitutes the uniform of the german civil service, and of court officialdom. until that time, the only european court at which knee breeches had been insisted upon at court and state entertainments, was that of great britain. they were likewise _de rigueur_ at the tuileries during the reign of napoleon iii. the kaiser, however, came to the conclusion that continuations of this kind gave a more brilliant and dressy appearance to court functions than long trousers, and accordingly the latter are barred, save in the case of officers of the army and navy. at the imperial court of berlin there are four types of receptions or _cours_, the latter being the french word which has clung to these state functions ever since the reign of frederick the great. they are the "défiler-cour," the "spiel-cour," the "sprech-cour" and the "trauer-cour." the first, namely, the "défiler cour"--from the french word _défiler_, to file past--is the berlin counterpart of queen victoria's drawing-rooms at buckingham palace in london, and is held once a year for the purpose of presenting débutantes, brides and ladies whose husbands have recently been promoted, or raised to the rank of nobility. they pass one by one before the throne, curtsy profoundly to each of their majesties, while the grand chamberlain mentions their names, and then leave the imperial presence by a side exit. no one kisses the empress's hand, as is the case with queen victoria in england, nor are the presentees compelled to back out of the imperial presence, as at buckingham palace. the court dress of débutantes at berlin is not necessarily white, though that is the hue most affected. the long court train may be of an entirely different material and color from the dress itself, if the wearer pleases, the only stipulation made being that the richness and splendor of the fabric must be beyond question. an indispensable feature of the toilette is the so-called "barbe," a sort of tiny lace veil, suspended on each side of the coiffure, about two inches in width. the lace of course must be real, though the kind is left to the wearer's choice. it is generally white spanish point, alençon, or _point d'angleterre_. the "défiler-cour" almost invariably takes place on new year's day, immediately after divine service. this service begins at ten o'clock, the men being in full uniform, and during the benediction a battery of artillery, stationed in the "lust-garten," fires a royal salute of one hundred and one guns. as soon as the last gun has been fired, the royal and imperial procession forms, headed by the grand marshal of the court, count augustus eulenburg, bearing his wand of office, and leaves the court chapel. when it reaches the "weisse-saal"--one of the grandest apartments of this ancient palace--the band stationed in the gallery commences to play, generally the hohenzollern march. the emperor and empress thereupon take their places on the dais beneath the great escutcheoned golden canopy, and in front of the two chairs of state that represent the thrones. at the right and left are grouped the various royal and imperial personages present, while at the foot of the dais stands the grand master of the ceremonies for the purpose of mentioning to their majesties the names of those who pass before them. at the back of the royal and imperial party are ranged the palace guard in their quaint, old-fashioned, and exceedingly picturesque uniforms. the first to pass before the throne is invariably the chancellor of the empire, and while the emperor and empress merely respond with an inclination of the head to the salutations of those of minor rank, they invariably approach to the edge of the dais in order to give their hands to be kissed by the octogenarian prince of hohenlohe, who has held the office of chancellor ever since the retirement of general count caprivi. the band plays throughout the entire ceremony, which is a most magnificent affair. the so-called "spiel-cour" still keeps its name, implying card playing, although, as a matter of fact, cards are never played at court now. in former times they constituted a very important feature of court entertainment, and the "spiel-cour," or "le jeu de leurs majestés," was the function to which those whom the anointed of the lord desired to honor were most frequently bidden. in earlier days, as soon as the guests had made their bows to the sovereign and to the princes and princesses of the blood, card-tables were set out, and gambling commenced, those to whom their majesties wished to accord special distinction and honor receiving royal commands, through the chamberlains-in-waiting to take their places at the card-tables of the king, or of the queen, as the case might be. it was these royal games of cards at the court of versailles which contributed in no small measure to the downfall of the old french monarchy, and to the outbreak of the great revolution in paris a hundred years ago. the ill-fated queen marie-antoinette of france became an inveterate gambler. it was her craze for high play that led her to admit not only to her court, but also to her card-table, parvenus of doubtful reputation and of questionable antecedents, such as the infamous cagliostro, _soi-disant_ count of st. germain, and others of his class, whose only merit in her eyes was that they were rich and willing to lose their money without counting it. indeed, the celebrated diamond necklace scandal, which compromised to such a terrible degree the reputation of this french queen, and precipitated the overthrow of the throne, would have been impossible had it not been for her gambling propensities. [illustration: in the white hall _after a drawing by oreste cortazzo_] the "spiel-cour" only takes place on the eve of the wedding of a member of the hohenzollern family. it is held in the _weisse-saal_ of the berlin _schloss_, or palace. the kaiser and the kaiserin, with the bridal pair, seat themselves at a card table under a canopy of gold brocade, adorned with the imperial arms. the other royal personages sit at card-tables lower down on the dais on each side. the invited guests then pass before their majesties, precisely as at the "défiler-cour." the "sprech-cour" is, as its name signifies, a kind of _conversazione_. the persons invited are partitioned off, according to their ranks, in different rooms, through which their majesties promenade. those not personally known to the emperor and empress are introduced by the masters of ceremonies in attendance, and others with whom their majesties are already acquainted are honored by a short conversation. "trauer-cours," or mourning levées, are held immediately after the death of the reigning sovereign, and are exceedingly impressive, mainly by reason of the flowing robes and peculiar sable-hued attire which the ladies of the royal family of prussia and of their courts are compelled by tradition and etiquette to adopt. moreover, all the apartments are draped in black, the gilded ornaments being shrouded in crape. the last of these mourning courts was held by empress frederick, in the place of her dying husband, on the demise of old emperor william, and so painful and depressing was this occasion, that at her urgent request, no ceremony of the kind was held when "_unser fritz_" in his turn, was gathered to his fathers. very stately are the court balls, of which a number are given in the early part of each year, between the first of january and the beginning of lent. in fact, court balls at berlin are infinitely less amusing, at any rate to young people, than are analogous entertainments at the hofburg, at vienna, or at buckingham palace, in london. this is due partly to the fact that hohenzollern tradition and etiquette require that the proceedings should be inaugurated with the polonaise, and furthermore, because the waltz has, for nearly forty years, been denied a place in the programme of terpsichorean entertainments at court. in fact, waltzes have been forbidden ever since an accident which happened to empress frederick at a court ball not long after her marriage. she was waltzing with a young nobleman, when suddenly she was tripped up inadvertently by her partner, and precipitated to the floor at the very feet of old empress augusta, her mother-in-law. the latter, who was a terrible despot on the score of etiquette, could not bear the idea of a dance which could have the effect of placing a princess of the blood in such an undignified position, and turning a deaf ear to all arguments about the mishap being due to the awkwardness of the dancers, rather than to the dance itself, she vetoed the inclusion of waltzes thenceforth in all programmes of court balls. fortunately, no such regulation prevails at the court of vienna, where strauss's waltzes invariably form the most attractive feature of the so-called "hofball" and "ball-bei-hof." there is a great difference in the character of these two state balls at vienna. to the first, all sorts of people are commanded who are entitled solely by virtue of their official position to appear at court. the second, and far more brilliant one, is restricted to what is known as the court circle, or the _elite_,--the old blue-blooded aristocracy,--alone. so far emperor william has resisted all the pressure brought to bear upon him by the princesses and ladies of his court to revive the waltz, taking the ground that it is more conducive than any other dance to ridiculous mishaps on the highly polished and parqueted floors of the royal and imperial palaces. even with the polka, the schottische and the mazurka, to which the round dances are now limited, there are so many accidents that some time ago the kaiser summoned the generals commanding the various troops stationed in and around berlin, and instructed them to direct those officers who were not able to dance properly, to abstain from attempting to do so at the imperial entertainments. the result is that young officers are now put through their paces by their seniors, and have to display a certain proficiency in dances around the billiard or mess table before they are allowed to dance at court. i remember on one occasion at a court ball at berlin when a young subaltern incurred the anger of the late prince frederick-charles by tripping up his partner. the red prince assailed the young officer so bitterly that the crown prince was obliged to intervene. at a viennese court ball i once saw the young secretary of a foreign embassy fall so unfortunately while dancing with one of the archduchesses that he actually came down in a sitting position on her face, and caused her nose to bleed. it need scarcely be added that he left vienna the next day, and a week later obtained his transfer to another post. a short time before the tragedy of mayerling, crown princess stephanie had a very nasty fall, owing to the gaucherie of a cavalry officer with whom she was waltzing. the emperor was terribly annoyed, and crown prince rudolph spoke his mind in no measured tones to the offender. far more polite was emperor napoleon iii. when at a tuileries ball a middle-aged officer and his fair partner came to grief. as the mortified warrior scrambled to his feet, the emperor extended a hand to help him, and turning to the lady, remarked: "_madame, c'est la deuxième fois que j'ai vu tomber monsieur le colonel. la première fois c'était sur le champ de bataille de magenta_." (madame, this is the second time i have seen the colonel fall. the first time was on the battlefield of magenta.) in order to see the polonaise danced in all its glory, it must be witnessed on the occasion of the wedding of some princess of the reigning house of prussia, when the dance is headed by a procession of cabinet ministers, bearing candles or torches, whence it is styled the "fackel-tanz," (torch-dance). on such an occasion the emperor, the empress and the royal guests having taken up their places on the dais, under the baldaquin, and immediately in front of the throne, the less exalted guests ranging themselves to the right and left of the great white hall, according to rank and precedence, the court marshal receives orders from his majesty for the dance to begin. the count thereupon approaches the royal bride and bridegroom, and bowing low to them, invites them to take part in the dance. the bridegroom extends his hand to his consort, and to the sound of a very slow and stately march conducts her around the hall, preceded by the twelve ministers of state, walking two by two, those highest in rank coming last. each, minister bears in his hand a lighted torch of white perfumed wax. when the procession returns to the point from which it started, in front of the throne, the bride approaches the emperor, and with a curtsy invites his majesty to take part in the dance, and is conducted around the room by him, the bridegroom going through the same formality with the empress. as soon as these first three rounds are concluded, the twelve ministers hand over their wax torches to twelve pages of honor, each lad being of noble birth, and the bridegroom then similarly invites the remaining princesses of the blood, two at a time, leading one with each hand, while the bride goes through the same procedure with two princes of the blood, until the total list of royal personages has been exhausted. when the number of royal guests is very large this dance sometimes lasts nearly two hours. on ordinary cases, of course, the torches are dispensed with, and the polonaise only continues long enough to enable the emperor and empress to march once round, the hall with those guests whom they wish particularly to honor. on such occasions they are preceded by the court marshal bearing the wand of grand marshal, by several masters of the ceremonies, and by picturesquely attired pages of honor. court ceremonies have been few and far between during the last ten or twelve years at vienna owing to the circumstance that the imperial family have been almost uninterruptedly in mourning, consequent upon the successive deaths of crown prince rudolph, archduke charles-louis and empress elizabeth, in addition to a number of less important members of the imperial family. the ceremonial is very different from that which prevails at berlin, and it must be confessed that the guests are more select, since the court of vienna is infinitely more exclusive than that of berlin, and requires much more stringent genealogical qualifications on the part of women admitted to the honor of presentation. indeed, there is no court in europe more exclusive than that of emperor francis-joseph, and the threshold of the hofburg may be regarded as barred without hope of admission to any lady who is not endowed with the necessary ancestry, free from all plebeian strain for at least eight generations on both the father's and the mother's side. the presentation of débutantes and of brides ordinarily takes place prior to the commencement of court balls, and there are no such things as state concerts or "défiler-cours," as at berlin, and in england, at which latter court guests receive their invitations to state balls by means of large lithographed cards emblazoned with the royal or imperial arms, on which it is stated that the grand-master of the court at berlin, or the lord chamberlain in london, has been directed by their majesties, or her majesty, as the case may be, to "command" the attendance of such and such a person to a ball at court. these commands are usually sent out about a week or more in advance: but in vienna, where it is taken for granted that all the people having a right to invitations belong to the same intimate circle, cards are dispensed with, and on the day before the entertainment, sometimes on the very morning on which it is given, one of the court messengers, or so-called hofcouriers, calls at the residence of invited guests with a long sheet of paper, on which is inscribed the list of _invités._ on this list, opposite his or her name, the invited person writes yes or no, indicating thereby acceptance of the imperial command or prevention by some grave event. the guests are already assembled in the hall of ceremonies before the imperial party makes its appearance. the ladies all wear court trains, and in almost every case the bodice of their dress is adorned with the insignia of the "sternkreutz" [star cross], an order restricted exclusively to women, of which the late empress was grand-mistress, and to possess which even still greater ancestral qualifications are needed than for presentation at court. the men are all in uniform, either civilian, military or naval. indeed it is impossible to find in austria any man that has the right to appear at court who does not possess some sort of uniform. if he happens to be a hungarian, he wears the picturesque dress of the great magyar kingdom, bordered with priceless furs, adorned with jewels and composed of costly velvets and silks. shortly before the arrival of the imperial procession the grand-master of ceremonies taps on the floor with his ivory wand of office to attract attention, and the guests thereupon range themselves along the two sides of the hall, the ladies to the right and the gentlemen to the left. suddenly the folding-doors at the further end of the hall are flung open, and to the sound of the most inspiriting march that the conductor of the court orchestra, edouard strauss, can devise, the imperial cortege makes its appearance, preceded by count hunyadi, in his uniform of a cavalry general, and prince rudolph leichtenstein, each armed with a wand of office. since the disappearance of the empress from court life--a disappearance which may be said to have preceded her death by several years--the emperor has been in the habit on these occasions of offering his arm to the duchess of cumberland, daughter of king christian of denmark, and _de jure_ sovereign duchess of brunswick, as the principal foreign royal lady present. immediately after him follows the archduke next in the line of succession, now francis-ferdinand, or, failing him, otto, leading the archduchess designated to take the place of the first lady of the land, and who at the present time is archduchess maria-josepha, wife of archduke otto. the imperial procession, consisting of all the archdukes and archduchesses--there are nearly one hundred of them--and of the principal members of their households, marches along the avenue thus formed by the guests, and are welcomed by low curtsies on the part of the women, and by profound bows on the part of the men. the brilliant pageant then disappears in the room set apart for the imperial party, and thereupon the emperor and archduchess maria-josepha return, and while the emperor passes along in front of the male guests, preceded by one of the principal dignitaries of his court, either count kalmàn hunyadi or prince montenuovo, the archduchess, escorted by the grand-mistress of her court, makes her way along the front rank of the ladies, bowing to some, extending her hand to be kissed by others, and chatting familiarly to those who are old friends. as soon as the emperor and the archduchess reach the end of the line the emperor passes over to the ladies' side, while the archduchess in her turn passes along the front rank of the men. the archduchess then proceeds to the so-called "rittersaal," and taking her seat on a sofa, sends her ladies-in-waiting and her chamberlains to bring to her presence ladies who have presentations to make. with each débutante the archduchess converses for a few seconds before dismissing her, the wives of the foreign ambassadors being on these occasions invited to take a seat beside the archduchess on her sofa while presenting their countrywomen. meanwhile the ball has commenced in the hall of ceremonies, and is usually opened with a waltz. while the dancing is in progress the emperor strolls about, talking from time to time to some guest. foreign ambassadors and envoys usually avail themselves of this opportunity to present their countrymen to his majesty. of course no one is permitted to invite any of the archduchesses or foreign princesses of the blood who may happen to be present to dance. it is they who have the privilege of taking the first step in the matter. whenever they desire to dance with any man they cause him to be notified of their wish by their chamberlain in attendance. the cavalier thus honored is obliged to consider this intimation in the nature of a command, and all engagements with fair partners of a less exalted rank, are annulled thereby. refreshments are served for the ordinary guests in the "pietra-dura" room, where a superb buffet is set, the tables glittering with gold plate and venetian glass. for the imperial princes and princesses the hall of mirrors is generally reserved, and there the scene is even still more magnificent. by midnight all is over. the court has retired with the same ceremonial that marked its arrival, and the guests are looking for their wraps and cloaks. all court entertainments at vienna begin early and end early, so as not to interfere unduly with the emperor's practice of rising at about five o'clock in the morning. one of the features of the great court functions at berlin, as well as at vienna, which excites the greatest surprise of americans visiting europe for the first time, is that particular form of homage accorded to royalty which consists in the kissing of the hand or "handkuss." not only the hands of the royal and imperial ladies are required by etiquette to be kissed when offered to gentlemen, but it is also considered necessary for both men and women to kiss the hand of the sovereign when he condescends to extend it for the purpose. this seems, perhaps, less odd at vienna, as the emperor is a septuagenarian with snow-white hair and a sad and kindly face, inspiring feelings of sympathy and loyal affection. indeed there is nothing out of the way in a young girl, and even a man of mature years, kissing the hand of a veteran of the age of francis-joseph, just as if he were their father. but it certainly does appear strange to those from across the atlantic who are obtaining their first insight into european court life, to see not only grey-haired generals, and white-whiskered statesmen, but also venerable ladies,--grandmothers perhaps--and belonging to the highest ranks of the nobility kissing the hand of emperor william. it has always seemed to me that william must have realized for the first time his altered rank when old field-marshal moltke, and the late prince bismarck, on hailing him as emperor within a few hours after his father's death, bent down to kiss his hand. this took place more or less in private. but shortly afterwards, when he opened the imperial parliament for the first time as emperor, in the presence of most of the german sovereigns who had come to berlin for the purpose, and had finished reading his speech, and handed it to the chancellor of the empire, old bismarck, as he took it, bent almost double to kiss the hand that was tendering the document to him, in the presence of the princes and representatives of the entire german empire. kissing, it may be added, forms a great feature of court etiquette in germany and austria. it is, for instance, _de rigueur_ that two sovereigns of equal rank visiting each other, should embrace at least thrice, no matter how deeply they may detest each other privately! a petty sovereign will have to content himself with being embraced merely twice by a monarch such as francis-joseph or emperor william, while a crown prince or heir apparent will receive only one hug. mere princes of the blood receive no kisses at all, but only a hearty hand-shake, with which they have to be satisfied, and which is, after all, perhaps the most sensible fashion of greeting. chapter xv all royal and imperial people are more or less superstitious, and neither emperor william nor his brother monarch at vienna are exceptions to the rule. striking evidence thereof is furnished by the presence of a large horseshoe cemented into the wall just outside the fourth window of the first story of empress frederick's palace at berlin. one day, some time before his accession to the throne, and before his father was seized with that terrible malady to which he eventually succumbed, william was invited to dine with his parents. finding that he was very late, and knowing the strictness of his father and mother on the score of punctuality, william directed his coachman to drive as fast as he could, and the carriage positively raced up the incline to the portal. suddenly one of the big mecklenburg horses lost his shoe, which in some extraordinary manner, flew up into the air, dashed through the first-story window and fell upon the dinner table, right in front of frederick and the then crown princess, who, declining to wait any longer, had just sat down to table. the shoe is reported to have grazed the nose of the late emperor. at any rate, the fact that it should have failed to seriously injure anyone is a miracle. it was so regarded by frederick, his wife and his children, who deemed the queer advent of the shoe, and the escape of everybody from injury, as an indication of good luck. at the suggestion of the present kaiser, it was thereupon cemented into the wall just outside the window through which it had come, and was fastened upside down, in order to prevent the luck from dropping out. it is not altogether astonishing that royal personages should be prone to superstition, for in almost every case they are compelled to make their homes in palaces and castles that have been stained with the blood of one or more of their ancestors. ordinary people experience an uncanny feeling when forced by circumstances to live in houses which have been the scene of suicide or murder, even when the victims of the tragedy, or the perpetrators thereof are in no way, even the most remotely, connected with them. what wonder, then, that royal and imperial personages should entertain the same kind of superstition and sentiments with regard to their palaces, when it is borne in mind that the participants in the drama have been members of their own families! for months prior to the assassination of empress elizabeth, forebodings of an impending catastrophe were prevalent at the court of vienna, and so imbued was emperor francis-joseph with ominous presentiments, that he repeatedly exclaimed in the hearing of his entourage: "oh, if only this year were at an end!" these apprehensions on the part of the monarch and his court were due to an incident which took place on the night of april , , and which was of sufficient importance to be comprised in the regular report made on the following morning to his military superiors by the officer of the guard at the hofburg. it seems that the sentinel posted in the corridor or hall leading to the chapel was startled almost out of his senses by seeing the form of a white-clad woman approaching him, soon after one o'clock in the morning. he at once challenged her, whereupon the figure turned round, and passed back into the chapel, where the soldier then observed a light. hastily summoning assistance, a strict search was instituted, but the chapel was explored without any result. the sentinel in question was a stolid, rather dull-minded styrian peasant, who was possessed of but little power of imagination or of education, and who was entirely ignorant, therefore, of the tradition according to which a woman in white makes her appearance by night in the hofburg at vienna, either in the chapel or in the adjoining corridors and halls, whenever any misfortune is about to overtake the imperial house of hapsburg. on each occasion, this spectral appearance to the sentinel on duty has been described in the report of the officer of the guard on the following morning, and is absolutely a matter of official record. the previous visitations of the "white lady" had taken place on the eve of the shocking tragedy of mayerling; a few weeks previous to the shooting of emperor maximilian of mexico; and prior to the burning to death of the daughter of old archduke albert, at schoenbrunn; while the very fact that there should have been no supernatural appearance of this kind at the time when archduke john vanished from human ken, leads the imperial family and the court of austria to still doubt the story, according to which he perished at sea while on his way round cape horn, from la plata to valparaiso. i do not know the origin of the "white lady" tradition at vienna, nor have i ever been able to ascertain anything definite about her history, but there is plenty of documentary evidence, as well as a wonderful array of records concerning "the white lady of the hohenzollerns," who makes her appearance in the old palace at berlin whenever death is about to overtake a member of the reigning house of prussia. the late emperor frederick--the most matter-of-fact and least imaginative prince of his line--was particularly interested in the matter, and collected all the evidence that he could upon the subject, for the purpose of depositing it in the archives of his family. perhaps the most important testimony in this connection are the sworn statements signed by prince frederick of prussia, and a number of his fellow officers, to all of whom the "white lady" is declared to have appeared as they sat together on the eve of the prince's death at the battle of saalfeld in . moreover, thomas carlyle went to no little trouble to procure evidence when writing the history of frederick the great, that the "white lady" had appeared to that famous monarch on the eve of his death. the king, it is asserted, was on the high road to recovery from his illness, when suddenly one morning he declared that he had seen the white-clad spectre during the night, that his hour had come, and that it was useless to ward off death any longer. so he refused to take any further medicine or nourishment, turned his face to the wall, and died. the "white lady" is considered sufficiently real by the hard-headed matter-of-fact commanders of the prussian army, to lead to their adopting special measures whenever her appearance is reported. the moment she is seen, the sentinels within and around the royal palace are at once doubled. the object of this is not so much to protect the royal family from harm, as to prevent the sentinels themselves from following the example of the two who shot themselves while on guard at the palace in the year , one, shortly before the death of old emperor william, the other, a few days before the demise of emperor frederick, the men in each case declaring before they expired that they had seen the "white lady," their story being in a measure borne out by the fact that their faces even after death seemed to be distorted with terror. the appearances of the "white lady" are kept as quiet as possible, the matter is never mentioned at court, save in whispers, and nothing concerning her is ever permitted to appear in print in the berlin papers. this dread apparition that forebodes evil to the reigning house of prussia, is supposed to be the spectre of countess agnes orlamunde, who murdered her first husband, as well as her two children, who constituted an obstacle to her marriage with, one of the ancestors of the kaiser. the palace in which the spectre of this historic murderess appears is a huge and massive structure of grey stone, the walls of which are pierced by over one thousand windows, and which contains over six hundred rooms. commenced four hundred and fifty years ago by one of the earliest electors of brandenburg, it has been added to by each sovereign in turn, until it has attained its present enormous dimensions. there is probably no structure of the kind in the world the building of which has cost so many lives. indeed the very mortar used in its construction may be said to have been mixed with blood. the people of berlin, who from time immemorial have been noted for their democracy and their spirit of independence, have opposed from the very outset the erection of this building in their midst as calculated to endanger their liberty, and many were the attempts that they made to arrest the undertaking, and to destroy the work already accomplished. bloody fights took place between the mob and the troops appointed to protect the workmen, and on two occasions the populace even went so far as to cut the dams, and destroy the flood gates, deluging the foundations with the waters of the river spree, and drowning each time many hundreds of workmen. even at the present moment emperor william is engaged in an angry fight with, the people of berlin in connection with this palace. he wishes to surround it with a terrace and a garden, which will naturally add to its beauty. at present the windows look onto the public streets, a fact which, in these days of bombs and dynamite outrages, renders it difficult to protect with any degree of efficiency. the municipality and people of berlin, however, absolutely decline to consent to the expropriations necessary in order to enable the destruction and removal of the existing houses and buildings which interfere with the execution of his majesty's project. like his uncle, the prince of wales, the kaiser is very superstitious on the subject of the number thirteen in the case of any entertainment, and more than once has a mere subaltern who happened to be on duty at the palace as an officer of the guard, been commanded at a moment's notice to join the imperial party in order to avoid there being thirteen at the table. this superstition is perhaps partly due to the fact that the emperor is aware of the old scandinavian custom, from which it originates, and which still subsists among the peasantry of the west coast of france. in the pagan days of scandinavia, the hardy norsemen were accustomed at all their banquets to invite the spirit of the last of their male relatives or friends to participate in the feast, and the food that he would have eaten and the mead that he would have drunk was cast into the fire, the supposed resting-place of the soul. when the norsemen embraced christianity, on ceremonious occasions they sat down to the banquet in parties of twelve, doing this in honor of the twelve apostles; but unable entirely to disassociate themselves from their old heathen custom of inviting the spirit of a dead relative or friend, they constituted him,--the spectre,--the thirteenth guest at table, and his health was always drunk in solemn silence. in course of time people came to forget the traditional custom of considering a spectre to be the thirteenth guest. he was, however, associated in their minds with the notion of death, and thus the belief has grown that though a thirteenth person at table is no longer a corpse, one of the party is destined, at any rate, to speedily become one. throughout brittany on the eve of the day sacred to the memory of the dead "la toussaint," the family all sit down to a festive repast, and there is invariably a place laid at table, the plate filled with the choicest viands, and the glass filled with the finest wine or cider, for the one or more members of the family who have died during the previous twelve months. the peasantry are convinced that the spirits of their dear ones take part in this repast at one time or another during the course of the night. it is for this reason that they consider it their duty to sit up till daybreak, the women chiefly praying, the men talking in undertones about the qualities and the characteristics of the mourned ones. wearied with watching, imbued with the most fervent and devout faith, blended with a belief in old-time legends, what wonder is it that towards dawn both the men and the women, especially the latter, should imagine that they see the spirits of their dead glide into the room, take their place at the family board, and then, after a brief sojourn in their midst, vanish with the light of the breaking day. it is a pretty and a touching idea, which is not combated by the clergy, and of which, indeed, no one possessed of any heart would seek to disabuse the minds of the poor, simple-minded peasant folks. of course emperor francis-joseph and emperor william are imbued with all the old superstitions peculiar to nimrods. as an instance, they will give up an entire day's shooting, no matter how elaborate the arrangements made for it, if a hare is seen to cross their path, for this is always looked upon as being a very bad omen. both emperors also attach much importance to dreams, and claim to have been furnished by them with premonitions of each misfortune that has overtaken them, and regard friday as the most unlucky day of the week. there is no colder, more unemotional and level-headed woman in the-world than the young empress of russia, who is a german princess by birth, and a first cousin of emperor william, yet she too believes in dreams, since the following incident, which enjoys the fullest degree of credence on the part of the emperors of germany and austria. it seems that during the coronation festivities she was resting one afternoon, and had dropped off into a doze, when she suddenly found herself awakened by one of her ladies who had been frightened by the manner in which she moaned and even wailed in her sleep. the empress then related that her slumbers had been disturbed by a bad dream. an old gray-haired moujik, or peasant, all covered with blood, had appeared to her, and had exclaimed: "i have come all the way from siberia, czaritza, to see your day of honor, and now your cossacks have killed me." the vision had been so real that the empress hastened to her husband to inquire if any misfortune had happened. nicholas laughed at his wife's fears, but to soothe her, telephoned to the minister of the imperial household, asking whether anything untoward had occurred, and only then learnt of the terrible disaster that had taken place in connection with the open-air banquet, where over two thousand lives were lost, through a panic that had seized upon the vast concourse of people, the terrible catastrophe being aggravated by the unfortunate attempts of large bodies of mounted cossacks to restore order by riding into the crowd and using their whips and even their swords against the terrified masses of penned-up moujiks. it must be borne in mind that the entire monarchial system of the old world is largely based on legend and superstition, and that a belief in the supernatural, therefore, is to be expected in such personages as the anointed of the lord, who are firmly convinced that there is a considerable amount of the supernatural in their authority and in the origin of their power. another manner in which emperor william displays his superstition, is his absolute refusal to permit any steps to be taken to clear up the mystery which has existed throughout this entire century in connection with the hunting château of grünewald, which, like the great palace at berlin, is popularly believed to be haunted. indeed, it is regarded with considerable misgiving by the peasantry of the surrounding district. it is an old castle, built almost two centuries ago, by the father of the first king of prussia, and has been the scene of several tragedies. the one which is supposed to have led to the haunting of the palace is the murder by one of the princes of the house of hohenzollern, in a fit of passion, of a prussian nobleman who was his guest at the time. the prince is reported to have run the nobleman through the back with his sword while following him down one of the staircases from the upper story to the ground floor. endeavors have repeatedly been made to obtain permission from the sovereign to tear down the brick wall so as to give access to this staircase, not only for the sake of convenience, but also with the object of setting at rest forever the popular superstitions and rumors on the subject. neither king frederick-william iv., nor the late emperor william would ever hear of such a thing, and the late emperor frederick, who was the least superstitious and most matter-of-fact of men, grew grave and silent, when it was suggested to him that he should give the desired permission. as for the present emperor, he has sternly forbidden that the matter should even be mentioned in his presence. this extraordinary reluctance displayed by both the kaiser and his predecessors to discover what there is behind that brick wall leads to the conviction that the mouldering remains of the victim of the treacherous hospitality of a prince of prussia lie concealed there. chapter xvi it is among the crowned heads and princes of the blood in the old world that st. hubert, the patron of the chase, finds his most fervent devotees, and nowhere is his cult followed with a greater degree of pomp and ceremoniousness, and, i might almost add, religious sentiment, than at the courts of berlin and vienna. the foremost nimrod of europe is undoubtedly old emperor francis-joseph, who finds his only relaxation from the cares of state in stalking the chamois, and who is celebrated in the annals of sport as the most successful and fearless hunter of that excessively shy and difficult quarry. no man living possesses a larger collection of gemsbock beards, which constitute the hunter's trophy of this form of the chase. they number nearly three thousand, and the only person whose score at all approximates the emperor's is his intimate friend and crony, the aged king albert of saxony. both monarchs are now old men, with hair, whiskers and moustache, of a snowy white, but neither their years, nor their sorrows, which have contributed so much towards aging them prematurely, have been permitted until now to interfere with their chamois-hunting expeditions in the styrian alps. on these occasions the two sovereigns make their headquarters at francis-joseph's picturesque shooting-lodge, or rather château, at mürzsteg. they are usually accompanied by the emperor's eldest son-in-law, prince leopold of bavaria, archduke francis-ferdinand, heir apparent to the throne, some younger members of the imperial family, and a few of the dignitaries of the court who have been the longest attached to the service of his majesty, prominent among whom is baron gudemus, grand huntsman of the empire. the latter, by virtue of his office, holds a seat in the privy council, ranks higher than the cabinet ministers, has under his control all the game preserves, the hunting equipages, and the shooting lodges of the crown in the various parts of the empire, and is the generalissimo of the army of game-keepers, and jägers, many thousands in number, who wear the livery of the house of hapsburg. usually, the first three or four days of the stay at mürzsteg are devoted to stalking the chamois, the two sovereigns generally remaining together, attended only by the grand huntsman, and by a few jägers and guides, while the other members of the shooting party follow their individual devices. the start is made each morning about an hour before dawn, so as to enable the sportsmen to be well up on the mountain side by daybreak, that being the time when it is least difficult to get within range of a chamois. all day long the two old sovereigns, alpenstock in hand, and short, stocky rifles slung over the shoulder, go toiling up and down the mountains, along the edges of great precipices, tracing their steps along paths that to the uninitiated would seem to afford no foothold to any living thing, save a goat or a chamois. sometimes they are overtaken by snowstorms while up in the mountains, and are unable to see their way, or to move either backwards or forwards, for whole hours together, while at other times they are forced to lie down flat on their stomachs and to cling with hand and foot to any friendly piece of projecting rock in order to avoid being blown down the precipices, or into the deep crevasses, by the terrible winds which without warning suddenly sweep through the alpine gorges and valleys, with a force that can only be described as cyclonic. all the party, emperor, king, princes, and attendants, down to the humblest jäger, wear the same kind of styrian dress, consisting of a sort of yoppe, or austrian jacket of grey homespun, with green collar and facings, and buttons of rough stag-horn, homespun breeches, cut off above the knees, which are left entirely uncovered, thick woollen stockings rolled below the knee, and heavy, hob-nailed, laced boots. the head gear is that known in this country as the tyrolese hat, adorned by a chamois beard, which is inserted between the ribbon and the felt. by nightfall, which comes early in the mountains, everybody is back at the "jagdschloss," and dinner is served at five, in a room panelled with wood and decorated with trophies. the emperor and the king sit next to each other, while baron gudemus, as grand huntsman, faces them on the opposite table. the attendants are not liveried footmen, but jägers and game-keepers. on arising from the table the party as a rule descends into the courtyard, where all the game killed during the day is laid out on a layer of pine branches, the jägers forming three sides of a square, lighting up the scene with great pine torches, while the huntsmen sound the _curée-chaude_ on their hunting horns. by eight or nine o'clock, everybody is in bed, and the whole château is wrapped in slumber. during the last three or four days of the stay, the so-called "treibjagds," or "battues" take the place of stalking. they are far more ceremonious, but infinitely less fatiguing and interesting affairs, and as they begin between eight and nine, and last till four, they do not involve getting out of bed at the unearthly hour of three or four in the morning. they necessitate, however, an enormous amount of preparation and organization on the part of the grand huntsman. for at least forty-eight hours previously, a vast corps of "treibers," or styrian mountaineers engaged for the purpose have been employed in surrounding a district of mountain and valley many miles in area. the circle is gradually narrowed down until the whole of the game is driven from the heights into the valley, where the emperor and his guests have taken up their positions. the selection of the positions of the party is regarded as a matter of the utmost importance, and on the evening before, the grand huntsman submits to the emperor a carefully drawn up plan of the locality. his majesty thereupon designates with his own hand the spot where each of his guests is to take up his position on the following morning. he himself and the king of saxony generally await the game in the lowest part of the valley, the remaining guests and officials being spread up the mountain side on each hand according to their degree of rank and the imperial favor, those who enjoy the greatest share of the latter being the nearest to the sovereign down the valley, while those of less importance are posted higher up on the mountain side. by nine o'clock, every member of the party must be in the place assigned to him on the plan, and the beaters, who have kept the game carefully within the circle of their lines, now proceed to drive it down towards the shooting party. usually, great nets are stretched a hundred yards to the rear of the two monarchs, with the object of forcing the game which may have got past their majesties to retrace its steps, and to face the royal and imperial sportsmen once more. sometimes curious scenes result in connection with these nets. on one occasion a magnificent gemsbock had managed to get past the king of saxony, and finding a net in the way, charged it full tilt with a flying leap. its horns got entangled in the meshes, seven or eight feet high, and there it remained hanging and kicking until a couple of jägers in attendance on the king disentangled it and carefully placed it on the ground. for a moment it stood as if transfixed with amazement, gazing steadfastly at the net, and then deliberately charged head down, and with a tremendous bound, at the obstacle once more, with the same result, of course. again the jägers disengaged it, but in its struggles to recover its liberty the gemsbock left its beard torn out by the very roots in the hand of one of the men who had grabbed it for the purpose of holding the animal fast. a third time the gallant buck charged the net, and cleared it in magnificent style and made good its escape. the beard which it left behind it figures to this day on the alpine hat of king albert, who is probably the only man living who can boast of wearing the beard of a chamois that may still be roaming over the styrian alps. emperor william's favorite form of sport is wild-boar hunting. this species of game abounds in the imperial preserves of königs-wusterhausen, letzlingen, gohrde and springe, the latter being quite near to the ancient city of hamelin, celebrated in legendary lore for its "_pied-piper_" and for its rats! the preserves at gohrde are liked best by the kaiser, as they were by his grandfather, the old emperor, for they are alive with wild boars. persons invited for the first time to these imperial shooting parties have to go through a regular form of initiation, somewhat akin to that practised in the case of people crossing the line for the first time at sea. on the eve of the day on which the hunt is to begin, and when the party are assembled in the smoking and card-rooms of the jagdschloss, after dinner, the great oak table in the dining-room is cleared and ornamented with several lines of chalk; thereupon, the deputy grand huntsman, baron heintze weissenrode, after receiving the emperor's final instructions, selects a dozen members of the party, and conducts them to the dining-room, where they take their places around the table, each armed with a wooden spoon of a different size from those of his neighbors. at a given signal the huntsman in charge of the imperial pack of boar-hounds, who has been stationed at the entrance leading into the dining-room, sounds the "view-halloo!" on his horn, and immediately every one of the wooden spoons is rubbed up and down the oaken table in a manner that produces a sound similar to that of the noise made by a pack in full pursuit. the person about to be initiated is then seized and blindfolded, after which the doors are thrown open, and he is carried into the dining-room, and laid upon the table athwart the chalk lines. the emperor immediately draws his short hunting-knife, and after making several mystic passes with it in the air, strikes the prostrate body of the neophyte a smart blow with the flat of the broad blade. the huntsman toots forth the signal of "dead! dead!" which is used to call the pack off the quarry, and the new-fledged "weide-man" is permitted to struggle off the table and onto the ground. i may add that the emperor's blow with the hunting-knife is not the only one which the neophyte receives while stretched on the table on his face, nor does it constitute the sum total of the initiation, but only the conclusion thereof. indeed, there is sometimes a good deal of rough horse-play on these occasions, in which the emperor, who delights therein, takes a prominent part. the boar hunt on the following day partakes of the nature of the chamois drives already described, the only difference being that the beaters are assisted in their work by a carefully trained pack of boar-hounds, which are accustomed to obey the horn signals of the huntsman in charge, and are of much service in driving the quarry from its lair in the dense brush and underwood. another difference is that the shooting parties, instead of firing in the direction of the drivers, are under the strictest orders only to fire away from them; that is to say, the hunters are practically forced to wait until the wild boar rushes past before their rifles may be levelled. of course, it sometimes happens that the boar, instead of charging past, charges directly at some member of the party in the fiercest and most dangerous manner, and it is in order to be prepared for an assault of this kind, that each of them is provided with a kind of pike, or lance, which goes by the euphonious name of "sowpen." the costume worn on these occasions is an exceptionally hideous uniform, specially invented and devised by the present emperor. it consists of a double-breasted frock coat of grey cloth, with grass-green lapels and collar, green striped pantaloons, high boots, and a grey tyrolese hat, with a wide green band. in the emperor's case it is further adorned by the ribbon and badge of a hohenzollern family order known as that of the "white hart." at these shooting parties the emperor is accustomed to wind up the day with a most extraordinary kind of drink, of which he himself is very fond, and of which he insists upon everybody's partaking, assuring them that it will help them to sleep. it consists of the following ingredients: white beer, sugar, citron peel, ginger spices, the yolks of at least a dozen eggs, rhine wine, madeira, and old santa cruz rum. all this, after being thoroughly stirred, is placed on the fire and slowly heated, several large pats of butter being added to the concoction while it is warm. it need scarcely be said that it requires a stomach as strong as that of the emperor to be able to absorb several glasses of such a drink before retiring, and it is asserted at the court of berlin that there are many of his subjects of high rank who feign illness when commanded to join the imperial hunting parties, solely because of the apprehensions they entertain of being called upon by the kaiser to drink this extraordinary brew. for shooting wild-fowl, hares and other small game, william uses a very dainty and extremely light fowling-piece, specially constructed for him, which he raises to his shoulder with one hand, and with extraordinary rapidity takes a remarkably sure aim; but when it comes to hunting the wild boar, stag, elk, bear and big game in general, the killing of which requires a heavier gun, he is naturally forced to adopt other devices. his crippled left arm being useless to support the weapon, his body jäger, specially trained for this particular duty, steps forward and offers either his arm or his shoulder for the support of his master's rifle. this, _bien entendu_, when his majesty is engaged in stalking. in cases where the chase takes the form of a "battue," a species of horizontal bar is affixed at right angles to the tree beside which the emperor stands, and it is on this support that the kaiser rests his gun when shooting at the driven game. handicapped as william is by this crippled arm, his record of , head of game killed with his own hand, during the past two decades, is a very remarkable one. it may be found in his "game book," published a few months ago for private circulation among the royal personages and court circles of the old world. comprised in this grand total are some pieces which do not fall to the lot of every sportsman. thus there are a couple of "aurochsen," which is a species of bison-like wild cattle, still to be found strictly preserved in the private domains of the emperor of russia. unless i am mistaken, there are only about five hundred of them left, and, in spite of all the efforts made to foster the breed, they are so rapidly diminishing in number that ere many years are past they will surely become extinct. in pre-christian times they roamed all over germany, and were, and still are, larger, fiercer, and much lighter colored than the american buffalo. the wild boars number in the "game book" over , . there are eleven elks shot in sweden, three reindeer killed in norway, and ten bears laid low, some of them in russia, and others in hungary. the emperor has, much to his vexation, only managed to bag three unfortunate snipe, an extremely difficult bird to shoot on the wing; but his record of chamois is decidedly good, when it is remembered what an exceedingly difficult game this is to reach, entailing, as it does, mountaineering of the most arduous and perilous character, especially in the case of a man who can use but one arm easily. these chamois serve in a measure to atone for the twenty foxes which figure as having been shot by the emperor, a fact which is more likely to injure his reputation and prestige in the eyes of hunting men than any other fault or even crime of which he could possibly render himself guilty. the most unique item of this "game book," with the exception, naturally, of the two aurochsen, are assuredly the three whales which the emperor shot with a harpoon gun, on the occasion of his yachting trip to the furthermost portion of norway a few summers ago. these three huge monsters of the deep form a fitting and amusing counterpart in the "game book" to the three snipe above mentioned. emperor william has a number of shooting-lodges, among the best known of which is hubertusstock, of which he is particularly fond owing to its proximity to the capital. yet it is hated by the members of his suite, for it is a terribly gloomy place. it stands in the midst of a dense, dark forest of vast extent, and swarming with game, within a few hundred yards of the reed covered and marshy shores of the werbellin lake, and was built by the late king frederick-william iv. during the last few years of his madness this monarch was frequently taken out to hubertusstock by his attendants, who hoped that the entire absence of all excitement and the intense solitude of the place would diminish the recurrences of his attacks of violence. the emperor sometimes spends an entire week at hubertusstock and it has frequently been asserted that he takes advantage of the complete absence from public observation which he then enjoys, to make secret trips abroad. it was his absence at this place for a period of ten days while the czar was at paris that led to the very circumstantial story in the german and foreign press about his having been in the french capital, in the strictest incognito, for several days during the russian emperor's stay on the banks of the seine. a number of people claim to have recognized him, and it is even alleged that he caught the czar's eye, and was recognized by him during the grand entertainment given by president faure in honor of his muscovite visitors at the palace of versailles. a story was told at the time about a couple of german officers, one of them attached to the embassy, who happening to find themselves face to face with an individual presenting a striking likeness to the kaiser, save for the fact that his moustache was twisted downwards instead of upwards, and his hair brushed in a different way, lost to such an extent their presence of mind that they could not help drawing their heels together and standing at attention; a form of courtesy which received as its only response the muttered exclamation of "verdammte esel!" which may be translated: "accursed jackasses!" that served to confirm their suspicions, and unfortunately both their behavior and the growl of the stranger had been witnessed and heard by people who were quick to make the matter public. it was with the object of endeavoring to disprove and discredit these stories that the emperor caused a telegram, to be sent to the czar from hubertusstock, not written, as usual, in cipher, but in ordinary language. there is an old french proverb according to which "he who seeks to prove too much, proves nothing," and thus it happened that this open telegram which reached the czar at châlons, and which was published in the german newspapers, even before nicholas had made it known to the members of his entourage, merely served to convince people that the kaiser had really been in paris when he was supposed to be buried amidst the gloomy forests of hubertusstock. hubertusstock is not, as most people seem to imagine, a castle, but merely a huge, overgrown two-storied chalet, surrounded by a number of smaller wooden dwelling-houses for the use of the imperial suite. formerly, it required a drive of at least three hours from the station on the main line in order to reach the jagdschloss. but since the accession of the emperor he has caused a private railroad to be constructed from the trunk line to a small station within a few hundred yards of the chalet. seldom is the kaiser found in the schloss after daybreak. the entire morning is spent by him in the woods, which are so vast that one can wander about them for days without meeting a soul. luncheon is usually partaken of at some point in the forest, and frequently during this repast a concert takes place, the performers consisting of a quartette of foresters, their instruments being mere hunting horns, and their melodies those of old hunting-songs. within the limits of the imperial preserves is the celebrated schorfhaide, which each year, towards the month of november, becomes the meeting place of thousands of stags. they come from all parts of germany and austria, this being rendered possible by the proximity to one another of the great estates of the territorial nobility, so that it would be feasible to march almost from the adriatic to the baltic without leaving forest glades. this annual assemblage of stags on the schorfhaide has been taking place every autumn for untold centuries. in fact, mention thereof has been found in documents more than a thousand years old. the meetings afford an extraordinary sight, and are the scenes of numerous single combats to death between "royals," the other stags and the deer standing round, as if to form a huge amphitheatre, and gravely watching the duel without making any attempt to interfere. all sorts of theories have been put forward with regard to this annual concourse of stags on the schorfhaide. foresters, however, insist that it is nothing more nor less than a species of great animal congress, at which the various antlered tribes meet for a big "palaver" to decide matters affecting the policy and the leadership of their various clans! far-fetched as this theory may seem at first sight, it is evident that there is something of the kind which brings stags and their mates from the remote forests of galicia on the russian border, from the vast liechtenstein game preserves to the south of vienna, and from the still larger sporting property of belyer, in hungary, belonging to archduke frederick, all the way to the schorfhaide on the reedy banks of the werbellin lake, in order to flock together by thousands. it is a matter of forest ethics, and of the law of the chase, to abstain from disturbing this annual _convivium_ of the stags, as it is called, and while it lasts, not a single shot is to be heard in the forests around hubertusstock. in fact, november has on this account become a species of close season there, no one interested in sport wishing to do anything that could in the least degree interfere with this, so far as i know, altogether unique custom in the animal world. the meetings, however, have been witnessed by the emperor and a few chosen companions who concealed themselves in the branches of trees, bordering on the schorfhaide, and william is never tired of expatiating on the magnificence of the spectacle presented. next to hubertusstock, the most favored shooting-lodge and sporting-estate of the kaiser, is rominten, not far from the russian frontier. owing to this proximity, bears and wolves, especially the latter, of muscovite origin, are frequently to be found in the rominten forests, adjoining which is the celebrated imperial trakenen stud and horsebreeding establishment, founded as far back as by frederick the great. some idea of the size and importance of this stud-farm may be gathered from the fact that over two thousand hands are employed in connection with the concern. trakenen was originally famous for elk, and an elk's horn remains to this day the trakenen brand placed upon all horses bred there. the emperor's headquarters at rominten are situated at a place called theerbude. his jagdschloss or shooting-lodge consists of a handsome norwegian block house, brought from norway, and erected on the goldberg on the left bank of the rominten river. the stables are built on a most extensive scale, and the chapel, as well as all the other buildings, are constructed in the picturesque norwegian style, which harmonizes so well with the dark fir forests by which they are surrounded. there is no interruption of the business of slate during the emperor's stay at rominten. theerbude is connected with berlin by wire, and telegrams are arriving and departing at all hours of the day. the kaiser shoots as a rule twice a day, at four in the morning, and four in the afternoon, the drive to the hunting-grounds often taking several hours, for most of them are at a considerable distance. the various foresters' lodges, even at the most remote portion of the estates, are connected by telephone with the imperial residence, and thus the emperor is able to know at midday where the game is likely to be most plentiful in the afternoon. when the emperor is not shooting, he transacts business with his various military and civil secretaries, and long after his guests are asleep he himself is still at work, signing state papers or reading and annotating reports. indeed one of the most remarkable things about emperor william is his apparent ability to do almost entirely without sleep. on sundays the emperor invariably makes a point of attending divine service at the chapel of st. hubert, opposite his residence, and subsequently is accustomed to walk to the königshöhe, a neighboring hill on which he has built an observatory-tower about one hundred feet high, which commands a magnificent view of the surrounding forest, extending about twenty miles in every direction from the tower. curiously enough, wild boars are not found at rominten; but the stags there are superb, and specimens turning the scales at a thousand pounds are the rule rather than the exception. one of the features of the theerbude is a goblet of the time of king frederick-william iii. the vessel is held between the points of a couple of antlers, and it is only possible to drink out of it by squeezing one's face between these two points. the possessor of a rotund countenance experiences considerable difficulty in performing this feat, and is apt to spill the contents over himself, yet every one of the emperor's guests has to submit to the ordeal, for an inscription on the goblet says that all persons attending shooting-parties at rominten for the first time must empty the vessel of its contents,--a pint bottle of champagne,--at one draught, to the health of the sovereign. so great are the quantities of game shot by the emperor and his guests at these shooting-parties that they very much exceed the needs for the consumption of the imperial household. formerly, it was the kaiser's custom to distribute all the surplus among the various hospitals and charitable institutions; but since discovering that these gifts of game seldom reached the persons for whom they were destined, namely the inmates, but were monopolized by the staff and the attendants of the establishments, he has given orders that the game that is not needed for imperial consumption should be sold, and the money derived therefrom turned over to the funds of the hospitals and convalescent homes under the patronage of the crown. that is why one so frequently sees in the great central market of berlin, deer, stags, wild boars, etc., adorned with greenery, and with cards intimating that the quarry in question has been shot by his imperial majesty the kaiser. list of illustrations william ii and francis joseph _volume i_ william ii, emperor of germany........... _fronts_ princess frederick and professor von bergmann............. the runaway at proeckelwitz............................... scene in duke ernest gunther's quarters................... augusta victoria, empress of germany...................... in the white hall......................................... william of germany by stanley shaw, ll.d. trinity college dublin with a frontispiece the frontispiece is from a photograph by e. bieber, of berlin contents page i. introductory....................................... ii. youth ( - ).................................. iii. pre-accession days ( - )..................... iv. "von gottes gnaden"................................ v. the accession ( - ).......................... vi. the court of the emperor........................... vii. "dropping the pilot"............................... viii. spacious times ( - )......................... ix. the new century ( - )........................ x. the emperor and the arts........................... xi. the new century--_continued_ ( - )........... xii. morocco ( )..................................... xiii. before the "november storm" ( - )............ xiv. the november storm ( ).......................... xv. after the storm ( - )........................ xvi. the emperor to-day................................. index ................................................... i. introductory. william the second, german emperor and king of prussia, burgrave of nürnberg, margrave of brandenburg, landgrave of hessen and thuringia, prince of orange, knight of the garter and field-marshal of great britain, etc., was born in berlin on january , , and ascended the throne on june , . he is, therefore, fifty-four years old in the present year of his jubilee, , and his reign--happily yet unfinished--has extended over a quarter of a century. the englishman who would understand the emperor and his time must imagine a country with a monarchy, a government, and a people--in short, a political system--almost entirely different from his own. in germany, paradoxical though it may sound to english ears, there is neither a government nor a people. the word "government" occurs only once in the imperial constitution, the magna charta of modern germans, which in settled the relations between the emperor and what the englishman calls the "people," and then only in an unimportant context joined to the word "federal." in germany, instead of "the people" the englishman speaks of when he talks politics, and the democratic orator, mr. bryan, in america is fond of calling the "peopul," there is a "folk," who neither claim to be, nor apparently wish to be, a "people" in the english sense. the german folk have their traditions as the english people have traditions, and their place in the political system as the english people have; but both traditions and place are wholly different from those of the english people; indeed, it may be said are just the reverse of them. the german emperor believes, and assumes his people to believe, that the hollenzollern monarch is specially chosen by heaven to guide and govern a folk entrusted to him as the talent was entrusted to the steward in scripture. until , a little over sixty years ago, the emperor (at that time only king of prussia) was an absolute, or almost absolute, monarch, supported by soldiers and police, and his wishes were practically law to the folk. in that year, however, owing to the influence of the french revolution, the king by the gift of a constitution, abandoned part of his powers, but not any governing powers, to the folk in the form of a parliament, with permission to make laws for itself, though not for him. to pass them, that is; for they were not to carry the laws into execution--that was a matter the king kept, as the emperor does still, in his own hands. the business of making laws being, as experience shows, provocative of discussion, discussion of argument, and argument of controversy, there now arose a dozen or more parties in the parliament, each with its own set of controversial opinions, and these the parties applied to the novel and interesting occupation of law-making. however, it did not matter much to the king, so long as the folk did not ask for further, or worse still, as occurred in england, for all his powers; and accordingly the parties continued their discussions, as they do to-day, sometimes accepting and sometimes rejecting their own or the king's suggestions about law-making. generally speaking, the relation is not unlike that established by the dame who said to her husband, "when we are of the same opinion, you are right, but when we are of different opinions, i am right." if the parliament does not agree with the emperor, the emperor dissolves it. these parties, from the situation of their seats in a parliament of deputies, became known as the parties of the right, or conservative parties, and the parties of the left, or liberal parties. between them sat the members of the centre, who, as representing the catholic populations of germany--roughly, twenty-two millions out of sixty-six--became a powerful and unchanging phalanx of a hundred deputies, which had interests and tactics of its own independently of right or left. by and by, one of the parties of the left, representing the classes who work with their hands as distinguished from the classes who work with their heads, thought they would like to live under a political system of their own making and began to show a strong desire to take all power from the king and from the parliament too. they agitated and organized, and organized and agitated, until at length, having settled on what was found to be an attractive theory, they made a wholly separate party, almost a people and parliament of their own. this is known as the social democracy, with, at present, no deputies. such, in a comparatively few sentences, is the political state of things in germany. it might indeed be expressed in still fewer words, as follows: heaven gave the royal house of hohenzollern, as a present, a folk. the hohenzollerns gave the folk, as a present, a parliament, a power to make laws without the power of executing them. the social democrats broke off from the folk and took an anti-hohenzollern and anti-popular attitude, and the folk in their parliament divided into parties to pass the time, and--of course--make laws. this may seem to be treating an important subject with levity. it is intended merely as a statement of the facts. the system in germany works well, to an englishman indeed surprisingly so. in england there is no heaven-appointed king; all the powers of the king, both that of making laws and of administering them, have long ago been taken by the people from the king and entrusted by them to a parliament, the majority of whom, called the government, represent the majority of the electing voters. in the case of germany the folk have surrendered some of what an englishman would term their "liberties," for example, the right to govern, to the king, to be used for the common good; whereas in the case of england, the people do not think it needful to surrender any of their liberties, least of all the government of their country, in order to attain the same end. thus, while the german emperor and the german folk have the same aims as the english king and the english people, the common weal and the fair fame of their respective countries, the two monarchs and the two peoples have agreed on almost contrary ways of trying to secure them. the political system of germany has had to be sketched introductorily as for the englishman, a necessary preliminary to an understanding of the german emperor's character and policy. one of the most important results of the character and policy is the state of anglo-german relations; and the writer is convinced that if the character and policy were better and more generally known there would be no estrangement between the two countries, but, much more probably, mutual respect and mutual good-will. with the growth of this knowledge, the writer is tempted to believe, would cease a delusion that appears to exist in the minds, or rather the imaginations, of two great peoples, the delusion that the highest national interests of both are fundamentally irreconcilable, and that the policies of their governments are fundamentally opposed. it seems indeed as though neither in england nor in germany has the least attention been paid to the astonishing growth of commerce between the countries or to the repeated declarations made through a long series of years by the respective governments on their countries' behalf. the growth in commerce needs no statistics to prove it, for it is a matter of everyday observation and comment. the english government declares it a vital necessity for an insular power like great britain, with colonies and duties appertaining to their possession in all, and the most distant, parts of the world, to have a navy twice as powerful as that of any other possibly hostile power. the ordinary german immediately cries out that england is planning to attack him, to annihilate his fleet, destroy his commerce, and diminish his prestige among the nations. the german government repeatedly declares that the german fleet is intended for defence not aggression, that germany does not aim at the seizure of other people's property, but at protecting her growing commerce, at standing by her subjects in all parts of the world if subjected to injury or insult, and at increasing her prestige, and with it her power for good, in the family of nations. the ordinary englishman immediately cries out that germany is seeking to dispute his maritime supremacy, to rob him of his colonies, and to appropriate his trade. is it not conceivable that both governments are telling the truth, and that their designs are no more and no less than the governments represent them to be? the necessity for great britain possessing an all-powerful fleet that will keep her in touch with her colonies if she is not to lose them altogether, is self-evident, and understood by even the most chauvinistic german. the necessity for germany's possessing a fleet strong enough to make her rights respected is as self-evident. moreover, if germany's fleet is a luxury, as mr. winston churchill says it is, she deserves and can afford it. as a nation she has prospered and grown great, not by a policy of war and conquest, but by hard work, thrift, self-denial, fidelity to international engagements, well-planned instruction, and first-rate organization. why should she not, if she thinks it advisable and is willing to spend the money on it, supply herself with an arm of defence in proportion to her size, her prosperity, and her desert? it may be that, as mr. norman angell holds, the entire policy of great armaments is based on economic error; but unless and until it is clear that the german navy is intended for aggression, its growth may be viewed by the rest of the world with equanimity, and by the englishman, as a connoisseur in such matters, with admiration as well. a man may buy a motor-car which his friends and neighbours think must be costly and pretentious beyond his means; but that is his business; and if the man finds that, owing to good management and industry and skill, his business is growing and that a motor-car is, though in some not absolutely clear and definite way, of advantage to him in business and satisfying to his legitimate pride--why on earth should he not buy or build it? the truth is that if our ordinary englishman and german were to sit down together, and with the help of books, maps, and newspapers, carefully and without prejudice, consider the annals of their respective countries for the last sixteen years with a view to establishing the causes of their delusion, they could hardly fail to confess that it was due to neither believing a word the other said; to each crediting the other with motives which, as individuals and men of honesty and integrity in the private relations of life, each would indignantly repudiate; to each assuming the other to be in the condition of barbarism mankind began to emerge from nineteen hundred years ago; to both supposing that christianity has had so little influence on the world that peoples are still compelled to live and go about their daily work armed to the teeth lest they may be bludgeoned and robbed by their neighbours; that the hundreds of treaties solemnly signed by contracting nations are mere pieces of waste paper only testifying to the profundity and extent of human hypocrisy; that churches and cathedrals have been built, universities, colleges, and schools founded, only to fill the empty air with noise; that the printing presses of all countries have been occupied turning out myriads of books and papers which have had no effect on the reason or conscience of mankind; that nations learn nothing from experience; and to each supposing that he and his fellow-countrymen alone are the monopolists of wisdom, honour, truth, justice, charity--in short, of all the attributes and blessings of civilization. is it not time to discard such error, or must the nations always suspect each other? to finish with our introduction, and notwithstanding that _qui s'excuse s'accuse_, the biographer may be permitted to say a few words on his own behalf. inasmuch as the subject of his biography is still, as has been said, happily alive, and is, moreover, in the prime of his maturity, his life cannot be reviewed as a whole nor the ultimate consequences of his character and policy be foretold. the biographer of the living cannot write with the detachment permissible to the historian of the dead. no private correspondence of the emperor's is available to throw light on his more intimate personal disposition and relationships. there have been many rumours of war since his accession, but no european war of great importance; and if a few minor campaigns in tropical countries be excepted, germany for over forty years, thanks largely to the emperor, has enjoyed the advantages of peace. from the pictorial and sensational point of view continuous peace is a drawback for the biographer no less than for the historian. what would history be without war?--almost inconceivable; since wars, not peace, are the principal materials with which it deals and supply it with most of its vitality and interest--must it also be admitted, its charm? for what are hannibal or napoleon or frederick the great remembered?--for their wars, and little else. shakespeare has it that-- "men's evil manners live in brass; their virtues we write in water." who, asks heine, can name the artist who designed the cathedral of cologne? in this regard the biographer of an emperor is almost as dependent as the historian. the biography of an emperor, again, must be to a large extent, the history of his reign, and in no case is this more true than in that of emperor william. but he has been closely identified with every event of general importance to the world since he mounted the throne, and the world's attention has been fastened without intermission on his words and conduct. the rise of the modern german empire is the salient fact of the world's history for the last half-century, and accordingly only from this broader point of view will the emperor's future biographer, or the historian of the future, be able to do him or his empire justice. lastly, another difficulty, if one may call it so, experienced equally by the biographer and the historian, is the fact that the life of the emperor has been blameless from the moral standpoint. on two or three occasions early in the reign accounts were published of scandals at the court. they may not have been wholly baseless, but none of them directly involved the emperor, or even raised a doubt as to his respectability or reputation. take from history--or from biography for that matter--the vices of those it treats of, and one-third, perhaps one-half, of its "human interest" disappears. in the circumstances, therefore, all the writer need add is that he has done the best he could. he has ignored, certainly, at two or three stages of his narration, the demands of strict chronological succession; but if so, it has been to describe some of the more important events of the reign in their totality. he has also felt it necessary, as writing for english readers of a country not their own, to combine a portion of history with his biography. if, at the same time, he has ventured to infuse into both biography and history a slight admixture of philosophy, he can only hope that the fusion will not prove altogether disagreeable. ii. youth - as the education of a prince, and the surroundings in which he is brought up, are usually different from the education and surroundings of his subjects, it is not surprising if, at least during some portion of his reign, and until he has graduated in the university of life, misunderstandings, if nothing worse, should occur between them: indeed the wonder is that princes and people succeed in living harmoniously together. they are separated by great gulfs both of sentiment and circumstance. bismarck is quoted by one of his successors, prince hohenlohe, as remarking that every king of prussia, with whatever popularity he began his reign, was invariably hated at the close of it. the prince that would rule well has to study the science of government, itself a difficult and incompletely explored subject, and the art of administration; he has to know history, and above all the history of his own country; not that history is a safe or certain guide, but that it informs him of traditions he will be expected to continue in his own country and respect in that of others; he must understand the political system under which his people choose to live, and the play of political, religious, economic, and social forces which are ever at work in a community; he must learn to speak and understand (not always quite the same thing) other languages besides his own; and concurrently with these studies he must endeavour to develop in himself the personal qualities demanded by his high office--health and activity of body, quick comprehension and decision, a tenacious memory for names and faces, capacity for public speaking, patience, and that command over the passions and prejudices, natural or acquired, which is necessary for his moral influence as a ruler. on what percentage of his subjects is such a curriculum imposed, and what allowances should not be made if a full measure of success is not achieved? but even when the prince has done all this, there is still a study, the most comprehensive and most important of all, in which he should be learned--the study of humanity, and in especial that part of it with the care of whose interests and happiness he is to be charged. a few people seem to have this knowledge instinctively, others acquire something of it in the school of sad experience. it is not the fault of the emperor, if, in his youth, his knowledge of humanity was not profound. there was always a strong vein of idealism and romance among hohenzollerns, the vein of a lohengrin, a tancred, or some mediæval knight. the emperor, of course, never lived among the common people; never had to work for a living in competition with a thousand others more fortunate than he, or better endowed by nature with the qualities and gifts that make for worldly success; never, so far as is known to a watchful and exceptionally curious public, endured domestic sorrow of a deep or lasting kind; never suffered materially or in his proper person from ingratitude, carelessness, or neglect; never knew the "penalty of adam, the seasons' difference"; never, in short, felt those pains one or more of which almost all the rest of mankind have at one time or other to bear as best they may. the emperor has always been happy in his family, happy in seeing his country prosperous, happy in the admiration and respect of the people of all nations; and if he has passed through some dark hours, he must feel happy in having nobly borne them. want of knowledge of the trials of ordinary humanity is, of course, no matter of reproach to him; on the contrary, it is matter of congratulation; and, as several of his frankest deliverances show, he has, both as man and monarch, felt many a pang, many a regret, many a disappointment, the intensity of which cannot be gauged by those who have not felt the weight of his responsibilities. a discharge of guns in the gardens of crown prince frederick's palace in berlin on the morning of january , , announced the birth of the future emperor. there were no portents in that hour. nature proceeded calmly with her ordinary tasks. heaven gave no special sign that a new member of the hohenzollern family had appeared on the planet earth. nothing, in short, occurred to strengthen the faith of those who believe in the doctrine of kingship by divine appointment. it was a time of political and social turmoil in many countries, the groundswell, doubtless, of the revolutionary wave of . the crimean war, the indian mutiny, and the war with china had kept england in a continual state of martial fever, and the agitation for electoral reform was beginning. lord palmerston was prime minister, with lord odo russell as minister for foreign affairs and mr. gladstone as minister of finance. napoleon iii was at war with austria as the ally of italy, where king emmanuel ii and cavour were laying the foundations of their country's unity. russia, after defeating schamyl, the hero of the caucasus, was pursuing her policy of penetration in central asia. in prussia the unrest was chiefly domestic. the country, while nominally a great power, was neutral during the crimean war, and played for the moment but a small part in foreign politics. bismarck, in his "gedanke und erinnerungen," compares her submission to austria to the patience of the french noble-man he heard of when minister in paris, whose conduct in condoning twenty-four acts of flagrant infidelity on the part of his wife was regarded by the french as an act of great forbearance and magnanimity. prince william, the emperor's grandfather, afterwards william i, first german emperor, was on the throne, acting as prince regent for his brother, frederick william iv, incapacitated from ruling by an affection of the brain. the head of the prussian ministry, manteuffel, had been dismissed, and a "new era," with ministers of more liberal tendencies, among them von bethmann hollweg, an ancestor of the present chancellor, had begun. general von roon was minister of war and marine, offices at that time united in one department. the italian war had roused germany anew to a desire for union, and a great "national society" was founded at frankfurt, with the liberal leader, rudolf von bennigsen, at its head. public attention was occupied with the subject of reorganizing the army and increasing it from , to , men. parliament was on the eve of a bitter constitutional quarrel with bismarck, who became prussian prime minister (minister president) in , about the grant of the necessary army funds. most of the great intellects of germany--kant, goethe, schiller, hegel, fichte, schleiermacher--had long passed away. heinrich heine died in paris in . frederick nietzsche was a youth, richard wagner's "tannhäuser" had just been greeted, in the presence of the composer, with a storm of hisses in the opera house at paris. the social condition of germany may be partially realized if one remembers that the death-rate was over per _mille_, as compared with per _mille_ to-day; that only a start had been made with railway construction; that the country, with its not very generous soil, depended wholly upon agriculture; that savings-bank deposits were not one-twelfth of what they are now; that there were training schools where there are to-day, and evening classes as against , in ; that many of the principal towns were still lighted by oil; that there was practically no navy; and that the bulk of the aristocracy lived on about the same scale as the contemporary english yeoman farmer. berlin contained a little less than half a million inhabitants, compared with its three and a half millions of to-day, and the state of its sanitation may be imagined from the fact that open drains ran down the streets. the emperor's father, frederick iii, second german emperor, was affectionately known to his people as "unser fritz," because of his liberal sympathies and of his high and kindly character. to most englishmen he is perhaps better known as the husband of the princess, afterwards empress, adelaide victoria, eldest daughter of queen victoria, and mother of the emperor. frederick iii had no great share in the political events which were the birth-pangs of modern germany, unless his not particularly distinguished leadership in the war of and that with france be so considered. the greater part of his life was passed as crown prince, and a crown prince in germany leads a life more or less removed from political responsibilities. he succeeded his father, william i, on the latter's death, march , , reigned for ninety-nine days, and died, on june th following, from cancer of the throat, after an illness borne with exemplary fortitude. to what extent the character of his parents affected the character of the emperor it is impossible to determine. the emperor seldom refers to his parents in his speeches, and reserves most of his panegyric for his grandfather and his grandfather's mother, queen louise; but the comparative neglect is probably due to no want of filial admiration and respect, while the frequent references to his grandfather in particular are explained by the great share the latter took in the formation of the empire and by his unbounded popularity. the crown prince was an affectionate but not an easy-going father, with a passion for the arts and sciences; his mother also was a disciplinarian, and, equally with her husband, passionately fond of art; and it is therefore not improbable that these traits descended to the emperor. as to whether the alleged "liberality" of the crown prince descended to him depends on the sense given to the word "liberal." if it is taken to mean an ardent desire for the good and happiness of the people, it did; if it is taken to mean any inclination to give the people authority to govern themselves and direct their own destinies, it did not. the mother of the emperor, the empress frederick, had much of queen victoria's good sense and still more of her strong will. a thoroughly english princess, she had, in german eyes, one serious defect: she failed to see, or at least to acknowledge, the superiority of most things german to most things english. she had an english nurse, emma hobbs, to assist at the birth of the future emperor. she made english the language of the family life, and never lost her english tastes and sympathies; consequently she was called, always with an accent of reproach, "the engländerin," and in german writings is represented as having wished to anglicize not only her husband, her children, and her court, but also her adopted country and its people. a chaplain of the english church in berlin, the rev. j.h. fry, who met her many times, describes her as follows:-- "she was not the wife for a german emperor, she so english and insisted so strongly on her english ways. the result was that she was very unpopular in germany, and the germans said many wicked things of her. she hated berlin, and if her son, the present emperor, had not required that she should come to the capital every winter, she would have lived altogether at cronberg in the villa an italian friend bequeathed to her. "she was extremely musical, had extensively cultivated her talents in this respect, and was an accomplished linguist. like her mother, queen victoria, she was unusually strong-minded, and was always believed to rule over her amiable and gentle husband. her interest in the english community was great, another reason for the dislike with which the germans regarded her. to her the community owes the pretty little english church in the mon bijou platz (berlin), which she used to attend regularly, and where a funeral service, at which the emperor was present, was held in memory of her. "german feeling was further embittered against her by the morell mackenzie incident, and to this day controversy rages round the famous english surgeon's name. the controversy is as to whether or not morell mackenzie honestly believed what he said when he diagnosed the emperor's illness as non-cancerous in opposition to the opinion of distinguished german doctors like professor bergmann. under german law no one can mount the throne of prussia who is afflicted with a mortal sickness. for long it had been suspected that the emperor's throat was fatally affected, and, therefore, when king william was dying, it became of dynastic and national importance to establish the fact one way or other. queen victoria was ardently desirous of seeing her daughter an empress, and sent sir morrell mackenzie to germany to examine the royal patient. on the verdict being given that the disease was not cancer, the crown prince mounted the throne, and queen victoria's ambition for her daughter was realized. "the empress also put the aristocracy against her by introducing several relaxations into court etiquette which had up to her time been stiff and formal. her relations with bismarck, as is well known, were for many years strained, and on one occasion she made the remark that the tears he had caused her to shed 'would fill tumblers.' on the whole she was an excellent wife and mother. she was no doubt in some degree responsible for the admiration of england as a country and of the english as a people which is a marked feature of the emperor's character." this account is fairly correct in its estimation of the empress frederick's character and abilities, but it repeats a popular error in saying that german law lays down that no one can mount the prussian throne if he is afflicted with a mortal sickness. there is no "german law" on the subject, and the law intended to be referred to is the so-called "house-law," which, as in the case of other german noble families, regulates the domestic concerns of the house of hohenzollern. bismarck disposes of the assertion that a hohenzollern prince mortally stricken is not capable of succession as a "fable," and adds that the constitution, too, contains no stipulation of the sort. the influence of his mother on the emperor's character did not extend beyond his childhood, while probably the only natural dispositions he inherited from her were his strength of will and his appreciation of classical art and music. many of her political ideas were diametrically opposed to those of her son. her love of art made her pro-french, and her visit to paris, it will be remembered, not being made _incognito_, led to international unpleasantness, originating in the foolish chauvinism of some leading french painters whose ateliers she desired to inspect. she believed in a homogeneous german empire without any federation of kingdoms and states, advocated a constitution for russia, and was satisfied that the common sense of a people outweighed its ignorance and stupidity. the emperor has four sisters and a brother. the sisters are charlotte, born in , and married to the hereditary prince of saxe-meiningen; victoria, born in , and married to prince adolphus of schaumberg-lippe; sophie, born in , and married to king constantine, of greece; and margarete, born in , and married to prince friederich karl of hessen. the emperor's only brother, prince henry of prussia, was born in , and is married to princess irene of hessen. he is probably the most popular hohenzollern to-day. he adopted the navy as a profession and devotes himself to its duties, taking no part in politics. like the emperor himself and the emperor's heir, the crown prince, he is a great promoter of sport, and while a fair golfer (with a handicap of ) and tennis player, gives much of his leisure to the encouragement of the automobile and other industries. every hohenzollern is supposed to learn a handicraft. the emperor did not, owing to his shortened left arm. prince henry learned book-binding under a leading berlin bookbinder, herr collin. the crown prince is a turner. prince henry seems perfectly satisfied with his position in the empire as inspector-general of the fleet, stands to attention when talking to the emperor in public, and on formal occasions addresses him as "majesty" like every one else. only in private conversation does he allow himself the use of the familiar _du_. the emperor has a strong affection for him, and always calls him "heinrich." many stories are current in germany relating to the early part of the emperor's boyhood. some are true, others partially so, while others again are wholly apochryphal. all, however, are more or less characteristic of the boy and his surroundings, and for this reason a selection of them may be given. apropos of his birth, the following story is told. an artillery officer went to receive orders for the salute to be discharged when the birth occurred. they were given him by the then prince regent, afterwards emperor william i. the officer showed signs of perplexity. "well, is there anything else?" inquired the regent. "yes, royal highness; i have instructions for the birth of a prince and for that of a princess (which would be guns); but what if it should be twins?" the regent laughed. "in that case," he said, "follow the prussian rule--_suum cuique_." when the child was born the news ran like wildfire through berlin, and all the high civil and military officials drove off in any vehicle they could find to offer their congratulations. the regent, who was at the foreign office, jumped into a common cab. immediately after him appeared tough old field-marshal wrangel, the hero of the danish wars. he wrote his name in the callers' book, and on issuing from the palace shouted to the assembled crowd, "children, it's all right: a fine stout recruit." on the evening of the birth a telegram came from queen victoria, "is it a fine boy?" and the answer went back, "yes, a very fine boy." another story describes how the child was brought to submit cheerfully to the ordeal of the tub. he was "water-shy," like the vast majority of germans at that time, and the nurses had to complain to his father, crown prince frederick, of his resistance. the crown prince thereupon directed the sentry at the palace gate not to salute the boy when he was taken out for his customary airing. the boy remarked the neglect and complained to his father, who explained that "sentries were not allowed to present arms to an unwashed prince." the stratagem succeeded, and thereafter the lad submitted to the bathing with a good grace. like all boys, the lad was fond of the water, though now in another sense. at the age of two, nursery chroniclers relate, he had a toy boat, the _fortuna_, in which he sat and see-sawed--and learned not to be sea-sick! at three he was put into sailor's costume, with the bell-shaped trousers so dear to the hearts of english mothers fifty years ago. at the age of four he had a memorable experience, though it is hardly likely that now, after the lapse of half a century, he remembers much about it. this was his first visit to england in , when he was taken by his parents to be present at the marriage of his uncle, king edward vii, then prince of wales. the boy, in pretty highland costume, was an object of general attention, and occupies a prominent place in the well-known picture of the wedding scene by the artist frith. the ensuing fifteen years saw him often on english soil with his father and mother, staying usually at osborne castle, in the isle of wight. here, it may be assumed, he first came in close contact with the ocean, watched the english warships passing up and down, and imbibed some of that delight in the sea which is not the least part of the heritage of englishmen. the visits had a decided effect on him, for at ten we find him with a row-boat on the havel and learning to swim, and on one occasion rowing a distance of twenty-five miles between a.m. and p.m. about this time he used to take part with his parents in excursions on the _royal louise_, a miniature frigate presented by george iv to frederick william iii. still another story concerns the boy and his father. the former came one day in much excitement to his tutor and said his father had just blamed him unjustly. he told the tutor what had really happened and asked him, if, under the circumstances, he was to blame. the tutor was in perplexity, for if he said the father had acted unjustly, as in fact he thought he had, he might lessen the son's filial respect. however, he gave his candid opinion. "my prince," he said, "the greatest men of all times have occasionally made mistakes, for to err is human. i must admit i think your father was in the wrong." "really!" cried the lad, who looked pained. "i thought you would tell me i was in the wrong, and as i know how right you always are i was ready to go to papa and beg his pardon. what shall i do now?" "leave it to me," the tutor said, and afterwards told the crown prince what had passed. the crown prince sent for his son, who came and stood with downcast eyes some paces off. the crown prince only uttered the two words, "my son," but in a tone of great affection. as he folded the prince in his arms he reached his hand to the tutor, saying, "i thank you. be always as true to me and to my son as you have been in this case." the last anecdote belongs also to the young prince's private tutor days. at one time a certain dr. d. was teaching him. every morning at eleven work was dropped for a quarter of an hour to enable the pair, teacher and pupil, to take what is called in german "second breakfast." the prince always had a piece of white bread and butter, with an apple, a pear, or other fruit, while the teacher was as regularly provided with something warm--chop, a cutlet, a slice of fish, salmon, perch, trout, or whatever was in season, accompanied by salad and potatoes. the smell of the meat never failed to appeal to the olfactory nerves of the prince, and he often looked, longingly enough, at the luxuries served to his tutor. the latter noticed it and felt sorry for him; but there was nothing to be done: the royal orders were strict and could not be disobeyed. one day, however, the lesson, one of repetition, had gone so well that in a moment of gratitude the tutor decided to reward his pupil at all hazards. the lunch appeared, steaming "perch-in-butter" for the tutor, and a plate of bread and butter and some grapes for the pupil. the prince cast a glance at the savoury dish and was then about to attack his frugal fare when the tutor suddenly said, "prince, i'm very fond of grapes. can't we for once exchange? you eat my perch and i--" the prince joyfully agreed, plates were exchanged, and both were heartily enjoying the meal when the crown prince walked in. both pupil and tutor blushed a little, but the crown prince said nothing and seemed pleased to hear how well the lesson had gone that day. at noon, however, as the tutor was leaving the palace, a servant stopped him and said, "his royal highness the crown prince would like to speak with the herr doktor." "herr doktor," said the crown prince, "tell me how it was that the prince to-day was eating the warm breakfast and you the cold." the tutor tried to make as little of the affair as possible. it was a joke, he said, he had allowed himself, he had been so well pleased with his pupil that morning. "well, i will pass it over this time," said the crown prince, "but i must ask you to let the prince get accustomed to bear the preference shown to his tutor and allow him to be satisfied with the simple food suitable for his age. what will he eat twenty years hence, if he now gets roast meat? bread and fruit make a wholesome and perfectly satisfactory meal for a lad of his years." during second breakfast next day, the prince took care not to look up from his plate of fruit, but when he had finished, murmured as though by way of grace, "after all, a fine bunch of grapes is a splendid lunch, and i really think i prefer it, herr doktor, to your nice-smelling perch-in-butter." the time had now come when the young prince was to leave the paternal castle and submit to the discipline of school. the parents, one may be sure, held many a conference on the subject. the boy was beginning to have a character of his own, and his parents doubtless often had in mind goethe's lines:-- "denn wir können die kinder nach unserem willen nicht formen, so wie gott sie uns gab, so muss man sie lieben und haben, sie erzielen aufs best und jeglichen lassen gewähren." ("we cannot have children according to our will: as god gave them so must we love and keep them: bring them up as best we can and leave each to its own development.") it had always been hohenzollern practice to educate the heir to the throne privately until he was of an age to go to the university, but the royal parents now decided to make an important departure from it by sending their boy to an ordinary public school in some carefully chosen place. the choice fell on cassel, a quiet and beautiful spot not far from wilhelmshohe, near homburg, where there is a hohenzollern castle, and which was the scene of napoleon's temporary detention after the capitulation of sedan. here at the gymnasium, or _lycée_, founded by frederick the great, the boy was to go through the regular school course, sit on the same bench with the sons of ordinary burghers, and in all respects conform to the gymnasium's regulations. the decision to have the lad taught for a time in this democratic fashion was probably due to the influence of his english mother, who may have had in mind the advantages of an english public school. the experiment proved in every way successful, though it was at the time adversely criticized by some ultra-patriotic writers in the press. to the boy himself it must have been an interesting and agreeable novelty. hitherto he had been brought up in the company of his brothers and sisters in berlin or potsdam, with an occasional "week-end" at the royal farm of bornstedt near the latter, the only occasions when he was absent from home being sundry visits to the grand ducal court at karlsruhe, where the grand duchess was an aunt on his father's side, and to the court at darmstadt, where the grand duchess was an aunt on the side of his mother. an important ceremony, however, had to be performed before his departure for school--his confirmation. it took place at potsdam on september , , amid a brilliant crowd of relatives and friends, and included the following formal declaration by the young prince: "i will, in childlike faith, be devoted to god all the days of my life, put my trust in him and at all times thank him for his grace. i believe in jesus christ, the saviour and redeemer. him who first loved me i will love in return, and will show this love by love to my parents, my dear grandparents, my sisters and brothers and relatives, but also to all men. i know that hard tasks await me in life, but they will brace me up, not overcome me. i will pray to god for strength and develop my bodily powers." the boy and his brother henry stayed in cassel for three years, in the winter occupying a villa near the gymnasium with dr. hinzpeter, and in summer living in the castle of wilhelmshohe hard by. besides attending the usual school classes, they were instructed by private tutors in dancing, fencing, and music. both pupils are represented as having been conscientious, and as moving among their schoolmates without affectation or any special consciousness of their birth or rank. many years afterwards the emperor, when revisiting cassel, thus referred to his schooldays there: "i do not regret for an instant a time which then seemed so hard to me, and i can truly say that work and the working life have become to me a second nature. for this i owe thanks to cassel soil;" and later in the same speech: "i am pleased to be on the ground where, directed by expert hands, i learned that work exists not only for its own sake, but that man in work shall find his entire joy." this is the right spirit; but if he had said "greatest joy" and "can find," he would have said something more completely true. the life at cassel was simple, and the day strictly divided. the future emperor rose at six, winter and summer, and after a breakfast of coffee and rolls refreshed his memory of the home repetition-work learned the previous evening. he then went to the gymnasium, and when his lessons there were over, took a walk with his tutor before lunch. home tasks followed, and on certain days private instruction was received in english, french, and drawing. his english and french became all but faultless, and he learned to draw in rough-and-ready, if not professionally expert fashion. wednesdays and saturdays, which were half-holidays, were spent roving in the country, especially in the forest, with two or three companions of his own age. in winter there was skating on the ponds. the sunday dinner was a formal affair, at which royal relatives, who doubtless came to see how the princes were getting on, and high officials from berlin, were usually present. after dinner the princes took young friends up to their private rooms and played charades, in which on occasion they amused themselves with the ever-delightful sport of taking off and satirizing their instructors. at this time the future emperor's favourite subjects were history and literature, and he was fond of displaying his rhetorical talent before the class. the classical authors of his choice were homer, sophocles, and horace. homer particularly attracted him; it is easy to imagine the conviction with which, as a hohenzollern, he would deliver the declaration of king agamemnon to achilles:-- "and hence, to all the host it shall be known that kings are subject to the gods alone." the young prince left cassel in january, , after passing the exit (_abiturient_) examination, a rather severe test, twelfth in a class of seventeen. the result of the examination was officially described as "satisfactory," the term used for those who were second in degree of merit. on leaving he was awarded a gold medal for good conduct, one of three annually presented by a patron of the gymnasium. a foreign resident in germany, who saw the young prince at this time, tells of an incident which refers to the lad's appearance, and shows that even at that early date anti-english feeling existed among the people. it was at the military manoeuvres at stettin: "then the old emperor came by. tremendous cheers. then bismarck and moltke. great acclaim. then passed in a carriage a thin, weakly-looking youth, and people in the crowd said, 'look at that boy who is to be our future emperor--his good german blood has been ruined by his english training.'" before closing the emperor's record as a schoolboy it will be of interest to learn the opinion of him formed by his french tutor at cassel, monsieur ayme, who has published a small volume on the education of his pupil, and who, though evidently not too well satisfied with his remuneration of £ s. a month, or with being required to pay his own fare back from germany to france, writes favourably of the young princes. "the life of these young people (prince william and prince henry) was," he says, "the most studious and peaceful imaginable. up at six in the morning, they prepared their tasks until it was time to go to school. lunch was at noon and tea at five. they went to bed at nine or half-past. all their hours of leisure were divided between lessons in french, english, music, pistol-shooting, equitation, and walking. now and then they were allowed to play with boys of their own age, and on fête days and their parents' birth-anniversaries they had the privilege of choosing a play and seeing it performed at the theatre. as pocket-money prince william received s. a month, and henry s. out of these modest sums they had to buy their own notepaper and little presents for the servants or their favourite companions." as to prince william's character as a schoolboy, monsieur ayme writes: "i do not suppose william was ever punished while he was in cassel. he was too proud to draw down upon himself criticism, to him the worst form of punishment. at the castle, as at school, he made it a point of honour to act and work as if he had made his plans and resolved to stick to them. he was always among the first of his class, and as for me i never had any need to urge him on. if i pointed out to him an error in his task he began it over again of his own accord. we did grammar, analysis, dictations, and compositions, and he got over his difficulties by sheer perseverance. for example, if he was reading a fine page of victor hugo, or the like, he hated to be interrupted, so deeply was he interested in the subject he was reading. style and poetry had a great effect upon him; he expressed admiration for the form and was aroused to enthusiasm by generous or noble ideas. frederick the great was the hero of his choice, a model of which he never ceased dreaming, and which, like his grandfather, he proposed as his own. it is easy to conceive that after ten or twelve years of such study, regularly and methodically pursued, the prince must have possessed a literary and scientific baggage more varied and extensive than that of his companions. and he worked hard for it, few lads so hard. to speak the truth, he was much more disciplined and much more deprived of freedom and recreation of all sorts than most children of his age." _par paranthèse_ may be introduced here a reference to prince henry, of whom monsieur ayme writes less enthusiastically. "one day," the tutor writes, "i was dictating to him something in which mention of a queen occurs. i came to the words '... in addition to her natural distinction she possessed that august majesty which is the appanage of princesses of the blood royal....' "prince henry laid down his pen and remarked, 'the author who wrote this piece did not live much with queens.' "'why?' i asked. "'because i never observed the august majesty which attaches to princesses of the blood royal, and yet i have been brought up among them,' was the reply. "william, however," continues monsieur ayme, "was the thinker, prudent and circumspect; the wise head which knew that it was not all truths which bear telling. he was not less loyal and constant in his opinions. he admired the french revolution, and the declaration contained in 'the rights of man,' though this did not prevent his declaiming against the terrorists." one incident in particular must have appealed to the french tutor. monsieur ayme and his prussian pupil one day began discussing the delicate question of the war of . in the course of the discussion both parties lost their tempers, until at last prince william suddenly got up and left the room. he remained silent and "huffed" for some days, but at last he took the frenchman aside and made him a formal apology. "i am very sorry indeed," he said, "that you took seriously my conduct of the other day. i meant nothing by it, and i regret it hurt you. i am all the more sorry, because i offended in your case a sentiment which i respect above any in the world, the love of country." but it is time to pass from the details of the emperor's early youth, and observe him during the two years he spent, with interruptions, at the university. from cassel he went immediately to bonn, where, as during the years of military duty which followed, we only catch glimpses of him as he lived the ordinary, and by no means austere, life of the university student and soldier of the time; that is to say, the ordinary life with considerable modifications and exceptions. he did not, like young bismarck, drink huge flagons of beer at a sitting, day after day. he was not followed everywhere by a boar-hound. he fought no student's duels--though a secret performance of the kind is mentioned as a probability in the chronicles--or go about looking for trouble generally as the swashbuckling junker, bismarck, did; for in the first place his royal rank would not allow of his taking part in the bloody amusement of the _mensur_, and his natural disposition, if it was quick and lively, was not choleric enough to involve him in serious quarrel. his studies were to some extent interrupted by military calls to berlin, for after being appointed second lieutenant in the first regiment of foot guards at potsdam on his tenth birthday, the hohenzollern age for entering the army, he was promoted to first lieutenant in the same regiment on leaving cassel. for the most part the university lectures he attended were the courses in law and philosophy, and he is not reported to have shown any particular enthusiasm for either subject. the differences between an english and a german university are of a fundamental kind, perhaps the greatest being that the german university does not aim at influencing conduct and character in the same measure as the english, but is rather for the supply of knowledge of all sorts, as a monster warehouse is for the supply of miscellaneous goods. again, the german university, which, like all american universities except princetown, has more resemblance to the scottish universities than to those at oxford, cambridge, or dublin, is not residential nor divided into colleges, but is departmentalized into "faculties," each with its own professors and _privat docentes_, or official lecturers, mostly young savants, who have not the rank or title of professor, but have obtained only the _venia legendi_ from the university. the lectures, as a rule of admirable learning and thoroughness, invariably laying great and prosy stress on "development," are delivered in large halls and may be subscribed for in as many faculties as the student chooses, the cost being about thirty shillings or there-abouts per term for each lecture "heard." outside the university the student enjoys complete independence, which is a privilege highly (and sometimes violently) cherished, especially by non-studious undergraduates, under the name "academic freedom." the german preparing for one or other of the learned professions will probably spend a year or two at each of three, or maybe four, universities, according to the special faculty he adopts and for which the university has a reputation. there are plenty of hard-working students of course; nowadays probably the great majority are of this kind; but to a large proportion also the university period is still a pleasant, free, and easy halting-place between the severe discipline and work of the school and the stern struggle of the working world. the social life of the english university is paralleled in germany by associations of students in student "corps," with theatrical uniforms for their _chargierte_ or officers, special caps, sometimes of extraordinary shape, swords, leather gauntlets, wellington boots, and other distinguishing gaudy insignia. the corps are more or less select, the most exclusive of all being the corps borussia, which at every university only admits members of an upper class of society, though on rare occasions receiving in its ranks an exceptionally aristocratic, popular, or wealthy foreigner. to this corps, the name of which is the old form of "prussia," the emperor belonged when at bonn, and in one or two of his speeches he has since spoken of the agreeable memories he retains in connexion with it and the practices observed by it. common to all university associations in germany--whether corps, landsmannschaft, burschenschaft, or turnerschaft--is the practice of the _mensur_, or student duel. it is not a duel in the sense usually given to the word in england, for it lacks the feature of personal hostility, hate, or injury, but is a particularly sanguinary form of the english "single-stick," in which swords take the place of sticks. these swords (_schläger_), called, curiously enough, _rapiere_, are long and thin in the blade, and their weight is such that at every duel students are told off on whose shoulders the combatants can rest their outstretched sword-arm in the pauses of the combat caused by the duellists getting out of breath; consequently, an undersized student is usually chosen for this considerate office. the heads and faces of the duellists are swathed in bandages--no small incentive to perspiration, the vital parts of their bodies are well protected against a fatal prick or blow, and the pricks or slashes must be delivered with the hand and wrist raised head-high above the shoulder. it is considered disgraceful to move the head, to shrink in the smallest degree before the adversary, or even to show feeling when the medical student who acts as surgeon in an adjoining room staunches the flow of blood or sews up the scars caused by the swords. the duel of a more serious kind--that with pistols or the french rapier, or with the bare-pointed sabre and unprotected bodies--is punishable by law, and is growing rarer each year. take a sabre duel--"heavy sabre duel" is the german name for it--arising out of a quarrel in a cafe or beer-house, and in which one of the opponents may be a foreigner affiliated to some corps or burschenschaft. cards are exchanged, and the challenger chooses a second whom he sends to the opponent. the latter, if he accepts the challenge, also appoints a second; the seconds then meet and arrange for the holding of a court of honour. the court will probably consist of old corps students--lawyer, a doctor, and two or three other members of the corps or burschenschaft. the court summons the opponents before it and hears their account of the quarrel; the seconds produce evidence, for example the bills at the cafe or beer-hall, showing how much liquor has been consumed; also as to age, marriage or otherwise, and so on. then the court decides whether there shall be a duel, or not, and if so, in what form it shall be fought. the duel may be fixed to take place at any time within six months, and meanwhile the opponents industriously practise. the scene of the duel is usually the back room of some beer-hall, with locked doors between the duellists and the police. the latter know very well what is going on, but shut their eyes to it. the opponents take their places at about a yard and a half distance from advanced foot to advanced foot, and a chalk line is drawn between them. close behind each opponent is his second with outstretched sword, ready to knock up the duellists' weapons in case of too dangerous an impetuosity in the onset. the umpire _(unparteiischer)_, unarmed, stands a little distance from the duellists. the latter are naked _to_ the waist, but wear a leather apron like that of a drayman, covering the lower half of the chest, and another piece of leather, like a stock, protecting their necks and jugular veins. the duel may last a couple of hours, and any number of rounds up to as many as two hundred may be fought. the rounds consist of three or four blows, and last about twenty seconds each, when the seconds, who have been watching behind their men in the attitude of a wicket-keeper, with their sword-points on the ground, jump in and knock up the duellists' weapons. when one duellist is disabled by skin wounds--there are rarely any others--or by want of breath, palpitation or the like, the duel is over, and the duellists shake hands. this description, with some slight modifications, applies to the ordinary corps _mensuren_, which are simply a bloody species of gymnastic exercise. on one occasion early in the reign the emperor spoke of the corps system with great enthusiasm, and especially endorsed the practice of the _mensur_. "i am quite convinced," he said at bonn in , three years after his accession, "that every young man who enters a corps receives through the spirit which rules in it, and supposing he imbibes the spirit, his true directive in life. for it is the best education for later life a young man can obtain. whoever pokes fun at the german student corps is ignorant of its true tendency, and i hope that so long as student corps exist the spirit which is fostered in them, and which inspires strength and courage, will continue, and that for all time the student will joyfully wield the _schläger_." regarding the _mensur_, he went on: "our _mensuren_ are frequently misunderstood by the public, but that must not let us be deceived. we who have been corps students, as i myself was, know better. as in the middle ages through our gymnastic exercises (_turniere_) the courage and strength of the man was steeled, so by means of the corps spirit and corps life is that measure of firmness acquired which is necessary in later life, and which will continue to exist as long as there are universities in germany." the word for firmness used by the emperor was _festigkeit_, which may also be translated determination, steadiness, fortitude, or resoluteness of character. it may be that practice of the _mensur_, which is held almost weekly, has a lifelong influence on the german student's character. it probably enables him to look the adversary in the eye--look "hard" at him, as the mariners in mr. a.w. jacobs's delightful tales look at one another when some particularly ingenious lie is being produced. in a way, moreover, it may be said to correspond to boxing in english universities, schools, and gymnasia. but, on the whole, the anglo-saxon spectator finds it difficult to understand how it can exercise any influence for good on the moral character of a youth, or determine, as the emperor says it does, a disposition which is cowardly or weak by nature to bravery or strength, save of a momentary and merely physical kind. the englishman who has been present at a _mensur_ is rather inclined to think the atmosphere too much that of a shambles, and the chief result of the practice the cultivation of braggadocio. besides, the practice is illegal, and though purposely overlooked, save in one german city, that of leipzig, where it is punished with some rigour, the emperor, who is supposed to embody the majesty and effectiveness of the law, is hardly the person to recommend it. his inconsistency in the matter on one occasion placed him in an undignified position. two officers of the army quarrelled, and one, an infantry lieutenant, sent a challenge to the other, an army medical man. the latter refused on conscientious grounds, whereupon he was called on by a military court of honour to send in his resignation. the case was sent up to the emperor, who upheld the decision of the court of honour, adding the remark that if the surgeon had conscientious scruples on the point he should not remain in the army. an irate social democratic editor thereupon pointed out that such a decision came with a bad grace from a man with whom, or with any of whose six sons, no one was allowed to fight. the emperor is still a member of the borussia corps, but chiefly shows his interest by keeping its anniversaries in mind, by every few years attending one of its annual drinking festivals (_commers_), and by paying a substantial yearly subscription. the german student corps, historically, go back to the fourteenth century, when the first european universities were established at bologna, paris, and orleans. universities then were not so called from the universality of their teachings, but rather as meaning a corporation, confraternity, or collegium, and were in reality social centres in the towns where they were instituted. the most renowned was that of paris, and here was founded the first student corps. it was called the "german nation of paris," a corporation of students, with statutes, oaths, special costumes, and other distinctive features. at first, strange to say, it contained more englishmen than germans. the "nation" had a procurator, a treasurer, and a bedell, the last to look after the legal affairs of the association. drinking was not the supposed purpose of the society, but the corps mostly assembled, as german corps do to-day, for drinking purposes. the earliest form of german student associations was the landsmannschaft. to this society, composed of elders and juniors, new-comers, called pennales, were admitted after painful ceremonies and became something like the "fags" at an english public school. the object of the original landsmannschaft was to keep alive the spirit of nationality. the object of the german corps is different. it is to beget and perpetuate friendship, and this accounts for the steady goodwill the emperor has always shown towards the comrades of his bonn and borussia days. an ancient form of corps entertainment is called the hospiz, now, however, much modified. upon invitation the members of the corps meet in a beer-hall or in the rooms of one of the corps. the president is seated with a house-key on the table before him as a symbol of unfettered authority. as members arrive, the president takes away their sticks and swords and deposits them in a closet. the guests sit down and are handed filled pipes and a lighted _fidibus_, or pipe-lighter. bread and butter and cheese, followed by coffee, are offered. after this, the real work of the evening begins--the drinking. a large can of beer stands on a stool beside the president. the latter calls for silence by rapping three times on the table with the house-key, and the hospiz is declared open. thenceforward only the president pours out the beer, unless he appoints a deputy during his absence. the president's great aim and honour is to make every one, including himself, intoxicated. he begins by rapping the table with his glass and saying "significat ein glas." in response all drain their glasses. then comes a "health to all," and this is followed by a "health to each." "the ladies" follow, including toasts to the pretty girls of the town, and ladies known to be favourites of those present. married ladies or women of bad reputation must not be toasted in the hospiz. a story is told of a toast the emperor, in these his lohengrin days, once proposed at a borussia meeting. "on the kreuzberg" (a hill near bonn), he said, "i saw a picture, the ideal of a german woman. she united in herself beauty of face and an imposing form, the roses in her cheeks spoke of the modesty peculiar to our maids, and her voice sounded harmoniously like the lute of the minnesingers on the wartburg. she told me her name--may it be blessed." the toast found its way into the local papers and gave birth to a romantic legend connecting the future emperor with a pretty and modest girl of the town, but no true basis for it has ever been discovered. in toasting the ladies in a hospiz each of those present may name the lady of his choice, and if two name the same lady they have a drinking bout to determine which is entitled to claim her. the one who first admits that he can drink no more--usually signified by a hasty and zigzag retreat from the room--is declared the loser. if a guest comes late to the hospiz he must drink fast so as to catch up with earlier arrivals, unless he has been drinking elsewhere, when he is let off with drinking a "general health." the close of the emperor's student days was marked by an event which was to have a great influence on his life and happiness. it was in that he made the acquaintance of the young lady who was, a couple of years later, to become his wife, and subsequently empress. when at bonn prince william had developed a liking for wild-game shooting, and accepted an invitation from duke frederick of schleswig-holstein to shoot pheasants at primkenau castle, the duke's seat in silesia. more than one romantic story is current about the first meeting of the lovers, but that most generally credited, as it was published at or near the time, represents the young sportsman as meeting the lady accidentally in the garden of the castle. he had arrived at night and gone shooting early next morning before being introduced to the family of his host, and on his return surprised the fair-haired and blue-eyed princess auguste victoria as she lay dozing in a hammock in the garden. the student approached, the words "little rosebud" on his lips, but hastily withdrew as the princess, all blushes, awoke. the pair met shortly afterwards at breakfast, when the visitor learned who the "little rosebud" was whom he had surprised. the princess was then twenty-two, but looked much younger, a privilege from nature she still possesses in middle age. the impression made on the student was deep and lasting, and the engagement was announced on valentine's day, in february, . the marriage was celebrated on february th of the following year at the royal palace in berlin. great popular rejoicing marked the happy occasion, berlin was gaily flagged to celebrate the formal entrance of the bride into the capital, and most other german cities illuminated in her honour. the imperial bridegroom came from potsdam at the head of a military escort selected from his regiment and preceded the bridal cortege, in which the ancient coronation carriage, with its smiling occupant, and drawn by eight prancing steeds, was the principal feature. on the day following the marriage the young couple went to primkenau for the honeymoon. the marriage with a princess of schleswig-holstein was not only an event of general interest from the domestic and dynastic point of view. it had also political significance, for it meant the happy close of the troubled period of prussian dealings with those conquered territories. a story throwing light on the young bride's character is current in connexion with her wedding. one of the hymns contained a strophe--"should misfortune come upon us," which her friends wanted her to have omitted as striking too melancholy a note. "no," she said, "let it be sung. i don't expect my new position to be always a bed of roses. prince william is of the same mind, and we have both determined to bear everything in common, and thus make what is unpleasant more endurable." since the marriage their domestic felicity, as all the world is aware, has never been troubled, and the example thus given to their subjects is one of the surest foundations of their influence and authority in germany. the secret of this felicity, affection apart, is to be sought for in the strong moral sense of the emperor regarding what he owes to himself and his people, but no less perhaps in the exemplary character of the empress. as a girl at primkenau she was a sort of lady bountiful to the aged and sick on the estate, and led there the simple life of the german country maiden of the time. it was not the day of electric light and central heating and the telephone; hardly of lawn tennis, certainly not of golf and hockey; while motor-cars and militant suffragettes were alike unknown. instead of these delights the princess, as she then was, was content with the humdrum life of a german country mansion, with rare excursions into the great world beyond the park gates, with her religious observances, her books, her needlework, her plants and flowers, and her share in the management of the castle. these domestic tastes she has preserved, and the saying, quoted in germany whenever she is the subject of conversation, that her character and tastes are summed up in the four words _kaiser, kinder, kirche_, and _küche_--emperor, children, church, and kitchen--is as true as it is compendious and alliterative. it is often assumed, especially by men, that a woman who cultivates these tastes cultivates no other. this is not as true as is often supposed of the empress, as a journal of her voyage to jerusalem in , published on her return to germany, goes to show. following the traditions and example of the queens and empresses who have preceded her, she has always given liberally of her time and care, as she still does, to the most multifarious forms of charity. she has a great and intelligible pride in her clever and energetic husband, while her interest in her children is proverbial. she appears to have no ambition to exercise any influence on politics or to shine as a leader of society. like the emperor, she is not without a sense of humour, and is always amused by the racy irish stories (in dialect) told her and a little circle of guests by dr. mahaffy, of trinity college, dublin, who is a welcome guest at the palace. the offspring of the marriage, it may be here noted, is a family of seven children--six sons and a daughter--as follows:-- crown prince frederick william, born prince eitel frederick " prince adalbert " prince august william " prince oscar " prince joachim " princess victoria louise " the crown prince was born on june th at the marble palace in potsdam. he was educated at first privately by tutors, and later at the military academy at plön, not far from kiel. when eighteen he became of age and began his active career as an officer in the army. he is now commander of the first regiment of boay guards ("death's head" hussars) at langfuhr, near danzig, with the rank of major. he was married in june, , to cecilie, duchess of mecklenburg-schwerin, and is the father of four children, all boys. the crown princess is one of the cleverest, most popular, and most charming characters in germany, of the brightest intelligence and the most unaffected manners. the leading trait in the crown prince's character is his love of sport, from big-game shooting (on which he has written a book) to lawn tennis. in may last he began to learn golf. he is personally amiable, has pleasant manners, and is highly popular with all classes of his future subjects. he is credited with ability, but is not believed to have inherited the intellectual manysidedness of his father. the only part he can be said to have taken in public life as yet is having called the imperial attention to the maximilian harden allegations regarding count eulenburg and a court "camarilla," referred to later, and having, while sitting in a gallery of the reichstag, demonstrated by decidedly marked gestures his disagreement with the government's morocco policy. since his marriage the emperor has more than once publicly congratulated himself on his good fortune in having such a consort as the empress. the most graceful compliment he paid her was in her own province of silesia in , when he said: "the band which unites me with the province--that of all the provinces of the empire which is nearest to my heart--is the jewel which sparkles at my side, her majesty the empress. a native of this country, a model of all the virtues of a german princess, it is her i have to thank that i am in a position joyfully to perform the onerous duties of my office." only the other day at altona, after thirty years of married life, he referred to her, again in her home province and again as she sat smiling beside him, as the "first lady of the land, who is always ready to help the needy, to strengthen family ties, to discharge the duties of her sex, and suggest to it new aims. the empress has bestowed a home life on the house of hohenzollern such as queen louise, alone perhaps, conferred." queen louise, the famous wife of frederick william iii, died in and is buried in the mausoleum at charlottenburg, the suburb of berlin. she has remained ever since, for the german nation, the type of womanly perfection. iii. pre-accession days - the seven years between the date of his marriage and that of his accession were chiefly filled in by the future emperor with the conscientious discharge of his regimental duties and the preparation of himself, by three or four hours' study daily at the various ministries, among them the foreign office, where he sat at the feet of bismarck, for the imperial tasks he would presumably have to undertake later. emperor william i, now a man of eighty-four, was still on the throne. born in , he lived with his parents, frederick william iii and queen louise, in koenigsberg and memel for three years after the battle of jena, won the iron cross at the age of seventeen in the war with napoleon in , took part in the entry of the allies into paris, and devoted himself thenceforward, until he became king of prussia in , chiefly to the reorganization of the army. for a year during the troubled times of he was forced to take refuge in england, from whence he returned to live quietly at coblenz until called to the regency of prussia in . he was the grand master of prussian freemasonry. the attempts on his life in berlin in by the anarchists hödel and nobiling are still spoken of by eye-witnesses to them. both attempts were made within a period of three weeks while the king was driving down unter den linden, and on both occasions revolver shots were fired at him. hödel's attempt failed, but in view of socialist agitation, the would-be assassin was beheaded (the practice still in prussia) a few weeks later. pellets from nobiling's weapon struck the king in the face and arm, and disabled him from work for several weeks. the political events of the reign, including the seven weeks' war with austria in , which ended at sadowa, where king william was in chief command, and that with france in , when he was present as commander-in-chief at gravelotte and sedan, are frequently referred to by bismarck in his "gedanke und erinnerungen," and to these the reader may be referred. the high and amiable character of the old emperor, as he became after , is common knowledge. he was a thoroughgoing hohenzollern in his views of monarchy and his relations to his folk, but he was at the same time the type of german chivalry, the essence of good nature, the soul of honour, and the slave of duty. he was extremely fond of his grandson, prince william, and it is clear from the latter's speeches subsequently that the affection was ardently reciprocated. of emperor william, bismarck writes in the highest terms, describing his "kingly courtesy," his freedom from vanity, his impartiality towards friend and foe alike; in a word, he says, emperor william was the idea "gentleman" incorporated. on the other hand, bismarck tells how the old emperor all his life long stood in awe of his consort, the empress augusta, bismarck's great enemy and the clearing-house (_krystallisationspunkt_), as he describes her, of all the opposition against him; and how the emperor used to speak of her as "the hot-head" ("_feuerkopf_")--"a capital name for her," bismarck adds, "as she could not bear her authority as queen to be overborne by that of anyone else." the iron chancellor, by the way, mentions a curious fact in connexion with the attempt on emperor william's life by nobiling. the chancellor says he had noticed that in the seventies the emperor's powers had begun to fail, and that he often lost the thread of a conversation, both in hearing and speaking. after the nobiling attempt this disability, strangely enough, completely disappeared. the fact was noticed by the emperor himself, for one day he said jestingly to bismarck: "nobiling knew better than the doctors what i really needed--a good blood-letting." referring to the empress frederick at this period, bismarck writes: "with her i could not reckon on the same good-will as i could with her husband (emperor frederick). her natural and inborn sympathy for her native country showed itself from the very beginning in the endeavour to shift the weight of prussian-german influence on the european grouping of the powers into the scale of england, which she never ceased to regard as her fatherland; and, in consciousness of the opposition of interests between the two great asiatic powers, england and russia, to see germany's power, in case of a breach, used for the benefit of england." an incident may be mentioned here which took place at what was to turn out to be the emperor william's death-bed and refers particularly to our young prince william. bismarck was talking to the sick emperor a few days before the latter's death. the chancellor spoke about the necessity of publishing an order, already drawn up in november of the preceding year, appointing prince william regent in case the necessity for such a measure should occur. the sick emperor expressed the hope that bismarck would stand by his successor. bismarck promised to do so and the emperor pressed his hand in token of satisfaction. then, suddenly, bismarck relates, the emperor became delirious and began to rave. prince william was the central figure in his ravings. he evidently thought his grandson was at his bedside and exclaimed, using the familiar _du_; "_du_ you must always keep on good terms with the czar (alexander iii) ... there is no need to quarrel in that quarter." thereafter he was silent, and bismarck left the sick-room. the prince's parents, crown prince frederick and his english consort, had also their court at the marmor palais in potsdam, and their palace in berlin, but the life they led was comparatively simple. the crown prince and princess were great travellers and consequently often absent from germany; and when at home, while the crown prince, in his serious-minded fashion, was absorbed in study, the crown princess divided her time between the practice of the arts and correspondence with her now grown-up sons and daughters. still, it is clear from the signs of the time that there was a good deal of intrigue going on throughout this pre-accession period, or, if intrigue is too strong a term for it, a good deal of friction, social and political, in high circles. it was chiefly caused, if the old chancellor's statements to his sycophantic adorer, busch, are to be credited, by the interference of the empress augusta and her daughter-in-law, the crown princess, in the sphere of politics, the empress seeking to influence her husband in favour of the catholics, whom she had taken under her protection, and the crown princess trying, as we have seen, to influence german policy in favour of england. exactly what part prince william took in it all is not very clear. one thing we know, that he greatly displeased bismarck by his constant attendance at the waldersee _salon_, then a social centre in berlin. countess waldersee, who is still living in hannover, was the daughter of an american banker named lee. she married frederick, prince of schleswig, but he died six months after the wedding. his widow afterwards married count waldersee, who was subsequently to command the international forces during the boxer troubles in china. bismarck detested waldersee, perhaps because many people spoke of him as his probable successor, and consequently looked with anything but favour on his imperial pupil's visit to the waldersees. the great figure of the time, however, was neither the emperor nor the crown prince nor prince william, but prince bismarck, who, as chancellor for now more than a quarter of a century, had throughout that period guided the destinies of prussia and the german empire. emperor william and crown prince frederick and prince william were playing, doubtless, more or less prominent parts on the public stage, but all things of moment gravitated towards bismarck, whose days were spent, now persuading or convincing the emperor, now warring with a parliament growing impatient of his dictatorial attitude, now countermining the intrigues and opposition of his adversaries at court and in the ministries. he hardly ever went into society, but though he spent his days growling in his den at the foreign office when he was not immersed in work, he was the great popular figure of berlin; indeed, it might be said, of all germany. as second lieutenant, prince william had naturally a good deal to learn, though, entering life, as we have seen, as a "fine young recruit," having had a "military governor" appointed to his service when he was four, being made an officer at the age of ten, and having passed most of his life hitherto in a military society and atmosphere, he had less perhaps to learn than the ordinary young german officer. he went through the usual drills, and doubtless felt, as keenly as does the young officer everywhere, their monotonous and seemingly unnecessary repetitions, but they fulfilled the object in view and gave him the well-set-up bearing and martial tread which still distinguish him. living in the old town castle of potsdam, in rooms that had once been occupied by frederick the great, he entered with zest into the task of learning the mechanism of his regiment and at the same time of the army generally, though it cannot have been as interesting a task then as now, when science has added so many new branches to military organization. both he and his young wife were as hospitable as their not too generous means and occasional cheques from the emperor william would allow, particularly to any borussian of the prince's bonn university days who might be passing through berlin or potsdam. the young prince and princess took part, as was to be expected of them, in the festivities and ceremonies of the emperor's and crown prince's court, and, when they had nothing more interesting to do, might be seen strolling arm in arm about the streets in potsdam looking into the shops as young married people do in every town, and being apparently, as the story-books say, as happy as the day is long. on the whole, however, during these pre-accession years, only glimpses of prince william's character and doings are obtainable, but, though meagre, they are sufficient to suggest that in his case, too, if we extend the saying to cover the entire period of youth, the child was father to the man. the chief, almost the only, reliable authorities for the inner history of the time are the memoirs and notes left by the two chancellors, prince bismarck and prince hohenlohe--_en passant_ let the hope be expressed here that in the interests of germany herself another chancellor, prince bernhard ernst von bülow, now living in retirement at rome, will enlighten the world as to that of the last ten or twelve stirring years, _quorum pars magna fuit_. both bismarck and hohenlohe were excellent judges of character, and have, described, though with regrettable brevity, the character of prince william about this time. talking to his confidant, dr. busch, in june, , bismarck says of the prince: "he is quite different from the emperor william, and wishes to take the government into his own hands; he is energetic and determined, not at all disposed to put up with parliamentary co-regents, a regular guardsman; philopater and antipater at potsdam! he is not at all pleased at his father (crown prince frederick) taking up with professors, with mommsen, virchow, forckenbeck. perhaps he may one day develop into the _rocher de bronze_ of which we stand in need." this _rocher de bronze_ is an expression constantly employed by devoted royalists and imperialists in germany. it was first used by frederick william iv, who, in the jargon which in his time passed for the german language, exclaimed: "_ich werde meine souvereinetat stabilizieren wie ein rocher de bronze_." again, about this time bismarck says: "up to that time (when prince william was studying at the ministries) he knew little, and indeed did not trouble himself much about it, but preferred to enjoy himself in the society of young officers and such-like," and he goes on to tell how the prince took--or did not take--to this ministerial education. it was proposed that the under secretary of state, herrfurth, who was reputed to be well informed, particularly in statistics, should instruct him about internal questions. the prince agreed and invited herrfurth to lunch, but afterwards told bismarck he could not stand him, "with his bristly beard, his dryness and tediousness." could bismarck suggest some one else? the chancellor mentioned privy councillor von brandenstein. the prince did not object, had the baron several times to meals, but paid so little attention to his explanations that brandenstein lost patience and begged for some other employment. concerning a rendezvous, bismarck writes: "he (prince william) has more understanding, more courage and greater independence (than his grandfather), but in his leaning for me he goes too far. he was 'surprised' that i had waited for him, a thing his grandfather was incapable of saying;" and the chancellor adds: "it is only in trifles and matters of secondary importance that one occasionally has reason to find fault with him, as, for instance, in the form of his state declarations--but that is youthful vivacity which time will correct. better too much than too little fire." busch relates, under date of april , , bismarck's birthday, how prince william came to offer his congratulations, and, having done so, invited himself to dinner. the meal over, he made a speech toasting bismarck, in which he said: "the empire is like an army corps that has lost its commander-in-chief in the field, while the officer who is next to him in rank lies severely wounded. at this critical moment forty-six million loyal german hearts turn with solicitude and hope to the standard, and the standard-bearer in whom all their expectations are centred. the standard-bearer is our illustrious prince, our great chancellor. let him lead us. we will follow him. long may he live!" prince hohenlohe's references to prince william as emperor are frequent and full, but he has little to say about his character as prince william beyond noting, when there was some talk of the prince directly succeeding emperor william, that he was "too young." on an occasion subsequently prince hohenlohe amusingly notes that the emperor shook hands with him until his fingers "nearly cracked." this is still a genial gesture of the emperor's. one document, however, is available to show the spirit of religious tolerance which then animated our young lutheran prince, as it has animated him, it may be added, ever since. pius ix had been succeeded in the papacy by the more liberal leo xiii, and the kulturkampf had come to an end. prince william, writing to an uncle, cardinal hohenlohe, says:-- "that this unholy kulturkampf is at an end is a thing which rejoices me beyond expression. of late many eminent catholics, among them kopp (afterwards cardinal) have frequently visited me and honoured me with a confidence at once complete and gratifying. i was often so happy as to be able to be the interpreter of their wishes (to the emperor and bismarck, presumably) and do them some service. so it has been granted to my youth to co-operate in this work of peace. this has given me great pleasure and happiness. "give my regards to galimberti and lay my respects at the feet of the pope. "thy devoted nephew, "william of prussia." with his future subjects prince william was brought into close relations only in a very limited way. no one, save perhaps bismarck, seems to have known or suspected his true character and aims. this was natural enough, since it is not until a man comes to occupy some influential or prominent position that the public begins to take an interest in him. his father would be emperor before him, and fate might have it that he himself would not live to come to the throne. royal highnesses are not uncommon in a country with such a feudal history and so many courts as germany. the young prince, moreover, was never, to use a phrase of to-day, in the limelight. he was never involved in a notorious scandal. he had not, as his eldest son, the present crown prince, has, published a book. he was more or less absorbed in the army, the early grave of so many dawning talents. and there was no newspaper press devoted to chronicling the doings and sayings of the fashionable world of his time. his natural abilities would doubtless have secured him reputation and success in any sphere of life, but, as he himself would probably be the first to admit, much of his fame, and even much of his merit, is due to the splendid opportunities afforded him by his birth and position. at the same time it is obvious that if his people at this period had not much opportunity of studying the young prince, he had been studying them and their requirements as these latter appeared to him. he had evidently thought much on germany's conditions and prospects before he came to the throne, and was empire-building in imagination long before he became emperor. it is not hard to guess the drift of his meditations. the success of the empire depended on the success of prussia, and the success of prussia, ringed in by possibly hostile powers, on union under a prussian king whom germans should swear fealty to and regard as a heaven-granted leader. from the history of prussia he drew the conclusion that force, physical force, well organized and equipped, must be the basis of germany's security. physical force had made brandenburg into prussia, and prussia into the still nascent modern german empire. he knew that france was only waiting for the day to come when she would be powerful enough to recover her lost provinces. russia was friendly, but there was no certainty she would always be so. austria was an ally, but many people in austria had not forgotten sadowa, and in any case her military and naval forces were far from being efficient. an irresistible army, and a national spirit that would keep it so, were consequently germany's first essentials. simultaneously a new fact of vital importance for germany's prosperity presented itself for consideration--the growth of world-policy in trade, the expansion of commerce through the development caused by new conditions of transport and intercommunication in which other nations were already engaged. the prince saw his country's merchants beginning to spread over the earth, and believing in the doctrine that trade follows the flag, he felt that the flag, with the power and protection it affords, must be supplied. for this it appeared to him that a navy was as indispensable as was an efficient army for germany's internal security. all other great countries had fine navies, while to germany this complement of empire was practically wanting. accordingly he now took up the study of naval science and naval construction. there was an occasion, however, at this time when the young prince attracted general attention, if only for a few days. it was when as colonel of the body guard hussars, he ordered his officers to withdraw from a berlin club in which hazard and high play had ruined some of the younger and less wealthy members. the committee of the club used their influence to cause emperor william to make the new commander cancel his order. the emperor sent for his grandson and requested its withdrawal. "majesty," said the young commander, "permit me a question--am i still commander of the regiment?" "of course--" "well, then, will your majesty allow me to maintain the order--or else accept my resignation?" "oh," said the emperor, who was in reality pleased with the young disciplinarian, "there can be no talk of such a thing. i could not find so good a commanding officer again in a hurry." when the club committee's ambassadors came to the emperor to learn the result of his intervention, his answer was, "very sorry, gentlemen; i did my best, but the colonel refuses." the political situation as regards france was just now highly precarious. general boulanger, whom gambetta once described as "one of the four best officers in france," had become minister of war in the de freycinet cabinet of . relying on a supposed superiority of the french army, he prepared for a war of revenge against germany and aimed, with the help of deroulède and rochfort, at suppressing the parliamentary _régime_ and establishing himself as dictator. his plans were answered in germany by the acceptance of bismarck's septennat proposals for increasing the army and fixing its budget for seven years in advance. the war feeling in france diminished, and though it revived for a time owing to the arrest of the french frontier police commissary schnaebele, it finally died out on that officer's release at the particular request of the czar to emperor william. boulanger's subsequent history only concerns france. he was sent to a provincial command, but returned to paris, where he was joyously received and elected to parliament by a large majority. he might, it is believed, a year or two later, on being elected by the department of the seine, with paris at his back, have made a successful _coup d'état_ on the night of his triumphant election, but his courage at the last moment failed, and on learning that he was about to be arrested he fled to brussels, where he committed suicide on the grave of his mistress. the time, however, was approaching, the most interesting, and as the succession of events have shown, the most momentous for the empire since , when prince william's accession was obviously at hand. during the year and the early part of the attention of the world was fixed, first curiously, then anxiously, then sympathetically on the situation in berlin. emperor william was an old man just turned ninety; he was fast breaking up and any week his death might be announced. hereditarily the crown prince frederick, now fifty-six, should succeed, and a new reign would open which might introduce political changes of moment to other countries as well as germany. the new reign was indeed to open, but only to prove one of the shortest in history. in january, , a shadow fell on the house of hohenzollern, the shadow that must one day fall on every living creature. it was noticed that the crown prince was hoarse, had caught a cold, or something of the kind. a stay at ems did him no good, doctors tobold and von bergmann, the leading specialists of the day, were consulted, a laryngoscopic examination followed, the presence of cancer was strongly suspected, and an operation was advised. at this juncture, at the suggestion, it is said, of queen victoria, it was decided to summon the specialist of highest reputation in england, sir morell mackenzie, who, having examined the patient, and basing his opinion on a report of professor virchow's, declared that the growth was not malignant. it was now may, and on mackenzie's advice the patient visited england, where, accompanied by prince william, he was present at the celebration of queen victoria's jubilee. some months after his return to the continent were spent with his family in tirol and italy, until november found him in san remo, where a meeting of famous surgeons from vienna, berlin, and frankfort-on-main finally diagnosed the existence of cancer, and mackenzie coincided with the judgment. the old emperor died on march th. he had taken cold on march rd, and on the th a chronic ailment of the kidneys from which he suffered became worse, he could not sleep, his strength began to ebb, and it was clear the end was near. on the th, however, he was able to speak for a few minutes with prince william, with bismarck, and with his only daughter, the grand duchess of baden, who had arrived post-haste the night before to be present at the death-bed. the grand duchess, as the emperor spoke, besought him not to tire himself by talking. "i have no time to be tired," he murmured, in a flicker of the sense of duty which had been a lifelong feature of his character, and a few hours later he passed quietly away. the funeral, headed by prince william and the knights of the black eagle, took place on the th. the new emperor frederick, who had hurried from san remo on receiving news of the emperor's condition, was too ill to join it, but stood behind a closed window of his palace and saluted as the coffin went by. the incidents of the emperor frederick's ascent of the throne, the amnesty and liberal-minded proclamations to his people, and in particular the heroic resignation with which he bore his fate, are events of common knowledge. one of them was the so-called battenberg affair. queen victoria desired a marriage between princess victoria, the present emperor's sister, then aged twenty-two, and prince alexander of battenberg, at that time prince of bulgaria, so as to secure him against russia by an alliance with the imperial house of germany. prince bismarck objected on the ground that the marriage would show germany in an unfriendly light at st. petersburg, and might subject a prussian princess to the risk of expulsion from sofia. another account is that the chancellor feared an increase of english influence at the german court with the prince of bulgaria as its channel. in any case, the result of the chancellor's opposition was to place the sick emperor in a delicate and painful situation. it was ended by his yielding to the chancellor's representations, and the marriage did not come off. meanwhile, the emperor's malady was making fatal progress. the shadow was growing darker and more formidable. a season of patiently-borne suffering followed, until death in his terrific majesty appeared and another emperor occupied the throne. iv. "von gottes gnaden" prince william is now german emperor and king of prussia. before observing him as trustee and manager of his magnificent inheritance a pause may be made to investigate the true meaning of a much-discussed phrase which, while suggesting nothing to the englishman though he will find it stamped in the words "dei gratia" on every shilling piece that passes through his hands, is the bed-rock and foundation of the emperor's system of rule and the key to his nature and conduct. government in germany is dynastic, not, as in england and america, parliamentary or democratic. the king of prussia possesses his crown--such is the theory of the people as well as of the dynasty--by the grace of god, not by the consent of the people. the same may be said of the german emperor, who fills his office as king of prussia. to the anglo-saxon foreigner the dynasty in germany, and particularly in prussia, appears a sort of fetish, the worship of which begins in the public schools with lessons on the heroic deeds of the hohenzollerns, and with the emperor, as high priest, constantly calling on his people to worship with him. this view of the kingly succession may seem oriental, but it is not surprising when one reflects that the hohenzollern dynasty is over a thousand years old and during that time has ruled successively in part of southern germany, in brandenburg, in prussia, until at last, imperially, in all germany. moreover, it has ruled wisely on the whole; in the course of centuries it has brought a poor and disunited people, living on a soil to a great extent barren and sandy, to a pitch of power and prosperity which is exciting the envy and apprehension of other nations. in england government passed centuries ago from the dynasty to the people, and there are people in england to-day who could not name the dynasty that occupies the english throne. such ignorance in germany is hardly conceivable. in prussia government has always been the appanage of the hohenzollerns, and the emperor is resolved that, supported by the army, it shall continue to be their appanage in the empire. government means guidance, and no one is more conscious of the fact than the emperor, for he is trying to guide his people all the time. frederick william iv once said to the diet: "you are here to represent rights, the rights of your class and, at the same time, the rights of the throne: to represent opinion is not your task." this relation of government and people has become modified of recent years to a very obvious degree, but constitutionally not a step has been taken in the direction of popular, that is to say parliamentary, rule. england and germany are both constitutional monarchies, but both the monarch and the constitution in germany are different from the monarch and the constitution in england. the british constitution is a growth of centuries, not, like the german constitution, the creation of a day. the british constitution is unwritten, if it is stamped, as mary said the word "calais" would be found stamped on her heart after death, on the heart and brain of every englishman. the german constitution is a written document in seventy-eight chapters, not fifty years old, and on which, compared with the british constitution, the ink is not yet dry. in england to the people the constitution is the real monarch: in germany the monarchy is to the people what the british constitution is to the englishman; and while in england the monarch is the first counsellor to the constitution, in germany the constitution is the first counsellor to the monarch. the consequence in england is representative government, with a political career for every ordinary citizen; the consequence in germany is constitutional monarchy, properly so-called, with a political career for no common citizen. neither system is perfect, but both, apparently, give admirable national results. and yet, of course, an englishman cannot help thinking that if herr bebel were made minister to-morrow, social democracy would cease to exist. the people acquiesce in the hohenzollern view, not indeed with perfect and entire unanimity, for the small progressive party demand a parliamentary form of government, if not on the exact model of that established in england. the social democrats, evidently, would have no government at all. many english people suppose that germans generally must desire parliamentary rule and would help them to get it, for multitudes of english people are firmly persuaded that it is england's mission to extend to other peoples the institutions which have suited her so well, without sufficiently considering how different are their circumstances, geographical position, history, traditions, and national character. a very similar mistake is made in germany by multitudes of germans, who believe it is germany's mission to impose her culture, her views of man and life, on the rest of the world. the prussian view of monarchy, expressed in the words "von gottes gnaden" ("by the grace of god"), is a political conception, which, under its customary english translation, "by divine right," has often been ridiculed by english writers. lord macaulay, it will be remembered, in his "history of england," asserts that the doctrine first emerged into notice when james the sixth of scotland ascended the english throne. "it was gravely maintained," writes macaulay, "that the supreme being regarded hereditary monarchy, as opposed to other systems of government, with peculiar favour; that the rule of succession in order of primogeniture was a divine institution anterior to the christian, and even to the mosaic, dispensation; that no human power, not even that of the whole legislature, no length of adverse possession, though it extended to ten centuries, could deprive the legitimate prince of his rights; that his authority was necessarily always despotic; that the laws by which, in england and other countries, the prerogative was limited, were to be regarded merely as concessions which the sovereign had freely made and might at his pleasure resume; and that any treaty into which a king might enter with his people was merely a declaration of his present intention, and not a contract of which the performance could be demanded." the statement exactly expresses the ideas on the subject attributed abroad to the emperor. the distinguished german historian, heinrich von treitschke, writes of king frederick william iv, the predecessor of emperor william i, as follows:-- "he believed in a mysterious enlightenment which is granted 'von gottes gnaden' to kings rather than other mortals. all the blessings of peace, which his people could expect under a christian monarch, should proceed from the wisdom of the crown alone; he regarded his high office like a patriarch of the old testament and held the kingship as a fatherly power established by god himself for the education of the people. whatever happened in the state he connected with the person of the monarch. if only his age and its royal awakener had understood each other better! he had, however, in his strangely complicated process of development, constructed such extraordinary ideals that though he might sometimes agree in words with his contemporaries he never did as to the things, and spoke a different language from his people. even general gerlach, his good friend and servant, used to say: 'the ways of the king are wonderful;' and the not less loyal bunsen wrote about a complaint of the monarch that 'no one understands me, no one agrees with me,' the commentary--'when one understood him, how could one agree with him?'" it was this king, be it parenthetically remarked, who said, when his people were clamouring for a constitution, in : "now and never will i admit that a written paper, like a second providence, force itself between our god in heaven and this land"--and a few months later had to sign the document his people demanded. von treitschke, writing on the last birthday of emperor william i, thus spoke of the doctrine: "a generation ago an attempt was made by a theologizing state theory to inculcate the doctrine of a power of the throne, divine, released from all earthly obligations. this mystery of the jacobins never found entrance into the clear common sense of our people." prince bismarck's view of the doctrine was explained in a speech he made to the prussian diet in . he was speaking on "prussia as a christian state." "for me," he said, "the words 'von gottes gnaden,' which christian rulers join to their names, are no empty phrase, but i see in them the recognition that the princes desire to wield the sceptre which god has assigned them according to the will of god on earth. as god's will i can, however, only recognize what is revealed in the christian gospels, and i believe i am in my right when i call that state a christian one which has taken as its task the realization, the putting into operation, of the christian doctrine.... assuming generally that the state has a religious foundation, in my opinion this foundation can only be christianity. take away this religious foundation from the state and we retain nothing of the state but a chance aggregation of rights, a kind of bulwark against the war of all against all, which the old philosophers spoke of." on the second occasion, thirty years later, the chancellor's theme was "obedience to god and the king." "i refer," he said, "to the wrong interpretation of a sentence which in itself is right--namely, that one must obey god rather than man. the previous speaker must know me long enough to be aware that i subscribe to the entire correctness of this sentence, and that i believe i obey god when i serve the king under the device 'with god for king and country.' now he (the previous speaker) has separated the component parts of the device, for he sees god separated from king and fatherland. i cannot follow him on this road. i believe i serve my god when i serve my king in the protection of the commonwealth whose monarch 'von gottes gnaden' he is, and on whom the emancipation from alien spiritual influence and the independence of his people from romish pressure have been laid by god as a duty in which i serve the king. the previous speaker would certainly admit in private that we do not believe in the divinity of a state idol, though he seems to assert here that we believe in it." in these passages, it may be remarked, bismarck avoids an unconditional endorsement of the hohenzollern doctrine of divine "right" or even divine appointment. indeed all he does is to express his belief in the sincerity of rulers who declare their desire to rule in accordance with the will of god as it appears in holy scripture. in addition to his dislike of a "christianity above the state," the fact that he did not subscribe to the doctrine of divine right, as these words are interpreted in england, is shown by another speech in which he said, "the essence of the constitutional monarchy under which we live is the co-operation of the monarchical will and the convictions of the people." but what, one is tempted to ask, if will and convictions differ? in recent times, dr. paul liman, in an excellent character sketch of the emperor, devotes his first chapter to the subject, thus recognizing the important place it occupies in the emperor's mentality. dr. liman, like all german writers who have dealt with the topic, animadverts on the hohenzollern obsession by the theory and attributes it chiefly to the romantic side of the emperor's nature which was strongly influenced in youth by the "wonderful events" of , by the national outburst of thanks to god at the time, and by the return from victorious war of his father, his grandfather, and other heroes, as they must have appeared to him, like bismarck, moltke, and roon. it is worth noting that prince von bülow, during the ten years of his chancellorship, made no parliamentary or other specific and public allusion to the doctrine. before, however, attempting to offer a somewhat different explanation of the emperor's attitude in the matter from those just cited, let us see what statements he has himself made publicly about it and how the doctrine has been interpreted by his contemporaries. he made no reference to it in his declarations to the army, the navy, and the people when he ascended the throne. his first allusion to it was in march, , at the annual meeting of the brandenburg provincial diet at the kaiserhof hotel in berlin, and then the allusion was not explicit. "i see," said the emperor, "in the folk and land which have descended to me a talent entrusted to me by god, which it is my task to increase, and i intend with all my power so to administer this talent that i hope to be able to add much to it. those who are willing to help me i heartily welcome whoever they may be: those who oppose me in this task i will crush." his next allusion, at bremen in april of the same year, when he was laying the foundation-stone of a statue to his grandfather, king william, a few months subsequent to bismarck's retirement, was more explicit, yet not completely so. "it is a tradition of our house," so ran his speech, "that we, the hohenzollerns, regard ourselves as appointed by god to govern and to lead the people, whom it is given us to rule, for their well-being and the advancement of their material and intellectual interests." the next reference, and the only one in which a divine "right" to rule in prussia is formally claimed, occurs four years later at koenigsberg, the ancient crowning-place of prussian kings. here he said:-- "the successor (namely himself) of him who _of his own right_ was sovereign prince in prussia will follow the same path as his great ancestor; as formerly the first king (of prussia, frederick i.) said, 'my crown is born with me,' and as his greater son (the great elector) gave his authority the stability of a rock of bronze, so i too, like my imperial grandfather, represent the kingship 'von gottes gnaden.'" at coblenz in , in reference to the first emperor william's labours for the army and people:-- "he (emperor william) left coblenz to ascend the throne as the selected instrument of the lord he always regarded himself to be. for us all, and above all for us princes, he raised once more aloft and lent lustrous beams to a jewel which we should hold high and holy--that is the kingship von gottes gnaden, the kingship with its onerous duties, its never-ending, ever-continuing trouble and labour, with its fearful responsibility to the creator alone, from which no human being, no minister, no parliament, no people can release the prince." here, too, if the words "responsibility to the creator alone" be taken in their ordinary english sense, the allusion to a divine right may be construed, though it is observable that the word "right" is not actually employed. in berlin, when unveiling a monument to the great elector, the emperor was filled with the same idea of the god-given mission of the hohenzollerns. after briefly sketching the deeds of the elector--how he came young to the throne to find crops down-trodden, villages burnt to the ground, a starved and fallen people, persecuted on every side, his country the arena for barbarous robber-bands who had spread war and devastation throughout germany for thirty years; how, with "invincible reliance on god" and an iron will, he swept the pieces of the land together, raised trade and commerce, agriculture and industry, in for that period an incredibly short time; how he brought into existence a new army entirely devoted to him; how, in fine, guided by the hope of founding a great northern empire, which would bring the german peoples together, he became an authority in europe and laid the corner-stone of the present empire--after sketching all this, the emperor continues: "how is this wonderful success of the house of hohenzollern to be explained? solely in this way, that every prince of the house is conscious from the beginning that he is only an earthly vicegerent, who must give an account of his labour to a higher king and master, and show that he has been a faithful executor of the high commands laid upon him." one finds exactly the same idea expressed three months later when talking to his "men of brandenburg." "you know well," he reminded them, "that i regard my whole position and my task as laid on me by heaven, and that i am appointed by a higher power to whom i must later render an account. accordingly i can assure you that not a morning or evening passes without a prayer for my people and a special thought for my mark brandenburg." to the anglo-saxon understanding, of course, the theory of divine right has long appeared untenable, obsolete, and, as macaulay says, absurd. many people to-day would go farther and argue that there is no such thing as a divine right at all, since "rights" are a purely human idea, possibly a purely legal one. but it is at least doubtful that the emperor uses the expression "von gottes gnaden" in a sense exactly coterminous with that of "divine right" as used by lord macaulay and later anglo-saxon writers and speakers. the latter, when dealing with things german, not unfrequently fall into the error of mistranslation and are thus at times responsible for national misunderstandings. the italian saying, "_traduttore, tradittore_," is the expression of a fact too seldom recognized, especially by those whose business it is to interpret, so to speak, one people to another. language is as mysterious and elusive a thing as aught connected with humanity, as love, for example, or music; and it may be asserted with some degree of confidence that among every people there are ideas current, and in all departments--in law, society, art--which it is impossible exactly to translate into the speech of other nations. the words used may be the same, but the connotation, all the words imply and suggest, is, perhaps in very important respects, different, and requires a paraphrase, longer or shorter, to explain them. take the word "false" in english and "falsch" in german. they look alike, yet while the english "false" carries with it a moral reproach, the german word, where the context does not explicitly prove otherwise, means simply "incorrect," "erroneous," without the moral reproach added. accordingly, when a german chancellor asserts that the statement of an english minister is "falsch" he does not necessarily mean anything offensive, but only that the english minister is mistaken. from this point of view one may regard the statements of the emperor concerning his kingly office. he has recently begun to use the expression "german emperor von gottes gnaden," a thing done by none of his imperial predecessors, and certainly a very curious extension of a doctrine which traditionally only applies to wearers of the crown of prussia. but if he does, it may, it is here suggested, be considered further evidence that he employs the terms "von gottes gnaden" in a sense other than that of "divine right" as conceived by the anglo-saxon. the german "gnade" means "favour," "grace," "mercy," "pity," or "blessing," and is at times used in direct contrast with the word "recht," which means "justice" as well as "right." the point, indeed, need hardly be elaborated, and the emperor's own explanation of the revelation of god to mankind, with its special reference to his grandfather which we shall find later in the confession of faith to admiral hollmann, is highly significant of the sense in which he regards himself and every ruling hohenzollern as selected for the duties of prussian kingship. it is the work of the kingship he is divinely appointed to do of which he is always thinking, not the legal right to the kingship _vis à vis_ his people he is mistakenly supposed to claim. he regards himself as a trustee, not as the owner of the property. and is not such a spirit a proper and praiseworthy one? in a sense we christians, if in a position of responsibility, believe that we are all divinely appointed to the work each of us has to do: instruments of god, who shapes our ends, rough-hew them how we may. the emperor finely says of the almighty: "he breathed into man his breath, that is a portion of himself, a soul." reason is what chiefly distinguishes man from the brute, though there are those who hold that reason is but a higher form of brutish instinct, which again has its degree among the brutes; but, assuming that reason is of divine origin, enabling us to receive, by one means or another, the dictates of the almighty, it seems clear that there must be channels through which these dictates become known to us. this conveyance, this making plain is, as many people, and the emperor among them, believe, performed by god through the agency of those whom mankind agree to call "great." for the last nineteen centuries a large part of civilized mankind is at one in the belief that christ was such an agency, while millions again agree to call the agency buddha, mahomet, confucius, or zoroaster. in the creed of islam christ, as a prophet, comes fifth from adam. in america there are thousands who believe, or did believe, in the agency of a mrs. eddy or a dr. dowie. and if this is so in matters of religion, itself only a form of the reasoning soul, why should it not be the same in morals or philosophy, art or science, government or administration: why should we not all accept, as many still do, the sayings and writings of the hebrew prophets (as does the emperor), of plato and aristotle, of bacon and hobbes, of milton and shakespeare and goethe, of kepler and galileo, or charlemagne and napoleon, as divinely intended to convey and make plain to us the dictates of heaven until such time as yet greater souls shall instruct us afresh and still more fully? it may be that the emperor thinks in some such way; his speeches and edicts at least suggest it. certainly, as already mentioned, he did on one occasion, when speaking of his kingship, employ the word "right" as descriptive of the nature of his appointment by god. but that was early in his reign, and at no time since has he insisted on a heaven-granted right to rule. it was, no doubt, different with some of his absolute predecessors, but it was not the view of frederick the great, who declared himself "the first servant of the state." moreover, it is hardly conceivable that the emperor, who is acquainted with the facts of history and is a man of practical common sense besides, does not know that the doctrine of "divine right" has long been rejected by people of intelligence in every civilized country, including his own. if he really believes in divine right in the stuart sense he must think that the conditions of germany are so different from those of the rest of civilized mankind, and his own people so little advanced in knowledge and political science, that a doctrine absurd and dangerous to the peace of enlightened commonwealths is applicable as a basis of rule in his own. it seems a more plausible view, that the emperor considers the expression "von gottes gnaden" an academic formula of government, or what is still more likely, as a moral and religious, not a legal, dogma, which yet expresses one of the leading and most admirable features of his policy as a ruler. if it is not so, he is inconsistent with himself, since he has repeatedly declared himself bound by the constitution in accordance with which his grandfather and father and he himself have hitherto ruled. at present the doctrine of divine "right" is regarded by germans no less than by englishmen as dead and buried, and mention of it in germany is usually greeted with a smile. even the notion of appointment by divine "grace," while considered a harmless and praiseworthy article of faith with the emperor, is no longer regarded as a living principle of government. v. the accession - with his accession began for the emperor a period of extraordinary activity which has continued practically undiminished to the present day. during that time he has been the most prominent man and monarch of his generation. from the domestic point of view his life perhaps has not been marked by many notable events, but from the point of view of politics and international relations it has been the history of his reign and to no small extent the history of the world. when a german emperor ascends the throne there is no great outburst of national rejoicing, no great series of popular ceremonials. there is no brilliant procession as in england, no impressive coronation like that of an english monarch in westminster abbey, no state visit of the monarch to the houses of parliament. in germany parliament goes to the king, not the king to parliament. on the same day that the emperor began his reign he addressed proclamations to the army and navy. the addresses to the people and the parliament were to come a few days later. in the proclamation to the army he said: "i and the army were born for each other. let us remain indissolubly so connected, come peace or storm, as god may will. you will now take the oath of fidelity and obedience to me, and i swear always to remember that the eyes of my ancestors are bent on me from the other world, and that one day i shall have to give an account touching the fame and the honour of the army." his address to the navy was in the same vein. "we have only just put off mourning for my unforgettable grandfather, kaiser william i, and already we have had to lower the flag for my beloved father, who took such an interest in the growth and progress of the navy. a time of earnest and sincere sorrow, however, strengthens the mind and heart of man, and so let us, keeping at heart the example of my grandfather and father, look with confidence to the future. i have learned to appreciate the high sense of honour and of duty which lives in the navy, and know that every man is ready faithfully to stake his life for the honour of the german flag, be it where it may. accordingly i can, in this serious hour, feel fully assured that we shall stand strongly and steadily together in good or bad days, in storm or sunshine, always mindful of the fatherland and always ready to shed our heart's blood for the honour of the flag." to his people he promised that he would be a "just and mild prince, observant of piety and religion, a protector of peace, a promoter of the country's prosperity, a helper to the poor and needy, a faithful guardian of the right." to the parliament a week later he announced that he meant to walk in the footsteps of his grandfather, particularly in regard to the working classes, to acquire the confidence of the federated princes, the affection of the people, and the friendly recognition of foreign countries. he said that in his opinion the "most important duties of the german emperor lay in the domain of the military and political security of the nation externally, and internally in the supervision of the carrying out of imperial laws." the highest of these laws, he explained, was the imperial constitution and "to preserve and protect the constitution, and in especial the rights it gives to the legislative bodies, to every german, but also to the emperor and the federated states," he considered "among the most honourable duties of the emperor." while the order of these addresses is different to what it would be in england, it entirely accords with the spirit of the prussian monarchy and the political system of the german people. settled in the heart of europe, the nation rests on the army, and it is hardly too much to say that, from the emperor's point of view, possibly also from the popular german point of view, the interests of the army must be considered before the interests of the rest of the population. an english monarch, who issued his first address to the british navy, would be as justified in doing so by the real necessities of great britain as a german emperor who first addresses the german army is justified by the real necessities of germany; for the british navy is as vital to the british as the german army is to the german nation. in england, however, the monarch's respect for the people and parliament takes precedence of his respect for the army, not _vice versa_ as in germany. in a speech from the throne to the prussian diet the emperor took the constitutional oath: "i swear to hold firmly and unbrokenly to the constitution of the kingdom and to rule in agreement with it and the laws ... so help me god!" and went on to proclaim the continuance in prussia and the empire of his grandfather's and father's policy and work. he said at the same time, while undertaking not to make the people uneasy by trying to extend crown rights, that he would take care that the constitutional rights of the crown were respected and used, and that he meant to hand them over unimpaired to his successor. he concluded by saying that he would always bear in mind the words of frederick the great, who described himself as the "first servant of the state." at frankfurt-on-the-oder, a few months later, he declared, when unveiling a monument to his uncle, prince frederick karl, a hero of the franco-prussian war, that he meant never to surrender a stone of the acquisitions made in the war and "believed he voiced the feeling of the entire army in saying that germany, rather than do so, would suffer its eighteen army corps and its whole population of millions to perish on the field of battle." at this period of his career the emperor was, first and foremost, a thoroughgoing hohenzollern. doubtless he is so still, if he talks less about the dynasty. he admired frederick the great, then as now, and in the first place as military commander, but the ancestor with whom he even more sympathized, and sympathizes, was the great elector. "the ancestor," he said himself, "for whom i have the most liking (_schwärmen_, a hardly translatable german verb, is the word he used) and who always shone before me as an example in my youth, was the great elector, the man who loved his country with all his heart and strength, and unrestingly devoted himself to rescuing the mark brandenburg out of its deep distress and made it a strong and united whole." what particularly attracted the emperor in the history of the elector was the fact that he was the first hohenzollern who saw the importance of promoting trade and industry, building a navy, and acquiring colonies. as yet, however, the emperor had only clear and fairly definite ideas about the need for a navy. the world-policy may have been in embryo in his mind, but it was not born. the imaginative side of the emperor's character at this period is well illustrated in a speech he made in to his favourite "men of the mark." he was talking of his travels, to which allusion had been made by a previous speaker. "my travels," said the emperor, "have not only had the object of making myself acquainted with foreign countries and institutions, or to create friendly relations with neighbouring monarchs, but these journeys, which have been the subject of much misunderstanding, had for me the great value that, withdrawn from the heat of party faction, i could review our domestic conditions from a distance and submit them to calm consideration. any one who, standing on a ship's bridge far out at sea, with only god's starry heaven above him, communes with himself, will not fail to appreciate the worth of such a journey. for many of my fellow-countrymen i would wish that they might live through such an hour, in which one can make up an account as to what he has attempted and what achieved. then would he be cured of exaggerated self-estimation, and that we all need." having discharged the duty of addressing his own subjects, the emperor's next care, after a stay at kiel where a german emperor and king now for the first time in history appeared in the uniform of an admiral, was personally to announce his accession at the courts of his fellow-european sovereigns. we find him, accordingly, paying visits to alexander ii in st. petersburg, to king oscar ii in stockholm (where he received a telegram announcing the birth of his fifth son), to christian ix in copenhagen, to kaiser franz joseph in vienna and to king humbert in rome. to both the last-mentioned he presented himself in the additional capacity of triplice ally. in august of the year following his accession he paid his first visit as emperor to england. it was a very different thing, one may imagine, from the earliest recorded visit of a german emperor to the english court. that was in , when the emperor sigismund ( - ) arrived there and was received by henry v. henry postponed the opening of parliament specially on his account, made him a knight of the garter, and signed with him at canterbury an offensive and defensive alliance against france. how poor the german empire and the german emperor were at that epoch may be judged from the fact that on his way home sigismund had to pawn the costly gifts he had received in england. on the present occasion a grand naval review of over a hundred warships, with crews totalling , men, was held in honour of the emperor at osborne. this was followed, a few days afterwards, by a parade of the troops at aldershot under the command of general sir evelyn wood. on this occasion, after expressing his admiration for the british troops, the emperor concluded: "at malplaquet and waterloo, prussian and british blood flowed in the prosecution of a common enterprise." in a little speech after the review the emperor spoke of the english navy as "the finest in the world." the impression made by the emperor on sir evelyn has been recorded by that general. "the emperor is extremely wide-awake," he writes to a friend, "with a decided, straightforward manner. he is a good rider. his quick and very intelligent spirit seizes every detail at a glance, and he possesses a wonderful memory." the emperor was now nominated an honorary admiral of the british navy and as a return compliment made queen victoria honorary "chef" of his own first dragoon guards. at the naval review a journalist asked an english naval officer what would happen if the emperor, in command of a german fleet, should meet a british fleet in time of war between england and germany?--"would the british fleet have to salute the emperor?" "certainly," replied the naval officer; "it would fire guns at him." next year the emperor was again in england, this time to be present at the cowes regatta, which he took part in regularly during the four succeeding years, noting, doubtless, all that might prove useful for the development of the kiel yachting "week," the success of which he had then, as always since, particularly at heart. he was received by queen victoria with the simple and homely words, "welcome, william!" a state visit to the city of london followed, when he was accompanied by the empress, and was entertained to a luncheon given by the city fathers in the guildhall. the entertainment, which took place on july , , was remarkable for a speech delivered by the emperor in english, in which, besides declaring his intention of maintaining the "historical friendship" between england and germany, he proclaimed that his great object "above all" was the preservation of peace, "since peace alone can inspire that confidence which is requisite for a healthy development of science, art, and commerce." on the same occasion he expressed his feeling of "being at home" in england--"this delightful country"--and spoke of the "same blood which flows alike in the veins of germans and english." shortly afterwards he attended a review of volunteers at wimbledon, and, as he said, was "agreeably astonished at the spectacle of so many citizen-soldiers in a country that had no conscription." the emperor returned from england to receive the visit of his chief triplice ally, the emperor franz joseph, and to discuss with him doubtless the european situation. bismarck has been pictured as sitting at the european chessboard pondering the moves necessary tor germany to win the game of which the great prize was the hegemony of europe. the chief opposing pieces, whose aid or neutrality was desirable, were for long france, russia, austria, and italy; but in , with the conclusion of the triple alliance, austria and italy needed less to be considered, and the only two really important opposing pieces left were france and russia. still, germany, through her allies of the triplice, might be dragged into war, and consequently the doings of austria and italy, both in relation to one another and to france and russia were, as they now are, of great importance to her. at the time of the accession, the chessboard of our metaphor was mainly occupied with franco-german relations and with russian designs on constantinople, the dardanelles, and the black sea. the danger to germany of war with france, which had arisen out of the boulanger and schnaebele incidents, had died down, but not altogether ceased. hohenlohe tells us how at this time, in conversation with the emperor, the latter ventured the forecast: "boulanger is sure to succeed. i prophesy that as kaiser ernest he will pay a visit to berlin." he was wrong, we know, as so many prophets are. russian designs on turkey had had to reckon with the opposition of england and austria. as regards these designs, bismarck says: "germany's policy should be one of reserve. germany would act very foolishly if in oriental questions, without having special interests, she took a side before the other powers, who were more nearly interested: she would therefore do well to refrain from making her move as long as possible, and thus, besides, gain the benefit of longer peace." the chancellor, however, admitted that against the advantages of a policy of reserve had to be set the disadvantage of germany's position in the centre of europe with its frontiers exposed to the attacks of a coalition. "from this situation," said the chancellor, "it results that germany is perhaps the only great power in europe which is not tempted to attain its ends by victorious war." "our interest," he goes on, "is to maintain peace, whereas our continental neighbours without exception have wishes, either secret or officially admitted, which can only be fulfilled through war. consequently, german policy must be to prevent war or confine it as much as possible: to keep in the background while the european game of cards is going on: and not by loss of patience or concession at the cost of the country, or vanity, or provocation from friends, allow ourselves to be driven from the waiting attitude: otherwise--_plectuntur achivi!_--third parties will rejoice." that was the bismarckian policy twenty-five years ago, and though new economic conditions have had great influence in modifying it since, particularly as it regards the east, it is practically germany's policy now. in his first speech from the throne to the reichstag the emperor thus referred to the triple alliance: "our alliance with austria-hungary is publicly known. i hold to the same with german fidelity, not merely because it has been concluded, but because i see in this defensive union a foundation for the balance of power in europe and a legacy of german history, the importance of which is recognized by the whole of the german people, while it accords with european international law as undeniably in force up to . similar historical relations and similar national exigences of the time bind us to italy. both germany and italy desire to prolong the blessings of peace that they may pursue in tranquillity the consolidation of their newly acquired unity, the betterment of their national institutions, and the increase of their prosperity." in a speech a few months later he declared that the alliance had no other purpose than to strengthen the peaceful relations of germany to other foreign powers. his next public reference to it was in may, , when kaiser franz joseph visited berlin on the occasion of the coming of age of the german crown prince. "truly," exclaimed the emperor, in a vein of some exaggeration, "this alliance is not alone an agreement in the eyes of the monarchs, but the longer it has existed, the deeper has it taken root in the convictions of the peoples, and the moment that the hearts of the peoples beat in unison nothing can tear them asunder. common interests, common feelings, joy and sorrow shared together, unite our three nations for now twenty years, and although often enough misunderstandings and sarcasm and criticisms have been poured out on them, the three peoples have succeeded in maintaining peace hitherto, and are regarded by the whole world as its champions." the history of the triplice may be shortly related here as, along with his navy, it is regarded by the emperor as the chief factor in the preservation of the world's peace, and is, in fact, as has been said, the foundation of his foreign policy. it arose from bismarck's desire to be independent of russia and from his dread of a european coalition--for example, that of france, austria, and russia--against the german empire. "we had," bismarck writes, "carried on successful war against two of the european great powers (austria and france), and it became advisable to withdraw at least one of them from the temptation to revenge which lay in the prospect an alliance with others offered. it could not be france, as any one who knew the history and temperament of the two peoples could see, nor england owing to her dislike of permanent alliances, nor italy as her support alone was insufficient against an anti-german coalition; so that the choice lay between austria-hungary and russia." for many reasons bismarck would have preferred the russian alliance, among others the traditional dynastic friendship between the two countries and the fact that no natural political or religious causes of conflict existed between them; while a union with austria was less reliable, owing to the changeable nature of her public opinion, the heterogeneousness of her magyar, slav, and catholic populations, and the loss of influence by the german element with the governing body. on the other hand, however, an alliance with austria would be nothing new, internationally, as such a connection theoretically arose from the former connection of germany and austria in the holy roman empire. while weighing the matter, a threatening letter from czar alexander ii to william i, in which he called on germany to support his balkan policy, and said that if he refused peace could not last between their two countries, decided bismarck in favour of austria. the chief opponent of the new alliance was william i, who was moved by personal chivalric feelings towards his nephew, czar alexander; but, disregarding this, because confident of eventually persuading his imperial master, bismarck went to gastein and there settled with the austrian minister, count andrassy, the principles of the alliance. italy came into the alliance in as the immediate result of france obtaining a protectorate in tunis, in return, partly, for her acquiescence in the english acquisition of cyprus. the protectorate aroused general indignation and fear in italy, and though it meant a large expenditure on naval and military armament, on may , , she joined the dual alliance for five years, and thus turned it into the triplice. the triple alliance rests on three treaties: one between germany and austria-hungary, one between germany and italy, and one between austria-hungary and italy. while by the first germany and austria-hungary bind themselves to combine in case of an attack on either by russia, whether as original foe or as ally, and to observe "at least" benevolent neutrality in case of attack from any other quarter, by the second germany and italy bind themselves to mutual support in case of an attack on either by france. the third, between austria-hungary and italy, binds the signatories to benevolent neutrality in case austria-hungary is attacked by russia, or italy by france. that there are weak points in the triple alliance is obvious. if austria-hungary were a purely homogeneous country like france or russia, germany and austria-hungary, even without italy, could face with confidence an attack from either or both their powerful neighbours. but austria-hungary is not homogeneous. a large proportion of her population is anti-german, or at least non-german, and italy is always subject to be tempted by an opportunity of obtaining some of austria-hungary's adriatic possessions. moreover, a large party is even now to be found in austria-hungary which desires revenge for the humiliation of her defeat by germany in . the relations of germany to russia have always been rather those of friendship between the monarchs of the two countries than of friendship between the two peoples; and it is easy to understand that the fear of revolution, socialism, or "government of the people, by the people, for the people," to use lincoln's celebrated phrase, at all times forms a strong and active bond of sympathy between the monarchs. in the case of russia there is also always to be considered the obstinate, or as the emperor would call it knightly, spirit in which his grandfather, king william i, regarded his obligation to maintain friendship with the czar, and which for a long time made him hostile to the idea of alliance with austria instead of alliance with russia. the feeling, it is highly probable, is strong, if not equally strong, in the mind of the emperor to-day, if only out of respect for the memory of his ancestor. there is not, to use a popular expression, much love lost between the two peoples, not only because of racial differences between teuton and slav, but because of the differences in religion and in degree of civilization. there are not a few germans who assert that germany's next war will be with russia, and that from the dominions of the czar will be obtained the fresh territory germany needs for her constantly expanding population. the czar returned the emperor's accession visit in berlin in october, , and it was on this occasion that the first sign of trouble between the emperor and the old chancellor showed itself. when the emperor first proposed to make his round of visits of accession to foreign sovereigns, bismarck agreed except as regarded russia and england, objecting that visits to these countries would have an alternatively bad effect in each. the emperor, however, as has been noted, went to russia. during the return visit in berlin, bismarck had an interview with the czar which resulted in the final adjustment of russo-german relations, but at its close the czar said, "yes, i believe you and have confidence in you, but are you sure you will remain in office?" bismarck looked surprised, and said, "certainly, majesty; i am quite certain i shall remain in office all my life"--an odd thing, one may remark, for a man to say, who must have been familiar with the saying, "put not your trust in princes." when the czar was going away, both the emperor and bismarck accompanied him to the station, and on their return the emperor gave the old chancellor a seat in his carriage. the talk concerned the visit just over, and the emperor again announced his intention of spending some time in russia the following year. bismarck now advised against the project on the ground that it would arouse hostility in austria, and because "it was not suitable considering the czar's disposition towards the emperor." "what disposition? what do you mean? how do you know?" questioned the emperor quickly. "from confidential letters i am in the habit of receiving from st. petersburg, in addition to official reports," replied the chancellor. the emperor expressed a wish to see the letters, but bismarck gave an evasive answer. the result was a temporary coolness between emperor and chancellor. from a memorandum of prince hohenlohe's we get a glimpse of one of the political currents and anti-currents just now running high. prince hohenlohe writes under date, june , , when the emperor was hardly a fortnight on the throne:-- "last evening at left berlin with thaden after supping with victor and franz (son and nephew) in the kaiserhof hotel. paid several visits during the day. i found friedberg somewhat depressed. he is no longer the big man he was in the emperor frederick's time, when everybody courted him. he knows that the emperor does not favour jews. then i visited the new chief of the cabinet (civil), lucanus, a courtly, polished, obliging man, who looks more like an elegant austrian privy councillor. wilmoski inspires me with more confidence. at to bleichroeder's (bleichroeder was the great jew banker). we spoke, or rather he spoke first, about the political situation. he is satisfied, and says bismarck is too. only the emperor must take care to keep out of the hands of the orthodox. people in the country wouldn't stand that. (he is right there, comments hohenlohe.) waldersee and his followers, he said, was another danger. waldersee was a foe of bismarck's and thought himself fit for anything and everything. who knows but that these gentlemen wouldn't begin the old game and say to the emperor, 'you are simply nothing but a doll. bismarck is the real ruler.' on the old emperor this would have made no impression, but the young one would be more sensitive. bismarck, therefore, wanted waldersee's banishment, and would, if he could, send him to strasburg (where hohenlohe was statthalter) as commanding general. perhaps he was only aiming at making me (hohenlohe) sick of my post and so get rid of waldersee, his enemy, when i cleared out. bleichroeder said bismarck only introduced the compulsory pass system to show the emperor that he too could act sharply against the french, and so as to take the wind out of the sails of the military party. bismarck was thinking above all about seating his son herbert firmly in the saddle (herbert was secretary of state for foreign affairs). that is the sole motive of his action and thought. there was therefore no prospect of matters in the rhineland improving. as to russia, bleichroeder expected some occurrence, something out of the way (_exotisches_) by which russia might be won, either the withdrawal of troops from the frontier or a meeting of emperors. the emperor, bismarck said, would not begin a war. if it came, however, it would not be unwelcome to him." prince hohenlohe also tells of a visit he paid in the month of the accession to the widowed empress frederick. "she is much bowed down," he said, "very harassed-looking, and i feel sure that all this recent time, all the last year in fact, she has been displaying an artificial good-humour, for now i find her in deep distress. at first she could not speak for weeping. we spoke of the emperor frederick's last days, then she recovered herself a little and complained of the wickedness and meanness of men, by which she meant to allude to certain people.... herbert bismarck had had the impudence to tell the prince of wales (later edward vii) that an emperor who could not talk and discuss things should not be allowed to reign, and so on. the prince of wales, the empress said, told herbert that if it were not that he valued good relations between england and germany, he would have thrown him out of the door.... waldersee was a false, unprincipled wretch, who would think nothing of ruining his country if he could only satisfy his own personal ambition." prince hohenlohe finally called on the prince of wales, who "spoke prudently, but showed his disgust at the roughness of the bismarcks, and could not understand their policy of irritating france." the particular question concerning france that was agitating germany at the time of the accession was the state of affairs in alsace-lorraine, and particularly bismarck's measure requiring french citizens entering the provinces to provide themselves with a pass from the german ambassador in paris. the amiable and conciliatory statthalter, prince hohenlohe, had to make a reluctant journey to berlin in connexion with this question. there was another question also weighing on his mind--the question whether or not he should have a sentry guard before his official residence in strasburg. the military authorities, whose rivalry with the civil authorities everywhere in germany for influence and power still continues, wanted to have the sentries abolished, but the prince eventually had his way. he showed bismarck that they were necessary for his reputation with the population, which had already begun to think less of his influence as statthalter owing to his one day at a review having incautiously and gallantly taken a back seat in his carriage in favour of some lady guests. in normal times the composers of speeches from the throne are accustomed to describe the relations between their own and foreign countries as "friendly." when the relations are not friendly, yet not the opposite, they are usually registered on the political barometer as "correct." the attitude on both sides is formal, rigorously polite, reserved; such as would become a pair of people who had once been at feud and after their quarrel had been fought out agreed, if only for the sake of appearances, to show no outward animosity, but on the other hand not give an inch of way. the position of france and germany is "correct"; it has never been friendly since ; and it must be many a long year before it can be friendly again. apart from the difference between the latin and teutonic temperaments, apart from the legacy of hate left in germany against france by the sufferings and humiliations the great napoleon caused her, apart from the fact that one people is republican and the other monarchical, there is always one thing that will prevent reconciliation--the loss by france of the fair provinces alsace and lorraine. it is of no use for germany to remind france that up to the peace of westphalia in this territory belonged to germany, or rather to what then was known by that name. it was useless as well as ungracious for bismarck to tell france to seek compensation in africa for what she had lost in europe. like rachel mourning for her children, france will not be comforted; and now, as from the heavy hour in which she lost the provinces, she grieves over the memory of them and nurses the hope, still mingled with hate, of one glorious day regaining them. there are sanguine spirits who assert that the old feeling is dying out, and the german government studiously encourages that view. it may be so; time is having its obliterating effects; and in externals at least the germanization of the provinces is slowly making progress. still the wound is deep, and there seems no prospect of its healing. several suggestions have been made with a view to an arrangement that might leave france without reason, or with less reason, for constant meditation on revenge one of them is the neutralization of alsace-lorraine on the model of belgium, while another is the distribution of the territory, so that while alsace is divided between baden and bavaria, lorraine becomes a part of prussia a third would divide the provinces between the two nations. an illustration of the yet prevailing feeling is found in the fact that large alsatian firms invariably use french in their correspondence with berlin firms, and almost as invariably refer to the "customs-arrangement" with germany in . they cannot bring themselves to use the word "annexation." yet of late years--to anticipate somewhat the course of events--germany has made two important concessions to alsace-lorraine. the first was the abrogation of the so-called "dictator-paragraph," which was part of the law for administering the new provinces after the war of . under the paragraph the lieutenant-governor (oberpresident) of the reichsland, as the newly incorporated territory is now officially known, was empowered in case of need to take command of the military forces and proclaim a state of siege. when announcing the abrogation of the paragraph in the reichstag in , chancellor von bülow gave a résumé of the relations of the provinces to the empire since . he stated that immediately after the war the population were not disposed to incorporation in the empire, as they thought the new state of things would only be temporary and that france would soon reconquer the provinces. this state of feeling, the chancellor explained, naturally reacted on the government, which accordingly laid down the principle that the claims of the provinces to equal political rights with other parts of the empire could only be recognized step by step, as the government was satisfied that the population conformed to the new order of things. the second important concession to the provinces was made only recently, when the provincial committee was replaced by a popularly elected diet and the provinces were granted three seats in the federal council. there is a proviso that in case of equality in the council meetings the votes shall not be allowed to turn the scale in favour of prussia. the limitation is a concession to the susceptibilities of the other federal states. germany's relations with great britain at the time of the accession were unclouded. mr. gladstone had been defeated on his home rule proposals and lord salisbury was back in power. a lull had occurred in british relations with the transvaal. all nations, including germany, were beginning to turn their attention to the orient with a view to the acquisition in asia of "spheres of influence and spheres of interest," but as yet english and german interests had not come anywhere into conflict. the emperor's great internal foe and the object of his special enmity is the social democracy, and practically from the day of his accession he has waged war with it. his attitude towards the socialists requires no long description, since it logically results from his traditional conception of prussian monarchy and from the revolutionary character of social democratic aims. while a young man he paid little or no attention to the movement, and probably regarded it as the "passing phenomenon" he subsequently declared it to be. in the number of social democratic voters was something over half a million, and the number of social democratic members returned to the reichstag : in , two years after the accession, the figures were a million and a half and respectively. the emperor's denunciation of social democrats has always been unmeasured. "a crew undeserving the name of germans," a "plague that must be extirpated," "traitors," "people without a country and enemies to religion," "foes to the empire and the country"--such were a few of the expressions he then and during the next few years publicly applied to three millions of his subjects. to-day, it may be added, the number of social democrats in germany is well over four millions. in , in reply to a deputation of three coal miners' representatives, the emperor said: "as regards your demands, i will have them carefully investigated (a phrase, by the way, not unknown in england) by my government, and let you know the result through the usual official channels. should, however, offences against public peace and order occur, should a connexion between your movement and social democratic circles be demonstrated, i would not be in a position to weigh your wishes with my royal goodwill, since for me every social democrat is the same thing as a foe to the empire and the fatherland. accordingly, if i see that social democratic tendencies mix with the movement and lead to unlawful opposition, i will intervene with all my powers--and they are great." and a month later: "that the radical agitation of the social democracy has turned so many heads and hearts is due to the fact that in schools, high and low, too little is taught about the cruel deeds of the french revolution and too little about the heroic deeds of the war of liberation, which was (with the help of english bayonets, be it parenthetically remarked) the salvation of the fatherland." in , to anticipate by a year or two, in reply to a guest who had observed that social democrats were not decreasing in numbers, the emperor remarked: "the moment the social democracy feels itself in possession of power it will not hesitate for an instant to attack the burghertum (middle classes) very energetically. no exhibition of general benevolence is of any use against these people--here only religious feeling, founded on decided faith, can have any influence." the emperor, referring to the murder of a manufacturer in mulhausen, said: "another victim to the revolutionary movement kept alive by the socialists. if only our people would act like men!" and yet it is obvious, looking at it from the standpoint of to-day, that an admirably organized movement with four million parliamentary voters in an electorate of fourteen millions, with no members in an imperial parliament of with representatives, more or less numerous, on almost every municipal board of any importance in the empire, with the power of disturbing at any moment the relations between capital and labour, upon which the prosperity, security, and comfort of the whole population depend, and in intimate relations with the socialists of all other countries, cannot be merely ignored or disposed of by scornful and sarcastic speeches, by official anathema, or even by close police supervision. there must be something behind it all which ought to be susceptible of explanation. before, however, attempting to conjecture what the something is, it will be advisable, familiar to many though the facts must be, to recapitulate, as briefly as possible, the history of the movement. old as the story is, it is necessary to have some knowledge of it, for social democracy is the great, perhaps the only, domestic political thorn in the emperor's side. it is a truism to say that the "social question," the question how best to organize society, is as old as society itself. great thinkers all down the ages, from plato to sir thomas more, from more to jean jacques rousseau, from rousseau to saint simon, fourier, louis blanc, lassalle, and karl marx, have devoted their attention to it. the french revolutionists tried to solve it, and the revolutionary movement of took up the problem in its turn. german social democracy may be referred for its source to the teachings of louis blanc, who formed in a workmen's society in paris. blanc held, as the social democrats hold, that capitalism was the cause of all social evil, and that the workman was powerless against it. he therefore proposed the establishment of workmen's societies for purposes of production, and the grant of the necessary capital at a low rate of interest by the state. the doctrine was taken up in germany with fiery enthusiasm by ferdinand lassalle, who, in may, , founded the general german workmen's society for a "peaceful, lawful agitation" in favour of universal suffrage as a first means to the desired end. universal suffrage was granted by the north german confederation in , and in lassalle's adherents numbered , . meanwhile, karl marx and his disciple, frederic engels, had been propagating their theories, and in the former published his famous work on the ideal social state. at first marx was a partizan of revolutionary methods, but he subsequently recanted this view and proclaimed that the socialistic aim in future should be the "strengthening of the economic and political power of the workman so that the expropriation of private property could be obtained by legislation." the marxian doctrine was adopted in germany by wilhelm liebknecht and august bebel, who, at eisenach in , founded the association of social democratic workmen, to which the present german party owes its name. the eisenach programme declared "the economic dependence of the workmen on the monopolists of the tools of labour the foundation of servitude and social evil," and demanded "the economic emancipation of the working classes." an attempt to get the lassalle society to join the eisenacher society on an international basis failed for the time, but the two associations finally coalesced at the gotha congress of . the attempt on the life of william i in by the anarchist nobiling had an important effect on the fortunes of the party and the character of its programme. the socialist laws were passed and the police began a campaign against the socialists, of which the mildest features were the dissolution of societies, the searching of houses, the expulsion of suspected persons, and the interdiction of socialist newspapers and periodicals. for the next few years the party held its annual congresses in switzerland or denmark, but as the socialist laws ceased to have effect after three years, and were not then renewed, the party resumed its congresses in germany. the congress at erfurt in resulted in the issue of a new programme rejecting the lassalle plan for the establishment of workmen's societies for productive purposes and substituting for it the transfer of all capitalistic private property engaged in the means of production, such as lands, mines, raw material, tools, machinery, and means of transport, to the state. the term used in the programme is "state," not "society," but the state is in fact nothing but the society armed with coercive powers. other objects are universal suffrage for both sexes over twenty, electoral reform, two-year parliaments, direct legislation "through the people," some form of parliamentary government, autonomy of the people in empire, state, province, and parish, conscription, national militia instead of standing army, international arbitration, abolition of state religion, free and compulsory education, abolition of capital punishment, free burial, free medical assistance, free legal advice and advocacy, progressive succession duties, inheritance tax, abolition of indirect taxation and customs, parliamentary decisions as to peace and war, and undenominationalism in schools. especially for the working classes are intended the following: national and international protective legislation for workmen on the basis of a normal eight hours day, prohibition of child labour under fourteen years, prohibition of night work save rendered necessary by the nature of the work or the welfare of society, superintendence of labour and its relations by a ministry of labour, thorough workshop hygiene, equality of status between the agricultural labourer, servant class, and the artisan, right of association, and state insurance, as to which the working class should have an authoritative voice. the programme contains nothing as to the practical consequences of the provisions it contains, but herr bebel, in his book on "woman and social democracy," gives some examples. one is that the working time will be alike for men and women, another that domestic life will be limited to the cohabitation of man and woman, for children are to be brought up by society, and a third that cooking and washing will be the care of central public kitchens and washhouses. meanwhile, all these years, it may be noted, herr bebel and his millions of followers have been living exactly like everybody else. the student of working-class conditions in germany is unlikely to think clearly unless he distinguishes between such terms as social democracy, socialism, trade unionism, and labour party. social democracy is a species of socialism. all social democrats are socialists, but not all socialists social democrats. the latter, as an enrolled political party, paying annual subscriptions and looking forward to the future state as conceived by marx, and now by bebel, number something under a million; the remaining three millions who voted for social democratic candidates at the last general election may have included men who believe in social democratic ideals, but the vast majority of them, unless one does grave injustice to their common sense, voted for such candidates owing to dissatisfaction with the policy of the government and present conditions generally--the high cost of living, the pressure of taxation, the severity of class distinctions, and like grievances, real or imaginary. these people are socialists in the english or international sense of the word, not social democrats strictly speaking; and with these people the emperor is most angry because he knows they form the element most capable of dangerous expansion. again, though the vast majority of german socialists in the broader sense are trade unionists, not all trade unionists are socialists. trade unionism--the organization of labour against capital--is represented in germany by two main bodies; the free or socialist unions containing about two million working men, and the "christian" or loyal "national" unions, which are anti-social democrat and anti-socialist. these have a membership of about , . the hirsch-duncker unions, with , members, are liberal, but also loyal and anti-socialist. in labour conflicts, naturally, as distinguished from politics, all workmen of the particular branch in conflict work together, whether they are socialist or not. it need only be added that there is no so-called "labour party" in the german parliaments. the social democratic party in the reichstag represents labour interests generally, and promote them much more insistently and successfully than they do the utopia of their dreams. but enough has been said to show the comprehensive and revolutionary nature of social democratic doctrine. the only other feature that requires mention in connexion with the movement is the desire on the part of a section of the party for a revision of its programme. the party of revision is usually identified with the names of heinrich von vollmar, who first suggested it, and eduard bernstein, who is in favour of trying to realize that portion of the programme which deals with the social needs of the existing generation, the demands of the present day, and would leave to posterity the attainment of the final goal. the views of the revisionists differ also from those of the radicals in respect of two other main questions which divide the party, that of voting budgets and that of going to court. the revisionists are willing to do both, and the radicals to do neither. a decisive split in the party is annually looked for, but hitherto, when congress-day came, the revisionists, for the sake of peace and unity in the party, have refrained from pushing their views to extremes. one might suppose that professors of the tenets of social democracy would get into trouble with the police, but they avoid arrest and imprisonment by taking care to avoid attacking property or the family, advocating a republic, or introducing religious questions into their discussions. in dealing with the growth of social democracy in germany the philosophic historian would doubtless refer to the french revolution, or go still farther back to the reformation, as the starting-point of every great change in the views of civilized mankind during the last four and a half centuries; but it is with more recent times these pages are chiefly concerned and consequently with causes now operative. the main specific cause is the change from agriculture to industry, and with it the growth of what is generally spoken of as "industrialism." industrialism means the assemblage of large masses of intelligent men forming a community of their own, with its special conditions and the wants and wishes arising from them. this is the most fertile field for socialism, for a new organization of society. in germany socialistic ideas kept growing with the increase of industrialism, and came to a head with the attempts by hödel and nobiling on the life of the emperor william. the anti-socialist laws, passed for a definite period, followed, but they were not renewed; the emperor and his government pressed on instead with a great and far-reaching social policy, and socialism, in the form of social democracy, freed from restraint, took a new lease of life. another cause of as general, but less ponderable, a nature is the remnant of the feudal spirit and feudal manners which lingers in the attitude of the german governing and official classes towards the rest of the population. the most objectionable features of the feudal system have passed away, the cruel and exclusive rights and privileges which only men in ignorant personal servitude to an all-powerful master could permanently endure; but traces of the system still exist in the official attitude towards the public and in the tone of the official communications issued by the administrative services generally. attitude and tone may be referred in part to the traditional character of the prussian monarchy, which regards the people as a flock of sheep, or as a "talent," as the emperor has called it, entrusted to its care and management by heaven; but it is also due in part to the systematization of public life--and largely of private life--which at times makes the foreigner inclined to think germany at once the most socialistic and at the same time the most tyrannically ruled country in the world. everything in germany must be done systematically, and the system must be the result of development. but there is no use in having a system unless it is enforced--otherwise it remains, like social democracy, a theory. compulsion, therefore, is necessary, and the government provides it through its official machinery and its police. the systematization has enormous public advantages, but it is difficult for the anglo-saxon, jealous of his individual right to direct his public life through his own representatives and his private life according to his own judgment, to accommodate himself to a system which seems to him unduly to interfere with both right and judgment. perhaps it is the manner in which, under the name of authority, compulsion is exercised by subordinate officialdom and in especial by the police, as much as the compulsion itself, which irritates in germany. every profession, business, trade, and occupation, down to that of selling matches and newspapers in the streets, is meticulously regulated; and while there is nothing to object to in this, what strikes the anglo-saxon as objectionable is that the regulations are enforced with the manners and in the tone of a drill-sergeant. the official in germany, he finds, is not the servant of the public. there is a story current in england of a duke of norfolk, when postmaster-general, going into a district post-office and asking for a penny stamp. the clerk was dilatory, and the duke remonstrated. "who are you, i should like to know?" asked the clerk impertinently, "that you are laying down the law." "i am the public," replied the duke simply, at the same time showing the clerk his card. an english foreign secretary once told a deputation that the ministry was "waiting for instructions from their employers--the people." in germany it is the opposite; the official is the master and the public his dutiful servant. in germany the official expects marked deference from the public: the post-office clerk is "mr. official," the guardian of the law "mr. policeman" (with your hat off). the anglo-saxon rather expects the deference to be on the other side, and has a sordid subconsciousness that he pays the official for his services. perhaps the social democrat has something of the same feeling. one of the chief consequences of industrialism in germany is that the people of the country are migrating to the towns. to the country bumpkin the city is an eldorado and a lordly pleasure-house. in truth, he is much better off in it than in the stagnant life of the country. in the city he sees comfort on every hand, with possibilities of enjoyment of every kind, and if he does not soon get a share of the good things going he grows discontented and turns socialist. in the city, too, he learns to think and compare, he perceives the distinction of classes and notices that certain classes have open to them careers from which he is excluded. then there is the apparently inevitable antagonism between labour and capital, between the employer and employed, which drives the worker to social democracy, as offering the prospect of his becoming his own master and enjoying the whole fruits of his labour. he may not know matthew arnold's "sick king in bokhara," but he would endorse arnold's lines:-- "and these all, for a lord eat not the fruit of their own hands; which is the heaviest of all plagues to that man's mind, who understands." but whatever its causes, social democracy is one of the most curious and anomalous societies extant. in a country which worships order, it calls for absolute disorder. a revolutionary movement, it anxiously avoids revolution. it is a magnificent organization for no apparent practical, direct, or immediate purpose. proclaiming the protection of the law and enjoying the blessing of efficient government, it yet refuses to vote the budget to pay for them. it supports a large parliamentary party without any clear or consistent parliamentary policy in internal or external affairs, unless to be "agin the government" is a policy. and lastly, if some of its economic demands are justifiable, and have in several respects been satisfied by modern legislation, its fundamental doctrine, the basis of the entire edifice, is a wild hallucination, sickening to common sense, and completely out of harmony with the progressive economic development of all nations, including its own. in conclusion, it may be added that the social side of the social democracy is perhaps too often unrecognized or ignored by the foreign observer. life for the poorer classes in germany is apt to be more monotonous and dull than for the poorer classes of any country which nature has blessed with more fertility, more sunshine, more diversity of hill and dale, and where people are more mutually sociable and accommodating. social democracy offers something by way of remedy to this: a field of interest in which the workers can organize and make processions and public demonstrations and can talk and theorize and dispute, and in which the woman can share the interest with the man; or a club, a social club with the largest membership in the world except freemasonry. we must return, however, to the emperor. during this period, in december, , he, like every one else with his own ideas on education as well as on art and religion, delivered his views on popular instruction. at this time--he was then thirty--he called together forty-five of the ablest educational experts of the country and addressed them on the subject of high-school education. his minister of education, dr. von grossler, had drawn up a programme of fourteen points for discussion, and the emperor added to these a few others he wished to have considered. german high-school education, be it remarked, is a different thing from english public-school education, and ought rather to be spoken of as german information than as german education. we have seen that the spirit of the german university differs largely from that of the english university, in that it is not concerned with the formation of character or the inculcation of manners. the same may be said of the german gymnasium, or high school, the institution from which the german youth, as a rule, goes to college. no teaching institution, english or german, be it further said on our own account, makes any serious attempt to teach what will prepare youth for intercourse with the extremely complicated world of to-day, to give him, to take but one example, the faintest notion of contract, which, if he possessed it, would save him from many a foolish undertaking and protect him from many a business betrayal, far from it. all the disagreeable, and many of the painful incidents of his subsequent life, all equally avoidable if knowledge regarding them had been instilled into him in his early years, he must buy with money and suffering and disgust in after-years. but the emperor is waiting to be heard. his entire speech need not be quoted, but only its chief contentions. in introducing his remarks he claimed to speak with knowledge as having himself sat on a public-school bench at cassel. the social democracy being to the emperor what king charles's head was to mr. dick, it is not surprising to find almost his first statement being to the effect that if boys had been properly taught up to then, there would be no social democracy. up to , he said, the great subject of instruction for youth was the necessity for german unity. unity had been achieved, the empire was now founded, and there the matter rested. "now," said the emperor, "we must recognize that the school is for the purpose of teaching how the empire is to be maintained. i see nothing of such teaching, and i ought to know, for i am at the head of the empire, and all such questions come under my observation. what," he continues, "is lacking in the education of our youth? the chief fault is that since the philologists have sat in the high schools as _beati possidentes_ and laid chief stress upon the knowledge to be acquired and not on the formation of character and the demands of the present time. emphasis has been put on the ability to know, not on the ability to do--the pupil is expected to know, that is the main thing, and whether what he knows is suitable for the conduct of life or not is considered a secondary matter. i am told the school has only to do with the gymnastics of the mind, and that a young man, well trained in these gymnastics, is equipped for the needs of life. this is all wrong and can't go on." then the empire-builder speaks--what is wanted above all is a national basis. "we must make german the foundation for the gymnasium: we must produce patriotic young germans, not young greeks and romans. we must depart from the centuries-old basis, from the old monastic education of the middle ages, when latin was the main thing and a tincture of greek besides. that is no longer the standard. german must be the standard. the german exercise must be the pivot on which all things turn. when in the exit examination (_abiturientenexamen_) a student hands in a german essay, one can judge from it what are the mental acquirements of the young man and decide whether he is fit for anything or not. of course people will object--the latin exercise is very important, very good for instructing students in other languages, and so on. yes, gentlemen, i have been through the mill. how do we get this latin exercise? i have often seen a young man get, say - / marks, for his german exercise--'satisfactory,' it was considered--and for his latin exercise. the youngster deserved punishment instead of praise, because it is clear he did not write his latin exercise in a proper way; and of all the latin exercises we wrote there was not one in a dozen which was done without cribbing. these exercises were marked 'good,' but when we wrote an essay on 'minna von barnhelm' (one of lessing's dramas) we got hardly 'satisfactory.' so i say, away with the latin exercise, it only harms us, and robs us of time we might give to german." the emperor goes on to recommend the study of the nation's history, geography, and literature ("der sage," poetry, he calls it). "let us begin at home," he says; "when we have learned enough at home, we can go to the museums. but above all we must know our german history. in my time the grand elector was a very foggy personage, the seven years' war was quite outside consideration, and history ended with the close of the last century, the french revolution. the war of liberation, the most important for the young citizen, was not taught thoroughly, and i only learned to know it, thank god, through the very interesting lectures of dr. hinzpeter. this, however, is the _punctum saliens_. why are our young men misled? why do we find so many unclear, confused world-improvers? why is our government so cavilled at and criticized, and so often told to look at foreign nations? because the young men do not know how our conditions have developed, and that the roots of the development lie in the period of the french revolution. consequently, i am convinced that if they understood the transition period from the revolution to the nineteenth century in its fundamental features, they would have a far better understanding of the questions of to-day than they now have. at the universities they can supplement their school knowledge." the emperor then turned to other points. it was "absolutely necessary" to reduce the hours of work. when he was at school, he said, all german parents were crying out against the evil, and the government set on foot an inquiry. he and his brother (henry) had every morning to hand a memorandum to the head master showing how many hours it had taken them to prepare the lessons for the day. in the emperor's case it took, "honestly," from - / to hours' home study. to this was to be added hours in school and hours for eating meals--"how much of the day," the emperor asks, "was left? if i," he said, "hadn't been able to ride to and from school i wouldn't have known what the world even looked like." the result of this, he continued, was an "over-production of educated people, more than the nation wanted and more than was tolerable for the sufferers themselves. hence the class bismarck called the abiturienten-proletariat, all the so-called hunger candidates, especially the mr. journalists, who are often broken-down scholars and a danger to us. this surplus, far too large as it is, is like an irrigation field that cannot soak up any more water, and it must be got rid of." another matter touched on by the emperor was a reduction in the amount to be learned, so that more time might be had for the formation of character. this cannot be done now, he remarks, in a class containing thirty youngsters, who have such a huge amount of subjects to master. the teacher, too, the emperor said, must learn that his work is not over when he has delivered his lecture. "it isn't a matter of knowledge," he concludes "but a matter of educating the young people for the practical affairs of life." the emperor lastly dealt with the subject of shortsightedness. "i am looking for soldiers," he said. "we need a strong and healthy generation, which will also serve the fatherland as intellectual leaders and officials. this mass of shortsightedness is no use, since a man who can't use his eyes--how can he do anything later?" and he went on to mention the extraordinary facts that in some of the primary classes of german schools as many as per cent, were shortsighted, and that in his class at cassel, of the twenty-one pupils, eighteen wore spectacles, while two of them could not see the desk before them without their glasses. the englishman in germany often attributes german shortsightedness to the gothic character of german print. it is more probable that the long hours of study spent poring over books without fresh-air exercise, judiciously interposed, is responsible for it. it has been said that every one, like the emperor, has his own theory of education, but there is one passage in the emperor's speech with which almost all men will agree--that, namely, in which he urges that knowledge is not the only--perhaps not the chief--thing, but that young people must be educated for the practical affairs of life. unfortunately, as to how we are successfully to do this, the emperor is silent; and it may be that there is no certain or exact way. one could, of course--but we are concerned with the emperor. the difference of opinion between the emperor and bismarck regarding the emperor's visit to russia seems to have left no permanent ill-will in the emperor's mind, for on returning in october, , from visits to athens, where he attended the wedding of his sister sophie with the heir-apparent of greece, prince constantine (now king constantine), and constantinople, where he was allowed to inspect the sultan's seraglio, he sent a letter to the chancellor praying god to grant that the latter's "faithful and experienced counsel might for many years assist him in his difficult and responsible office." in january, , however, the question of renewing the socialist laws, which would expire shortly, came up for settlement. a council of ministers, under the emperor's presidency, was called to decide it. when the council met, bismarck was greatly surprised by a proposal of the emperor to issue edicts developing the principles laid down by his grandfather for working-class reform instead of renewing the socialist laws. the reichstag took the emperor's view and voted against the renewal of the laws. it only now remained to give effect to the emperor's edicts. they were considered at a further council of ministers, at which the emperor exhorted them to "leave the social democracy to me, i can manage them alone." the ministers agreed, and bismarck was in a minority of one. this, however, was only the beginning of the end. bismarck decided to continue in office until he had carried through parliament a new military bill, which was to come before it in may or june. meanwhile fresh matters of controversy between the emperor and the chancellor arose regarding the grant of imperial audiences to ministers other than the chancellor. bismarck insisted that the chancellor alone had the right to be received by the emperor for the discussion of state affairs. the quarrel was accentuated by a lively scene which occurred between the emperor and the chancellor about this period in connexion with a visit the leader of the catholic centre party had paid the chancellor, and on march th the emperor sent his chief adjutant, general von hahnke, to say he awaited the chancellor's resignation. bismarck replied that to resign at this juncture would be an act of desertion; the emperor could dismiss him. at the same time the chancellor summoned a meeting of ministers for the afternoon, but while they were discussing the situation a message was brought from the emperor telling them he did not require their advice in such a matter and that he had made up his mind about the chancellor. the messenger on the same occasion expressed to bismarck the emperor's surprise at not having received a formal resignation. bismarck's reply was that it would require some days to prepare such a document, as it was the last official statement of a "minister who had played a meritorious part in the history of prussia and germany, and history should know why he had been dismissed." three days later, on march th, an hour or two after the formal resignation reached the palace, the emperor's letter granting the chancellor's request for his release, naming him duke of lauenburg and announcing the appointment of general von caprivi as his successor, was put into the old chancellor's hands. vi. the court of the emperor while the ex-chancellor is bitterly meditating on the unreliability and ingratitude of princes, yet having in his heart, as the records clearly show, the loyal sentiments of a cardinal wolsey towards his royal master, even though that master had cast him off, we may be allowed to pause awhile in order to give some account of the court of which the emperor now became the centre and pivot. human imagination, in its worship of force as the source of ability to achieve the ends of ambition and desire, very early conceived the courts of kings as fairylands of power, wealth, luxury, and magnificence--in a word, of happiness. the same imagination represents the almighty, whose true nature no one knows, as a monarch in the bright court of heaven, and his great antagonist, satan, who stands for the king of evil, is enthroned by it amid the shades of hell. the fiction that courts are a species of earthly paradise is still kept up for the entertainment of children; while the adult, whom the annals of all countries has made familiar with a long record of monarchs, bad as well as good, is disposed to regard them as beneficial or otherwise to a country according to the character and conduct of the occupant of the throne, and to believe that they are at least as liable to produce examples of vice and hypocrisy as of virtue and honesty. the court of the german emperor in this connexion need not fear comparison with any court described in history. true, courts all over the world have improved wonderfully of recent years. their monarchs are more enlightened, they are frequented by a very different type of man and woman from the courts of former times, their morale and working are more closely scrutinized and more generally subjected to criticism, and they are occupied with a more public and less selfish order of considerations. the court of the emperor is, so far as can be known to a lynx-eyed and not always charitably thinking public, singularly free from the vices and failings the atmosphere of former courts was wont to foster. there is at all times, no doubt, the competition of politicians for influence and power acting and reacting on the court and its frequenters, but of scandal at the court of berlin there has been none that could be fairly said to involve the emperor or his family. dame gossip, of course, busied herself with the emperor in his youth, but whatever truth she then uttered--and it is probably extremely little--on this head, there is no question that from the day he mounted the throne his court and that of the empress has been a model for all institutions of the kind. the life of courts, the personages who play leading parts in them, their wealth and luxury, and the currents of social, amorous, and political intrigue which are supposed to course through them have in all countries and in all ages strongly appealed to writers, fanciful and serious. perhaps one-third of the prose and poetic literature of every country deals, directly or indirectly, with the subject, and determines in no small degree the character of its rising generations. the great architects of romance, depicting for us life in high places, and often nobly idealizing it, or working the facts of history into the web of their imaginings and thus pleasantly combining fact with fiction, aim at elevating, not at debasing, the mind of the reader. a second valuable source of information on the topic are the memoirs of those who have set down their observations and recorded experiences made in the courts to which they had access. among this class, however, are to be found unscrupulous as well as conscientious authors, the former obviously cherishing some personal grievance or as obviously actuated by malice, while the latter are usually moved by an honest desire to tell the world things that are important for it to know, and at the same time, it is not ill-natured to suspect, enhance their own reputation with their contemporaries or with posterity. the multitudinous tribe of anecdote inventors and retailers must also be taken into account. in our own day there is still another source of information, which, agreeably or odiously according to the temperament of the reader, keeps us in touch with courts and what goes on there--the periodical press; while afar off in the future one can imagine the historian bent over his desk, surrounded by books and knee-deep in newspapers, selecting and weighing events, studying characters, developing personalities, and passing what he hopes may be a final judgment on the court and period he is considering. for a study of the emperor's life, as it passes in his court, a large number of works are available, but not many that can be described as authoritative or reliable. among the latter, however, may be placed moritz busch's "bismarck: some secret pages of his history," three volumes that make busch almost as interesting to the reader as his subject; bismarck's own "gedanke und erinnerungen," which is chiefly of a political nature; and the "memorabilia of prince chlodwig hohenlohe-schillingsfürst," who was for several years statthalter of alsace-lorraine and subsequently became imperial chancellor in succession to general von caprivi. these works, with the collections of the emperor's speeches and the speeches and interviews of chancellor prince von bülow, may be ranked in the category of serious and authentic contributions to the court history of the period they cover. then there are several german descriptions of the court, reliable enough in their way which is a dull one, to those who are not impassioned monarchists or hide-bound bureaucrats. in the category of works by unscrupulous writers that entitled "the private lives of william ii and his consort," by a lady-in-waiting to the empress from to , easily takes first place. certainly it gives a lively and often entertaining insight into the domestic life of the palace, but it is so clearly informed by spite that it is impossible to distinguish what is true in it from what is false or misrepresented. finally, for the closer study of individual events and the impressions they made at the time of their happening, the daily press can be consulted. for the bismarck period the biography of hans blum is of exceptional value. what may be termed the anecdotic literature of the court is particularly rich and trivial, and this is only to be expected in a country where the monarchy and its representative are so forcibly and constantly brought home to the people's consciousness. yet it has its uses, and is referred to, though sparingly, in the present work. "the emperor as father of a family," "the emperor and his daughter's uniform," "the amiable grandfather," "the emperor as husband," "the emperor as card player," "how the emperor's family is photographed," "what does the emperor's kitchen look like," "adieu, auguste" ("auguste" is the empress), "the english lord and the emperor's cigarettes," "when my wife makes you a sandwich," "what the emperor reads," "the emperor's handwriting," "can the emperor vote?" (the answer is, opinions differ), "washing day at the emperor's," "the emperor and the empress at tennis," "emperor and auto," are the sort of matters dealt with. literature of this kind is beyond question intensely interesting to vast numbers of people, but helps very little towards understanding a singularly complex human being placed in a high and extraordinarily responsible position. strictly speaking, there is no imperial court in germany, since the king of prussia, in accordance with the imperial constitution, always succeeds to the imperial throne, and therefore officially the court is that of the king of prussia only. the distinction is emphasized by the fact that the court is independent of the empire as regards its administration and finance. it is a state within a state, an _imperium in imperio_. in all that pertains to it the emperor is absolute ruler and his executive is a special ministry. at the same time it is almost needless to add that the court of berlin is practically that of the empire. it is this character, apart from prussia's size and importance, that distinguishes it from other courts in germany and reduces them to comparative insignificance in foreign, though by no means in german, consideration. the court of the empire and prussia--and the same thing may be said of the various other courts in germany--engages popular interest and attention to a much larger extent than is the case in england. the fact is almost wholly due to the nature of the monarchy and of its relations to the people. in england a great portion of the popular attention is concentrated on parliament and the fortunes of its two great political parties. the attention given to the court and its doings is not of the same general and permanent character, but is intermittent according to the occasion. the englishman feels deep and abiding popular interest at all times in parliament, whether in session or not, because it represents the people and is, in fact, and for hundreds of years has been, the government. the reverse may fairly be said to be the case in germany. in germany popular attention has been from early times concentrated on the monarch, his personality, sayings and doings, since in his hands lay government power and patronage. monarchy of a more or less absolute character was accepted by the people, not only in germany but all over the continent, as the normal and desirable, perhaps the inevitable, state of things; and it is only since the french revolution that parliaments after the english pattern, that is by two chambers elected by popular vote, yet in many important respects widely differing from it, were demanded by the people or finally established. up to comparatively recent times the monarch in prussia was an absolute ruler. frederick william iv, after the events of , was compelled to grant prussia a constitution which explicitly defined the respective rights of the crown and the people in the sphere of politics; and the imperial constitution, drawn up on the formation of the modern empire, did the same thing as regards the emperor and the people of the empire; but neither constitution altered the nature of the monarchy in the direction of giving governing power to the people. both secured the people legislative, but not governing power. government in the empire and prussia remains, as of old, an appanage, so to speak, of the court, and the fact of course tends to concentrate attention on the court. it has been said that the court is a state within a state, an _imperium in imperio_. in this state, within prussia or within the empire, it is the same thing for our purpose, there are two main departments, that of the lord chamberlain (_oberstkammeramt_) and that of the master of the household (_ministerium des königlichen hauses_). the first deals with all questions of court etiquette, court ceremonial, court mourning, precedence, superintendence of the courts of the emperor's sons and near relatives, and of all prussian court offices. the second deals with the personal affairs of the emperor and his sons, the domestic administration of the palace, the management of the crown estates and castles, and is the tribunal that decides all hohenzollern differences and disputes that are not subject to the ordinary legal tribunals. connected with this ministry are the herald's office and the court archives office. the chief court officials include, beside the lord chamberlain and the master of the household, a chief court marshal. the master of the household is also chief master of ceremonies, with a deputy master of ceremonies who is also introducer of ambassadors, two court marshals, a captain of the palace guards, a court chaplain, court physician, an intendant in charge of the royal theatres, a master of the horse who has charge of the royal stables, a house marshal, and a master of the kitchen. all these officials are princes (_fürst_) or counts (_graf_), with the title highness (_durchlaucht_) or excellency. court officials also include the various nobles in charge of the royal palaces, castles, and hunting lodges at potsdam, charlottenburg, breslau, stettin, marienburg, posen, letzlingen, hohkönigsberg, homberg von der höhe, springe, hubertusstock, rominten, korfu (the "achilleion"), wiesbaden, koenigsberg, etc., to the number of thirty or more. the empress has her own court officials, including a mistress of the robes and ladies of the bedchamber, also with the title of excellency, the ladies being chosen from the most aristocratic families of germany. the empress has her own master of the household, physician, treasurer, and so on. similarly with the households of the crown prince, other royal princes and the emperor's near relatives. every order the emperor gives that is not of a purely domestic kind passes through one of his three cabinets--the civil cabinet, the military cabinet, or the marine cabinet. the cost of the first, with its chief, who receives £ , a year, and half a dozen subordinate officials on salaries of £ to £ , is budgeted at about £ , a year. the military cabinet is a much larger establishment, having several departments and a staff of half a hundred councillors and clerks. the naval cabinet, on the other hand, is composed of only three upper officials and five clerks. the emperor's "civil list" is returned in the budget as £ , roughly. his entire annual revenue does not exceed £ , , . out of this he has to pay the expenses of his married sons' households and make large contributions to public charities. he was left, however, a very considerable sum of money by the emperor william. the crown prince, as such, receives a grant of £ , a year, chiefly derived from the royal domain of oels in silesia. like all fathers of large families, the emperor has been more than once heard to complain that he finds it difficult to make both ends meet. the emperor's staff of adjutants are exceptionally useful and important people. at their head is the chief of the emperor's military cabinet. not less important are the members of the emperor's marine cabinet, consisting of admirals, vice-admirals, and wing-admirals. the personal adjutants divide the day and night service between them, so that there may always be three adjutants at the emperor's immediate disposal. the adjutant announces ministers or other visitors to the emperor, telegraphs to say that his majesty has an hour or an hour and a half at his disposal at such-and-such a time, or intimates that an audience of half an hour can be given in the train between two given points. they act as living memorandum books, knock at the emperor's door to announce that it is time for him to go to this or that appointment, remind him that a congratulatory telegram on some one's seventieth birthday or other jubilee has to be sent, or perhaps whispers that her majesty the empress wishes to see him. all the emperor's correspondence passes through their hands. they accompany the emperor on his journeys and voyages, and when thus employed are usually invited to his table. the emperor reads of some new book and tells an adjutant to order it, and the latter does so by communicating with the civil cabinet. court society in berlin includes the german "higher" and "lower" nobility, with the exception of the so-called fronde, who proudly absent themselves from it; the ministers; the diplomatic corps; court officials; and such members of the burghertum, or middle class, as hold offices which entitle them to attend court. the wives, however, of those in the last category are not "court-capable" on this account, nor is the middle class generally, nor even members of the imperial or prussian parliaments as such. members of parliament are invited to the court's seasonal festivities, but as a rule only members of the conservative parties or other supporters of the government. the nobility, as in england, is hereditary or only nominated for life, and the hereditary nobility is divided into an upper and lower class. to the former belongs members of houses that were ruling when the modern empire was established, and, while excluding the emperor, who stands above them, includes sovereign houses and mediatized houses. some of the ancient privileges of the nobility, such as exemption from taxation, and the right to certain high offices, have been abolished, but in practice the nobility still occupy the most important charges in the administration and in the army. the privileges of the mediatized princes consist of exemption from conscription, the enjoyment of the principle called "equality of birth," which prevents the burgher wife of a noble acquiring her husband's rank, and the right to have their own "house law" for the regulation of family disputes and family affairs generally. no increase to the high nobility of germany can accrue as no addition will ever be made to the once sovereign and mediatized families. with the exception of these houses the rest of the german nobility, hereditary and non-hereditary, is accounted as belonging to the lower nobility. that part of the german aristocracy who refuse to go to court, and are accordingly called by the name fronde, first given to the opponents of cardinal mazarin, in the reign of louis xiv, consist chiefly of a few old families of prussian poland, hannover (the guelphs), brunswick, nassau, hessen, and other annexed german territories, and of some great catholic houses in bavaria and the rhineland. their dislike is directed not so much against the empire as against prussia. the kulturkampf had the effect of setting a small number of ancient prussian ultramontane families against the government. not much that is complimentary can be said of the german aristocracy as a whole. "serenissimus" is to-day as frequently the subject of bitter, if often humorous, caricature in the comic press as ever he was. a few of the class, like prince fürstenberg, prince hohenlohe, count henkel-donnersmarck and some others engage successfully in commerce; many are practical farmers and have done a good deal for agriculture; several are deputies to parliament; but on the whole the foreigner gets the impression that the class as such contributes but a small percentage of what it might and should in the way of brains, industry, or example to the welfare and the progress of the empire. it is difficult to communicate an impression of the court, whether at the schloss in berlin or the new palace in potsdam, and at the same time avoid the dry and dusty descriptions of the guide-books. if the reader is not in berlin, let him imagine the fragment of a mediæval town, situated on a river and fronted by a bridge; and on the bank of the river a dark, square, massive and weather-stained pile of four stories, with barred windows on the ground floor as defence against a possibly angry populace, and a sentry-box at each of its two lofty wrought-iron gates. it may be, as baedeker informs us it is, a "handsome example of the german renaissance," but to the foreigner it can as equally suggest a large and grimy barracks as the five-hundred-years-old palace of a long line of kings and emperors. and yet, to any one acquainted with the blood-stained annals of prussian history, who knows something of the massive stone buildings about it and of the people who have inhabited them, who strolls through its interior divided into sombre squares, each with its cold and bare parade-ground, who reflects on the relations between king and people, closely identified by their historical associations, yet sundered by the feudal spirit which still keeps the crown at a distance from the crowd, above all to the german versed in his country's story--how eloquently it speaks! when one thinks of the court of berlin one should not forget that the new palace, the emperor's residence at potsdam, sixteen miles distant from the capital, is as much, and as important, a part of it as the royal palace in berlin itself. the emperor divides his time between them, the former, when he is not travelling, being his more permanent residence, and the latter only claiming his presence during the winter season and for periods of a day or so at other parts of the year, when occasion requires it. it is only during the six or eight weeks of the winter season that the empress and her daughter, princess victoria louise (now duchess of brunswick), go into residence at the berlin royal palace. there is a railway between potsdam and berlin, but since the introduction of the motor-car the emperor almost always uses that means of conveyance for the half-hour's run between his berlin and potsdam palaces. the other section of the court, if potsdam may be so described, is hardly less rich in memories than the old palace by the spree. indeed it is richer from the cosmopolitan point of view, for though frederick the great was born in the berlin schloss and spent some of his time there, it was at potsdam that, when not campaigning, he may be said to have lived and died. to this day, for the foreigner, his personality still pervades the place, and that of the emperor sinks, comparatively, into the background. the tourist who has pored over his baedeker will learn that potsdam has , inhabitants and is "charmingly situated"--it depends on your temperament what the charm is, and to guide-book framers all tourists have the same temperament--on an island in the havel "which here expands into a series of lakes bounded by wooded hills." he will learn that the old town-palace, which few visitors give a thought to, was built by the great elector, that frederick the great lived here in "richly decorated apartments with sumptuous furniture and noteworthy pictures by pater, lancret, and pesne"; that it contains a cabinet in which the dining-table could be let up and down by means of a trap-door, and "where the king occasionally dined with friends without risk of being overheard by his attendants"; that the present emperor, then prince william, lived here with his young wife when he was still only a lieutenant. he will drive to the new palace--now old, for it was built by frederick the great in , during the seven years' war, at a cost of nearly half a million sterling--and gaze with interest at the summer residence of the emperor. if he is an american he may think of his multi-millionaire fellow-citizen, cornelius vanderbilt, who, when driving up to call on his erstwhile imperial schoolfellow and friend, was nearly shot at by a sentry for whom the name vanderbilt was no "open sesame." he will see before him a main building, seven hundred feet in length, three stories high, with the central portion surmounted by a dome, its chief façade looking towards a park. the whole, of course--for baedeker is talking--forms an "imposing pile," with "mediocre sculptures, but the effect of the weathered sandstone figures against the red brick is very pleasing." here the emperor's father, frederick iii, was born, lived as crown prince, reigned for ninety-nine days, and died. here, too, are more "apartments of frederick the great," with pictures by rubens, including an "adoration of the magi," a good example of watteau and a portrait of voltaire drawn by frederick's own hand. in the north wing are situated the present emperor's suite of chambers, where distinguished men of all countries have discussed almost every conceivable topic, political, social, religious, martial, artistic, financial, and commercial, with one of the most interesting talkers of his time. no bloody tragedy has defiled the palace, as did the murder of lord darnley at holyrood, that of the duke of guise (sir walter scott's "le balafré") the chateau of blois, the execution of the bourbon duc d'enghien the palace of vincennes, or the murder of the boy princes the tower of london. but bloodless tragedy, and exquisite comedy, and farce too, have doubtless had their hour within the walls. one such incident of the politico-tragic kind was that which passed only two years ago between the emperor and his imperial chancellor, when prince von bülow went as deputy from the federal council, the parliament, and the people to pray the emperor to exercise more caution in his public, or semi-public statements; and the historian may possibly find another, and not without its touch of comedy, in the reception by the emperor of the chinese prince, who headed the "mission of atonement" for the murder of the emperor's minister in pekin during the boxer troubles. from the new palace our foreigner will probably drive to the marble palace, which (for baedeker is ever at one's elbow with the facts) he will mark was built in by frederick william ii, who died here, was completed in by frederick william iv, and was the residence of the present emperor at the time of his accession. but while our foreigner has been hurrying from one palace to another, with his mind in a fog of historical and topographical confusion--if he is an american, half-hoping, half-expecting to meet the emperor or empress and secure a bow from one or other, or--why not?--one of william's well-known vigorous _poignées de main_, there is always one thought predominant in his mind--sans souci. that is the real object of his quest, the main attraction that has brought him, all unconscious of it, to berlin, and not the laudable, but wholly mistaken efforts of the "society for the promotion of tourist traffic," which seeks to lure the moneyed and reluctant foreigner to the german capital. our foreigner enters the park of sans souci and his spirit is at rest. now he knows where he really is--not in the wonderful new german empire, not in modern berlin with its splendid and to him unspeaking streets, its garish "night-life," its faultily-faultless municipal propriety, not in potsdam, "the true cradle of the prussian army," as baedeker, deviating for an instant into metaphor, describes it, but simply in sans souci. he is now no longer in the twentieth century, but the eighteenth--one hundred and fifty years ago or more--in frederick's day, the period of pigtails, of giant grenadiers in the old-time blue and red coats, the high and fantastic shako made of metal and tapering to a point, of three-cornered hats resting on powdered wigs, of yellow top-boots, and exhaling the general air of ruffianly geniality characteristic of the manners and soldiers of the age. as our foreigner advances through the park, where, as he is told, the emperor makes a promenade each christmas eve distributing ten-mark pieces (spiteful chroniclers make it three marks) to all and sundry poor, he will notice the fountain "the water of which rises to a height of feet," with its twelve figures by french artists of the eighteenth century, and ascend the broad terraced flight of marble steps up which the present crown prince is credited with once urging his trembling steed--leading to the mecca of his imagination, the palace sans souci itself. the building is only one story high, not large, reminding one somewhat of the trianon at versailles, though lacking the trianon's finished lightness and elegance, yet with its semicircular colonnade distinctly french, and impressive by its elevated situation. the chief, the enduring, the magical impression, however, begins to form as our foreigner commences his pilgrimage through the rooms in which frederick passed most of his later years. as he pauses in the voltaire chamber he imagines the two great figures, seated in stiff-backed chairs at a little table on which stand, perhaps, a pair of cut venetian wine-glasses and a tall bottle of old rheinish--the great man of thought and the great man of action, the two great atheists and freethinkers of europe, with their earnest, sharply featured faces, and their wigs bobbing at each other, discussing the events and tendencies of their time. and how they must have talked--no wonder frederick, though the idol of his subjects, withdrew for such discourse from the society of the day, with its twaddle of the tea-cups and its parade-ground platitudes. as in our own time, there was then no lack of stimulating topics. the influence of the old catholicism and the old feudalism was rapidly diminishing, the night of superstition was passing, and the age of reason, that was to culminate with such tremendous and horrible force in the french revolution, was beginning to dawn. the encyclopaedists, with diderot and d'alembert in the van, were holding council in france, mobilizing the intellects of the time, and, like bacon, taking all knowledge for their province, for a fierce attack on the old philosophy, the old statecraft, the old art, and the old religion. are such topics and such men to deal with them to be found to-day, or have all the great problems of humanity and its intellect been started, studied, and resolved? and are motor-cars, aeroplanes, dances, dreadnoughts, millinery, rag-time reviews, auction bridge, the rise and fall of stocks, and the last extraordinary round of golf, all that is left for the present generation to discuss? however, the guardian of the palace has moved on, the other members of the party are getting bored, and our foreigner follows the guardian's lead. thus conducted, he passes through half a dozen rooms, each a museum of historical associations--the dining-room with its round table made famous by menzel's picture (now in the berlin national gallery) in which frederick and his guests are seen seated, but in which it is difficult if not impossible to be certain which is the host; the concert-room with the clock which frederick was in the habit of winding up, and which "is said to have stopped at the precise moment of his death, . a.m., august th, "; the death-chamber with its eloquent and pathetic statue, magnussen's "last moments of frederick the great"; the library and picture gallery. strangely enough, baedeker has no mention of a female subject portrayed in the concert-room in all sorts of attitudes and in all sorts and no sort of costume. yet every one has heard of la barberini, the only woman, the chroniclers (and voltaire among them) assure us, frederick ever loved. she was no woman of birth or wit like the pompadour, récamier or staël, but of merely ordinary understanding and the wife of a subordinate official of the court. she charmed frederick, however, and may have loved him. if so, let us remember that the morals of those days were not those of ours, and not grudge the lonely king his enjoyment of her beauty and amiability. one thing only remains for our foreigner to see--the coffin of frederick in the old garrison church. it lies in a small chamber behind the pulpit and looks more like the strong box of a miser than the last resting-place of a great king. for such a man it seems poor and mean, but probably frederick himself did not wish for better. he must have known that his real monument would be his reputation with posterity. in fact the chroniclers agree, and the noble statue of magnussen confirms the impression, that at the close of his stormy life he was glad finally to be at rest anywhere. "_quand je serai là_," he was wont to say, pointing to where his dogs were buried in the palace park, "_je serai sans souci_." in every court there is a disposition on the part of courtiers to agree with everything the monarch says, to flatter him as dexterously as they can, to minister to princely vanity, if vanity there be, to "crawl on their bellies," in the choice language of hostile court critics, or "wag their tails" and double up their bodies at every bow; show, in short, in different ways, often all unconsciously, the presence of a servile and self-interested mind. the disposition is not to be found in courts alone. it is one of the commonest and most malignant qualities of humanity, and can any day and at any hour be observed in action in any ministry of state, any mercantile office, any great warehouse, any public institution, in every scene, in fact, where one or many men are dependent for their living on the favour or caprice of another. on the other hand, let it not be forgotten that this innate tendency of human nature is at times replaced by another which has frequently the same outward manifestations, but is not the same feeling, the sentiment, namely, of embarrassment arising from the fear of being servile, and the equally frequent embarrassment arising from that principle which is always at work in the mind, the association of ideas, which in the case of a monarch presents him to the ordinary mortal as embodying ideas of grandeur, power, might, and intellect to which the latter is unaccustomed. education, economic changes, and the art of manners have done much to conceal, if not eradicate, human proneness to servility, and the byzantinism of the time of caligula and nero, of tiberius, constantine, or nikiphoros, of the stuarts and the bourbons, has long been modified into respect for oneself as well as for the person one addresses. there are, however, still traces of the old evil in the german atmosphere, and in especial a tendency among officials of all grades to be humble and submissive to those above them and haughty and domineering to those below them. the tendency is perhaps not confined to germany, but it seems, to the inhabitant of countries where bureaucracy is not a powerful caste, to penetrate german society and ordinary life to a greater degree--yet not to a great degree--than in more democratic societies. the emperor naturally knows nothing of such a thing, for there is no one superior to him in the empire in point of rank, and he is much too modern, too well educated, and of too kindly and liberal a nature to encourage or permit byzantinism towards him on the part of others. indeed byzantinism was never a hohenzollern failing. in his able work on german civilization professor richard tells of some silesian peasants who knelt down when presenting a petition to frederick william i, and were promptly told to get up, as "such an attitude was unworthy of a human being." only on one occasion in the reign has an action of the emperor's afforded ground for the suspicion that he was for a moment filled with the spirit of the byzantine emperors--namely, when he demanded the "kotow" from the chinese prince tschun, who led the "mission of atonement" to germany. this, however, was not really the result of a byzantine character or spirit, but of the excusable anger of a man whose innocent representative had been treacherously killed. of affinity with the idea of byzantinism is that as frequently occurring idea in german court and ordinary life conveyed by the word "reaction." here again we have one of those qualities to be found among mankind everywhere and always: the instinct opposed to change, even to those changes for the good we call progress, the disposition that made horace deride the _laudator temporis acti se puero_ of his day, the feeling of the man who laments the passing of the "good old times" and the military veteran who assures us that "the country, sir, is going to the dogs." in political life such men are usually to be found professing conservatism, owners of land, dearer to them often than life itself, which they fear political change will damage or diminish. in germany the conservative forces are the old agrarian aristocracy, the military nobility, and the official hierarchy, who make a worship of tradition, hold for the most part the tenets of orthodox protestantism, dread the growing influence of industrialism, and are members of the landlords' association: types of a dying feudalism, disposed to believe nothing advantageous to the community if it conflicts with any privilege of their class. under the name of junker, the conservative landowners of the region of prussia east of the elbe, they have become everywhere a byword for pride, selfishness, in a word--reaction. they and men of their kidney are to be distinguished from the german "people" in the english sense, and hold themselves vastly superior to the burghertum, the vast middle class. they dislike the "academic freedom" of the university professor, would limit the liberty of the press and restrain the right of public meeting, and increase rather than curtail the powers of the police. on the other hand, if they are a powerful drag on the emperor's liberal tendencies--liberal, that is, in the prussian sense--towards a comprehensive and well-organized social policy, they are at least reliable supporters of his government for the military and naval budgets, since they believe as whole-heartedly in the rule of force as the emperor himself. the german conservative would infinitely prefer a return to absolute government to the introduction of parliamentary government. at the same time it should not be supposed that the emperor or his chancellor, or even his court, are reactionary in the sense or measure in which the socialist papers are wont to assert. it is doubtful if nowadays the emperor would venture to be reactionary in any despotic way. given that his monarchy and the spirit that informs it are secure, that caesar gets all that is due to caesar, and that he and his government are left the direction of foreign policy, he is quite willing that the people should legislate for themselves, enjoy all the rights that belong to them under the _rechtsstaat_ established by frederick the great, and, in short, enjoy life as best they can. vii. "dropping the pilot" heinrich von treitschke, the german historian, writing to a friend, speaks of the dismissal of prince bismarck as "an indelible stain on prussian history and a tragic stroke of fate the like of which the world has never seen since the days of themistocles." opinions may differ as to the indelibility of the stain--which must be taken as a reflection on the conduct of the emperor; and parallels might perhaps be found, at least by students of english history, in the dismissal of cardinal wolsey by henry viii, or that of the elder pitt by george iii. but there may well be general agreement as to the tragic nature of the fall, for it was a struggle between a strong personality and the unknown, but irresistible, laws of fate. the historic quarrel between the emperor and his chancellor was not merely the inevitable clash between two dispositions fundamentally different, but between--to adapt the expression of a modern poet--"an age that was dying and one that was coming to birth." old prussia was giving place to new germany. the atmosphere of war had changed to an atmosphere of peace. the standards of education and comfort were rising fast. the old german idealism was being pushed aside by materialism and commercialism, and the thoughts of the nation were turning from problems of philosophy and art to problems of practical science and experiment. thought was to be followed by action. mankind, after conversing with the ancients for centuries, now began to converse with one another. the desire for national expansion, if it could not be gratified by conquest, was to be satisfied by the spread of german influence, power, activity, and enterprise in all parts of the world. such a collision of the ages is tragedy on the largest scale, for nothing can be more tragic--more inevitable or inexorable--than the march of progress. the natures of the two men were, in important respects, fundamentally different. bismarck's nature was prosaic, primitive, unscrupulous, domineering: a type which in an english schoolboy would be described as a bully, with the modification that while the bully in an english school is always depicted as a coward at heart (a supposition, however, by no means always borne out in after-life), bismarck had the courage of a bull-dog. moreover, bismarck was a conservative, a statesman of expediency. the emperor is a man of principle; and as expediency, in a world of change, is a note of conservatism, so, in the same world, is principle the _leit-motiv_ of liberalism. to call the emperor a man of principle may appear to be at variance with general opinion as founded on exceptional occurrences, but these do not supply sufficient material for a fair judgment, and there are many acts of his reign which show him to be liberal in disposition. not, it need hardly be said, liberal in the english political sense. liberalism in england--the two-party country--usually means a strong desire to vote against a conservative on the assumption that the conservative is nearly always completely wrong and never completely right. as will be seen later, there is no political liberalism in the english sense in germany. the emperor's liberalism shows itself in his sympathy with his people in their desire for improvement as a society of which he is the head, selected by god and only restricted by a constitutional compact solemnly sworn to by the contracting parties. proofs of this sympathy might be adduced--his determination to carry through his grandfather's social policy against bismarck's wish, however hostile he was and is to social democracy; his steadfast peace policy, however nearly he has brought his country to war; his encouragement of the arts among the lower classes, however limited his views on art may be; his friendly intercourse with people of all nationalities and occupations. the characters also of the two men were different. bismarck's was the result of civilian training; the emperor's of military training. bismarck had small regard for manners, and would have scoffed had anyone told him "manners makyth man"; the emperor is courtesy itself, as every one who meets him testifies. bismarck was fond of eating and drinking, with the appetite of a horse and the thirst of a drayman, until he was nearly eighty, and smoked strong cigars from morning to night--a very pleasant thing, of course, if you can stand it. the emperor has never cared particularly for what are called the pleasures of the table, is fond of apples and one or two simple german dishes, and has never been what in germany is called a "chain-smoker." bismarck appears not to have had the faintest interest in art; the emperor, while of late disclaiming in all art company his lack of expert knowledge, has always found delight in art's most classical forms. yet the two men had some deeply marked traits of character in common. the emperor, as was bismarck, is prussian, that is to say mediaeval, to the core, notwithstanding that he had an english mother and lived in early childhood under english influences. he has always exhibited, as bismarck always did, the genuine qualities of the prussian--self-confidence, tenacity of purpose, absolute trust in his own ideals and intolerance of those of other people, impatience of rivalry, selfishness for the advantage of prussia as against other german states, as strong as that for the newly born empire against other countries. finally, the emperor is convinced, as bismarck was convinced, that in the first and last resort, a society, a people, a nation, is based on force and by force alone can prosper, or even be held together. neither bismarck nor the emperor could ever sympathize with those who look to a time when one strong and sensible policeman will be of more value to a community than a thousand unproductive soldiers. long before he became imperial chancellor bismarck had done masterly and important work for the country. in he began his career by filling the post of interim minister president of prussia at a time when the present emperor was still an infant. it was on taking up the position that he made the celebrated statement that "great questions cannot be decided by speeches and majority-votes, but must be resolved by blood and iron." born in april, , two months before the battle of waterloo, at schoenhausen, in the prussian province of saxony, not far from magdeburg, he studied at the universities of gottingen and berlin and passed two steps of the official ladder--auscultator and referendar--which may be translated respectively protocolist and junior counsel. his parliamentary career began in , two years before the second french revolution. at that time prussia was an absolute monarchy, without a constitution or a parliament. there was no conscription, that foundation-stone of prussian power and of the modern german empire. then came the agitated days of , the sanguinary "march days" in berlin. frederick william iv was on the throne, and in permitted the calling of a parliament, the forerunner of the present reichstag; but only to represent the "rights," not the "opinions," of the people. "no piece of paper," cried the king, "shall come, like a second providence, between god in heaven and this land!" that, too, was bismarck's sentiment, courageously expressed by him when the diet was debating the idea of introducing the english parliamentary system, and proved by him in character and conduct until the day of his death. he would have made a splendid jacobite! the three "march days," the th, th, and th of march, , form one of the few occasions in prussian or german history on which crown and people came into direct and serious conflict. according to german accounts of the episode the outbreak of the revolution in france was followed by a large influx into berlin of poles and frenchmen, who instigated the populace to violence. collisions with the police occurred, and on march th barricades began to be erected. traffic in the streets was only possible with the aid of the military. the king was in despair, not so much, the accounts say, at the danger he was in of losing his throne as at the shedding of the blood of his folk, and issued a proclamation promising to grant all desirable reforms, abolishing the censorship of the press, and summoning the diet to discuss the terms of a constitution. the citizens, however, continued to build barricades, made their way into the courtyards of the palace, and demanded the withdrawal of the troops. the king ordered the courtyards to be cleared, the palace guard advanced, and, either by accident or design, the guns of two grenadiers went off. no one was hit, but cries of "treason!" and "murder!" were raised. within an hour a score of barricades were set up in various parts of the town and manned by a medley of workmen, university students, artists, and even men of the landwehr, or military reserve. at this time there were about , troops at the king's disposal, and with these the authorities proceeded against the mob. a series of scattered engagements between mob and military began. they lasted for eight hours, until at midnight general von prittwitz, who was in command of the troops, was able to report to the king that the revolution was subdued. next morning, however, the th, numerous deputations of citizens presented themselves at the palace, and assuring the king that it was the only means of preventing the further effusion of blood, renewed the request for the withdrawal of the troops. the king consented, notwithstanding the opposition of prince, afterwards emperor, william, and the troops were drawn off to potsdam. the citizens thereupon appointed a national guard, which took charge of the palace, and in the evening a vast crowd appeared beneath the king's windows bearing the corpses of those who had fallen at the barricades during the two preceding days. the dead bodies were laid in rows in the palace courtyard, and the king was invited out to see them. he could not but obey, and bowed to the crowd as he stood bareheaded before the bodies. it is clear from the occurrences in berlin in that while the prussian idea of monarchy is deeply rooted in the german mind, the possibility of a sudden change in public sentiment and a radical alteration of the relations between crown and people are never at any time to be wholly disregarded. hence it is that the emperor and his government are so insistent on the doctrine of heaven-granted sovereignty, so ready to support more or less autocratic monarchies in other parts of the world, and so sensitive to popular movements like anarchism and nihilism in russia, or the always-smouldering polish agitation and the propaganda of the social democracy in germany. when king frederick william iv said to his assembled generals at potsdam a week after the "march days," "never have i felt more free or more secure than when under the protection of my burghers," his words were drowned in the buzz of murmurs and the angry clanking of swords. the emperor to-day might, or might not, endorse the words of his ancestor. most probably he would not; for, judging by his speeches, his care for the army, the military state with which he surrounds himself, and his habitual appearance in uniform, he, though in truth far more a civil monarch than the war lord foreign writers delight in painting him, is evidently determined to rely only on his soldiers for every eventuality at home as well as abroad. perhaps the best german authorities on bismarck's falling-out with the young emperor are the statements regarding it to be found in the memoranda supplied at the time by prince bismarck himself to dr. moritz busch; the memoirs of prince hohenlohe-schillingsfürst, subsequently imperial chancellor; and the monograph on bismarck by dr. hans blum, one of the chancellor's confidants. the memoranda supplied to busch make regrettably few references to the subject, beyond giving the terms of the official resignation and some scanty addenda thereto; but enough is said generally by busch concerning bismarck's conversations to show that the chancellor was deeply mortified by his dismissal. bismarck indeed expressly denies this in a conversational statement quoted by an able bismarckian writer of our own time, dr. paul liman; but in view of subsequent events and statements the denial can hardly be taken as sincere. the passage referred to is as follows:-- "i bear no grudge against my young master, who is fiery and lively. he wishes to make all men happy, and that is very natural at his age. i, for my part, believe perhaps less in this possibility, and have told him so too. it is very natural that a mentor like myself does not please him, and that he therefore rejects my advice. an old carthorse and a young courser go ill in harness together. only politics are not so easy as a chemical combination: they deal with human beings. i wish certainly that his experiments may succeed, and am not in the least angry with him. i stand towards him like a father whom a son has grieved; the father may suffer thereby, but all the same he says to himself, 'he is a fine young fellow.' when i was young i followed my king everywhere: now that i am old i can no longer accompany my master when he travels so far. accordingly it is unavoidable that counsellors who remained closer to him should win his confidence at my expense. he is very easily influenced when one puts before him ideas which he supposes will happily affect the condition of the people, and he can hardly wait to put them into operation. the kaiser will achieve reputation at once: i have my own to watch over, to defend. i have sacrificed myself for renown and will not place it in jeopardy." prince hohenlohe's memoirs are much more valuable in respect of positive information, and especially in supplying an account of the incident taken from the lips of the emperor himself. the prince was without his great predecessor's ability, but was much more amiable and sincere. he was, moreover, a friend of both the parties concerned, and he impartially jotted down events at the time they occurred. lastly, if he was a courtier at heart, he was that not wholly unknown thing, an honest one. dr. hans blum is obviously a partisan of the great chancellor's, but he may also be referred to for a fairly connected account of the fall and the events that succeeded it up to the time of bismarck's death on july , . apart from the differences in the ages and temperaments of the emperor and the chancellor, there were differences in their views as to certain measures of policy. there was a difference of opinion as to german policy regarding russia. friendship with that country had been the policy of both emperor william i and bismarck, and the latter had effected a reinsurance treaty with russia, stipulating for russian neutrality in case of a war between germany and france, notwithstanding the subsistence of the triple alliance between germany, austria, and italy. the reinsurance treaty, which had been made for a period of three years, was now about to expire, and while bismarck desired its renewal, the emperor, in a spirit of loyalty to austria, was against the renewal, and the treaty was not renewed. this was the "new course" as it regarded russia. the difference with regard to the anti-socialist laws has been referred to in our chapter on the accession. the royal order of september, , which has been mentioned as leading immediately to the resignation, regulated intercourse between the prussian ministers and the crown, its chief provision being that only the minister president, and not individual ministers, should have audience of the emperor regarding matters of home and foreign policy. the emperor desired the abrogation of the order, for he wished to consult with the ministers individually. the text of bismarck's official resignation, after describing the origin of the order, continues: "if each individual minister can receive commands from his sovereign without previous arrangement with his colleagues, a coherent policy, for which some one is to be responsible, is an impossibility. it would be impossible for any of the ministers, and especially for the minister president, to bear the constitutional responsibility for the cabinet as a whole. such a provision as that contained in the order of could be dispensed with under the absolute monarchy and could also be dispensed with to-day if we returned to absolutism without ministerial responsibility. but according to the constitutional arrangements now legally in force the control of the cabinet by a president under the order of is indispensable." the emperor replied to prince bismarck's resignation in a communication which the reader, according to his disposition, will regard as an effusion of the heart, immensely creditable to its composer, a model of an official reply as demanded by circumstances, a striking example of the art of throwing dust in the public eye, or an equally striking contribution to the literature of excusable hypocrisy. it was as follows:-- "my dear prince,--with deep emotion i learn from your request of the th instant that you have decided to retire from the offices which you have filled for long years with incomparable success. i had hoped not to have been compelled to entertain the thought of separation during our lives. while, however, in full consciousness of the important consequences of your retirement, i am forced to accustom myself to the thought. i do so, it is true, with a heavy heart, but in the strong confidence that the grant of your request will contribute as much as possible to the protection and preservation for as long as possible of a life and strength of unreplaceable value to the fatherland. "the grounds you offer for your resignation convince me that any further attempt to induce you to reconsider your determination would have no prospect of success. i acquiesce, therefore, in your wish by hereby graciously releasing you from your offices as imperial chancellor, president of my state ministry, and minister of foreign affairs, and trust that your counsels and energy, your loyalty and devotion, will not be wanting to me and the country in the future also. "i have considered it as one of the most valued privileges in my life that at the commencement of my reign i had you at my side as my first counsellor. what you have done and achieved for prussia and germany, what you have done for my house, my ancestors, and me, will remain to me and the german people in grateful and imperishable memory. but also in foreign countries your wise and energetic peace policy, which i, too, in the future also, as a result of sincere conviction, decide to take as the guiding line of my conduct, will be always gloriously recognized. it is not in my power to requite your services as they deserve. i must rest satisfied with assuring you of my own and the country's ineffaceable thanks. as a sign of this thanks i confer on you the rank of a duke of lauenburg. i will also send you a life-sized picture of myself. "god bless you, my dear prince, and grant you still many years of an old age undisturbed and blessed with the consciousness of duty faithfully done. "in this disposition i remain to you and yours in the future also your sincere, obliged, and grateful emperor and king, "william i.r." the emperor has never, so far as is publicly known, issued, or caused to be issued, an official account of the episode and its _péripéties_, but the story he poured, evidently out of a full heart, into the ears of prince hohenlohe, then statthalter of alsace-lorraine, during a midnight drive from the railway station at hagenau to the hunting lodge at sufflenheim, is an historical document of practically official authenticity. it appears as follows in the prince's memoirs:-- "strasburg, _april_, . "on the evening of the rd, nine o'clock, i drove with thaden and moritz to hagenau, there to await the arrival of the emperor. we spent the evening with circle-officer klemm. i went to bed at eleven o'clock in the guest-room, and slept until half-past twelve. moritz and thaden drove to the station with a view to changing their clothes in the train. at one o'clock i was again at the station, when the emperor punctually arrived. i presented the gentlemen to him, and turned over general hahnke to baron charpentier and lieutenant cramer, for them to conduct him to the hunting ground. our journey lasted about an hour, during which the emperor related without a pause the whole story of his quarrel with bismarck. according to this the coolness had already begun in december. the emperor then demanded that something should be done about the working class question. the chancellor was against doing anything. the emperor held the view that if the government did not take the initiative, the reichstag, _i.e_. the socialists, centre and progressives, would take the matter in hand, and then the government would lag behind. the chancellor wanted to lay the anti-socialist bill with the expulsion paragraph again before the reichstag, dissolving the chamber if it did not accept the bill, and then, if it came to disturbances, to take energetic measures. the emperor objected, saying that if his grandfather, after a long and glorious reign, were forced to repress disturbances no one would think ill of him. it was different in his case, who had as yet accomplished nothing. people would reproach him with beginning his reign by shooting down his subjects. he was ready to act, but he wished to do it with a good conscience after endeavouring to redress the well-founded grievances of the workmen, or at least after doing everything to meet their justifiable claims. "the emperor therefore demanded at a ministerial conference the submission of ministerial edicts which should contain what subsequently they in fact did contain. bismarck would not hear of it. the emperor then laid the question before the council of state, and eventually obtained the edicts in spite of bismarck's opposition. bismarck, however, secretly continued his opposition, and tried to persuade switzerland to persevere with its idea of an international labour conference. the attempt was rendered nugatory by the loyal attitude of the swiss minister in berlin, roth. at the very same time bismarck was trying to influence the diplomatists against the conference. "the relations between the emperor and bismarck, already shaken by these dissensions, were still further embittered by the question of the cabinet order of . bismarck had often advised the emperor to summon the ministers to him. this the emperor did, and as the intercourse became more frequent bismarck took it ill, was jealous, and dragged out the order of so as to keep ministers from the emperor. the emperor resisted and acquired the abrogation of the cabinet order. bismarck at first agreed, but gave no further sign in the matter. the emperor now demanded either that the recission of the order should be laid before him, or that bismarck should resign--a demand which the emperor communicated to bismarck through general von hahnke. the chancellor delayed, but at length gave in the resignation on march th. it should be added that already, at the beginning of february, bismarck had told the emperor that he would retire. afterwards, however, he declared that he had thought the position over and would remain--a thing not agreeable to the emperor, though he made no remonstrance until the affair of the cabinet order came in addition. the visit of windthorst to the chancellor also gave rise to unpleasantness, though it was not the deciding factor. in any case the last three weeks were filled with disagreeable conversations between the emperor and the chancellor. it was, as the emperor expressed it, a 'devil of a time,' and the question was, as the emperor himself said, whether the dynasty bismarck or the dynasty hohenzollern should reign. the emperor spoke very angrily, too, about the article in the _hamburg news_. in foreign policy bismarck, according to the emperor, went his own way, and kept back from the emperor much of what he did. 'yes,' he said, 'bismarck had it conveyed to st. petersburg that i wanted to adopt an anti-russian policy. but for that,' the emperor added, 'he had no proofs.' "this conversation," concludes prince hohenlohe, "between the emperor and myself was told partly on the way to the lodge and partly on the way back. between came the shooting; but there was no sport, as the emperor took his stand in the dark under a tree on which was a cock that did not 'call.'" the following further extracts from the hohenlohe memoirs are given rather with the object of showing the state of the political and social atmosphere in which the quarrel took place than as throwing any fresh light on its course. in june of the preceding year ( ) occurs an entry which registers the first signs of the coming storm. prince hohenlohe is telling of a visit he made in june to the grand duke of baden, whom he found irritated by bismarck's proposal, made in connection with the arrest of a prussian police officer by the swiss, to close the frontier against the canton aargau. the grand duke, the prince relates, quoted herbert bismarck as saying he "could not understand his father any longer and that people were beginning to believe he was not right in his head." the next entry in the journal is dated strasburg, august th. it concerns another meeting with the grand duke, who now told him that bismarck had changed his views and that these oscillations had puzzled the emperor and at the same time heightened his self-consciousness; moreover, that the emperor noticed that things were being kept back from him and was becoming suspicious. there had already been a collision between the emperor and the chancellor and the latter might have to go. what then? probably the emperor thought of conducting foreign policy himself--but that, added the grand duke, would be very dangerous. the feeling at court regarding bismarck's fall is shown by a passage in the memoirs about this time. it runs: "at . p.m. dinner (at the palace) at which i sat between stosch and kameke. the former told me much about his own quarrel with bismarck, and was as gay as a snow-king that he can now speak freely and that the great man is no longer to be feared. this comfortable sentiment is obvious here on all sides." the anecdote still current in berlin, that bismarck actually threw an inkstand at the emperor's head is reduced to its proper proportions by the following entry: "the grand duke of baden, with whom i was yesterday, knows a good deal about the recent crisis. he says the cause of the breach between the emperor and chancellor was a question of power, and that all other differences of opinion about social legislation and other things were only secondary. the chief ground was the cabinet order of , which bismarck pressed on the attention of the ministers without the emperor's knowledge, and so hindered them from going to make their reports to the emperor. the emperor wanted the order rescinded, while bismarck was against it. nor had the conversation with windthorst led to the breach. a talk between the emperor and bismarck about this conversation is said to have been so tempestuous that the emperor subsequently said when describing it, 'he (bismarck) all but threw the inkstand at me.'" to hohenlohe bismarck said, as hohenlohe remarked that the resignation had surprised him, "me also," and that three weeks before he did not think things would end as they had. bismarck added: "however, it was to be expected, for the emperor is now quite determined to rule alone." finally the prince's journal has the following: "two things struck me in these last three days: one that no one has any time and every one is in a greater hurry than before; and secondly, that individualities have expanded. every individual is conscious of himself, while before, under the predominating influence of prince bismarck, individualities shrank and were kept down. now they are all swollen like sponges placed in water. that has its advantages, but also its dangers. the single-minded will is lacking." the period between the great chancellor's fall and his death nine years later was marked by so many incidents as to make it almost as _mouvementé_ as the period of the fall itself. he retired to friedrichsruh, all the more immediately as the new chancellor, general von caprivi, showed such indecent haste in taking possession of the official residence that a portion of bismarck's furniture was broken and rendered useless. that bismarck retired with the angry feelings of a coriolanus in his heart, or, as anglo-saxon slang would have it, of a "bear with a sore head," became evident only a few weeks later. he was visited by the inevitable interviewer, and chose the _hamburg news_ as the medium of communicating to the world his opinion of the new _régime_ and the men who were conducting it; and made use of that paper with such instant vigour and acerbity that little more than two months from his retirement elapsed before the new chancellor thought it advisable to issue instructions to germany's diplomatic representatives warning them carefully to distinguish between the "present sentiments and views of the duke of lauenburg and those of the erstwhile prince bismarck," and to pay no serious attention to the former. bismarck replied in the _hamburg news_ that he would not allow his mouth to be closed, and set about proving that he meant what he said. nothing the men of the "new course" could do met with his approval. the first thing he fell foul of was the anglo-german agreement of july , , which gave germany heligoland in exchange for zanzibar, deploring the badness of the bargain for germany, and evidently not foreseeing the importance that island's position, commanding the approaches to the mouths of the elbe and the weser, was afterwards to possess. besides the friendliness with england, the detachment of germany from russia in favour of austria, also a feature of the "new course," did not please him as tending to drive russia into the arms of france. his prescience, however, in this respect was demonstrated when a year later the czar saluted a french squadron in the harbour of cronstadt to the strains of the "marseillaise" and signed a secret agreement that was alluded to four years later by the french premier, m. ribot, in the french chamber of deputies, who spoke of russia as "our ally," and was publicly announced in , on the occasion of president felix faure's visit to st. petersburg, by the czar's now famous employment of the words "_deux nations amies et alliées_." the ex-chancellor was as little satisfied with the new tariff treaties entered into by general caprivi with austria, italy, belgium, and other countries, which the emperor, wiser, as events have shown, than his former minister, characterized on their passage by parliament as the country's "salvation" (_eine rettende tat_). the ex-chancellor's caustic but mistaken criticism was punished by the calculated neglect of the berlin authorities to invite him to the ceremonies attending the celebration of the ninetieth birthday of his old comrade, general von moltke, in october, , and that of his funeral in the following april: still more publicly punished in connexion with the marriage of his son herbert. the wedding of the latter to countess marguerite hoyos was to take place in vienna on june , , and on the th prince bismarck started with his family to attend it. the journey was a species of triumphal progress to vienna, but it was to end in disappointment and chagrin. as the result of representations from germany, made doubtless with the emperor's assent, if not at his suggestion, bismarck was met on his arrival with the news that the german ambassador, prince reuss, and the embassy staff had orders to absent themselves from the wedding, that the widow of the crown prince rudolph, who had accepted a card of invitation to it, had suddenly left vienna, and that the emperor franz joseph would not receive him. the german action was explained by the publication two months later of the edict, stigmatized by bismarck as an "urias letter," in which caprivi warned foreign governments against attaching any importance to the utterances of the duke of lauenburg. the bismarckian and anti-bismarckian storm came up afresh in germany. bismarck was reproached by the government as "injuring monarchical feeling," and by his enemies as a traitor to his country; while the angry statesman published a statement expressing the opinion that "the control of private social intercourse abroad, and the influencing of dinner invitations, were not tasks for which high officers of state were selected nor public money for the payment of diplomatic representatives voted": doubting, at the same time, "if the foreign archives of any other country than germany could show a parallel to the incident." the storm, notwithstanding, had a good effect, for it brought out in bold relief the immense regard and respect the overwhelming majority of his countrymen entertained for the chief architect of their empire; and when bismarck fell ill at kissingen in the emperor, subordinating his political animosities to the chivalrous instincts of his nature, telegraphed his sorrow to the patient and offered to lend him one of the royal castles for the purpose of his convalescence. bismarck declined, but not ungratefully, and the way to a reconciliation was opened. next year, , bismarck suffered from influenza, and when this time the emperor sent an adjutant to friedrichsruh to express his regret, invited him to attend the festivities on the forthcoming royal birthday, and sent along with the invitation a flask of steinberger cabinet from the imperial cellar in characteristic german proof of the sincerity of his feelings, the country was delighted. bismarck accepted the invitation and doubtless drank the steinberger; and the visit to berlin followed in due time. the reconciliation was completed amid sympathetic popular rejoicing. the emperor sent his brother, prince henry, to bring the ex-chancellor from the railway station to the palace, where the emperor himself, surrounded by a brilliant staff, stood to welcome the guest. bismarck spent the day at the palace with the royal family and was taken back to the railway station in the evening by the emperor. a few days later the emperor returned the visit at friedrichsruh. the quiet of the ex-chancellor's last years was once unpleasantly affected by the reichstag in , at the instance of his parliamentary enemies, rejecting, to its everlasting discredit, a proposal for an official vote of congratulation to the ex-chancellor on his eightieth birthday; but against this unpleasantness may be set his gratification at the receipt of a telegram from the emperor expressing his "deepest indignation" at the rejection. prince bismarck died on july th, , and was laid to rest at friedrichsruh in the presence of the emperor and empress, while the world paused for a moment in its occupations to discuss with sympathetic admiration the dead man's personality and career. bismarck's spirit is still abroad in germany, and the popular memory of him is as fresh now as though he died but yesterday. it is more than probable, much rather is it certain, that all trace of irritation with the proud old chancellor has long faded from the emperor's mind: indeed at no time does there seem to have been sentiments of personal or permanent rancour on one side or the other. the episode, in short, was an inevitable collision of ages, temperaments, and times, regrettable no doubt as a possibly harmful example of political discord among the leaders of the nation, but--with due respect for the judgment of so capable an historian as von treitschke--leaving no "indelible stain" either on the pages of german history or on the reputations of bismarck or the emperor. viii. spacious times - a great english poet sings of the "spacious days" of queen elizabeth. from the german standpoint the decade from the fall of bismarck to the end of the century may not inaptly be described as the spacious days of william ii and the modern german empire. to the englishman the actual territorial acquisitions of germany during the period must seem comparatively insignificant, but, taken in connection with the emperor's speeches, the building of the german navy, the caprivi commercial treaties, the growth of friendly relations and of trade and intercourse with america, north and south, they mean the opening of a new era in the history of the empire--the era of weltpolitik. heligoland was obtained in exchange for zanzibar in , and is now regarded by germans much as gibraltar or malta is regarded by englishmen. the first kiel regatta, due solely to the initiative of the emperor, and starting the development of sport in all fields which is a feature of modern german progress, ethical and physical, was held in . the caprivi commercial treaties were concluded within the period. the kiel canal, connecting the baltic and north sea, and giving the german fleet access to all the open waters of the earth, was opened in . in the kruger telegram testified to imperial interest in south african developments. the hamburg-amerika line now sent a specially fast mail and passenger steamer across the atlantic. the district of kiautschau was leased from china in , securing germany a foothold and naval base in the far east. in the same year the modern oriental policy of the empire was inaugurated by the emperor's visit to palestine and his declaration in the course of it that he would be the friend of turkey and of the three hundred millions of mohammedans who recognized the sultan as their spiritual head. to this year also belongs the measure, the most important in its consequences and significance of the reign hitherto, the passing of the first navy law. finally, in germany acquired the caroline islands by purchase from spain, and certain samoan islands by agreement with england and america. nothing was more natural as a result of the new world-policy than a change in the mental outlook of the people. it inaugurated in germany an era somewhat analogous to the era inaugurated in england by the widening and brightening of the englishman's horizon under elizabeth. the analogy may not be closely maintainable throughout, but, generally speaking, just as the eyes of englishmen suddenly saw the possibilities of expansion disclosed to them by drake, raleigh, and frobisher, so the emperor's appeals, with the pursuance of german colonial policy and the attempt to develop germany's african possessions, led to an awakening in germany of a similar, if weaker, kind. to this awakening the building of the german navy contributed; and though it did not appeal to the german imagination as did the deeds of the old navigators to that of elizabethan englishmen, it widened the national outlook and fired the people with new imperial ambitions. hitherto, moreover, germany's attention had been confined almost solely to trade within continental boundaries: henceforth she was to do business actively and enterprisingly with all parts of the world. the emperor's thoughts on the subject were expressed in january, , at a banquet in the berlin palace given to a miscellaneous company of leading personalities of the time. the occasion was the celebration of the twenty-fifth year of the modern empire's foundation. he said: "the german empire becomes a world-empire. everywhere in the farthest parts of the earth live thousands of our fellow-countrymen. german subjects, german knowledge, german industry cross the ocean. the value of german goods on the seas amounts to thousands of millions of marks. on you, gentlemen, devolves the serious duty of helping me to knit firmly this greater german empire to the empire at home." the expression "greater german empire" immediately reminded the englishman of his own "greater britain," and he concluded that the emperor was secretly thinking of rivalling him in the extent and value of his colonial possessions. possibly he was, and doubtless he ardently desired to see germany owning large and fertile colonies; but it is quite as probable he was thinking of his economic weltpolitik, and knew as well then as he does now that it must be left to time and the hour to show whether they fall to her or not. in the same order of ideas may be placed, though it is anticipating somewhat, the emperor's utterances at aix in and three years later at bremen. at aix, after describing the failure of charlemagne's successors to reconcile the duties of a holy roman emperor with those of a german king, he continued: "now another empire has arisen. the german people has once more an emperor of its own choice, with the sword on the field of battle has the crown been won, and the imperial flag flutters high in the breeze. but the tasks of the new empire are different: confined within its borders it has to steel itself anew for the work it has to do, and which it could not achieve in the middle ages. we have to live so that the empire, still young, becomes from year to year stronger in itself, while confidence in it strengthens on all sides. the powerful german army guarantees the peace of europe. in accord with the german character we confine ourselves externally in order to be unconfined internally. far stretches our speech over the ocean, far the flight of our science and exploration; no work in the domain of new discovery, no scientific idea but is first tested by us and then adopted by other nations. this is the world-rule the german spirit strives for." at bremen he said: "the world-empire i dream of is a new german empire which shall enjoy on all hands the most absolute confidence as a quiet, peaceable, honest neighbour--not founded by conquest with the sword, but on the mutual confidence of nations aiming at the same end." the emperor's world-policy was referred to more than once about this time by chancellor prince bülow in the reichstag. "it is," he said on one occasion, "germany's intention and duty to protect the great and ever-growing oversea interests which she has acquired through the development of conditions." "we recognize," he continued, "that we have no longer interests only round our own fireside or in the neighbourhood of the church clock, but everywhere where german industry and germany's commercial spirit have penetrated; and we must foster these interests within the bounds of possibility and good sense." "our world-policy," he said on another occasion in the same place, "is not a policy of interference, much less a policy of intervention: had it interfered in south africa (he was alluding to the boer war) it must have intervened, and intervention implies the use of force." on yet another occasion he explained that a prudent world-policy must go hand in hand with a sound protective policy for home industry, and that its basis must be a strong national home policy. there is nothing in all this, even supposing germany's interests at that time were purposely exaggerated, to which the foreigner could reasonably object. the foreigner felt perhaps slightly uncomfortable when the same statesman, departing for a moment from his usual objective standpoint, spoke of the german "traversing the world with a sword in one hand and a spade and trowel in the other"; but otherwise no act of germany's world-policy need have inspired alarm, or need inspire alarm at the present time, in sensible foreign minds. the rapidity of its action probably helped to excite a feeling that it could not be altogether honest or above-board; but it should be remembered that the new empire had much leeway to make up in the race with other nations, and that quick development was rendered necessary by her commercial treaties, by her protective system, by the unexpected growth of industry and trade, by the continuous increase of population, the development of the mercantile marine, and the growing consciousness of national strength. and if there is nothing in germany's development of her world-policy to which the foreigner can reasonably object, there is much in it at which he can reasonably rejoice. competition is good for him, for it puts him on his mettle. a large and prosperous german population extends his markets and means more business and more profit. the minds of both germans and the foreigner become broader, more mutually sympathetic and appreciative. the elder pitt warned his fellow-countrymen against letting france become a maritime, a commercial, or a colonial power. she has become all three, and what injury has occurred therefrom to england or any other nation? germany's colonial development dates from about the year , the period of the "scramble for africa." the first step to acquiring german colonies for the empire was taken in , when a merchant of bremen, edouard luderitz, made an agreement with the hottentots by which the bay of angra pequena in south-west africa, with an area of fifty thousand square kilometres, was ceded to him. luderitz applied to bismarck for imperial protection. bismarck inquired of england whether she claimed rights of sovereignty over the bay. lord granville replied in the negative, but added that he did not consider the seizure of possession by another power allowable. indignant at what he called a "monstrous claim" on all the land in the world which was without a master, bismarck telegraphed to the german consul at the cape to "declare officially to the british government that herr luderitz and his acquisitions are under the protection of the empire." the bremen pioneer was fated to gain no advantage from his enterprise, as he was drowned in the orange river in . his example as a colonist, however, was followed by three hanseatic merchants, woermann, jansen, and thormealen, of hamburg, who acquired land in togo, a small kingdom to the east of the british gold coast, and in the cameroons, a large tract in the bend of the gulf of guinea, extending to lake chad, and applied for german imperial protection. bismarck sent consul-general nachtigall with the gunboat _moewe_ in to hoist the german flag at various ports. five days after this had been done the english gunboat _flirt_ arrived, but was thus too late to obtain togoland and the cameroons for england. dr. carl peters, the german cecil rhodes, now arrived at zanzibar, and on obtaining concessions from the sultan founded the german east africa company, with a charter from his government. german hopes of great colonial expansion began to run high, but they were dashed by the anglo-german agreement of june, , delimiting the spheres of england, germany, and the sultan of zanzibar, and stipulating that germany should receive heligoland from england in return for german recognition of english suzerainty in zanzibar and the possession of uganda, which had recently been taken for germany by dr. peters. at that time germans thought very little of heligoland, but there was then no anglo-german tension, and no apprehension of an english descent on the german coast. the lease for ninety-nine years of kiautschau, a small area of about four hundred square miles on the coast of china, was obtained from the chinese in connexion with the murder of two german missionaries in in the shantung province, of which kiautschau forms a part. herr von bülow, then only foreign secretary, referred to the transaction in the reichstag in words that may be quoted, as they describe german foreign policy in the far east. "our cruiser fleet," he said, "was sent to kiautschau bay to exact reparation for the murder of german catholic missionaries on the one hand, and to obtain greater security for the future against a repetition of such occurrences. the government," he continued, "has nothing but benevolent and friendly designs regarding china, and has no wish either to offend or provoke her. we are ready in east asia to recognize the interests of other great powers in the certain confidence that our own interests will be duly respected by them. in one word--we desire to put no one in the shade, but we too demand our place in the sun. in east asia, as in the west indies, we shall endeavour, in accordance with the traditions of german policy, without unnecessary rigour, but also without weakness, to guard our rights and our interests." in mentioning the west indies the foreign secretary was alluding to a quarrel germany had at this time with the negro republic of haiti, owing to the arrest and imprisonment of a german subject in that island. kiautschau is administratively under the german admiralty. the caroline, marianne, and palau islands, including the marschall islands and the islands of the bismarck archipelago, were bought from spain this year for twenty-five million pesetas, or about one million sterling. the islands are valuable in german eyes, not only for their fertility and capacity for plantation development, but as affording good harbourage and coaling stations on the sea-road to china, japan, and central america. by the agreement with england and america, which in this year also put an end to the thorny question of samoan administration, germany acquired the samoan islands of upolu and sawaii in the south sea. the ten years we are now concerned with were perhaps the most strenuous and picturesque of the emperor's life hitherto. he was now his own chancellor, though that post was nominally occupied by general von caprivi and prince chlodwig hohenlohe successively. he was chancellor, too, knowing that not a hundred miles off the old pilot of the ship of state was watching, keenly and not too benevolently, his every act and word. he was conscious that the eyes of the world were fixed on him, and that every other government was waiting with interest and curiosity to learn what sort of rival in statecraft and diplomacy it would henceforward have to reckon with. naturally many plans coursed through his restlessly active brain, but there were always, one may imagine, two compelling and ever-present thoughts at the back of them. one of these was a determination to promote the moral and material prosperity of his people so as to make them a model and thoroughly modern commonwealth; the other, the resolve that as emperor he would not allow germany to be overlooked, to be treated as a _quantité négligeable_, in the discussion or decision of international affairs. the chancellorship of general von caprivi, who had been successively minister of war and marine, lasted from march, , to october, . he may have been a good commanding general, but he has left no reputation either as a man of marked character or as a statesman of exceptional ability. nor was either character or ability much needed. he was, as every one knew, a man of immensely inferior ability to his great predecessor, but every one knew also that the emperor intended to be his own chancellor, pursue his own policy, and take responsibility for it. taking responsibility is, naturally, easier for a hohenzollern monarch than for most men, since he is responsible to no one but himself. with the appointment of caprivi the emperor's "personal regiment" may be said to have begun. during general von caprivi's term of office some measures of importance have to be noted, among them the quinquennat, which replaced bismarck's septennat and fixed the military budget for five years instead of seven; the reduction of the period of conscription for the infantry from three years to two; and the decision not to renew bismarck's reinsurance treaty with russia. the chief event, however, with which chancellor caprivi's name is usually associated, is the conclusion of commercial treaties between germany and most other continental countries. other countries had followed germany's example and adopted a protective system, and with a view to the avoidance of tariff wars, caprivi, strongly supported, it need hardly be said, by an emperor who had just declared that "the world at the end of the nineteenth century stands under the star of commerce, which breaks down the barriers between nations," began a series of commercial treaty negotiations. the first agreements were made with germany's allies in the triplice, austria and italy. treaties with switzerland and belgium, servia and rumania, followed. russia held aloof for a time, but as a great grain-exporting country she too found it advisable to come to terms. with france there was no need of an agreement, since she was bound by the treaty of frankfurt, concluded after the war of , to grant germany her minimum duties. one of the regrettable results of the empire's new commercial policy was an antagonism between agriculture and industry which now declared itself and has remained active to the present day. the political cause of caprivi's fall from power, if power it can be called, was the twofold hostility of the conservative and liberal parties in parliament, that of the conservatives being due to the injury supposed to be done to landlord interests by the commercial treaties, and that of the liberals by an education bill, which, it was alleged, would hand the prussian school system completely over to the church. perhaps the main cause, however, was the general unpopularity he incurred by attacking, officially and through the press, his predecessor, bismarck, the idol of the people. it was in the chancellorship of prince hohenlohe, which ended in , that the most memorable events of this remarkable decade occurred; but, as was to be expected, and as the emperor himself must have expected, the prince, now a man of seventy-five, played a very secondary part with regard to them. the prince was what the germans call a "house-friend" of the hohenzollern family and related to it. he was useful, his contemporaries say, as a brake on the impetuous temper of his imperial master, though he did not, we may be sure, turn him from any of the main designs he had at heart. prince hohenlohe, in character, was good-nature and amiability personified. he was beloved by all classes and parties, and no foreigner can read his memoirs without a feeling of friendliness for a personality so moderate and calm and simple. a note he makes in one of his diaries amusingly illustrates the simple side of his character. he is dining with the emperor, when the emperor, catching the prince's eye, which we may be sure was on the alert to gather up any of the royal beams that might come his way, raises his glass in sign of amity. "i felt so overcome," notes the prince, "that i almost spilt the champagne." the famous "kruger telegram" episode occurred during the chancellorship of prince hohenlohe. for many years the sending of the telegram was cited as a convincing proof of the emperor's "impulsive" character, and it was not until that the truth of the matter was stated by chancellor von bülow in the reichstag. in march of that year he said: "it has been asked, was this telegram an act of personal initiative or an act of state? in this regard let me refer you to your own proceedings. you will remember that the responsibility for the telegram was never repudiated by the directors of our political business at the time. the telegram was an act of state, the result of official consultations; it was in nowise an act of personal initiative on the part of his majesty the kaiser. whoever asserts that it was is ignorant of what preceded it and does his majesty completely wrong." the emperor's telegram to president kruger, despatched on january , , ran as follows:-- "i congratulate you most sincerely on having succeeded with your people, and without calling on the help of foreign powers, by opposing your own force to an armed band which broke into your country to disturb the peace, in restoring quiet and in maintaining the independence of your country against external attack." the echoes of this historic message were heard immediately in every country, but naturally nowhere more loudly than in england; and the reverberation of them is audible to the present day. in germany, however, for a day or two, the telegram seems to have surprised no one, was indeed spoken of with approval by deputies in the reichstag, and seems not to have occurred to any one in the light of a serious diplomatic mistake. this state of feeling did not last long, and when the english newspapers arrived an entirely new light was thrown on the matter. the _morning post_ concluded an article with the words: "it is not easy to speak calmly of the kaiser's telegram. the english people will not forget it, and in future will always think of it when considering its foreign policy." the british government's comment on the telegram was to put a flying squadron in commission and issue an official statement _urbi et orbi_, calling attention to the convention made with president kruger in london in , reserving the supervision of the foreign relations of the transvaal to the british government. the emperor himself appears to have recognized that he and his advisers had made a serious blunder, and that a gesture which, it is highly probable, was partly prompted by the chivalrous side of his character, was certain to be gravely misunderstood. at any rate his policy, or that of his government, changed, and instead of following up his encouraging words with mediation or intervention, he assumed an attitude of neutrality towards the war which soon after began. subsequently, in the reichstag, chancellor von bülow described the course the german government pursued immediately before and during the war; and there seems no reason to discredit his account. the speech was made apropos of the projected visit of president kruger to berlin, when on his tour of despair to the capitals of europe while the war was still in progress. he was cheered by boulevard crowds in paris, itself a thing of no great significance, and was received at the elysée and by the minister of foreign affairs, m. delcassé. the visitor was very reserved on both occasions, and confined himself to sounding his hosts as to whether or not he could reckon on their good offices. from paris he started for berlin, where he had engaged a large and expensive first-floor suite of rooms in a fashionable hotel. at cologne, however, shortly after entering germany, a telegram from potsdam awaited him, announcing the emperor's refusal to grant him audience. the imperial telegram consisted of a few words to the effect that the emperor was "not in a position" to receive him. nor in truth was he. an audience at that moment would have meant war between germany and england. as to german policy with regard to the boer war, prince bülow explained that the german government deplored the war not only because it was between two christian and white races, that were, moreover, of the same germanic stock, but also because it drew within the evil circle of its consequences important german economic and political interests. he went on to describe their nature, enumerating under the one head the thousands of german settlers in south africa, the industrial establishments and banks they had founded there, the busy trade and the millions sterling of invested capital; while, as regarded the other head, the government had to take care that the war exercised no injurious influence on german territory in that region. the government, the chancellor claimed, had done everything consistent with neutrality and the conservation of german interests to hinder the outbreak of the war. it had "loyally" warned the two dutch republics of the disposition in europe, and left them in no doubt as to the attitude germany would adopt if war should come. these communications were not made directly, but through the hague authorities and the consul-general of the netherlands in pretoria. at that time the united states government had come forward with a proposal for a submission of the quarrel to its arbitration, but the proposal had been rejected by president kruger. a little later the president changed his mind, but it was then too late and war was declared. once the die was cast, germany could only with propriety have interfered, provided she had reason to believe her mediation would be accepted by both parties: otherwise her conduct would not be mediation, but be regarded, in accordance with diplomatic usage, as intervention with coercive measures in the background. for such a policy germany had no disposition, for it meant running the risk of a diplomatic defeat on the one hand and of an armed conflict with england on the other. as regards the visit of the president to berlin and the emperor's refusal to receive him, the chancellor asked would a reception have done any good either to the president or to germany, and he answered his own question with an emphatic negative. to the president an audience would have been of no more use than the ovations and demonstrations he was greeted with in paris. to germany a reception would have meant a shifting of international relations to the disadvantage of the country: in other words, would have meant the risk, almost the certainty, of war. "wars," said the chancellor in this connexion, "are much more easily unchained through elementary popular passions, through the passionate excitation of public opinion, than in the old days through the ambitions of monarchs or through the jealousies of ministers." and he concluded: "with regard to england we stand entirely independent of her: we are not a hair's-breadth more dependent on england than england is on us. but we are ready on the basis of mutual consideration and complete equality--about this obvious preliminary condition for a proper relation between two great powers we have never left any power in doubt: i say, we are ready on this basis to live with england in peace, friendship, and harmony. to play the don quixote and to lay the lance in rest and attack wherever in the world english windmills are to be found, for that we are not called upon." but just then there was little prospect of "peace friendship, and harmony" with england. the world remembers, and unfortunately the english people do not forget, that they had nowhere more bitter and offensive critics than in germany. one refined method of opprobrium was the unprohibited sale in the main streets of berlin of spittoons bearing the countenance of the english colonial minister, mr. chamberlain. a war with england would at that moment have been highly popular in germany, but as the chancellor wisely reminded the parliament, it was the duty of the statesman to protect international relations from disturbance by intrigue or by popular demonstration. finally the chancellor dealt with a report widely current in england and germany at the time, to the effect that the emperor's refusal to receive president kruger was due to the influence of his uncle, king edward. the chancellor emphatically denied that any pressure of the kind from the english court, or from any other source, had been employed, and ended by saying: "to suppose that his majesty the kaiser could allow himself to be influenced by family relations shows little understanding of his character, or of his love of country. for his majesty solely the national standpoint is decisive, and if it were otherwise, and family relations or dynastic considerations determined our foreign policy, i would not remain minister a day longer." a precisely similar and unfounded charge, it will be remembered, was made against king edward vii in , to the effect that it was court influence, not the deliberate judgment of the cabinet, that was the efficient cause of the co-operation of the british with the german fleet in the demonstration off the coast of venezuela. a recent writer, dr. adolf stein, gives an account of the sending of the famous telegram which corroborates that of prince von bülow. the telegram, according to this version, was a well-considered answer to a question from the transvaal government put to the german government a month before the raid occurred, and when the transvaal government got the first inkling of the preparations being made for it. president kruger asked what attitude germany would adopt in case of a war between england and the boer republics. the answer given to the person who made the inquiry on behalf of the transvaal government was that president kruger might rest assured of germany's "diplomatic support in so far as it was also germany's interest that the independence of the boer states should be maintained, but that for anything beyond this he should not reckon on germany's assistance or that of any great power." this answer, dr. stein says, was in course of transmission by the post when the raid occurred. the raid was made on january st. the event was at once telegraphed to berlin, where prince hohenlohe was chancellor, with freiherr marschall von bieberstein, afterwards german ambassador in constantinople and london, as his foreign secretary. according to dr. stein, they drew up a telegram to president kruger, and on the morning of the rd laid it before the emperor, who had come early from potsdam for consultation on the matter. the chancellor, it should be mentioned, had been at potsdam the day previous, but at that time the news of the raid had not reached the emperor. the emperor, chancellor, and foreign secretary now decided that a telegram congratulating president kruger for having repulsed the raid "without foreign aid" was the best non-committal form to adopt. the emperor, dr. stein continues, raised some objections, but was over-persuaded by prince hohenlohe and von bieberstein. as confirming this version, a little note in lord goschen's biography may be recalled, in which lord goschen confides to a friend a few weeks before the raid that the "germans were taking the boers under their wing, as the americans had done with the venezuelans." enough perhaps has been said to show that the sending of the telegram had nothing to do with the emperor's "impulsive" character, and it will only be fair to him to let the notion that it had drop finally out of contemporary history. as an act of state it was in consonance with german policy at the time. that policy, if it did not look to acquiring possession of the transvaal, may very well have looked to enlisting the sympathies and friendship of the dutch in south africa, and finding in them and their country a field for german enterprise and a market for german goods; and there was therefore nothing impulsive, however mistaken the act may have been as a matter of foreign policy, in the german government's congratulating president kruger on successful resistance to a private raid. we have suggested that the telegram was partly due to a certain element of chivalry in the emperor's character. the emperor was well acquainted with other forms of government and other social systems besides his own, and though a hohenzollern could put himself in the position of the chief of the little boer republic, threatened as he was with annihilation by a mighty and powerful opponent. moreover, there is always to be remembered the sympathy of view, particularly of religious view, that existed in the two men as regarded their attitude and duties to their respective "folk." the president had appealed to the emperor for help. the emperor had had to refuse it, but had wired that he would do all he could "diplomatically." he knew that this was but a poor sort of assistance, but it was something, and when the raid occurred he gave the diplomatic assistance he had promised by sending a telegram of congratulation. in any case--_tempi passati_. foreign policy is not concerned with sympathies or antipathies, and the whole episode should be ignored, or, better still, forgotten. the kruger telegram, it turned out, was to usher in a long period of tension between two countries of the same race, singularly alike in their ideals of whatever is sound and praiseworthy in christian civilization, and almost equally mutual admirers of the fundamental features of each other's national character. unfortunately, along with these fundamental features of the english and german national characters, the love of money, the _auri sacra fames_, has to be reckoned with, and in the race of nations for wealth and power the fundamental qualities are apt, for a time, to be overborne and cease to act. the rise of the modern german empire to power and prosperity, and the new world-situation thus created, largely by the emperor, is at the bottom of anglo-german tension. as a main contributory cause of both the power and the prosperity, was the creation of the german navy at the period of which we write. the following is a parable which he who runs may read:-- in a certain town, with a large and heterogeneous population, there was once a "monster" shop. the firm (there were three partners) had been established for hundreds of years, had thrown out several branches, and by hard work, enterprise, and honesty had acquired a leading position in the trade of the town: so much so, indeed, that as time went on it had also come to do the carriage and delivery of goods for most of the smaller shops, though some of these were large houses themselves and the majority of them in a fair way of business. the smaller shops were naturally a little jealous of the "monster," and it was the dream of every owner of them to enlarge his premises and become the proprietor of an equally great emporium as the "monster." one day, therefore, a little cluster of shops, at some distance from the "monster," suddenly resolved to form a combination, and after settling a dispute with a neighbour in consideration of a sum of money and a fruitful tract of land, issued the prospectus of the new company and began to do business on modern lines. almost from the very beginning the new company was a great success: its situation was central; the company inspired its members with enterprise and spirit; it was industrious, energetic, and splendidly organized; and at last it began to cut into the trade of the old-established "monster." competition might have gone on in the ordinary way had not the new company made a departure in business methods that gradually roused special uneasiness among the members of the "monster" firm. hitherto the latter had its delivery vans travel all over the town, and so well was this part of its system carried on that the firm acquired all but a monopoly of carrying and delivery. the new company, however, now began to do a little in the same line, whereupon the "monster" took to building a superior type of van much more powerful and imposing, if also much more expensive, than the one previously in use. the new company naturally followed suit, and in a surprisingly short time had built, or had under construction, several vans of an exactly similar kind. the "monster" saw the new departure of their rivals at first with curiosity, then with contempt, then with anxiety, and finally with suspicion and alarm. at the time of writing the alarm appears to have abated, but a good deal of the suspicion remains. the town is the world, the "monster" great britain, and the rival company the modern german empire. it would require the emperor himself properly to tell the story of his creation of the modern german navy, and if he has a right to call any part of his people's property his own, he is justified in speaking, as he invariably does, of "my navy." as prince william, his interest in the subject may have been originally due, as has been seen, to his partly english parentage, his frequent visits to england, and the fact that his physical disability threatened to prevent him taking an active part in the more strenuous duties of the soldier. it is very probable that it was in the region that cradled the british navy the idea of a great german navy was conceived by him. we have seen that the emperor, as prince william, showed his enthusiasm in the matter by delivering lectures on it in military circles, though it was not his lot, but that of his brother henry, to be assigned the navy as a profession. in his order to the navy on ascending the throne, he spoke of the "lively and warm interest" that bound him to the navy, shortly afterwards issued directions for a new marine uniform on the english model, and caused the introduction into the lutheran church service of a special prayer for the arm. he gave a parliamentary soirée at the new palace in potsdam, and before allowing his conservative and national liberal guests to sit down to supper, made them listen to a lecture which occupied two hours, giving particular attention, with the aid of maps and plans, to the battle of the yalu between the fleets of china and japan. he founded the technical shipbuilding society, and took, and takes, an animated part in its proceedings, suggesting positions for the guns, the disposition of armour, the dimensions of submarines, and a hundred other details. in he delivered an after-dinner lecture at the "villa achilleion" in corfu on nelson and the battle of trafalgar, based on the writings of captain mark kerr of the _implacable_, at which the situations of the french, english, and spanish fleets were sketched by the imperial hand. to his admiration for the writings of captain mahan his persistence in enlarging the fleet is said largely to be due. he is, of course, assisted by a host of able experts, among whom admiral von tirpitz--the ablest german since bismarck, many germans say--is the most distinguished; but as he is his own foreign minister and own commander-in-chief, he is, in the fullest sense, his own first lord of the admiralty. the emperor closed one of his naval lectures with an anecdote which the papers reported next day as being received with "stormy amusement." it was about the metacentrum, the centre of gravity in ship construction. the emperor told of his having asked an old sea lieutenant to explain to him the metacentrum. "i received the answer," said the emperor, "that he did not know very exactly himself--it was a secret. 'all i can say is,' the old seaman went on, 'that if the metacentrum was in the topmast, the ship would over-turn.'" the success of a jest, one is told, lies in the ear of the hearer. possibly something of the "stormy amusement" may have been called forth by the reflection that the imperial metacentrum had on occasion got misplaced. in addition to the natural and accidental predispositions of the emperor, certain general considerations, which imposed themselves irresistibly on all men's attention as the century drew to its close, impelled him to more energetic action. a student of the history of other countries as well as his own, and a watchful observer of the tendencies of the time, he felt that the young empire was incomplete as long as it was without a navy corresponding in size and power to its army, the organization of which had been completed. with its army alone he regarded the empire as a colossus, no doubt, but a colossus standing on one leg, and was convinced that if the empire was to be a success it must have a navy at least able to withstand attack by any of his continental neighbours and potential enemies. on ascending the throne the emperor was naturally most occupied with the internal situation of his new inheritance, and spent a good deal of his time railing at social democracy and the press, explaining the nature of his heaven-appointed kingship, and rousing his somewhat lethargic people to a sense of their power and possibilities; but he found a moment in to write under a photograph he gave the retiring postmaster-general stephan: "the world, at the end of the nineteenth century, stands under the star of commerce; commerce breaks down the barriers which separate the peoples and creates new relations between the nations." then the idea slumbered in his mind for a few years, while he continued to make his own people restless with criticism, perhaps deserved, of their sluggishness, their pessimism, their party strife, and foreign peoples equally restless with phrases like "_nemo me impune lacessit_"; until the idea came suddenly to utterance in , when, on seeing the figure of neptune on a monument to the emperor william, he broke out: "the trident should be in our grip!" from this time, and for the next few years, the growth of the navy may be said to have never long been far from his thoughts. in sending prince henry to kiautschau at the close of he made the remark that "imperial power means sea power, and sea power and imperial power are dependent on each other." nine months afterwards at stettin he used a phrase alone sufficient to keep his name alive in history: "our future lies on the water!" at hamburg, in , he laid emphasis on the changes in the world which justify a naval policy one can see now was almost inevitable. "a strong german fleet," he said, "is a thing of which we stand in bitter need." and he continued: "in hamburg especially one can understand how necessary is a powerful protection for german interests abroad. if we look around us we see how greatly the aspect of the world has altered in recent years. old-world empires pass away and new ones begin to arise. nations suddenly appear before the peoples and compete with them, nations of whom a little before the ordinary man had been hardly aware. products which bring about radical changes in the domain of international relations, as well as in the political economy of the people, and which in old times took hundreds of years to ripen, come to maturity in a few months. the result is that the tasks of our german empire and people have grown to enormous proportions and demand of me and my government unusual and great efforts, which can then only be crowned with success when, united and decided, without respect to party, germans stand behind us. our people, moreover, must resolve to make some sacrifice. above all they must put aside their endeavour to seek the excellent through the ever more-sharply contrasted party factions. they must cease to put party above the welfare of the whole. they must put a curb on their ancient and inherited weakness--to subject everything to the most unlicensed criticism; and they must stop at the point where their most vital interests become concerned. for it is precisely these political sins which revenge themselves so deeply on our sea interests and our fleet. had the strengthening of the fleet not been refused me during the past eight years of my government, notwithstanding all appeals and warnings--and not without contumely and abuse for my person--how differently could we not have promoted our growing trade and our interests beyond the sea!" perhaps; but perhaps, too, it was as well for the peace of the world that germany had no great war fleet during those eight years of troubled international relations, and that the gentle and adjusting hand of providence, not the mailed fist of the emperor, was guiding the destinies of nations. previous to the opening of the reign a german navy can hardly be said to have existed. yet it should not be forgotten that germany also has maritime traditions of no small interest, if of no great importance, to the world. the great elector, the ancestor of the emperor who ruled brandenburg from to , was fully conscious of the profit his people might acquire by sea commerce, and the little navy of high-sea frigates which he built stood manfully, and often successfully, up to the more powerful navies of sweden and spain. this fleet was known, too, far away from brandenburg, for the records tell how the pope and the maltese knights and louis xiv willingly admitted it to their harbours. but there was lacking what until lately has always hemmed german progress--money; and the commercially-minded dutch, a people themselves with many german characteristics, kept the germans from the sea. then came frederick the great, who ruled from to , and those germans who are fond of claiming shakespeare for their own will also tell you that the plan drawn up by frederick for pitt's seven years' struggle with france--that plan so unfortunately imitated afterwards by the emperor in his correspondence with queen victoria during the boer war--was the foundation-stone of british naval supremacy! frederick, too, saw the advantage of possessing a fleet, but he had his hands full with france and russia, and reluctantly had to decline the offer of the french naval hero, labourdonnais, to build him a battle-fleet. at this period, and in the great elector's time, emden was the plymouth of prussia. when frederick died, there followed that time of which germans themselves are ashamed--the hole-and-corner time, the time when the parochial spirit was abroad and no german burgher saw beyond the village church and the village pump; the biedermeier time (that comic figure of the german _punch_), the time of genuine german philistinism, when the people were lapped in an idyllic repose and were content, as many are to-day, with the smallest and simplest pleasures. this spirit continued until the early quarter of the nineteenth century, when professor frederick list roused the attention of his countrymen, and notably that of bismarck, to the necessity of an independent national existence and a national economic policy. in a committee recommended naval coast protection, but it was not until , when denmark blockaded the german coast, that anything was done to provide for it. in that year the national assembly of delegates from various german diets, which met at frankfort, voted for the marine a million sterling to be levied on the german states, but only one-half of the money could be collected. still, three steam frigates, one large and six small steam corvettes, and two sailing corvettes were got together, but in , owing to the poverty of the states, two of the ships were sold to prussia for £ , and the rest disposed of by auction at less than a fourth of their value. the officers and men were disbanded with a year's pay. to this humiliating state of things bismarck refers in his "gedanken und erinnerungen." "the german fleet," he writes, "and kiel harbour as a foundation for its institution, were from on one of the most burning thoughts at whose fire german aspirations for unity were accustomed to warm themselves and to concentrate. meanwhile, however, the hatred of my parliamentary opponents was stronger than the interest for a german fleet, and it seemed to me that the progressive party at that time preferred to see the newly-acquired rights of prussia to kiel, and the prospect of a maritime future founded on its possession, rather in the hands of the auctioneer, hannibal fischer, than in those of a bismarck ministry." from this on naval development in prussia was slow; there was no interest for a marine either among the governing classes or the people; but it was not wholly neglected, for wilhelmshaven was acquired from the duchy of oldenburg, a small fleet was sent to the orient with a view to obtaining commercial treaties and concessions, and a sum of £ , was devoted annually to naval requirements. during the danish war of a fleet of three screw corvettes, two paddle steamers, and a few gunboats was considered sufficient to protect the coasts and make a blockade impossible. from onwards there had been several navy proposals, but it was in that of , a year after the emperor's accession, that the beginning of germany's naval policy is to be found. in that proposal it was announced that the government intended to depart from the previous principles of naval policy which had "become antiquated owing to the progress of science and the character of future naval warfare, as also owing to the extension of germany's oversea relations." up to this time german maritime needs had invariably been postponed to military requirements. the necessity for a fleet was indeed recognized, but only for purposes of coast defence and the prevention of a blockade of the ports on the north sea and baltic. to this end no large fleet was considered needful, particularly as the war with france had demonstrated the futility of coast attack. during that war two small fleets were sent from cherbourg to blockade the north sea and baltic coasts, but the admirals in charge found the task "impossible" and returned to france after a few single engagements with divided honours had occurred. at that time the german people felt entirely secure on the score of invasion. the numerous espionage incidents of more recent times prove that this feeling of security has entirely passed away, and all countries are now armed as though they were to be invaded to-morrow. emperor william i did something, though not much, for the german navy. moltke was interested in it and proposed an armoured cruiser fleet, but he was thinking chiefly of coast defence. roon also took up the matter and laid a navy bill before the diet in , but it was rejected because, in virchow's words, the diet thought "the constitution more important than the development of the army and navy." the war of showed the necessity of a fleet, and this time the diet accepted roon's proposals. still, however, the object was coast defence; and when emperor william i died the navy was relatively of no consideration. in the ten years between and only one armoured cruiser, the _oldenburg_, was launched. with the accession of the emperor, however, began a new, and for the emperor and the empire--why not candidly admit it?--a glorious chapter in german naval history. an incident during the reign which really touched german national pride, and was one of the reasons which caused the emperor to accelerate the building of a powerful fleet, was the eviction, if the term is not too strong, of the german admiral, diedrich, by the americans from the harbour of manila in the course of the spanish-american war. admiral dewey was in command of a blockading fleet at manila. the ships of various nationalities, and among them some german warships, were in the harbour. various causes of irritation arose between the germans and americans. there was talk of spain's being desirous of selling the philippines to germany, and the impression got abroad in america that the germans were inclined to behave as if they were already the new masters of the islands. the german warships kept going in and out of the harbour of millesares, a village close to manila, in connexion with the exchange of time-expired men, using search-lights, the american admiral thought, in an unnecessary way, and doing other acts which he considered might give information to blockade-running vessels. in accordance with custom, the germans, had at first supplied themselves with permits from the american admiral for crossing the blockade lines, but as time went on the german ships began to cross the line without them. admiral dewey thereupon issued an order that permits must be obtained. the german admiral sent his flag-lieutenant to admiral dewey to protest, on the ground that warships are exempt from blockade regulations. the american admiral's reply was to bring his fist down on his cabin table and say, "tell admiral diedrich, with my compliments, that he must obtain permits, and that if a german ship breaks the blockade lines without one it spells war, for i shall fire on the first vessel that attempts it." the flag officer went back with the message, and admiral diedrich took his ships, which were greatly inferior in number to those of the americans, out of the harbour. the german navy, in contrast to the army, is a purely imperial institution--an institution, according to the constitution, "entirely under the chief command of the kaiser," consequently in no respect administered or controlled by the federated kingdoms and states. one speaks of the "royal" army, but of the "imperial" navy. the emperor is officially described as the navy's "chef," superintends its organization and disposition, with his brother prince henry as inspector-general, and appoints its officials and officers. he exercises his functions through the marine cabinet, a creation of his own, which serves as a connecting link between the emperor and the admiralty. the legislative stages of the growth of the german navy have so far been five in number. the first navy law passed the reichstag on third reading, on march , , members voting for it and against, in a parliament of members. it provided for the building of a fleet of seventeen battleships within a certain time, and fixed the age of the ships at twenty-five years. the new ships were divided into ships-of-the-line (a new designation), large armoured cruisers, and small armoured cruisers. this fleet, however, was not large enough to have any influence on sea politics or seaborne trade, and the occurrences of the spanish-american war, just now begun and finished, determined the emperor to make further proposals. a great agitation for the navy was started throughout the empire, and on january , , admiral tirpitz laid the second navy bill (a "novelle," as it is called) before the reichstag. the new measure demanded a doubling of the fleet. the first fleet was intended chiefly with a view to coast defence, while the new fleet was to assure "the economic development of germany, especially of its world-commerce." if the first navy bill had excited surprise and uneasiness in england, the sensations roused by the second may be imagined, not altogether because of the increase of german naval power, but of the power that would result when the new german navy was combined with the navies of germany's allies of the triplice. the third navy bill was a consequence of the russo-japanese war and of the lesson taught by the sea-fight of tsuschima. it was laid before the reichstag on november , , for "a stronger representation of the empire abroad." its main object was to increase by almost one-half the size of the battleships, thus following the lead of england, which had decided on the new and famous "dreadnought" class of vessel, remarkable for its five revolving armoured turrets (instead of two previously) and the number of its heavy guns. hitherto english warships had had an average tonnage of about , tons: the tonnage of the original "dreadnought" was , tons. notwithstanding the enormous nature of the financial demand (£ , , within eleven years) the reichstag passed the bill on may , . a torpedo fleet of boats, in divisions, was additionally provided for in this bill. the fourth navy bill was brought in in , with the diminution of the age of the german battleship from twenty-five to twenty years as its principal aim. as a result the number of new ships to be built by was raised from six to twelve. the fifth and last navy bill was passed last year, , creating a third active squadron as reserve, made up of existing vessels and three new battleships. the german navy now consists of battleships of the line, large armoured cruisers, and small armoured cruisers, the cruisers being for purposes of reconnaissance; the foreign-service fleet of large and small armoured cruisers; and an active reserve fleet of battleships, large and small armoured cruisers. like sailors everywhere, the german sailor is a frank and hearty type of his race, and welcome wherever he goes. the german naval officer is usually of middle-class extraction, while a slightly larger proportion of the officers of the army is taken from the _noblesse_. he is a fine, frank, and manly fellow as a rule, and, like the emperor, perfectly willing to admit that his navy is closely modelled on that of great britain. moreover, in addition to a thorough knowledge of his profession, he is able, in two cases out of three, to converse with useful fluency in english, french, and in some cases italian as well. the navy, like the army, is recruited by conscription, but active service is for three years, as in the german cavalry and artillery, while only two years in the german infantry. naturally young men of an adventurous turn of mind frequently elect for the navy, as they hope thereby to see something of the world. at the end of their third year of service they may go back to civil life as reservists or may "capitulate," that is, continue in active service for another year, and renew their "capitulation" thenceforward from year to year. the ordinary sailor receives (since ) the equivalent of s. d. in cash monthly and s. for clothing, but when at sea additional pay of s. a month. the result of the system of conscription is that about per cent. of the fleet's crews consist of what may be called seasoned sailors, the remainder being three-year conscripts. the officer class is recruited from young men who have passed a certain school standard examination and enter the navy as cadets. the one-year-volunteer system (_einjähriger dienst_) only partially obtains in the navy, for purposes, namely, of coast defence and other services on land. after two years the cadet becomes a midshipman, and with five or six other middies serves for a year or so on board ship, when he becomes a sub-lieutenant and is promoted by seniority to full lieutenant, captain-lieutenant (the english naval lieutenant with eight years' service), corvette-captain (the english naval commander, with three stripes), frigate-captain (corresponding in rank to a lieutenant-colonel in the english army), and finally captain-at-sea (with four stripes), when he may get command of a battleship. to reach this great object of the german naval officer's ambition takes on an average twenty-four years, or about the same period as in the british navy. the upper ranks, in ascending order, are contre-admiral (the english rear-admiral), vice-admiral, admiral, grand-admiral (english admiral of the fleet). there are only four grand-admirals in germany, namely, the emperor (as "chef" of the navy), his brother prince henry (as inspector-general), retired admiral von koester (president of the navy league), and admiral von tirpitz (secretary of admiralty and the only "active" grand-admiral). king george v of england is an admiral of the german navy, as the emperor is an admiral of the british navy. salutes are a matter of international agreement. they are: guns (simultaneously from all ships) for the emperor and foreign monarchs, for the crown prince of germany or of a foreign country, for a grand-admiral or an ambassador, for an admiral, the secretary of admiralty or inspector-general, for a vice-admiral, for contre-admiral, and so descending. guns are fired on the emperor's birthday or on the birth of an imperial prince. guns is the salute when a german monarch ascends the imperial throne, and when a german emperor dies. the yearly salaries of german naval officers are as follows: admiral, £ , (of which £ is "pay"), vice-admiral, £ (£ "pay"), contre-admiral, £ (£ "pay"), captain-at-sea, £ (£ "pay"), corvette-captain, £ (£ "pay"), full lieutenant, £ (£ "pay"), and so on downwards. jews are not allowed to become officers of the navy, thus following the practice in the army. there is no law to prevent jews becoming officers in either army or navy, but, as a matter of tradition or prejudice, no regimental or naval commander is willing to accept an israelite among his officers. it is time, however, to return to the personal doings of the emperor. he is responsible for germany's foreign policy, and his duties in connexion with it and with the navy must often have suggested to him the desirability of seeing with his own eyes something of the orient, the new battlefield of the world's diplomacy, and possibly a new eldorado for european merchants and engineers. his journey to the east, now undertaken, was, however, chiefly a religious one, though it had also something of a chivalric character, since much of every german's imagination is concerned with the crusades, the order of knight templars, and similar historical or legendary incidents and personalities in the early stages of the struggle between the christian and the saracen. the birthplace of christ has special interest for a hohenzollern who holds his kingship by divine grace, and in the emperor's case because his father had made the journey to jerusalem thirty years before. the emperor, lastly, cannot but have been glad to escape, if only for a time, such harassing concerns as party politics, scribbling journalists, long-winded ministerial harangues, and social democrats. the journey of the emperor and empress to palestine occupied about a month from the middle of october, , to the middle of the following november, and while it was one of the most delightful and picturesque experiences of the emperor, it entailed some unforeseen and not altogether agreeable consequences. it was very much criticized in germany as an exhibition of a theatrical kind, of the "decorative in policy," as bismarck used to say, who saw no utility in decoration, and evidently did not agree with shakspeare that the "world is still deceived by ornament." it was objected that the emperor should have stayed at home to look after imperial business, that such a journey must excite suspicion in england and france--in the former because england is an oriental power, and in the latter because france is supposed to claim special protective rights over christianity in the east. the englishman who reads what german writers say about the journey gets the impression that the criticism was an expression of jealousy--jealousy, as we know from bismarck and prince bülow, being a national german failing. every german ardently desires to see italy and the orient, but until of late years few germans had the means of gratifying the wish. in one point, however, the critics were right. the emperor, when in damascus, after saying that he felt "deeply moved at standing on the spot where one of the most knightly sovereigns of all times, the great sultan saladin, stood," went on to say that sultan abdul "and the three hundred million mohammedans who, scattered over the earth, venerated him as their caliph, might be assured that at all times the german emperor would be their friend." it was a harmless and vague remark enough, one would think, but political writers in all countries have made great capital out of it ever since whenever germany's oriental policy is discussed. at the risk of repetition it may be said that that policy is, in the east as elsewhere, a purely economic one. the emperor's mistake perhaps chiefly lay in raising hopes in turkish minds which were very unlikely to be realized. the emperor's allusion to saladin as the most knightly sovereign of all times was a bad blunder. he was doubtless carried away by a combination, in his probably at this time somewhat excited imagination, of the chivalrous figures of the crusading times with thoughts of the german knight templars and other soldierly characters. saladin was a brave man physically, and fond of imperial magnificence, as is only natural and necessary for an oriental potentate to be; and a good deal of eastern legend grew up about him on that account. legend was enough for the emperor in his then romantic mood. he forgot, or did not know, that saladin, from the point of view of a modern and in reality far more knightly age, was a sanguinary and fanatic ruffian, who showed no mercy to his christian prisoners--killed, in fact, one of them, rainald de chatillon, with his own hand, sacked jerusalem, turned the temple of solomon into a mosque, after having it "disinfected" with rose-water, and killed pope urban iii, who died, the chronicles tell, of sorrow at the news. the journey was, as has been said, a delightful and picturesque experience for the emperor and the empress. they passed through venice with its marble palaces, sailed over the sapphire waters of the adriatic, and were received with great demonstrations of welcome by the sultan in constantinople. when they were leaving, the sultan gave the emperor a gigantic carpet, and the emperor gave the sultan a gold walking-stick, an exact imitation of the stick frederick the great used to lean on, and sometimes, very likely, apply to the backs of his trusty but stupid lieges. before disposing of the events of this period of the emperor's life mention may be made of two or three occurrences which must have been a source of political interest or social entertainment to him. from among them we select the dreyfus case and the historic scene arranged for the painter, adolf menzel, in sans souci. the dreyfus case, though its investigation brought to light no fact implicating the german authorities, naturally aroused interest throughout germany. the interest was felt equally in the army, notwithstanding that it contains no jewish officer, and among the civil population. in france, it will be remembered, the case acquired its importance from the charge, made by the anti-semite drumont and his journal _la libre parole_, that the jews were exploiting the government and the country. there is an anti-semite party in germany, founded by the court preacher stoecker in , but possibly owing to the prudence and good citizenship of the jews in germany, it has gained little weight or momentum since. the "affaire," as it was universally known, was only once referred to in the german parliament, in january, , when chancellor von bülow declared "in the most positive way possible" that there had "never been any traffic or relations of any kind whatsoever between dreyfus and any german authority," adding that the alleged finding of an official german communication in the wastepaper basket of the german embassy in paris was a fiction. the chancellor concluded by saying that the case had in no respect ever troubled relations between germany and france. the incident most often cited as evidence of the emperor's love of recalling the days of his great ancestor, frederick the great, is the concert he arranged at sans souci on june , , to gratify, we may be sure, as well as surprise, the famous painter. the incident and its origin are described in a work already mentioned, the "private lives of william ii and his consort," by a lady of the court. the account given below is illustrative of the unfriendly sentiments which are evident throughout the work, but the lady is probably fairly accurate as regards the incident, and in any case her gossip will give the reader some notion, though by no means an entirely faithful one, of the court atmosphere at the time. talk at the palace during afternoon tea having turned on the fact that adolf menzel, the painter, would shortly celebrate his eightieth birthday, some one remarked on the refusal by the court marshal in the previous reign to allow him to see the scene of his celebrated "flute concert at sans souci," which he was then composing, lighted up. the conversation, according to the lady writer, continued thus:-- "'maybe he was frightened at the prospect of furnishing a couple of dozen wax candles,' sneered the duke of schleswig. "'more likely he knew nothing of menzel's growing reputation,' suggested begas, the sculptor. "the emperor overheard the last words. 'are you prepared to say that my grand-uncle's chief marshal failed to recognize the genius of the foremost hohenzollern painter?' he asked sharply. "'i would not like to libel a dead man,' answered begas, 'but appearances are certainly against the count. i have it from menzel's own lips that the court marshal refused him all and every assistance when he was painting the scenes of life in sans souci. the rooms of the chateau were accessible to him only to the same extent as to any other paying visitor or the hordes of foreign tourists, and he had to make his sketches piece-meal, gathering corroborative and additional material in museums and picture-galleries.' "quick as a flash the kaiser turned to count eulenburg. 'i shall repay the debt prussia owes to menzel,' he spoke, not without declamatory effect. 'we will have the representation of the sans souci flute concert three days hence. your programme is to be ready tomorrow morning at ten. menzel, mind you, must know nothing of this: merely command him to attend us at the schloss at supper and for a musical evening.' and, turning round, he said to her majesty: 'you will impersonate princess amalia, and you, kessel' (adjutant von kessel, then commander of the first life guards), 'engage all your tallest and best-looking officers to enact the great king's military household.' "again the kaiser addressed count eulenberg: 'be sure to have the best artists of the royal orchestra perform frederick the great's compositions, and let joachim be engaged for the occasion.' saying this, he took her majesty's arm, and bidding his guests and the court a hasty good-night, strode out of the apartment." a description of the empress's costume for the concert follows. "her majesty's dress consisted of a petticoat of sea-green satin, richly ornamented with silver lace of antique pattern and an overdress of dark velvet, embroidered with gold and set with precious stones. on her powdered hair, amplified by one of herr adeljana, the viennese coiffeur's, most successful creations, sat a jaunty three-cornered hat having a blazing aigrette of large diamonds in front, the identical cluster of white stones which figured at the great napoleon's coronation, and which he lost, together with his entire equipage, in the battle of waterloo. in her ears her majesty wore pearl ornaments representing a small bunch of cherries. like the aigrette, they are crown property, and that auguste victoria thought well enough of the jewels to rescue them from oblivion for this occasion was certainly most appropriate." the emperor's costume is also described. "he wore the cuirassier uniform of the great frederick's period, a highly ornamented dress that suited the war lord, who was painted and powdered to perfection, extremely well, especially as wellington boots, a very becoming wig and his strange head-gear really and seemingly added to his figure, while his usually stern face beamed pleasantly under the powder and rouge laid on by expert hands." the arrival of menzel is then narrated and the reception by the emperor, who took the part of an adjutant of frederick the great's, and in that character "bombarded the helpless master," as the chronicler says, "with forty stanzas of alleged verse, in which the deeds of prussia's kings and the masterpieces that commemorate them were extolled with a prosiness that sounded like an afterclap of william's reichstag and monument orations." a real concert followed, and supper was taken in the marble hall adjoining. the authoress concludes as follows:-- "i was contemplating these reminiscences (the pictures of la barberini) in silent reverie when the door opened and the kaiser came in with little menzel. "'i have a mind to engage angeli to paint her majesty's picture in the costume of princess amalia,' said the emperor 'what do you think of it?' "'angeli is painter to many emperors and kings,' replied the professor, and i saw him smile diplomatically as he moved his spectacles to get a better view of the allegorical canvas on the left wall that exhibits the nude figure of the famous mistress in its entirety. "'i am glad you agree with me on that point,' said the emperor, impatient to execute the idea that had crossed his mind. 'i will telegraph to him to-night.' "and when, five minutes later, menzel bent over my hand to take formal leave, i heard him murmur in his dry, absent-minded manner--'pesne ... angeli ... frederick the great ... william ii!" we have spoken of the court atmosphere of this time. the following extracts from the memoirs of ex-chancellor prince hohenlohe will assist the reader, perhaps even better than a connected account, to enter, in imagination at all events, into it. the conversations cited between the emperor and the prince turn on all sorts of topics--the pass question in alsace (where hohenlohe was then statthalter), the possibility of war with russia, pheasant shooting, projected monuments, the breach with bismarck, the triple alliance, and a hundred more of the most different kinds. once talking domestic politics, the emperor said: "it will end by the social democrats getting the upper hand. then they will plunder the people. not that i care. i will have the palace loop-holed and look on at the plundering. the burghers will soon call on me for help;" and on another occasion, in , hohenlohe tells of a dinner at the palace, and how after dinner, when the empress and her ladies had gone into another _salon_, the emperor, hohenlohe, and dr. hinzpeter (the emperor's old tutor) conversed together for an hour, all standing. "the first subject touched on," relates the prince, was the gymnasia (high schools), the emperor holding that they made too exacting claims on the scholars, while hohenlohe and hinzpeter pointed out that otherwise the run on the schools would be too great and cause danger of a "learned proletariat." prince hohenlohe concludes: "in the whole conversation, which never once came to a standstill, i was pleased by the fresh, lively manner of the emperor, and was in all ways reminded of his grandfather, prince albert." next year the prince was present at an official dinner in the berlin palace. he writes:-- "berlin, _march_, . "at seven, dinner in the white salon (at the palace). i sat opposite the empress and between moltke and kameke. the former was very communicative, but was greatly interfered with by the continuous music, and was very angry at it. two bands were placed facing each other, and when one ceased the other began to play its trumpets. it was hardly endurable. the emperor made a speech in honour of the queen of england and the prince of wales (afterwards king edward, present on the occasion of the investiture of his son prince george, now king george v, with the order of the black eagle), and mentioned his nomination as english admiral (whose uniform he was wearing) and the comradeship-in-arms at the battle of waterloo; he also hoped that the english fleet and the german army would together maintain peace. moltke then said to me: 'goethe says, "a political song, a discordant song."' "he also said he hoped the speech wouldn't get into the papers." (it did, however.) the next extract describes a conversation prince hohenlohe had with the emperor at potsdam the following year. it gives an idea of the ordinary nature of conversations between the emperor and his high officials on such occasions. "berlin, _december_, . "yesterday forenoon was invited to the new palace at potsdam. besides myself were the prince and princess von wied, with the mistress of the robes and the court marshal. emperor and empress very amiable. the emperor spoke of his hunting in alsace, and supposed it would be some years before the game there would be abundant. then he expressed his satisfaction at my acquisition of gensburg, and when i told him there was not much room in the castle he said, no matter, he could nevertheless pass a few days there with a couple of gentlemen very pleasantly. passing to politics, he gave vent to his displeasure at the attitude of the conservative party, who were hindering the formation of a conservative-monarchical combination against the progressives and social democrats. this was all the more regrettable as the progressives, if now and then they opposed the social democrats, still at bottom were with them. the emperor approves of the commercial treaties and seemed to have great confidence in caprivi generally. as we came to speak of intrigues and gossip, the emperor hinted that bismarck was behind them. he added that people were urging him from many quarters to be reconciled with bismarck, but it was not for him to take the first step. he seemed well informed about the situation in russia and considered it very dangerous. when i asked the emperor how he stood now with the czar, he replied 'badly. he went through here without paying me a visit, and i only write him ceremonious letters. the queen of denmark prevented him coming to berlin, for fear he should go to potsdam. she has gone now with him to livadia on the pretext of the silver wedding, but in reality to keep him away from berlin.'" writing of a lunch at potsdam, under date berlin, november , , the prince notes:-- "the emperor came late and looked tired, but was in good spirits. we went immediately to table. afterwards the conversation turned on bismarck. 'when one compares what bismarck does with that for which poor arnim had to suffer!' he would do nothing, he said, against bismarck, but the consequences of the whole thing were very serious. waldersee and bismarck couldn't abide one another. they had, however, become allies out of common hatred of caprivi, whose fall bismarck desired. what might happen afterwards neither cared." the following was penned after the old chancellor's visit of reconciliation:-- "berlin, _january_, . "to-night gala performance at the opera. between the acts i talked first with different monarchs, the king of württemberg, the king of saxony, the grand duke of oldenburg, and so on. then i was sent for by the empress, of whom i took leave. the emperor came shortly afterwards. we spoke of bismarck's visit the day before and the good consequences for the emperor it would have. 'yes,' said the emperor, 'now they can put up triumphal arches for him in vienna and munich, i am all the time a length ahead. if the press continues its abuse it only puts itself and bismarck in the wrong.' i mentioned that red-hot partisans of bismarck were greatly dissatisfied with the visit, and said the emperor should have gone to friedrichsruh (bismarck's estate near hamburg). 'i am well aware of it,' said the emperor,'but for that they would have had a long time to wait. he had to come here.' on the whole the emperor spoke very sensibly and decisively, and i did not at all get the impression that he now wants to change everything." prince hohenlohe was summoned to potsdam in october, , by a telegram from the emperor. all the telegram said was that "important interests of the empire" were concerned. hohenlohe was only aware of the dismissal of caprivi from a newspaper he read in frankfort on his way to potsdam. the emperor met him at the station (wildpark) and conveyed him to the new palace, where the prince agreed to accept the chancellorship "at the emperor's earnest request." princess hohenlohe was decidedly against her husband, who was now seventy-five, accepting the post, and even ventured to telegraph to the empress to prevent it. the prince has a note on his intercourse with his imperial master. he is writing to his son, prince alexander:-- "berlin, _october_, . "it is a curious thing--my relations to his majesty. i come now and then to the conclusion, owing to his small inconsideratenesses, that he intentionally avoids me and that things can't continue so. then again i talk with him and see that i am mistaken. yesterday i had occasion to report to him, and he poured out his heart to me and took occasion in the friendliest way to ask my advice. and thus my distrust is dissipated." hunting with the emperor:-- " _december_, . "yesterday i obeyed the royal invitation to hunt at springe. i had to leave berlin as early as a.m. to catch the royal train at potsdam. from springe railway station we passed immediately into the hunting district. only sows were shot. i brought down six. then we drove to the schloss, rested for a few hours and then dined. the emperor was in very good humour and talked incessantly; in addition the uhlan band and the usually noisy conversation." when presenting his resignation to the emperor at hamburg in october, , the prince, who had evidently been for some time aware that his term of office was drawing to a close, describes his conversation with the emperor:-- "at noon, as i came to the emperor, he received me in a very friendly way. we first settled about summoning the reichstag, and then his majesty said, 'i have received a very distressing letter'--an allusion to the chancellor's official letter of resignation, which he had placed in the emperor's hands through tschirschky, foreign minister. 'as i then,' continued hohenlohe, 'explained the necessity of my resignation on the ground of my health and age the emperor, apparently quite satisfied, agreed, so that i could see he had already expected my request and consequently that it was high time i should make it. we talked further over the question of my successor, and i was agreeably surprised when he forthwith mentioned bülow, who certainly at the moment is the best man available. his majesty then said he would telegraph to lucanus (chief of the civil cabinet) to bring bülow to homburg so that we might consult about details. i breakfasted with their majesties and went calmly home.'" writing to his daughter next day prince hohenlohe, in words that do equal credit to himself and the imperial family, says: "it is always a pleasure to me when on such occasions i can convince myself of the christian disposition of the imperial family. in our for the most part unbelieving age this family seems to me like an oasis in the desert." prince hohenlohe was succeeded as chancellor by prince von bülow, who had held the office of secretary of state for foreign affairs for the preceding two years, and practically conducted the emperor's foreign policy during that time. he had served as secretary of embassy in st. petersburg, vienna, and athens, was a secretary to the congress of berlin, fought in the war with france and after seven years as minister in bucharest spent four years as ambassador in rome. here he married a divorced italian lady, the countess minghetti. after acting as deputy foreign secretary for the late baron marschall von bieberstein, he was appointed permanent foreign secretary, and on october , , was called by the emperor to the most responsible post in the empire next to his own, that of imperial chancellor. the emperor's choice was fully justified, for the new chancellor proved himself to be the most brilliant diplomatist and parliamentarian since bismarck. ix the new century - german writers, commenting on the turn of the century, claim to discover a change in the emperor's character about this period. he has lost much of his imaginative, his lohengrin, vein, and has become more practical, more prosaic and matter-of-fact. to use the german word, he is now a _realpolitiker_, one who deals in things, not words or theories, and drawing his gaze from the stars makes them dwell more attentively on the immediate practical considerations of the world about him. his nature has not changed, of course, nor his manner, but he has begun to see that he must employ means and ways different from those he employed previously. he has not become a bismarck, for he still pursues his aims more in the spirit of the colonel of a regiment leading his men to the attack with banners flying, drums beating, swords rattling in their scabbards and mailed gauntlets held threateningly aloft, than in that of the cool and calculating politician ruminating in his closet on the tactics of his opponents, and deliberating how best to meet and confound them; but he gives more thought to what is going on about him, to party politics, to the economic necessities of the hour, and to modern science and its inventions. what strikes the englishman perhaps as much as anything in the emperor's character at this time is the cromwellian trait in it. this is a side of his protean nature which never seems to have been adequately recognized in england, yet in a singularly baffling character-composition it is one of the fundamental elements. the view of prussian monarchy, inherited from one hohenzollern to another for generation after generation, that the race of people to which he belonged (with any other race he could include by conquest in it) has been handed over by heaven for all eternity to his family, naturally predisposes him to take a religious, a patriarchal, one might say an hebraic, view of government; but in addition we find the warrior spirit at all times going hand in hand with the religious spirit, almost as strongly as in the case of mahomet with the koran in one hand and the sword in the other. there was nothing in the emperor's youth to show the existence of deeply religious conviction, but as soon as he mounted the throne, and all through the reign up to the close of the century, indeed some years beyond it, his speeches, especially when he was addressing his soldiery, were filled with expressions of religious fervour. "von gotten gnaden," he writes as a preface for a leipzig publication appearing on january , , "is the king; therefore to god alone is he responsible. he must choose his way and conduct himself solely from this standpoint. this fearfully heavy responsibility which the king bears for his folk gives him a claim on the faithful co-operation of his subjects. accordingly, every man among the people must be thoroughly persuaded that he is, along with the king, responsible for the general welfare." it may be noted in passing that cromwell and the emperor are alike in being the founders of the great war navies of their respective countries. on the date mentioned (new year's day), in the berlin arsenal when consecrating some flags, he addressed the garrison on the turn of the year: "the first day of the new century finds our army, that is our folk in arms, gathered round its standards, kneeling before the lord of hosts--and certainly if anyone has reason to bend the knee before god, it is our army." "a glance at our standards," the emperor continued, "is sufficient explanation, for they incorporate our history. what was the state of our army at the beginning of the century? the glorious army of frederick the great had gone to sleep on its laurels, ossified in pipeclay details, led by old, incapable generals, its officers shy of work, sunk in luxury, good living, and foolish self-satisfaction. in a word, the army was no longer not only not equal to its task, but had forgotten it. heavy was the punishment of heaven, which overtook it and our folk. they were flung into the dust, frederick's glory faded, the standards were cast down. in seven years of painful servitude god taught our folk to bethink itself of itself, and under the pressure of the feet of an arrogant usurper (napoleon) was born the thought that it is the highest honour to devote in arms one's life and property to the fatherland--the thought, in short, of universal conscription." the word for conscription, it may be here remarked, is in german _wehrpflicht_, the duty of defence. to most people in england it means simply "compulsory military service." it is important to note the difference, as it explains the german national idea, and the emperor's idea, that all military and naval forces are primarily for defence, not offence. this is, indeed, equally true of the british, or perhaps any other, army and navy; but how many englishmen, when they think of germany, can get the idea into the foreground of their thoughts or accustom themselves to it? however, we have not yet done with the emperor's baffling character. there was a third element that now developed in it--the modern, the twentieth-century, the american, the rockefeller element. it is intimately connected with his weltpolitik, as his weltpolitik is with his foreign policy in general--indeed one might say his weltpolitik is his foreign policy--a policy of economic expansion, with a desperate apprehension of losing any of the empire's property, and a determination to have a voice in the matter when there is any loose property anywhere in the world to be disposed of. to the hebraic element and the warrior element (an entirely un-christlike combination, as the emperor must be aware) there now began to be added the mercantile, the modern, the american element--the interest in all the concerns of national material prosperity, in the national accumulation of wealth, the interest in inventions, in commercial science, in labour-saving machinery, the effort to win american favour, to facilitate intercourse and establish close and profitable relations with that wealthy land and people. we know that the emperor has english blood in him, greatly admires england, and is immensely proud of being a british admiral. we have seen him exhibiting traits of character that remind one of lohengrin or tancred. he has played many parts in the spirit of a hebrew prophet and patriarch, of a frederick the great, a cromwell, a nelson, a theodore roosevelt. preacher, teacher, soldier, sailor, he has been all four, now at one moment, now at another. we shall find him anon as art and dramatic critic, to end--so far as we are concerned with him--as farmer. is it any wonder if such a man, mediæval in his nature and modern in his character, defies clear and definite portrayal by his contemporaries? taking the year as the first year of the new century, not as some calculators, and the emperor among them, take it, as the last year of the old, the twentieth century may be said to have opened with a dramatic historical episode in which the emperor and his empire took very prominent parts--the boxer movement. little notice has been taken in our account of germany's spacious days of her relations to china and the far east generally. they were, nevertheless, all through that period intimately connected with her expansion or dreams of expansion. about the flowery land awoke to the benefits of european civilization and in particular of european ingenuity; and in , for the first time in chinese history, foreign diplomatists were granted the privilege of an annual reception at the chinese court. so exclusive was the manchu dynasty--the hohenzollerns of china in point of antiquity; yet not a score of years later the manchu monarchy had been quietly removed from its five-thousand-year-old throne, and china, apparently the most conservative and monarchical people on earth, proclaimed itself a republic--a regular modern republic!--an operation that among peoples claiming infinite superiority to the chinese would have cost thousands of lives and a vast expenditure of money. naturally, once china showed a willingness to abandon its axenic attitude towards foreign devils and all things foreign-devilish, the european powers turned their eyes and energies towards her, and a strenuous commercial and diplomatic race after prospective concessions for railways, mines, and undertakings of all kinds began. each power feared that china would be gobbled up by a rival, or that at least a partition of the vast chinese empire was at hand. consequently, when china was beaten in her war with japan, and made the unfavourable treaty of shimonoseki, the european powers were ready to appear as helpers in time of need. russia, germany, and france got the shimonoseki treaty altered, and the laotung peninsula with port arthur given back, and in return russia acquired the right to build a railway through manchuria (the first step towards "penetration" and occupation), french engineers obtained several valuable mining and railway concessions, and germany got certain privileges in hankow and tientsin. meantime the old, deeply-rooted hatred of the foreign devil, the european, was spreading among the population, which was still, in the mass, conservative. missionaries were murdered, and among them, in , two german priests. germany demanded compensation, and in default sent a cruiser squadron to kiautschau bay. russia immediately hurried a fleet to port arthur and obtained from china a lease of that port for twenty-five years. england and france now put in a claim for their share of the good things going. england obtained wei-hai-wei, france a lease of kwang-tschau and hainan. china was evidently throwing herself into the arms of europe, when, in , the dowager empress took the government out of the hands of the young emperor and a period of reaction set in. the appearance of italy with a demand for a lease of the san-mun bay in brought the chinese anti-foreign movement to a head, and the boxer conspiracy grew to great dimensions. the movement was caused not merely by religious and race fanaticism, but by the popular fear that the new european era would change the economic life of china and deprive millions of chinese of their wonted means of livelihood. the dowager empress and a number of chinese princes now joined it. massacres soon became the order of the day, and it is calculated that in the spring of alone more than , christians were barbarously done to death. among the victims were reckoned english, americans, french, and of other nationalities. the ambassadors and ministers of all nations, conscious of their danger, applied to the tsungli yamen (foreign office), demanding that the imperial government should crush the boxer movement. the government took no steps, the diplomatists were beleaguered in their embassies, and were only saved by friendly police from being murdered. this, however, was but a temporary respite, and it became necessary to bring marines from the foreign ships of war lying at the mouth of the pei-ho river just out of range of the formidable taku forts. these troops, , in all, were led by admiral seymour. they tried to reach pekin, but failed owing to the destruction of the railway, and retired to tientsin, from whence, however, on june th, a detachment set out to capture the taku forts. the capture was effected, the german gunboat _iltis_, under captain lans, playing a conspicuously brave part. tientsin was now in danger from the boxer bands, but was relieved by a mixed detachment of russians and germans under general stoessel, the subsequent defender of port arthur. the alarm meantime at pekin was intense. the chinese government, throwing off all disguise, ordered the diplomatists to leave the city. they refused, knowing that to leave the shelter of the embassies meant torture and death. one of them, however, the german minister, freiherr von ketteler, ventured from his legation and was killed in broad daylight on his way to the chinese foreign office. only one of the minister's party escaped, to stagger, hacked and bloody, into the british legation with the news. this legation, as the strongest building in the quarter, became the refuge of the entire diplomatic corps, with their wives, children, and servants. it was straightway invested and bombarded by the boxers, and as the days and weeks went on the other legation buildings were burned, and the refugees in the british legation had to look death at all hours in the face. the murder of von ketteler excited anger and horror throughout the world, and in no breast, naturally, to a stronger degree than in that of the german emperor. all nations hastened to send troops to pekin. japan was first on the scene with , men under general yamagutschi. russia followed next with , under general lenewitch, then england with , under general gaselee, then france with , under general frey, then america with , under general chaffee, germany with , under von hopfner, austria and italy with smaller contingents--in all more than , men, with guns. a little later the expeditionary corps from germany, , strong, under general von lessel, and that from france, , strong, arrived. at the suggestion, it is said, of russia, and by agreement among the european powers, united by a common sympathy and in face of a common danger, the german field-marshal, count waldersee, was appointed to the supreme command of all the european forces. at the same time naval supports were hurried by all maritime nations to the scene, and within a short period warships and torpedo boats were assembled off the chinese coast. the march to pekin and the relief of the imprisoned europeans are incidents still fresh in public memory. in the crowded british legation fear alternated with hope, and hope with fear, until, on the forenoon of august th, a boy ran into the legation crying that "black-faced europeans" were advancing along the royal canal in the direction of the building. in a few minutes a company of sikh cavalry, part of some indian troops diverted on their way to aden, galloped up, all danger was over, and the refugees were saved. the boxer troubles ended on may , , with the signature by li hung chang in the name of the emperor of china of a treaty of peace, the main conditions of which were the payment by china within thirty years of a war indemnity to the powers of million taels (£ , , ) and an agreement to send a mission of atonement to the courts of germany and japan--for among the foreign victims of the boxers in the previous year had been the japanese representative in china, baron sugiyama. for two or three weeks the action of the emperor with regard to the chinese mission of atonement brought him into universal ridicule. prince chun, a near relative of the chinese emperor, who had been appointed to conduct the mission, reached basle in september, , on his way to berlin. here he lingered, and it soon became known that a hitch had occurred in his relations with germany. it then transpired that the delay was caused by the emperor's having suddenly intimated that he expected prince chun to make thrice to him, as he sat on his throne at potsdam, the "kotow" as practised in the court of china. in view of the surprise, laughter, and criticism of europe, the emperor modified his demand for the "kotow" to its symbolic performance by three deep bows. prince chun thereupon resumed his journey. an impressive, if theatrical, scene was prepared in the new palace at potsdam, where the emperor, seated on the throne, his marshal's baton in his hand, and flanked by ministers and the officers of his household, received the bearer of china's expressions of regret. whatever one may think of the scenic effect provided, the reply the emperor made to prince chun, after the three bows arranged upon had been made, is a model of its kind--general not personal, sorrowful rather than angry, warning rather than reproachful. the emperor said-- "no pleasing nor festive cause, no mere fulfilment of a courtly duty, has brought your imperial highness to me, but a sad and deeply grave occurrence. my minister to the court of his majesty the emperor of china, freiherr von ketteler, fell in the chinese capital beneath the murderous weapons of an imperial chinese soldier, who acted by the orders of a superior, an unheard-of outrage condemned by the law of nations and the moral sense of all countries. from your imperial highness i have now heard the expression of the sincere and deep regret of his imperial majesty the emperor of china regarding the occurrence. i am glad to believe that your imperial highness's royal brother had nothing to do with the crime or with the further acts of violence against inviolable ministers and peaceful foreigners, but all the greater is the guilt which attaches to his advisers and his government. let these not deceive themselves by supposing that they can make atonement and receive pardon for their crime through this mission alone, and not through their subsequent conduct in the light of the prescriptions of international law and the moral principles of civilized peoples. if his majesty the emperor of china henceforward directs the government of his great empire in the spirit of these ordinances, his hope that the sad consequences of the confusion of last year may be overcome, and permanent, peaceful and friendly relations between germany and china may exist as before, will be realized to the benefit of both peoples and the whole of civilized humanity. in the sincere wish that it may be so, i welcome your imperial highness." the emperor's other speeches referring to the boxer movement at this period have been adversely commented on as showing him in the light of a cruel and blood-thirsty seeker after revenge. this is an unjust, at least a hard, judgment. a passage in his address at bremerhaven to the expeditionary force when setting out for china is the main proof of the charge--in which, after referring to the murder of von ketteler, he said: "you know well you will have to fight with a cunning, brave, well-armed, cruel foe. when you come to close quarters with him remember--quarter ('pardon' is the german word the emperor used) must not be given: prisoners must not be taken: manage your weapons so that for a thousand years to come no chinaman will dare to look sideways at a german. act like men." it is difficult, of course, to reconcile such an address with christian humanity practised, so far as humanity can be practised, in modern war, but it should be remembered that the emperor was speaking in a state of great excitement, and that, according to chancellor prince bülow's statement in the reichstag subsequently, confirmation of the news of the murder of his minister to china had only reached the emperor ten minutes before he delivered the speech. there is one incident, however, though not a very important one, in connexion with the troubles, which may fairly be made a matter of reproach to the emperor--the seizure, on his order, of the ancient astronomical instruments at pekin and their transference to sans souci, in potsdam, where they are to be seen to the present day. the troops of all nations, it is known, looted freely at pekin; but the emperor might have spared china and his own fair fame the indignity of such public vandalism. while writing of china it may not be superfluous to add that the emperor's foreign policy in the orient cannot be expected to present exactly the same features, or proceed quite along the same lines, as his foreign policy in europe. by far the greater part of europe is now as completely parcelled out and as permanently settled as though it were a huge, well-managed estate. the capacities of its high roads, its railways, its great rivers, with their commercial and strategic values and relations are perfectly ascertained; and the knowledge, it is not too much to say, is the common property of all important governments. it is not so, or not nearly to the same extent, in the orient. in europe there is little or no difficulty in distinguishing between enterprises that are political and those that are commercial, or in recognizing where they are both; and if a difficulty should arise it can be arranged by diplomatic conversations, by a conference of the powers interested, or in the last resort--short of war--by arbitration. this is not so simple a matter in the orient, where conditions are at once old and new, where interests of possibly great magnitude are as yet undetermined or unappropriated, where possibly great mineral sources are undeveloped and the capacities of new markets unascertained; where, in short, the decisive factors of the problem are undiscovered, it may be unsuspected. in such cases there is often no certain and readily recognizable line of demarcation between the two kinds of enterprise; and an undertaking that may present all the appearance of being a purely commercial scheme, and be solemnly asseverated to be such by the power or powers promoting it, may turn out on closer examination to be one of great political significance and incalculable political consequence. of such enterprises two immediately spring to mind, the cape to cairo railway and the baghdad railway, not to mention a score of problematic undertakings in other parts of africa or asia. it will be useful to keep this general consideration in view when forming an opinion regarding the emperor's oriental policy. that policy is, so far, almost entirely commercial. long ago wars used to be made for the sake of religion, then for the sake of territory. now they are made for the sake of new markets. yet the far east is changing with the change in conditions everywhere in modern times, and it is evident that the premises for any conclusion as to german foreign policy there may, at any given moment, be subject to modification. partly owing to the growth of germany's european influence, and to the increase in her navy which has helped her to it, she is to be found of recent years playing a role in the far east which would have been unintelligible to the german of the last generation. there are many germans to-day, as in bismarck's time, who ridicule the notion that the possibilities of trade in oriental countries justify the national risk now run for it and the national expenditure now made upon it; but it is sometimes forgotten that, apart from the chance of obtaining concessions for the building of railways, for the establishment of banks, for the leasing of mines and working of cotton plantations, there is a large german export of beads, cloth, and, in short, of hundreds of articles which appeal to barbarian or only semi-civilized tastes. germany, too, looks hopefully forward to a future in which she will be supplied with the raw material of her manufactures by her colonies, or failing that by her subjects trading abroad in the colonies of other nations. this is one of the main objects of her weltpolitik. as prince von bülow said: "the time has passed when the german left the earth to one neighbour and the sea to another, while he reserved heaven, where pure doctrines are enthroned, to himself;" and again: "we don't seek to put anybody in the shade, but we demand our place in the sun;" and the idea finds technical expression in the phrase on which germany lays so much stress, the "maintenance of the open door." her policy in the far east, as in europe, is thus on the whole a commercial one; she seeks there as elsewhere new markets, not new territory. accordingly she supports the principle of the _status quo_ in china, and therefore raised no objection to the anglo-japanese agreement of which, among other objects, secured it. in january, , the emperor was called to england by the sudden, and, as it was to prove, fatal illness of his grandmother, queen victoria. his journey to osborne, where he arrived just in time to be recognized by the dying queen, and his abandonment of the idea, impressive and almost sacred to a prussian king and the prussian people, of being present on his birthday, january th, at the bicentenary celebration of the foundation of the prussian kingdom, made a deep and sympathetic impression on the people of england. usually on state occasions the emperor does not display a countenance of good humour, or indeed of any sentiment save perhaps that of a sense of dignity; but on the occasion in question, as he rode in the uniform of a british field-marshal beside edward vii, his looks were those of genuine sorrow. public sympathy was not lessened when it became known that he had mentioned the pride he felt in being privileged to wear the uniform of two such soldiers of renown as the duke of wellington and lord roberts; and added that the privilege would be highly estimated by the whole german army. it was a chivalrous remark, the offspring of a chivalrous disposition. the emperor had hardly returned to germany when, on february th, the only attack ever made on his person occurred in bremen. he had been at a banquet in the town hall, and was being driven through the illuminated streets to the railway station to return to berlin, when a half-witted locksmith's apprentice of nineteen, dietrich weiland by name, flung a piece of railway iron at him with such good aim that it struck him on the face immediately under the right eye, inflicting a deep and nasty, but not dangerous wound. the emperor proceeded with his journey, the doctors attending to his injury in the train, and in a few weeks he was well again. weiland was sent to a criminal lunatic asylum. the attempt had, apparently, nothing to do with anarchism or nihilism or the social democracy. when the emperor alluded to it afterwards in his speech to the diet, he referred it to a general diminution of respect for authority. "respect for authority," he said to the diet, "is wanting. in this regard all classes of the population are to blame. particular interests are looked to, not the general well-being of the folk. criticism of the measures of the government and throne takes the coarsest and most injurious forms--and hence the errors and demoralization of our youth. parliament must help here, and a change must be made, beginning with the schools." it was natural enough that a few days after, addressing the alexander regiment of guards, who were taking up quarters in a new barracks near the palace in berlin, he should tell them the barracks were like a citadel to the palace, and that, as a sort of imperial bodyguard, the regiment "must be ready, day and night as once before"--he was referring to the "march days"--"to meet any attack by the citizens on the emperor." at bonn in april the emperor attended the matriculation (immatriculation, the germans call it) of his eldest son, the crown prince, at the university. he was in civil dress, one of the rare public occasions during the reign when he has not been in uniform, but this did not prevent him delivering a martial address to the borussians. "i hope and expect from the younger generation," he said to the students, "that they will put me in a position to maintain our german fatherland in its close and strong boundaries and in the congeries of german races--doing to no one favour and to no one harm. if, however, anyone should touch us too nearly, then i will call upon you and i expect you won't leave your emperor sitting." a great shout of "bravo!" went up when the emperor ceased, and the students doubtless all thought what a fine thing it would be if he would only lead them straightway against those cheeky englanders. at the end of june, on board the hamburg-american pleasure-steamer _princess victoria luise_, the emperor pronounced the famous sentence--"our future lies on the water." the year before he had said something like it, and it is worth quoting as the emperor's first explicit allusion to weltpolitik. "strongly," he exclaimed, "dashes the beat of ocean at the doors of our people and compels it to preservation of its place in the world, in a word, to weltpolitik. the ocean is indispensable for germany's greatness. the ocean testifies that on it and far beyond it no important decision will be taken without germany and the german emperor." his words on the present occasion were: "my entire task for the future will be to see that the undertakings of which the foundations have been laid may develop quietly and surely. we have, though as yet without the fleet as it should be, achieved our place in the sun. it will now be my task to hold this place unquestioned, so that its rays may act favourably on trade and industry and agriculture at home inside, and on our sail-sports on the coast--for our future lies on the water. the more germans go on the sea--whether travelling or in the service of the state--the better. when the german has once learned to look abroad and afar he will lose that 'hang' towards the petty, the trivial, which now so often seizes him in daily life." and he closed: "we must now go out in search of new spots where we can drive in nails on which to hang our armour." early in august the emperor was called to the death-bed of his mother, the empress frederick, at her castle in cronberg. she died on the afternoon of her son's arrival, on august th. the emperor ordered mourning throughout the empire for six weeks, and forbade all "public music, entertainments, theatrical or otherwise" until after the funeral. the empress was buried in the mausoleum attached to the friedenskirche in potsdam on the th of the month. the delivery of a famous speech on art by the emperor in december brings the chronicle of to a close, but perhaps it will not displease the reader if a new chapter is opened for the purpose of quoting it and of considering the emperor in what is a traditional hohenzollern relationship. x. the emperor and the arts art is a favourite subject of conversation on the continent, where it is more popularly discussed than in england and where authorities of all kinds are more alive to its educative capabilities. it is eminently "safe" ground, does not savour of gossip, and no one need leave the field of discussion with the feeling that he has been driven from it. hence it is the salvation of diplomatists who are apprehensive of committing their governments or themselves when mixing in general society, and it doubtless does good service for the emperor also upon occasion. indeed it is a topic on which he speaks willingly and well. unfortunately for precision of thought and speech, though useful for the man in the street, the word "art" has been pressed into the service of metaphor more than almost any other word in language. we are told in turn that everything is an art--hair-dressing, salad-dressing (a different kind), lying, flying, dying. the germans are trying to make an art of life. whistler wrote about the "gentle art of making enemies." one hears of "artful hussies" and "artful dodgers." people are described as "artful" in the small diplomacies of intercourse. jugglers, acrobats, sword-swallowers, "supers" at the theatre, the men who play the elephant in the pantomime would all be mortified if they were not addressed as "artists," in short, everything may be called an art. but what, truly, is art? the question is as hard to answer satisfactorily as the questions what is truth or what is beauty? the notion "art" usually occurs to the mind as contrasted with the notion "nature"; the word is derived from the sanskrit root _ar_, to plough, to make, to do; and accordingly art may be taken to be something made by man, as contrasted with something made, or grown, or given by god. how art came into existence it is of course impossible to do more than conjecture. the necessities of primitive man may have stimulated his inventive powers into originating and developing the useful arts for his physical comfort and convenience; and his desire for recreation after labour, or the mere ennui of idleness, may have urged the same powers into originating and developing the fine and plastic arts for the entertainment of his mind. or, lastly, if no better reason can be found, and though sir joshua reynolds laid it down that all models of perfection in art must be sought for on the earth, it may be that seeing and feeling instinctively the glory and beauty of the creation, mankind began gradually, as its intelligence improved, to burn with a longing to imitate, reproduce, and represent them. however art arose, it seems true to say, as a german writer has well said, that when a work of art, whether a poem or a picture or a statue, causes in us the thought that so, and in no other way, would we ourselves have expressed the idea, had we the talent, then we may conclude that true art is speaking to us, whatever the idea to be expressed may be. everything demands thought, but our thoughts are an unruly folk, which never keep long on the same straight road, and love to wander off to left and right, here finding something new and there throwing away something old. the artist, when he conceives a plan, has to fight with the host of his thoughts and find a way through them. they often threaten to divert him from it, but on the other hand they often lead him to his goal by novel paths along which he finds much that is new and valuable. this is a doctrine that, sensible though it is, would hardly be subscribed to by the emperor, to whom no new movement in art strongly appeals, and who thinks that such movements, unless founded on the old classical school, the greek and roman school of beauty, ought, in the public interest, to be discouraged. however, let him speak for himself. he set forth his art creed in a speech which he delivered on december , , to the sculptors who had executed the hohenzollern statues in the famous siegesallée at berlin, and which ran substantially as follows:-- "i gladly seize the occasion, first of all, to express my congratulations and then my thanks for the manner in which you have assisted me to carry out my original plan. the preparation of the plan for the siegesallée has occupied many years, and the learned historiographer of my house, professor dr. poser, is the man who put me in a position to set the artists clear and intelligible tasks. once the historic basis was found the work could be proceeded with, and when the personalities of the princes were established it was possible to ascertain those who had been their most important helpers. in this manner the groups originated and, to a certain extent, conditioned by their history, the forms of them came into existence. "the next most difficult question was--was it possible, as i hoped it was, to find in berlin so many artists as would be able to work together harmoniously to realize the programme? "as i came to consider the question, i had in view to show the world that the most favourable condition for the successful achievement of the work was not the appointment of an art commission and the establishment of prize competitions, but that in accord with ancient custom, as in the classical period, and later during the middle ages, was the case, it lay in the direct intercourse of the employer with the artists. "i am therefore especially obliged to professor reinhold begas for having assured me, when i applied to him, that there was absolutely no doubt there could be found in berlin a sufficiency of artists to carry out the idea; and with his help, and in consequence of the acquaintances i have made by visiting exhibitions and studios in berlin, i succeeded in getting together a staff, the majority of whom i see around me, with whom to approach the task. "i think you will not refuse me the testimony that, in respect of the programme i drew up i have made the treatment of it as easy as possible, that while i ordered and defined the work i gave you an absolute freedom not only in the combination and composition, but precisely the freedom to put into it that from himself which every artist must if he is to give the work the stamp of his own individuality, since every work of art contains in itself something of the individual character of the artist. i believe that this experiment, if i may so call it, as made in the siegesallée, has succeeded. "... i have never interfered with details, but have contented myself with simply giving the direction, the impulse. "but to-day the thought that berlin stands there before the whole world with a guild of artists able to carry out so magnificent a project fills me with satisfaction and pride. it shows that the berlin school of art stands on a height which could hardly have been more splendid in the time of the renaissance. "here, too, one can draw a parallel between the great artistic achievements of the middle ages and the italians--that, namely, the head of the state, an art-loving prince, who offered their tasks to the artists also found the master round whom a school of artists could gather. "how is it, generally speaking, with art in the world? it takes its models, supplies itself from the great sources of mother nature, who, spite of her apparently unfettered, limitless freedom, still moves according to eternal laws which the creator ordained for himself and which cannot be passed or violated without danger to the development of the world. "even so it is in art; and at the sight of the beautiful remains of old classical times comes again over one the feeling that here too reigns an eternal law that is always true to itself, the law of beauty and harmony, of the aesthetic. this law is given expression to by the ancients in so surprising and overpowering a fashion, in so thoroughly complete a form that we, with all our modern sensibilities and with all our power, are still proud, when we have done any specially fine piece of work, to hear that it is almost as good as it was made nineteen hundred years ago. "but only almost! under this impression i would earnestly ask you to lay it to heart that sculpture still remains untainted by so-called modern tendencies and currents--still stands high and chastely there! keep her so, don't let yourselves be misled by human criticism or any wind of doctrine to abandon the principles on which she has been built up. "an art which transgresses the laws and limits i have indicated is art no more. it is factory work, handicraft, and that is a thing art should never be. under the often misused word 'freedom' and her flag one falls too readily into boundlessness, unrestraint, self-exaggeration. for whoever cuts loose from the law of beauty, and the feeling for the æsthetic and harmonious, which every human breast feels, whether he can express it or not, and in his thought makes his chief object some special direction, some specific solution of more technical tasks, that man denies art's first sources. "yet again. art should help to exercise an educative influence on the people. she should offer the lower classes, after the hard work of the day, the possibility of refreshing themselves by regarding what is ideal. to us germans great ideals have become permanent possessions, whereas to other peoples they have been more or less lost. only the german people remain called to preserve these great ideas, to cultivate and continue them. and among these ideals is this, that we afford the possibility to the working classes to elevate themselves by beauty, and by beauty to enable them to abstract themselves and rise above the thoughts they otherwise would have. "when art, as now often occurs, does nothing more than represent misery as still more unlovely than it is already, by so doing she sins against the german people. the cultivation of the ideal is at the same time the greatest work of culture, and if we wish to be and remain an example in this to other nations the whole people must work together to that end; if culture is to fulfil her task she must penetrate to the lowest classes of society. that she can only do when art comes into play, when she raises up, instead of descending into the gutter. "as ruler of the country i often find it extremely bitter that art, through its masters, does not with sufficient energy oppose such tendencies. i do not for a moment fail to perceive that many an aspiring character is to be found among the partisans of these tendencies, who are perhaps filled with the best intentions but who are on the wrong path. the true artist needs no advertisement, no press, no patronage. i do not believe that your great protagonists in the domain of science, either in ancient greece or in italy or in the renaissance period ever had recourse to a _réclame_ such as nowadays is often made in the press in order to bring their ideas into prominence, but worked as god inspired them and let others do the talking. "and so must an honest, proper artist act. the art which descends to _réclame_ is no art be it lauded a hundred or a thousand-fold. a feeling for what is beautiful or ugly has every one, be he ever so simple, and to educate this feeling in the people i require all of you. that in the siegesallée you have done a piece of such work, i have specially to thank you. "this i can even now tell you--the impression which the siegesallée has made on the foreigner is quite an overpowering one; everywhere respect for german sculpture is making itself perceivable. may you always remain on these heights, may such masters stand by my sons and sons' sons, should they ever come into existence! then, i am convinced, will our people be in a position to love the beautiful and honour lofty ideals." at the berlin art museum next year, after praising the devotion of his parents to art, and especially of his mother, "a nature," he said, "about which poesy breathed," he continued:-- "the son of both stands before you as their heir and executor: and so i regard it as my task, according to the intention of my parents, to hold my hand over my german people and its growing generation, to foster the love of beauty in them, and to develop art in them; but only along the lines and within the bounds drawn strictly by the feelings in mankind for beauty and harmony." the emperor's speech to the sculptors, if it contains some questionable statements, is a thoughtful address by one who is himself an artist, though not perhaps an artist of a high class. his artistic endowments, transmitted from his parents, have been already indicated. in reference to them he said to the official conducting him over the marienburg in later years, when the official expressed surprise at the emperor's art-knowledge:-- "there is nothing wonderful in it. i was brought up in an artistic atmosphere. my mother was an artist, and from my earliest youth i have been surrounded by beautiful things. art is my friend and my recreation." the highest praise of a work of art is to say of it that it pleased, or would have pleased; his mother. of her he said, "every thought she had was art, and to her everything, however simple, which was meant for the use of life, was penetrated with beauty." when giving his sanction to a plan, a park, a statue or a building he always thinks--"would it have pleased my parents--what would they have said about it?" the kaiser friedrich museum and the kaiser friedrich memorial church, both in berlin, testify to the emperor's gratitude to his parents for their artistic legacy. he went, as we have seen, through the ordinary art drudgery of the school, recognizing, no doubt, with michael angelo, with all good artists, that correct drawing is the foundation of every art into which drawing enters and applying himself industriously to it. as a young soldier at potsdam he spent a good deal of his time, during the three years from to , practising oil-painting under the guidance of herr karl salzmann, a distinguished berlin painter. among the results of this instruction was a picture which the princely artist called "the corvette--prince adalbert in the bay of samitsu," now hanging in the residence of his brother, prince henry, at kiel; and two years later, as his interest in the navy grew, a "fight between an armoured ship and a torpedo-boat." innumerable aquarelles and sketches, chiefly of marine subjects, were also the fruit of this period. the emperor has constantly cultivated free and friendly intercourse with the best artists of his own and other nations, and been continually engaged devoting time and money to the art education of his people. the admirable art exhibitions in berlin of the best examples of painting by english, french, and american artists, which he personally promoted and was greatly interested in, may be recalled as instances. if his efforts in encouraging art among his people have not been so successful as his imperial activities in other directions, the reason is not any fault on his part, but simply that art refuses to be, in shakespeare's phrase, "tongue-tied by authority." this was shown by the chorus of unfavourable criticism which the speech to the sculptors drew forth. no one questioned the sincerity of the emperor or the magnanimity of his aims, nor was the criticism wholly caused by the suspicion that it savoured of the "personal regiment" under which the people were growing impatient; but many thought he was pushing the dynastic principle too far and unduly interfering with liberty of thought and judgment, and that there was something oriental as well as selfish in occupying with a gallery of his ancestors, the majority of whom were, after all, very ordinary people, one of the fairest spots in the capital. perhaps, however, what was most objected to was his trying to drive the art of the nation into a groove, the direction given by himself: in trying to inspire it with a particular spirit and that an ancient not a modern spirit, when he ought to let the spirit come of its own accord out of the mind of the people--the mind of many millions, not the mind of one man, however high his rank. politics and government might be things in which he had a right to an authoritative voice, but art, like religion, the people considered to be a matter for individual taste and judgment. yet something may be advanced in favour of the emperor. his recommendation, for in fact it was and could be only that, was quite in keeping with the traditions of his office and the people's own view of royal government. the speech, as was admitted, was suggested by no mere dilettante's vanity, but, as is evident from his words at the art museum, by the conviction that just as it is the imperial duty to provide an efficient army and navy, so it is the imperial duty to use every personal and private, as well as every public and official, effort to provide the people with an art as efficient, as honest, and as clean; and it was inevitable that the art the emperor recommended was that which he believed, and still believes, to be in conformity with the ideals, as he interprets them, or would have them to be, of the germanic race. the speech itself is interesting as showing the emperor's attitude towards art and artists and his personal conception of art and its nature. his attitude is evidently that of the art-loving prince of whom he speaks in the address, a royal maecenas or di medici, who gathers artists round him; but he means to use them, not so much perhaps for art's sake, as for the instruction and elevation of his folk. a very laudable aim; only, as it happens, the folk in this matter desire themselves to decide what is improving and elevating for them and what is not. they are not willing to leave the exclusive choice to the emperor. the emperor, again, would give the artist the freedom to put into his work "that from himself which any artist must, if he is to give the work the stamp of his own individuality." this attitude, too, is admirable, but on the other hand lies the danger, such is poor human nature, that the individuality will be that which the emperor wishes it to be, not the artist's independent individuality to the foreign eye all the hohenzollern statues in the siegesallee, with the exception possibly of two or three, seem to have much the same individuality, though that again may be due to the nature of the subject and the foreigner's inherent and ineradicable predispositions. thirdly, art, the emperor says, can only be educative when it elevates instead of descending into the gutter. hogarth descended into the gutter. gustav doré depicts the horrors of hell. yet both hogarth and doré were great artists, and educative too. the emperor was here thinking of the berlin secession, a school just then starting, eccentric indeed and far from "classical," but which nevertheless has since produced several fine artists. the emperor, it would appear, thinks that the antique classical school is the true and only good school for the artist. very likely most artists will agree with him-- at least as a foundation; but the belief, it also appears, is not considered in germany, or outside of it, to justify the emperor, as emperor, in discouraging all other schools and particularly the efforts of modern artists in their non-classical imaginings. the emperor says art "takes its models, supplies itself from the great sources of mother nature." with all courtesy to the emperor one may suggest that art, and sane art, takes its models not only from mother nature, but also from an almost as prolific a maternal source, namely imagination; and that imagination is limited by no eternal laws we know of, or can even suspect. accordingly it is useless to check, or try to check, the imagination by telling it to work in a certain direction--so long, naturally, as the imagination is not obviously indecent or insane. again, the emperor says that in classical art there reigns an eternal law, the "law of beauty and harmony, of the aesthetic" which is expressed in a "thoroughly complete form" by the ancients. it is admittedly a delightful and admirable form, but is it thoroughly complete? is it the last and only form; and may not the very same law be found by experiment to be at work in future art that cannot be called classical, as it was found to be at work in the various noble schools since classical times? one must agree with the emperor that the greeks and romans illustrated the "law of beauty and harmony, of the esthetic, in a wonderful manner." but it was wonderfully done for their age and intellect. they did not exhaust the beautiful and harmonious: far from it. neither the world nor mankind has been standing still ever since; certainly the mind of man has not, even though his senses have undergone no elemental change. paganism was succeeded by christianity, and with christianity came a new art canon, new forms of beauty and harmony--the early italian. the age of reason followed, bringing with it the baroque and rococo canons: and as time went on, and the world's mind kept working, came other canons still. the most recent canon appears to be that of naturalism (the emperor's "gutter ") with which artists are now experimentalizing. none of the canons, be it noticed, destroyed the canon that preceded, because beauty and harmony are indestructible and imperishable. "a thing of beauty is a joy for ever." but not only the mind of man kept changing: the world itself and its civilization--by war, by treaty, by science, by invention, by art itself--kept changing, and is changing now. development, physical as well as social, has been constant, and the changes accompanying it have inspired, and are inspiring, artists with new ideas to which they are always trying to give expression. the subjects of art have enormously multiplied. those introduced by sport of all kinds, by the development of the theatre, by the newly-found effects of light and colour, need only be mentioned as examples capable of suggesting beauties and harmonies unknown to and unsuspected by the ancients. hence, in addition to the classical art of the day, there is room for the "new art," the secessionist, the futurist, the impressionist, even the cubist, or whatever the experimental movement may call itself. and any day any of these movements may lead to the establishment of a new and admirable school of genuine art as beautiful as the classical, if in a different manner. the world has no idea of the surprises in all directions yet in store for it. the emperor, too, is at one with all the world in assuming that art, to deserve the name, must possess the quality of beauty. he speaks of "beauty and harmony," but let it be taken that he understands beauty to include harmony. now, as has been suggested, to answer the question, what is beauty, satisfactorily, is no easy matter. in immediate proximity to it lies the question, what is ugliness? it might be argued that nothing in nature is ugly, and that the word was introduced to express what is merely an inability on the part of mankind to perceive the beauty which constitutes nature; and it certainly is possible that, were man endowed with the mind of god, instead of with only some infinitesimal and mysterious emanation of it, he would find all things in creation, all art included, beautiful. the author of the book of genesis asserts that when god had finished making the world he looked upon his handiwork and saw that it was good. there is one advantage in adopting this view, and no small one, that a belief in its truth must impel us to look for beauty and goodness in all things, whether in art or nature--and even in the secession. perhaps, however, we shall not be far from the truth in saying, as regards art, that all things in creation are beautiful, that there are degrees in beauty of which ugliness is the lowest, and that the truly inspired artist can make all things, ugliness included, beautiful. the emperor thinks the appreciation of beauty is one of our innate ideas, like the ability to distinguish between right and wrong, which we call conscience. there is no agreement among thinkers on the point, and it may be that both beauty and conscience are relative, and simply the result of environment and education. certainly there is no standard of beauty, and more certainly still, not of feminine beauty. the mahommedan admires a woman who has the nose of the parrot, the teeth of the pomegranate seed, and the tread of the elephant. but though there is no complete standard of beauty about which all people, at all times, in all countries, are agreed, there are two elements of beauty which may be said to have been standardized, at least for the civilized world, by the early greeks and romans. these elements are simplicity and harmony, simplicity being the forms of things most directly and pleasingly appealing to the eye and most easily reaching the common understanding, while harmony is the combination of parts most nearly identical with the lines, contours, and proportions of nature. these are two essentials of good sculpture, and the emperor was talking to sculptors and perhaps thinking only of sculpture. yet simplicity and harmony alone do not constitute beauty, while on the other hand beauty may take very complicated forms. a third element one may suggest is essential, and its indescribable nature causes all the difficulty there is in defining beauty. this third element is--charm. a work of art, to be beautiful, must charm, and to different people different things are charming. plato's theory is that the sense of beauty is a dim recollection of a standard we have seen in a heavenly pre-existence. accepting it as as good an explanation of charm as we can get, we may conclude by defining beauty as, in its highest form, a combination of simplicity and harmony, resulting in charm. the emperor says: "to us germans great ideals have become permanent possessions, whereas to other peoples they have been more or less lost." the remark is not one of those best calculated to promote friendly feelings on the part of other peoples towards germany or its emperor. it is like his declaration that germans are the "salt of the earth," and of a piece with the aggressive attitude of intellectual superiority adopted by many germans towards other nations--one reason, by the way, for german unpopularity in the world. but is it true? germany has great ideals in permanent possession, but are they more or less lost to other peoples? it is at least doubtful. great ideals are the permanent possession of every great people; it is these ideals that have made them great; and they are no less great if they differ according to the nature and conditions of each great people. one might go further, indeed, and say that great ideals are the common property and permanent possession of all great peoples. it is a hard saying that any one people has a monopoly of them. the contribution of every great nation to the common stock of great ideals is incalculable, and it would be interesting to investigate which nation is most successfully working out its great ideals in practice. the truth is the german ideal of beauty in art is not, generally speaking, the same as that of the anglo-saxon or latin foreigner. the art ideals of the anglo-saxon and latin races in this respect are for the most part greek, while those of the german race are for the most part roman; and in each case the ideals are the outcome of the spirit which has had most influence on the mind and manners of the different races. the greek philosophic and aesthetic spirit has chiefly influenced anglo-saxon and latin art ideals: the roman spirit, particularly the military spirit and the spirit of law, have chiefly influenced german ideals: and, as a result, arrived at through ages during which events of epoch-making importance caused many successive modifications, while the anglo-saxon and latin races are most impressed by such qualities as lightness and delicacy of outline, round and softly-flowing curves and elegance of ornamentation, the german appears, to the anglo-saxon and latin, to be more impressed by the elaborate, the gigantic, the gothic, the grotesque, the hard, the made, the massive, and the square. in both styles are to be found "beauty and harmony, the aesthetic," to quote the emperor, but they appeal differently to people of different national temperaments. to the anglo-saxon and latin in general, therefore, german art, and particularly german sculpture and architecture, while impressive and admirable, lack for most foreigners the entirely indescribable quality we have called "charm." the true artist, the emperor says, needs no advertisement, no press, no patronage. the emperor is right. the true artist, once he begins to produce first-rate work, will obtain instant recognition, and his work will begin to sell, not perhaps at prices the same kind of work may bring later, but at prices sufficient to support the artist and his family in reasonable comfort. if it does not, he is not producing good work and had better turn his attention to something else. as a matter of fact very few true artists do advertise, use the press, or seek patronage. the artist does not go to the press or the patron, for nowadays, the moment the artist does excellent work, the press and the patron go to him, and, when he is very exceptionally good, he is advertised and patronized until he is sick of both advertisement and patronage. naturally it is different in the case of the artist who is not excellently good, but the emperor was not considering such. these artists too, however, insist on living and must find a market for their wares. it is an age of advertisement, the growth of new economic conditions, for advertisement creates as well as reveals new markets. hence the vast host of mediocrities, not only in art but in almost every field of human activity, nowadays advertise and seek patronage because only in this way can they find purchasers and live. these artists, often men of talent, dislike having to advertise; they would rather work for art's sake, but having to do so need not hinder them from working for art's sake, since all that is meant by that much misused phrase is that while the artist is working he shall not think of the reward of his work, but simply and solely of how to do the best work he can. before leaving the emperor's speech one is tempted to inquire what should be the attitude of a sovereign towards art and artists. for the englishman the doctrine of individualism--the thing he is so apt to make a fetish of--gives an answer, and, it may be, the right one. the englishman will probably say that if in any one province of life more than in another freedom should be allowed to originality of conception regarding the form as well as the substance, the manner as well as the matter, it is in the province of art, always provided, of course, that the artist is sane and not guilty of indecency. the artist, like the poet, is born not made; you cannot make an artist, you can only make an artisan. the artist, who represents the creator, the creative faculty, can influence man: man cannot, and should not try to, influence the artist, but can, and should only, offer him the materials for his art, smooth the way for his endeavour, encourage him in it by sympathetic yet candid criticism, and above all, when he can afford it, by buying the result of his endeavour when it is successful. this should be the attitude of both monarch and maecenas: it is an attitude of benevolent neutrality. "i know," such a maecenas might say to the artist, "that your artistic faculties move in an atmosphere above as well as on the earth, as i know that above the atmosphere of oxygen and hydrogen which envelops the earth there is an ethereal, a rarefied atmosphere, which stretches to worlds of which all we know is that they exist. if your spirit can soar above this earthly atmosphere, well and good. i, for one, shall do nothing to limit or hinder it: i shall only welcome and applaud and reward whatever effort you make to bring our inner being a step, long or short, nearer to the source of celestial light. consequently, i offer you no instructions and put no fetters on your imagination." it takes all sorts of art to make an artistic world, as it takes all sorts of people to make the human world: a world with only classic art in it would be as uninteresting and unthinkable as a world in which every one was of the same character, occupation, and dress. but it is time to consider the emperor a little more in detail in relation to his connexion with the arts. if he were not a first-rate monarch he would probably be a first-rate artist. he said once that if he were to be an artist, he would be a sculptor. but if he is not a professional artist he is a connoisseur, a dilettante in the right sense, a lover of the arts, an art-loving prince. the painter salzmann tells us how he used to go to the villa liegnitz in potsdam to give prince william lessons, and how the empress, then princess william, used to sit with the pupil and his teacher, discussing technical and art questions. a result of the teaching, in addition to the pictures mentioned elsewhere, was an oil-painting, a sea-fight, which still hangs in the ravene gallery in berlin. in the spring of the prince sent his teacher a sketch for criticism. salzmann wired his opinion to potsdam, and a telegram came back, "what does 'wind too anxious' mean? is it so stormily painted that you shuddered at it, or is it not stormy enough?" salzmann is also authority for the statement that the prince sent in a sea-piece to the annual berlin art exhibition. it was placed ready to be judged, but suddenly disappeared. the emperor william, it appeared, had decided that it would not do for a future emperor to compete with professional artists or run the risk of sarcastic public criticism. naturally since he came to the throne the emperor has never had time to cultivate his talent as a painter, but has always fed his eyes and mind on the best kind of painting, and brings his sense of form and colour to bear on everything he does or has a voice in. that the emperor's own taste in painting is of a "classical" kind in a very catholic sense was shown by the personal interest he took in getting together and having brought to berlin the exhibition of old english masters in . at his request the english owners of many of these treasures agreed to lend them for exhibition in germany, submitting thereby to the risk of loss or damage, displaying an unselfish disposition to aid in elevating the taste of a foreign people, and at the same time giving germans a better and more tangible idea of the nation which could produce artists of such nobility of feeling and marvellous technical capacity. the emperor paid several visits to the exhibition and thousands of berlin folk followed his example, so that the beauty of the works of gainsborough, raeburn, lawrence, hoppner, and romney was for months a topic of enthusiastic conversation in the capital. encouraged by this success, the emperor next caused a similar exhibition of french painters to be arranged. the rococo period was now chosen, many lovely specimens of the art of watteau, lancret, david, vigee, lebrun, fragonnard, greuze, and bonnat were procured, and again the berliner was given an opportunity not only of enjoying an artistic treat of a delightful kind, but of comparing the impressions made on him by the art spirits of two other nations. the opening of this french exhibition was made by the emperor the occasion of emphasizing his conciliatory feelings towards france, for he attended an evening entertainment at the french embassy given specially in honour of the occasion. a third art exhibition followed in --that of two hundred american oil paintings brought to berlin and shown in the royal academy of arts on the panser platz. they included works by sargent, whistler, gari melchior, leon dabo, joseph pennell, and many others. the suggestion for this exhibition did not proceed from the emperor, but in all possible ways he gave the exhibition his personal support. on returning from inspecting it he telegraphed to the american ambassador in berlin, dr. d. j. hill, to express the pleasure he had derived from what he had seen. nor was such a mark of admiration surprising. the exhibition was nothing short of a revelation, going far to dissipate the german belief--perhaps the english belief also--that america possesses no body of painters of the first rank. again we have recourse to the marine painter, herr salzmann. wired for by the emperor, the painter got to the palace at . pm. when he arrived the emperor cried out, "so, at last! where have you been hiding yourself? i have had berlin searched for you." the emperor and empress and suite had just returned from the theatre and were standing about the room. it turned out that the emperor wanted the painter to help him sketch a battleship of a certain design he had in mind, to see how it would look on the water. in the middle of the room an adjutant stood and read out a speech made by a radical deputy in the reichstag that day, and the emperor made occasional remarks about it, though at the same time he was engaged with the ship. the painter does not forget to add that he "was provided with a good glass of beer." the emperor is reported to be a capital "sitter." he had the french painter borchart staying with him at potsdam to paint his portrait. borchart describes him as an ideal model, so still and patiently did he sit, and this at times for more than two hours. he talked freely during the sittings. "i don't want to be regarded as a devourer of frenchmen," was a remark made on one of these occasions; on another he praised president loubet; and on a third he had a good word even for the socialist jaures. when borchart had finished and naively expressed satisfaction with his own work the emperor said, "na, na, friend borchart, not so proud; it is for us to criticize." as the emperor is a lover of the "classical" in painting and sculpture, it is not strange to find him an admirer of the classical in music and recommending it to his people as the best form of musical education. he holds that there is much in common between it and the folk-songs of germany. at court he revived classical dances like the minuet and the gavotte. he is devoted to opera and never leaves before the end of the performance. concerts frequently take place in the royal palaces at potsdam and berlin, items on the programme for them being often suggested by the emperor. the programme is then submitted to him and is rarely returned without alteration. not seldom the concert is preceded by a rehearsal, which the emperor attends and which itself has been carefully rehearsed beforehand, as the emperor expects everything to run smoothly. at these rehearsals he will often cause an item to be repeated. bach and handel are his prime favourites. he is no admirer of strauss. wagner he often listens to with pleasure, and especially the "meistersinger," which is his pet opera. of italian operas verdi's "aida" and meyerbeer's "huguenots" are those he is most disposed to hear. he has been laughed at for once attempting musical composition. the "song to aegir," which he composed in at the age of thirty-five (when he should have known better), was, he told the bandmaster of a hannoverian regiment, suggested to him by the singing of a hannoverian glee society. it is a song twenty-four lines long, with the inevitable references to the foe, and the sword and shield, and whales and mermaids, and the god of the waves, who is called on to quell the storm. the lady-in-waiting who wrote the "private lives of the emperor and his consort" tells with much detail how the song was really written, not by the emperor, but almost wholly by a musical adjutant. it does not greatly matter, but it is likely that the emperor is responsible for the text if he did not compose the music. one of the best and most interesting descriptions of his kindly and characteristic way of treating artists is that given by the late norwegian composer, eduard grieg. "the other day," writes the composer, i had a chance to meet your kaiser. he had already expressed a desire last year to meet me, but i was ill at that time. now he has renewed his wish, and therefore i could not decline the invitation. i am, as you know, little of a courtier. but i said to myself, 'remember aalesund' (for which the emperor had sent a large sum after a great fire), and my sense of duty conquered. our first meeting was at breakfast at the german consul's house. during the meal we spoke much about music. i like his ways, and--oddly enough--our opinions also agreed. afterwards he came to me and i had the pleasure of talking with him alone for nearly an hour. we spoke about everything in heaven and earth--about poetry, painting, religion, socialism, and the lord knows what besides. "he was fortunately a human being, and not an emperor. i was therefore permitted to express my opinions openly, though in a discreet manner, of course. then followed some music. he had brought along an orchestra (!), about forty men. he took two chairs, placed them in front of all the others, sat down on one, and said, 'if you please, first parquet'; and then the music began--sigurd jorsalfar, peer gynt, and many other things. "while the music was being played he continually aided me in correcting the _tempi_ and the expression, although as a matter of course i had not wanted to do such a thing. he was very insistent, however, that i should make my intentions clear. then he illustrated the impression made by the music by movements of his head and body. it was wonderful _(göttlich)_ to watch his serpentine movements _à la orientalin_ while they played anitra's dance, which quite electrified him. "afterwards i had to play for him on the piano, and my wife, who sat nearest him, told me that here too he illustrated the impression made on him, especially at the best places. "i played the minuet from the pianoforte sonata which he found 'very germanic' and powerfully built: and the 'wedding day at troldhaugen,' which piece he also liked. "on the following day there was a repetition of these things on board the _hohenzollern_, where we were all invited to dinner at eight o'clock. the orchestra played on deck in the most wondrously bright summer night while many hundreds--nay, i believe thousands--of rowboats and small steamers were grouped about us. the crowd applauded constantly and cheered enthusiastically whenever the kaiser became visible. he treated me like a patient: he gave me his cloak and sent to fetch a rug, with which he covered me carefully. "i must not forget to relate that he grew so enthusiastic over 'sigurd jorsalfar,' the subject of which i explained to him as minutely as possible, that he said to von hiilsen, the intendant of the royal theatres, who sat next to him: 'we must produce this work! (this was not done, however.) "i then invited von hiilsen to come to christiania to witness a performance of it, and he said he was very eager to so. all in all this meeting was an event and a surprise in the best sense. the kaiser, certainly, is a very uncommon man, a strange mixture of great energy, great self-reliance, and great kindness of heart. of children and animals he spoke often and with sympathy, which i regard as a significant thing." on the new year's day following the emperor sent the composer a telegram reading: "to the northern bard to listen to whose strains has always been a joy to me i send my most sincere wishes for the new year and new creative activity." in , grieg, having once more been the emperor's guest, writes to a friend: "he was greatly pleased with having become once more a grandfather. he called to me across the table (referring to 'sigurd'), 'is it agreeable if i call the child sigurd?' it must be something _urgermanisch_." the following anecdote may remind the reader of the amusing scene in offenbach's "grand duchesse of gerolstein," where the grand duchess, talking to the guardsman whose athletic proportions she admires, addresses him with a rising scale of "corporal" ... "sergeant" ... "lieutenant" ... "captain" ... "colonel," and so on, as she talks, only, however, later cruelly to re-descend the scale to the very bottom when her courtship is ineffectual. the emperor is at an organ recital in the kaiser william memorial church; the recital is over and the court party are about to go when he greets the organist, herr fischer: "my cordial thanks for the great pleasure you have given us, herr professor." "pardon, your majesty," replies the organist, with commendable presence of mind: "may i venture to thank your majesty for the great mark of favour?" "what mark of favour?" asks the emperor, a little puzzled. "the fact is your majesty has more than once addressed me as 'professor,' although--" "why, that's good," exclaims the emperor, with a great laugh, "very good indeed;" and striking his forehead in self-reproach with the palm of his hand: "so forgetful of me! then you are not professor, after all! well, no matter; what is not, may be--what i said, i said. adieu, _herr professor_" and goes off smiling. the very same evening--need it be added?--herr fischer had his patent as professor in his pocket. the emperor is particularly fond of "my americans" among his operatic artists. a good deal of jealousy has at times been shown by the german employees of the opera towards the american artists entertained there and a deputy has more than once protested in the reichstag against the number employed; but the jealousy rarely results in harm, and on the whole harmony--as it should--prevails. every year brings hundreds of american girl students to berlin, munich, or dresden to learn singing and perhaps carry off the great prize of a "star" engagement at one or the other of the german royal opera houses. the experiences of some of these students are tragedies on a small scale, and in one or two instances have been known to end in death, destitution, or dishonour. the explanation is simple. such students, filled with the high hopes inspired by artistic ambition and the artist's imagination, fail to ask themselves before going abroad if nature has endowed them with the qualities and powers requisite for one of the most laborious and, for a girl, exposed professions in the world; and do not learn until it is too late that they lack the resolute character, the robust health, and the talent which, not singly but all three combined, are essential to success. such a girl often starts on her enterprise poorly supplied with means to pay for her board, lodging, clothes, recreation, and instruction; she changes from the dearer sort of _pension_ to the cheaper, finding her company and surroundings at each remove more doubtful and more dangerous; she grows disappointed and disheartened, perhaps physically ill; comes under bad influences, male or female; until finally the curtain falls on a sufferer rescued at the last moment by relatives or friends, or on a young life blasted. such tragic cases, it should be said, are far from common, but they occur, and the possibility of their occurrence ought to be taken into account at the outset by the intending music or art student. happily there is another and brighter side to the picture, and the intending student with money and friends will enjoy and gain advantage from a few years of continental life, even though exceptional strength and genuine talent be wanting. perhaps this is the experience of the great majority of art students in germany. freedom from the restraints and conventions of life at home compensates for the inconveniences arising from narrow means. novelty of scenery and surroundings has a charm that is constantly recurring. the kindness and helpfulness of fellow-countrymen and countrywomen make the wheels of daily life roll smoothly. the freemasonry of art, its optimism and hope, and the pleasure and interest of its practice, investigation, and discussion wing the hours and spur to effort. but to return to the emperor. as a lad at cassel he was fond of playing charades, and is reported to have had a knack of quickly sketching the scenario and _dramatis personæ_ of a play which he and his young companions would then and there proceed to act. one of these plays had charlemagne for its subject, with a saxon feudatory, whose lovely daughter, brunhilde, scorns her father for his submission. a banquet, ending in a massacre of charlemagne's followers, is one of the scenes, and as brunhilde is in love with charlemagne's son she helps him to escape from the massacre. the play ends with the suicide of brunhilde. as he grew up the emperor's interest in the theatre increased, and, as has been seen, when he succeeded to the throne he resolved to make use of it for educating and elevating the public mind. as patriotism consists largely in knowing and properly appreciating history he has always encouraged dramatists who could portray historic scenes and events, particularly those with which the hohenzollerns were connected. hence his support of josef lauff, ernst von wildenbruch and detlev von liliencron. not long ago he arranged a series of performances at kroll's theatre intended for workmen only. the performances were chiefly of the stirring historical kind--schiller's "wilhelm tell," goethe's "götz von berlichingen," kleist's "prince von hornburg," and others that require huge processions and a crowded stage. the general public were not supposed to attend the performances, but tickets were sent to the factories and workshops for sale at a low price. in the emperor publicly stated his views about the theatre. "when i mounted the throne ten years ago," he said, "i was, owing to my paternal education, the most fervent of idealists. convinced that the first duty of the royal theatres was to maintain in the nation the cultivation of the idealism to which, god be thanked, our people are still faithful, and of which the sources are not yet nearly exhausted, i determined to myself to make my royal theatres an instrument comparable to the school or the university whose mission it is to form the rising generation and to inculcate in them respect for the highest moral traditions of our dear german land. for the theatre ought to contribute to the culture of the soul and of the character, and to the elevation of morals. yes, the theatre is also one of my weapons.... it is the duty of a monarch to occupy himself with the theatre, because it may become in his hands an incalculable force." if the emperor has any special gift it is an eye for theatrical effect in real life as well as on the stage. he had a good share of the actor's temperament in his younger years, and until recently showed it in the conduct of imperial and royal business of all kinds. he still gives it play occasionally in the royal opera houses and theatres. the englishman, whose ruler is a civilian, is not much impressed by pageantry and pomp, except as reminding him of superannuated, though still revered, historical traditions and events that are landmarks in a great military and maritime past. he would not care to see his king always, or even frequently, in uniform, as he would be apt to find in the fact an undue preference for one class of citizens to another. his idea is that the monarch ought to treat all classes of his subjects with equal kingly favour. in germany it is otherwise. the monarchy relies on military force for its dynastic security, as much, one might perhaps say, as for the defence of the country or the keeping of the public peace, and consequently favours the military. moreover, the peoples that compose the empire have been harassed throughout the long course of their history by wars; a large percentage of their youth are serving in the standing army or in the reserves, the landwehr and the landsturm; finally the germans, though not, as it appears to the foreigner, an artistic people, save in regard to music, enjoy the spectacular and the theatrical. accordingly we find the emperor artistically arranging everything and succeeding particularly well in anything of an historical and especially of a military nature. the spring and autumn parades of the berlin garrison on the tempelhofer field--an area large enough, it is said, to hold the massed armies of europe--with their gatherings of from , to , troops of all arms, serve at once to excite the berliner's martial enthusiasm, while at the same time it obscurely reminds him that if he treats the dynasty disrespectfully he will have a formidable repressive force to reckon with. hence at manoeuvres the emperor is accompanied by an enormous suite; whenever he motors down unter den linden it is at a quick pace, which impresses the crowd while it lessens the chances of the bomb-thrower or the assassin. the scene of the reception of prince chun at the new palace was a great success as an artistic performance, and the pageants at the restoration of the hohkönigsburg and at the saalburg festival were of the same artistic order. the emperor's theatrical interest and attention when in berlin are concentrated on the berlin royal opera and the berlin royal theatre (schauspielhaus), and when in wiesbaden on the royal festspielhaus at that resort. when in his capital he goes very rarely to any other place of theatrical entertainment. his interest in the royal opera and theatre both in berlin and wiesbaden is personal and untiring, and he has done almost as much or more for the adequate representation of grand opera in his capital as the now aged duke of saxe-meiningen did, through his famous meiningen players, for the proper presentation of drama in germany generally. the revivals of "aida" and "les huguenots" under the emperor's own supervision are accepted as faultless examples of historical accuracy in every detail and of good taste and harmony in setting. in a well-informed article in the _contemporary review_ mr. g. valentine williams writes: "once the rehearsals of a play in which the emperor is interested are under way he loses no time in going to the theatre to see whether the instructions he has appended to the stage directions in the ms. are being properly carried out. some morning, when the vast stage of the opera is humming with activity, the well-known primrose-coloured automobile will drive up to the entrance and the emperor, accompanied only by a single adjutant, will emerge. in three minutes william ii will be seated at a big, business-like table placed in the stalls, before him a pile of paper and an array of pencils. when he is in the house there is no doubt whatever in anyone's mind as to who is conducting the rehearsal. his intendant stands at his side in the darkened auditorium and conveys his majesty's instructions to the stage, for the emperor never interrupts the actors himself. he makes a sign to the intendant, scribbles a note on a sheet of paper, while the intendant, who is a pattern of unruffled serenity, just raises his hand and the performance abruptly ceases. there is a confabulation, the emperor, with the wealth of gesture for which he is known, explaining his views as to the positions of the principals, the dresses, the uniforms, using anything, pencil, penholder, or even his sword to illustrate his meaning. again and again up to a dozen times the actors will be put through their paces until the imperial regisseur is entirely satisfied that the right dramatic effect has been obtained. "all who have witnessed the imperial stage-manager at work agree that he has a remarkable _flair_ for the dramatic. very often one of his suggestions about the entrances or exits, a piece of 'business' or a pose, will be found on trial to enhance the effect of the scene. a story is told of the emperor's insistence on accuracy and the minute attention he pays to detail at rehearsal. after his visit to ofen-pest some years ago for the jubilee celebration, which had included a number of hungarian national dances, the emperor stopped a rehearsal of the ballet at the berlin opera while a czardas was in progress and pointed out to the balletteuses certain minor details which were not correct. "in his attitude to the court actors and actresses he displays the charm of manner which bewitches all with whom he comes in contact. he calls them 'meine schauspieler,' which makes one think of 'his majesty's servants' of shakespeare's globe theatre. this practice sometimes has amusing results. once when the theatre royal comedian, dr. max pohl, was suddenly taken ill the emperor said to an acquaintance, 'fancy, my pohl had a seizure yesterday;' and the acquaintance, thinking he was referring to a pet dog replied, commiseratingly: 'ah, poor brute!' after rehearsal the emperor often goes on to the stage and talks with the actors about their parts. "a hohenzollern must not be shown on the stage without the express permission of the emperor, and in general, if politics are mixed up in an objectionable way with the action of the drama, the play will be forbidden. above all the emperor will not tolerate indecency, nor the mere suggestion of it, in the plays given at the royal theatres. an anecdote about herr josef lauff's court drama 'frederick of the iron tooth,' dealing with an ancestor, an elector of brandenburg, and on which leoncavallo, at the emperor's request, wrote the opera 'der roland von berlin,' shows the emperor's strictness in this respect. frederick of the iron tooth is a burgher of berlin who leads a revolt against the elector. in order to heighten frederick's hate, lauff wove in a love theme into the drama. the wife of ryke, burgomaster of berlin, figured as frederick's mistress and egged on her lover against the elector, because the latter had hanged her brothers, the quitzows, notorious outlaws of the mark brandenburg. the emperor cut out the whole episode when the play was submitted to him in manuscript. the marginal note in his big, bold handwriting ran: '_eine courtisane kommt in einem hohenzollerstück nicht vor_' (a courtesan has no place in a hohenzollern drama)." the emperor's constant change of uniform is often said to be a sign of his liking for the theatrical, and writers have compared him on this account with lightning-change artists like the great fregoli. rather his respect for and reliance on the army, a sense of fitness with the occasion to be celebrated, a feeling of personal courtesy to the person to be received, are the motives for such changes. the paris _temps_ published the following incident apropos of the emperor's visit to england in november, . when, on arriving at port victoria, the royal yacht _hohenzollern_ came in view, the members of the english court sent to welcome the emperor saw him through their glasses walking up and down the captain's bridge wearing a long cavalry cloak over a german military uniform. when they stepped on board they found him in the undress uniform of an english admiral. they lunched with him, and in the afternoon, when he left for london, he was wearing the uniform of an english colonel of dragoons. arrived in london, he left for sandringham, and must have changed his dress _en route_, for he left the train in a frock-coat and tall hat. perhaps the most notable theatrical event of the reign hitherto was the production at the royal opera in of the historic pantomime "sardanapalus." the emperor's idea, as he said himself, was to "make the museums speak," to which a berlin critic replied, "you can't dramatize a museum." the ballet, for it was that as well as a pantomime, engrossed the emperor's time and attention for several weeks. he spent hours with the great authority on assyriology, professor friedrich delitzsch, going over reliefs and plans taken from the kaiser friedrich museum or borrowed from museums in paris, london, and vienna, decided on the costumes and designed the war-chariots to be used in the ballet. the notion was to rehabilitate the reputation of asurbanipal, the second-last king of assyria, whom the greeks called "sardanapalus," who reigned in nineveh six hundred years before christ, over ethiopia, babylon and egypt, and whom lord byron, accepting the greek story, represented as the most effeminate and debauched monarch the world had ever known. professor delitzsch, with a wealth of recondite learning, showed, on the contrary, that sardanapalus was a wise and liberal-minded monarch, who, rather than fall into the hands of the medes, built himself a pyre in a chamber of his palace and perished on it with his wives, his children, and his treasure. the whole four acts, with the various ballets, gave a perfectly faithful representation of the period as described by diodorus and herodotus, and as plastically shown on the reliefs discovered at nineveh by sir henry layard and subsequently by german excavators. over £ , was spent upon the production, and the public were worked up to a great pitch of curiosity concerning it. but it was a complete failure as far as the public were concerned. "heavens!" exclaimed one critic, "what a bore!" this, however, was not the fault of the emperor, but was due to want of interest on the part of a public whose enthusiasm for the events and characters of times so remote could only be kindled by a genius, and a dramatic one. the emperor is no such genius, nor had he one at command. xi. the new century (_continued_) - king george v has hardly been sufficiently long on the english throne for a contemporary to judge of the personal relations that exist between his majesty and the emperor as chief representatives of their respective nations. the king of england was, until june, , hindered by various circumstances from paying a visit to the court of berlin, and rumours were current that relations between the two rulers were not as friendly as they might and should be. there is now every indication that though the relations of people to people and government to government vary in degrees of coolness or warmth, the two monarchs are on perfectly good terms of cousinship and amity. a visit paid by king george, when prince of wales, to the emperor in potsdam at the opening of testified to the goodwill that then subsisted between them. it was the evening before the emperor's birthday, when the emperor, at a dinner given by the officers of king edward's german regiment, the st dragoon guards, addressed the english heir apparent in words of hearty welcome. the address was not a long one, but in it the emperor characteristically seized on the motto of the prince of wales, "_ich dien_" (i serve), to make it the text of a laudatory reference to his young guest's conduct and career. in its course the emperor touched on the prince's tour of forty thousand miles round the world, and the effect his "winning personality" had had in bringing together loyal british subjects everywhere, and helping to consolidate the _imperium britannicum_, "on the territories of which," as the emperor said, doubtless with an imperial pang of envy, "the sun never sets." the prince, in his reply, tendered his birthday congratulations, and expressed his "respect" for the emperor, the appropriate word to use, considering the ages and royal ranks of the emperor and his younger first cousin. with may be said to have begun the emperor's courtship (as it is often called in germany) of america. his advances to the dollar princess since then have been unremitting and on the whole cordially, if somewhat coyly, received. the growth of intercourse of all kinds between germany and the united states is indeed one of the features of the reign. there are several reasons why it is natural that friendly relationship should exist. it has been said on good authority that thirty millions of american citizens have german blood in their veins. frederick the great was the first european monarch to recognize the independence of america. german men of learning go to school in america, and american men of learning go to school in germany. a large proportion of the professors in american universities have studied at german universities. the two countries are thousands of miles apart, and are therefore less exposed to causes of international jealousy and quarrel between contiguous nations. on the other hand, the new place america has taken in the old world, dating, it may be said roughly, from the time of her war with spain ( ); the increase of her influence in the world, mainly through the efforts of brave, benevolent, and able statesmen; the expansion of her trade and commerce; the increase of the european tourist traffic;--these factors also to some extent account for the growth of friendly intercourse between the peoples. nor should the bond between the two countries created by intermarriage be overlooked. if the well-dowered republican maid is often ambitious of union with a scion of the old european nobility, the usually needy german aristocrat is at least equally desirous of mating with an american heiress notwithstanding the vast differences in race-character, political sentiment, manners, and views of life--and especially of the status and privileges of woman--that must fundamentally separate the parties. great unhappiness is frequently the result of such marriages, perhaps it may be said of a large proportion of international marriages, but cases of great mutual happiness are also numerous, and help to bring the countries into sympathy and understanding. prince bülow, when chancellor, reminded the reichstag, which was discussing an objection raised to the late freiherr speck von sternburg, when german ambassador to america, that he had married an american lady, that though bismarck had laid down the rule that german diplomatists ought not to marry foreigners, he was quite ready to make exceptions in special cases, and that america was one of them. the emperor is well known to have no objection to his diplomatic representative at washington being married to an american, but rather to prefer it, provided, of course, that the lady has plenty of money. a difficulty between germany and venezuela arose in owing to the ill-treatment suffered by german merchants in venezuela in the course of the civil war in that country from to . the merchants complained that loans had been exacted from them by president castro and his government, and that munitions of war and cattle had been taken for the use of the army and left unpaid for. the amount of the claim was , , bolivars (francs), a sum that included the damage suffered by the merchants' creditors in germany. similar complaints were made by english and italian merchants. after several efforts on the part of germany to obtain redress had failed, negotiations were broken off, the diplomatic representative of germany was recalled, and finally the combined fleets of england, germany, and italy established a blockade of the venezuelan coast. the difficulty was eventually referred to the hague court of arbitration, which allowed the claims and directed payment of them on the security of the revenues of the customs ports of la guayra and puerto cabella. for a time the action of the powers caused discussion of the monroe doctrine on both sides of the atlantic. on this side it was pointed out that american susceptibilities had been respected by the conduct of the powers in not landing troops, while on the other side there were not wanting voices to exclaim that the naval demonstration went too near being a breach of the hallowed creed--"hands off" the western hemisphere. the monroe doctrine, it may be recalled, was contained in a message of president james monroe, issued on february , . it was drawn up by john quincey adams, and declared that the united states "regarded not only every effort of the holy alliance to extend its system to the western hemisphere as dangerous to the peace and freedom of the united states, but also every interference with the object of subverting any independent american government in the light of unfriendliness towards america"; and it went on to declare that "the continents of america should no more be regarded as fields for european colonization." the day, of course, may come when the american claim to the control, if not physical possession, of half the earth will be questioned by the powers of europe; but at present, as far as germany is concerned, and notwithstanding the absurd idea that germany plans the seizure one day of brazil, the doctrine is of merely academic interest. for a few days four years later it became the subject of lively discussion in germany and america owing to the first american roosevelt professor, professor burgess, referring to it in his inaugural lecture before the emperor and empress as an "antiquated theory." as soon, however, as it became apparent that professor burgess was giving utterance to a purely personal opinion, and was not in any sense the bearer of a message on the subject from the president, the discussion dropped. another american episode of the year was the visit of prince henry, the emperor's brother, to the united states. prince henry left for america in february. the visit was in reality made in pursuance of the emperor's world-policy of economic expansion, but there were not a few politicians in england and america to assert that it was part of a deep scheme of the emperor's to counteract too warm a development of anglo-american friendship. however that may be, the visit was a striking one, even though it gave no great pleasure to germans, who could not see any particular reason for it, nor any prospect of it yielding germany immediate tangible return for trouble and expense. prince henry, it is said, though the most genial and democratic of hohenzollerns, was a little taken back at the american freedom of manners, the wringing of hands, the slapping on the back, and other republican demonstrations of friendship; but he cannot have shown anything of such a feeling, for he was fêted on all sides, and soon developed into a popular hero. one of the incidents of the visit, previously arranged, was the christening of the emperor's new american-built yacht, _meteor iii_, by miss alice roosevelt, the president's daughter. on february th the emperor received a cablegram from prince henry: "fine boat, baptized by the hand of miss alice roosevelt, just launched amid brilliant assembly. hearty congratulations;" and at the same time one from the president's daughter: "to his majesty the kaiser, berlin--_meteor_ successfully launched. i congratulate you, thank you for the kindness shown me, and send you my best wishes. alice roosevelt." during the visit the emperor cabled to president roosevelt his thanks and that of his people for the hospitable reception of his brother by all classes, adding: "my outstretched hand was grasped by you with a strong, manly, and friendly grip. may heaven bless the relations of the two nations with peace and goodwill! my best compliments and wishes to alice roosevelt." reference to this cordial electric correspondence may close with mention of a telegram sent in reply to a message from mr. melville stone, of the american associated press: "accept my thanks for your message. i estimate the great and sympathetic reception (it was a banquet) given to my dear brother by the newspaper proprietors of the united states very highly." prince henry returned to germany on march th, a doctor of law of harvard university. there have been moments when people in america were influenced by other sentiments than those of entirely respectful admiration for the emperor. it was with mixed feelings that the american public heard the news of his telegraphed offer to president roosevelt in may, , when, as the telegram said, the emperor was "under the deep impression made by the brilliant and cordial reception" given to his brother, prince henry, to present to the american nation a statue of--frederick the great, and coupled with the offer a proposal that the statue should be erected--of all places--in washington! no one doubted the emperor's sincere desire to pay the highest compliment he could think of to a people to whom he felt grateful for the honour done to germany in the person of his brother, but nearly every one smiled at the simplicity, or, as some called it, the want of political tact shown by offering the statue of a ruler whose name, to the vast majority of americans, is synonymous with absolute autocracy, to a republic which prides itself on its civic ways and love of personal freedom. the gift was accepted by the american government in the spirit in which it was offered, the spirit of goodwill. and why not? to the emperor his great ancestor's effigy is no symbol of autocracy, but the contrary, for to the emperor and his subjects frederick the great is as much the father of prussia, the man who saved it and made it, as washington was the father of america. besides, the spirit in which a gift is offered, not its value or appropriateness, is the thing to be considered. irritation in england was still strong against germany on account of the latter's easily understood race-sympathy with the boers during the war just over, but the fact did not prevent the emperor from accepting king edward's invitation to spend a few days at sandringham with him in november this year on the occasion of his birthday. the emperor took the empress and two of his sons with him. the hostile temper of the time, both in england and germany, was alluded to in a sermon preached in sandringham church by the then bishop of london. it was notable for its insistence on the necessity of friendlier relations between england, germany, and america, the three great branches of the teutonic race. after the service the emperor is reported to have exclaimed to the bishop: "what you said was excellent, and is precisely what i try to make my people understand." as a proof that this was no merely complimentary utterance, but the expression of a thought which is constantly in the emperor's mind, an incident which happened at kiel regatta in the month of june previously may be recalled. the american squadron, under the late admiral cotton, was paying an official visit to the emperor during the kiel "week" as a return honour for the visit of the emperor's brother, prince henry of prussia, to the united states the year before. there was a constant round of festivities, and among them a lunch to the emperor on board the admiral's flagship, the _kearsarge_. lunch over, the emperor was standing in a group talking with his customary vivacity, but, as customary also, with his eyes taking in his surroundings like a well-trained journalist. suddenly he noticed a set of flags, those of america, germany, and england, twined together and mingling their colours in friendly harmony. he walked over, gathered the combined flags in his hand, and turning to the admiral exclaimed in idiomatic american: "see here, admiral; that is exactly as it should be, and is what i am trying for all the time." while in england the emperor, in company with lord roberts and sir evelyn wood, inspected his english regiment, the st royal dragoons. a curious and amusing feature of the visit was a lecture before the royal family at sandringham by a german engineer, for whom the emperor acted as interpreter, on a novel adaptation of spirit for culinary, lighting, and laundry purposes. the emperor's practical illustration of the use of the new heating system, as applied to the ordinary household flatiron, is said to have caused great merriment among his audience. germany's home atmosphere about this time was for a moment troubled by an exhibition of the emperor's "personal regiment" in the form of a telegram to the prince regent of bavaria, known in germany as the "swinemunde despatch." the bavarian diet, in a fit of economy, had refused its annual grant of £ , for art purposes. the emperor was violently angry, wired to the prince regent his indignation with the diet and offered to pay the £ , out of his own pocket. it was not a very tactful offer, to be sure, though well intended; and as his telegram was not an act of state, "covered" by the chancellor's signature, while the bavarians in particular felt hurt at what they considered outside interference, germans generally blamed it as a new demonstration of autocratic rule. one or two other art incidents of the period may be noted. a domestic one was the gift to the emperor by the empress of a model of her hand in carrara marble, life-sized, by the german sculptor, rheinhold begas. the emperor, it is well known, has no special liking for the companionship of ladies, but he confesses to an admiration for pretty feminine hands. another incident was the emperor's order to the painter, professor rochling, to paint a picture representing the famous episode in the china campaign, when admiral seymour gave the order "germans to the front." it is to the present day a popular german engraving. the year was also remarkable for a visit to berlin of coquelin _aîné_, the great french actor. the emperor saw him in "cyrano de bergerac," was, like all the rest of the play-going world, delighted with both play and player, and held a long and lively conversation with the artist. lastly may be mentioned a telegram of the emperor's to the once-famed tragic actress, adelaide ristori, in rome, congratulating her on her eightieth birthday and expressing his regret that he had never met her. a basket of flowers simultaneously arrived from the german embassy. we are now in . during the preceding years the emperor's thoughts, as has been seen, were occupied with art as a means of educating his folk, purifying their sentiments, and, above all, making them faithful lieges of the house of hohenzollern. by a natural association of ideas we find him this year thinking much and deeply about religion; for, though artists are not a species remarkable for the depth or orthodoxy of their views on religious matters, art and religion are close allies, and probably the greater the artist the more real religion he will be found to have. in this year, accordingly, the emperor made his remarkable confession of religious faith to his friend, admiral hollmann. he had just heard a lecture by professor delitzsch on "babel und bibel," and as he considered the professor's views to some extent subversive of orthodox christian belief, he took the opportunity to tell his people his own sentiments on the whole matter. in writing to admiral hollmann he instructed him to make the "confession" as public as possible, and it was published in the october number of the _grenzboten_, a saxon monthly, sometimes used for official pronouncements. the emperor's letter to admiral hollmann contained what follows:-- "i distinguish between two different sorts of revelation: a current, to a certain extent historical, and a purely religious, which was meant to prepare the way for the appearance of the messiah. as to the first, i should say that i have not the slightest doubt that god eternally revealed himself to the race of mankind he created. he breathed into man his breath, that is a portion of himself, a soul. with fatherly love and interest he followed the development of humanity; in order to lead and encourage it further he 'revealed' himself, now in the person of this, now of that great wise man, priest or king, whether pagan, jew or christian. hammurabi was one of these, moses, abraham, homer, charlemagne, luther, shakespeare, goethe, kant, kaiser william the great--these he selected and honoured with his grace, to achieve for their peoples, according to his will, things noble and imperishable. how often has not my grandfather explicitly declared that he was an instrument in the hand of the lord! the works of great souls are the gifts of god to the people, that they may be able to build further on them as models, that they may be able to feel further through the confusion of the undiscovered here below. doubtless god has 'revealed' himself to different peoples in different ways according to their situation and the degree of their civilization. then just as we are overborne most by the greatness and might of the lovely nature of the creation when we regard it, and as we look are astonished at the greatness of god there displayed, even so can we of a surety thankfully and admiringly recognize, by whatever truly great or noble thing a man or a people does, the revelation of god. his influence acts on us and among us directly. "the second sort of revelation, the more religious sort, is that which led up to the appearance of the lord. from abraham onward it was introduced, slowly but foreseeingly, all-wisely and all-knowingly, for otherwise humanity were lost. and now commences the astonishing working of god's revelation. the race of abraham and the peoples that sprang from it regard, with an iron logic, as their holiest possession, the belief in a god. they must worship and cultivate him. broken up during the captivity in egypt, the separated parts were brought together again for the second time by moses, always striving to cling fast to monotheism. it was the direct intervention of god that caused this people to come to life again. and so it goes on through the centuries till the messiah, announced and foreshadowed by the prophets and psalmists, at last appears, the greatest revelation of god to the world. then he appeared in the son himself; christ is god; god in human form. he redeemed us, he spurs us on, he allures us to follow him, we feel his fire burn in us, his sympathy strengthens us, his displeasure annihilates us, but also his care saves us. confident of victory, building only on his word, we pass through labour, scorn, suffering, misery and death, for in his word we have god's revealed word, and he never lies. "that is my view of the matter. the word is especially for us evangelicals made the essential thing by luther, and as good theologian surely delitzsch must not forget that our great luther taught us to sing and believe--'thou shalt suffer, let the word stand.' to me it goes without saying that the old testament contains a large number of fragments of a purely human historical kind and not 'god's revealed word.' they are mere historical descriptions of events of all sorts which occurred in the political, religious, moral, and intellectual life of the people of israel. for example, the act of legislation on sinai may be regarded as only symbolically inspired by god, when moses had recourse to the revival of perhaps some old-time law (possibly the codex, an offshoot of the codex of hammurabi), to bring together and to bind together institutions of his people which were become shaky and incapable of resistance. here the historian can, from the spirit or the text, perhaps construct a connexion with the law of hammurabi, the friend of abraham, and perhaps logically enough; but that would no way lessen the importance of the fact that god suggested it to moses and in so far revealed himself to the israelite people. "consequently it is my idea that for the future our good professor would do well to avoid treating of religion as such, on the other hand continue to describe unmolested everything that connects the religion, manners, and custom of the babylonians with the old testament. on the whole, i make the following deductions:-- " . i believe in one god. " . we humans need, in order to teach him, a form, especially for our children. " . this form has been to the present time the old testament in its existing tradition. this form will certainly decidedly alter considerably with the discovery of inscriptions and excavations; there is nothing harmful in that, it is even no harm if the nimbus of the chosen people loses much thereby. the kernel and substance remain always the same--god, namely, and his work. "never was religion a result of science, but a gushing out of the heart and being of mankind, springing from its intercourse with god." it is anticipating by a few months, but part of a speech the emperor made in potsdam at the confirmation of his two sons, august wilhelm and oscar--two hohenzollerns as yet not distinguished for anything in particular--may be quoted in this connexion. naturally he began by comparing his sons' spiritual situation with that of a soldier on the day he takes the oath of allegiance: they were _vorgemerkt_, that is, predestined as "fighters for christ." "what is demanded of you," the imperial father went on, "is that you shall be personalities. this is the point which, in my opinion, is the most important for the christian in daily life. for there can be no doubt that we can say of the person of the lord, that he is the most 'personal personality' who has ever wandered among the sons of men.... you will read of many great men--savants, statesmen, kings and princes, of poets also: but nevertheless no word of man has ever been uttered worthy of comparison with the words of christ; and i say this to you so that you may be in a position to bear it out when you are in the midst of life's turmoil and hear people discussing religion, especially the personality of christ. no word of man has ever succeeded in making people of all races and all people enthusiastic for the same cause, namely, to imitate him, even to sacrifice their lives for him. the wonder can only be explained by assuming that what he said were the words of the living god, which are the source of life, and continue to live thousands of years after the words of the wise have been forgotten. that is my personal experience and it will be yours. "the pivot and turning-point," he continued, "of our mortal life, especially of a life full of responsibility and labour--that is clearer and clearer to me every year i live--lies simply and solely in the attitude a man adopts towards his lord and saviour;" and he concludes by exhorting his sons to disregard what people may say about the cult of christ being irreconcilable with the tasks and responsibilities of "modern" life, but simply to do their best, whatever their occupation, to become a personality after christ's example. this is a sound and just statement of christian faith, and it is quoted here to justify the view that the emperor's soldiers and his dreadnoughts, his mailed fist and shining armour, are built and put on in the spirit of precaution and defence. the attitude, it cannot of course be denied, is based on the un-christlike assumption that all men (and particularly all peoples and their governments and diplomatists) are liars; but in his favour it may be urged that for that saying the emperor could cite biblical authority. and yet there is an inconsistency; for the saying is that of one of those same wise men whose words, the emperor admits, are transitory and mortal. it is possible that the emperor had a presentiment of some kind that his life was now in danger, and that the presentiment may have attuned his thoughts to meditation on christ's life and teaching; for it is a fact, well worthy of remark, that in the fear of death man's one and only relief and consolation is the knowledge that there was, and is, a mediator for him with his creator. the address at his sons' confirmation was delivered on october th, and on sunday morning, november th all the world, it is hardly too much to say, was astonished and pained to learn, by a publication in the _official gazette_, that the emperor the day before had had to submit to a serious operation on his throat. the announcement spoke of a polypus, or fungoid growth, which had had to be removed; but all over the world the conclusion was come to that the mortal affliction of the father had fallen on the son and that the emperor was a doomed man. most providentially and happily it was nothing of the sort. on the th the emperor was out of bed and signing official papers, on the th he was allowed to talk in whispers, and on the th it was declared by the physicians that all danger was over and that no more bulletins would be issued. on december th the emperor received a congratulatory visit from the president of the reichstag, who reported to parliament his impression that "the emperor had completely recovered his old vigour (great applause) and that his voice was again clear and strong." the emperor had passed through what one may suppose to have been the darkest hour of his life. he was naturally in high spirits, and a few days after went to hannover, where he made a martial speech in which he toasted the german legion for having "by its unforgettable heroism, in conjunction with blücher and his prussians, saved the english army from destruction at waterloo," a view, of course, which to an englishman has all the charm of novelty. one or two further memorable incidents of may be recorded. theodore mommsen, the now aged historian of rome, the greatest scholar of his time, died in november. he was in his day a liberal parliamentarian of no mean ability; but for such men there is no career in germany. however, as it turned out, the german people's loss proved to be all the world's gain. a son of the historian now represents a district of berlin in the reichstag. two years before the historian's death an exchange of telegrams in latin took place between him and the emperor. the occasion was the emperor's laying the foundation-stone of a museum on the plateau where the old roman castle, known as the saalburg, stands. the emperor telegraphed: "theodoro mommseno, antiquitatum romanarum investigatori incomparabili, praetorii saalburgensis fundamenta jaciens salutem dicit et gratias agit guilelmus germanorum imperator." to which the historian, with a modesty equal to his courtesy, replied: "germanorum principi, tam majestate quam humanitate, gratias agit antiquarius lietzelburgensis." mention may also be made of a very characteristic speech of the emperor's this year at cüstrin, where he was unveiling a monument to a favourite hohenzollern, the great elector. cüstrin, it will be remembered, is the town where frederick the great, another of the emperor's favourites, was imprisoned by an angry father, along with his friend lieutenant katte, when frederick was trying to escape the parental cruelty and violence. referring to frederick's declaration that he was the "first servant of the state," the emperor said:-- "he could only learn to be so by subordination, by obedience, in a word by what we prussians describe as discipline. and this discipline must have its roots in the king's house as in the house of the citizen, in the army as among the people. respect for authority, obedience to the crown, and obedience to parental and paternal influence--that is the lesson the memories of to-day should teach us. from these attributes spring those which we call patriotism, namely the subordination of the individual ego, of the individual subject, to the welfare of all. it is what is particularly needed at the present time." the emperor was, of course, thinking of the social democrats. having finished his speech, he went and for a while stood thoughtfully at the historic window of cüstrin castle, from which frederick watched the execution of his unfortunate companion, katte. only the year separates us from the emperor's morocco adventure. the economic ideas which have been referred to as the basis of german foreign policy were germinating in his mind, and the plans for at least a partial realization of them were working in his head. addressing the chief burgomaster of karlsruhe in april, just a year before he started for tangier, he spoke of weltpolitik. "you are right," he told the burgomaster, "in saying that the task of the german people is a hard one.... i hope our peace will not be disturbed, and that the events that are now happening will open our eyes, steel our courage, and find us united, if it should be necessary for us to intervene in world-policy." the emperor had, no doubt, specially in mind the birth of the anglo-french entente and the war between russia and japan, both events forming the dominant factors of the political situation at this time. the russo-japanese war arose primarily from the unwillingness of russia to evacuate manchuria after the boxer troubles in china. the incidents of the war are still fresh in public memory. it need only be recalled here that germany was neutral throughout the conflict, that both president roosevelt and the emperor offered their services as mediators in its course, and that on the capture of port arthur by admiral nogi, in january, , the emperor telegraphed his bestowal of the _ordre pour le mérile_ on general stoessel, the russian defender of port arthur, and on admiral nogi. in the troubled history of anglo-german relations is to be recorded the presence, in june of this year, of king edward vii at kiel with a squadron of battleships to pay an official visit to his nephew. the two fleets, those sunny days, formed a splendid spectacle--the two mightiest police forces, the emperor would probably agree in saying, the world could produce. in fact, the emperor had some such thought in mind, for he addressed king edward as follows:-- "your majesty has been welcomed by the thunder of the guns of the german fleet. it is the youngest navy in the world and an expression of the reviving sea-power of the new german empire, founded by the late great emperor, designed for the protection of the empire's trade and territory, and intended, equally with the german army, for the preservation of peace." one or two other incidents of interest in the emperor's life may close the record of this year. one of them was the arrival of the italian composer, leoncavallo, in berlin, to hand the emperor the text of the opera "der roland von berlin," leoncavallo had composed at the emperor's express request. roland was a "strong, valiant and pious" knight of charlemagne's time--like the emperor, let us say--who originally hailed from brittany--that lone and lovely cinderella of france--and afterwards, for some unexplained reason, came to be the type of municipal independence in germany. during the summer the emperor and the empress made an excursion, when on the saalburg, to the statues of the roman emperors hadrian and severus. did the emperor recall, one wonders, as he stood before the figure of hadrian, that pagan monarch's address to his soul:-- "animula vagula, blandula, hospes, comesque corporis, quae nunc abibis in loca, pallidula, rigida, nudula, nee, ut soles, dabis jocos?" it sounds a little gloomy as a quotation, but, fortunately for germany and the emperor, for "nunc" can be put, _pace_ the poet, the indefinite, yet all too definite, "aliquando." xii. morocco the emperor started for tangier towards the end of march, but before that he had got through imperial business of a miscellaneous kind which exemplifies the life he leads practically at all times. in january he had exchanged telegrams with the czar and the mikado concerning his bestowal of the order of merit on generals stoessel and nogi, asking permission to bestow the order and receiving expressions of consent. another telegram went to the composer leoncavallo in naples, congratulating him on the success there of his "roland von berlin." in february, the emperor opened an international automobile exhibition in berlin, received prince charles, infanta of spain, and the king of bulgaria, unveiled a monument to his ancestor, admiral coligny, who was killed in the bartholomew massacre, listened to a naval captain's lecture on port arthur, opened the new lutheran cathedral (the "dom") in berlin, telegraphed thanks to the university of pennsylvania for its doctor's degree which the emperor said he was proud to know george washington once held, attended a lecture by professor delitzsch on "assyria," and was present at a memorial service for the painter adolf von menzel, who died this month. in march he visited heligoland, inspected the progress of some alterations at the royal opera in berlin, and sent the gold medal for science to manuel garcia, on the occasion of the latter's hundredth birthday, as recognition of his invention of the laryngoscope, or mirror for examining the throat. just before starting for morocco the emperor made the speech in which he claimed that germans are the "salt of the earth." in the same speech he had previously declared that as the result of his reading of history he meant never to strive after world-conquest. "for what," he asked, "has become of the so-called world-empires? alexander the great, napoleon the first, all the great warrior heroes swam in blood and left behind them subjugated peoples, who at the first opportunity rose and brought their empires to ruin. the world-empire which i dream of will be, above all, the newly established german empire, enjoying on every side the most absolute confidence as a peaceable, honest, and quiet neighbour, not founded on conquest by the sword, but on the mutual confidence of nations, striving for the same objects." while on the way to morocco the emperor put in at lisbon to pay a visit to the king of portugal, and with the latter attended a meeting of the geographical society. from lisbon he went to gibraltar, and from thence, after a few hours' stay, he started for tangier. the morocco incident, as it is often too lightly called, should rather be regarded as a phase in the world's economic history and an occurrence of moment for the future peace of all nations than the mere game on the diplomatic chess-board many writers appear to consider it. according to french critics, and they may be taken as representative of the feeling everywhere prevalent during the seven years the incident lasted, its origin was a matter of alliances and the balance of power. germany, according to these writers, wanted to preserve the position of hegemony in europe she had obtained under bismarck, and consequently felt annoyed by the triple entente, which robbed her of her traditional friend russia and set up an effective counterpoise to the triple alliance of which germany was the leading power, and on which she could, or believed she could, rely for support in case of war with france. in going, therefore, to tangier, at the moment when her defeat by japan rendered russia for the time being of little or no account in the considerations of diplomacy, the emperor, according to these writers, in reality was making a determined attempt to break the entente combination and protect his empire from political isolation or inferiority. it is quite possible that such were the motives of the emperor's action, but if so he was building better than he knew. the vicissitudes of the moroccan episode are described briefly below, yet some remarks of a general nature as to the whole episode considered in its historical perspective may be permitted in advance. but first, what is historical perspective? it may perhaps be defined as that view of history which shows in its true proportions the relative importance of an event to other events which strongly and permanently leave their mark on the character and development of the period or generation in which they occur. regarded from this standpoint the morocco incident can claim an exceptional position, for it was the first occasion in modern diplomatic history on which a great power officially proclaimed _urbi et orbi_ the doctrine of the "open door," the doctrine of equal economic treatment for all nations for the benefit of all nations, and was willing to go to war in support of it. it was not, of course, the first time the demand for the open door had been made; loudly and bloodily, too; since most wars from those of greece and rome to the war between russia and japan of recent years were waged with the intention, or in the hope, of opening, by conquest or contract, territory of the enemy to the mercantile enterprise of the victors. but this was the open door in a very selfish and restricted sense, and though many isolated events had occurred of late years, the international agreements regarding china among them, proving that the idea of the open door was gaining strength as a right common to all nations, it was not until the emperor went to tangier that a great power risked a great war in order to exemplify and enforce it. the emperor and his advisers were probably not moved by any altruistic sentiments in the matter, and their sole reason for action may have been to see that german subjects should not be excluded from moroccan markets. it may also be that germany was resolved that if there was to be a seizure of morocco she should get her share of the territory to be distributed, notwithstanding her refusal, revealed by the late foreign secretary, kiderlen-waechter, in the reichstag's confidential committee, to accede to mr. chamberlain's proposal, made some time before the incident, for a partition of the shereefian empire. but the acquisition of territory does not seem to have been the mainspring of her policy, while from the beginning to the end of the incident, however theatrical and questionable her diplomatic conduct may have been at moments during the negotiations, she was throughout consistent and successful in her demand for economic equality all round. this is a great gain for the future, for, with the world nearly all parcelled out, economic considerations, which are almost in all cases adjustable, are now the most weighty factors in international relations. apart from this view of the incident, it is clear that germany was pursuing her claim to a "place in the sun," and she did so to the unconcealed annoyance of nations which up to then had never thought of her in a rôle she appeared to be aspiring to, that of a mediterranean power. to these nations she seemed an intruder in a sphere to which she neither naturally nor rightfully belonged. evidently she had no political or historical claims in morocco, while her commercial interests were less than per cent of morocco trade. a narration of the incident may, for the sake of convenience, though involving some anticipation of the future, be dealt with in three sections: from the anglo-french agreement of , and the emperor's visit to tangier in march, , to the act of algeciras a year subsequently; from the act of algeciras to the franco-german agreement of ; and from that to the--let it be hoped--final settlement by the franco-german agreement of november , . the anglo-french agreement of gave france a free hand in morocco in consideration of france giving england a similar position in egypt and the nile valley. the state of things in morocco at this time was one of discord and rebellion. in the midst of it, the sultan, el hassan, died, and was succeeded by abdul aziz, a minor. on coming of age abdul aziz showed his inability to rule, the country fell again into disorder and abdul turned for help to france. meantime england and france had been negotiating without the knowledge of germany, and in april, , the anglo-french agreement was signed. it was accompanied by an official declaration that france had no intention of changing the political status of morocco, but only contemplated a policy there of "pacific penetration and reforms." thereupon prince von bülow, the german chancellor, stated in the reichstag that the german government had no reason to assume that the agreement was directed against any power and that "it appeared to be an attempt by england and france to come to a friendly understanding respecting their colonial differences." "from the standpoint of german interests," continued the chancellor, "we have no objections to raise to it." no parliamentary reference was made to morocco until march, , when the chancellor spoke of the approaching visit of the emperor to tangier, and it became evident that the emperor and his advisers had come to the conclusion that, as france seemed about assuming a full protectorate over morocco, as she had tried to do in tunis, and that this, in accordance with french policy, would result in the exclusion of other nationals from commerce and the development of the country, germany must take action. prince von bülow explained that "his majesty had, in the previous year, declared to the king of spain that germany pursued no policy of territorial acquisition in morocco." he continued: "independent of the visit, and independent of the territorial question, is the question whether we have economic interests to protect in morocco. that we have certainly. we have in morocco, as in china, a considerable interest in the maintenance of the open door, that is the equal treatment of all trading nations." and he concluded by saying: "so far as an attempt is being made to alter the international status of morocco, or to control the open door in the economic development of the country, we must see more closely than before that our economical interests are not endangered. our first step, accordingly, is to put ourselves into communication with the sultan." the visit came off as announced, and the emperor, on arriving at tangier, made a speech which caused a sensation in every diplomatic chancellery; indeed, in all parts of the world. the emperor's speech, which was addressed to the german colonists on march , , was as follows:-- "i rejoice to make acquaintance with the pioneers of germany in morocco and to be able to say to them that they have done their duty. germany has great commercial interests there. i will promote and protect trade, which shows a gratifying development, and make it my care to secure full equality with all nations. this is only possible when the sovereignty of the sultan and the independence of the country are preserved. both are for germany beyond question, and for that i am ready at all times to answer. i think my visit to tangier announces this clearly and emphatically, and will doubtless produce the conviction that whatever germany undertakes in morocco will be negotiated exclusively with the sultan." the result of these unmistakable declarations was that the sultan rejected proposals made to him by the french, and shortly afterwards, on the advice of germany, came forward with suggestions for a european conference. m. delcassé, the french foreign minister, opposed the proposal, and for a time war between france and germany appeared inevitable; but france was not in a military position to ignore germany's threatening language, m. delcassé had to resign, the french cabinet under m. rouvier agreed to the conference, and it met at algeciras in january, . at the conference great britain, in consonance with the entente, supported france; austria adhered loyally to her triplice engagements and proved the "brilliant second" to germany the emperor subsequently described her; italy, on the other hand, gave her teutonic ally only lukewarm support. in fairness, however, should be quoted here the explanation of italy's attitude given by chancellor von bülow when discussing the conference in parliament next year. the impression is general, both in and out of germany, that italy is only a half-hearted political ally. it is based on the temperamental difference between the latin and the teutonic races, on the popular sympathy between the french and italian peoples, and to the supposedly reluctant support lent by italy to germany during the critical time of the conference, the extra-tour, as prince bülow, using a metaphor of the ballroom, termed it, she took with france on that occasion. prince bülow now endeavoured to dissipate or correct the impression, at any rate, as regarded algeciras. "italy," he said, "found herself in a difficult position there. various agreements between italy and france regarding morocco had come into existence anterior to the conference, but germany was satisfied that they were not inconsistent with italy's triplice engagements; in fact, germany had, several years ago, officially told italy she must use her own judgment and act on her own responsibility in dealing with her french neighbour in africa and the mediterranean." when it was settled that a conference should be held, italy, the chancellor continued, "gave germany timely information as to the extent to which her support of germany could go, and as a matter of fact she supported germany's views in the bank and police questions." so far the german official explanation, but the impression of italian lukewarmness as a member of the triplice has lost none of its universality thereby. how well or ill founded the impression is, it will be for the future to disclose. the summoning of the conference had been a triumph for german diplomacy, but its results were disappointing to her; for while the proceedings showed that among all nations she could only fully rely on the sympathy and support of austria, they ended in an acknowledgment by germany of the special position of france in morocco. the act of algeciras, which was dated april , , stated that the signatory powers recognized that "order, peace, and prosperity" could only be made to reign in morocco "by means of the introduction of reforms based upon the triple principle of the sovereignty and independence of his majesty the sultan, the integrity of his states, and economic liberty without any inequality." then followed six declarations regarding the organization of the police, smuggling, the establishment of a state bank, the collection of taxes, and the finding of new sources of revenue, customs, and administrative services and public works. for the organization of the police, french and spanish officers and non-commissioned officers were to be placed at the disposal of the sultan by the french and spanish governments. tenders for public works were to be adjudicated on impartially without regard to the nationality of the bidder. the effect of the act was to give international recognition to the special position of france and spain in morocco, while safeguarding the economic interests of other powers. the attitude taken up by germany relative to the conference was set forth in a speech delivered by prince von bülow in the reichstag in december, . it was based, he explained, on the provisions of the madrid convention of , in which all the great powers and the united states had taken part. the chancellor claimed that germany sought no special privileges in morocco, but favoured a peaceful and independent development of the shereefian empire. he denied that german rights could be abrogated by an anglo-french agreement, and pointing out that morocco in had granted all the signatories to the madrid convention most-favoured-nation treatment, claimed that if france desired to make good her demand for special privileges, she ought to have the consent of the special signatories to the madrid pact. germany had a right to be heard in any new settlement of moroccan conditions; she could not allow herself to be treated as a _quantité négligeable_, nor be left out of account when a country lying on two of the world's greatest commercial highways was being disposed of. she had a commercial treaty with morocco, conferring most-favoured-nation rights, and it did not accord with her honour to give way. the act of algeciras, however, proved to have brought only temporary relief to european tension. disturbances continued in morocco, french subjects were murdered at marakesch in , and france occupied the province of udja with troops until satisfaction should be given. owing to riots at casablanca in , in which french as well as spanish and italian labourers were killed, she decided to occupy the place, and sent a strong military and naval force thither. a french warship bombarded the town, and by june, , the french army of occupation numbered , men. meanwhile internal commotions and intrigues had led to the deposition of abdul aziz and his replacement on the throne by his brother, muley hafid, with the support of germany. france and spain refused to recognize the new ruler unless he gave guarantees that he would respect the act of algeciras. muley gave the required guarantees, and in march, , france "declared herself wholly attached to the integrity and independence of the shereefian empire and decided to safeguard economic equality in morocco." germany on her side declared she was pursuing in morocco only economic interests and, "recognizing that the special political interests of france in morocco are closely bound up in that country with the consolidation of order and of internal peace," was "resolved not to impede those interests." the german idea of not impeding french special political interests in morocco was disclosed little more than two years later by the dispatch of the german gunboat _panther_ (of "well done, _panther_!" fame) on july , , to the "closed" port of agadir on the south moroccan coast. it was as dramatic a coup as the emperor's visit to tangier and caused as much alarm. the fact is that the march of french troops to fez, which had taken place a few months before, convinced the emperor and his government that france, relying on the support of her entente friend england, was bent on the tunisification of morocco. the emperor, chancellor von bethmann-hollweg, and foreign secretary kiderlen-wæchter met at the foreign office on may st, and it was decided to send a ship of war, as at once a hint and a demonstration, to agadir or other moroccan port. germany, of course, in accordance with diplomatic strategy, did not disclose the real springs of her action, though they must have been patent to all the world. she notified the powers of the dispatch of her warship, explaining that the sending of the _panther_, which "happened to be in the neighbourhood," was owing to the representations of german firms, as a temporary measure for the protection of german protégés in that region, and taken "in view of the possible spread of disorders prevailing in other parts of morocco." in france, on the other hand, it was asserted that the step was not in conformity with the spirit of the franco-german agreement of , in which germany resolved not to impede french special interests, that there were no germans at agadir, and that only nine months previously germany had angrily protested at the calling of a french cruiser at the same port. the reference was to the visit of the french cruiser _du chaylu_ in november, , when the captain paid a visit to the local pasha. the german foreign secretary eventually said germany had no objection to france using her police rights even in a closed port, and the admission was taken as a fresh renunciation on the part of germany of any right to interference. feeling ran high for a time both in france and germany, while the german action added to the sentiment of hostility to germany in england, and english political circles perceived in it a design on germany's part of acquiring a port on the moroccan coast. the word "compensation," which afterwards was to prove the solution of franco-german differences was now first mentioned by germany. after england's determination to support france had been made plain by ministerial statements, the entire morocco episode was closed by the franco-german agreement signed on november , , as "explanatory and supplementary" to the franco-german agreement of . the effect of the new agreement was practically to give france as free a hand in morocco as england has in egypt, with the reservation that "the proceedings of france in morocco leave untouched the economic equality of all nations." the agreement further gives france "entire freedom of action" in morocco, including measures of police. the rights and working area of the morocco state bank were left as they stood under the act of algeciras. the sovereignty of the sultan is assumed, but not explicitly declared. the compensation to germany for her agreement to "put no hindrances in the way of french administration" and for the "protective rights" she recognizes as "belonging to france in the shereefian empire" was the cession by france to germany of a large portion of her congo territory in mid-africa, with access to the congo and its tributaries, the sanga and ubangi. while the ground-idea of germany's policy of economic expansion, and the source of all her trouble with england, is her insistence on her "place in the sun," the difficulty attending it for other nations is to determine the place's nature and extent, so that every one shall be comfortable and prosperous all round. the alterations in conditions among civilized nations during the last half-century, more especially in all that relates to international intercourse--political, financial, commercial, social--makes it reasonable to suppose that changes must follow in the conduct of their foreign policies. the fact also, recognized by no country more clearly than by germany, that the profitable regions of the earth are already appropriated makes an economic policy for her all the more advisable. an economic policy, moreover, is, notwithstanding her apparent militarism, most in harmony with the peaceful and industrious character of her people. unfortunately, the stage in progress where the political and commercial interests of all nations have become defined and adjusted has not yet been reached, though the numerous agreements between the great powers of recent years go far towards clearing the way for so desirable a consummation. unfortunately, too, it is in the very process of finding bases for such agreements that international jealousies and misunderstandings arise; and hence in securing peace, governments and peoples are at all times nowadays most in jeopardy of war. this consideration alone might very well be used to justify nations in keeping their military and naval forces strong and ready. perhaps some day such forms of force will not be wanted, though admittedly the great majority of people still refuse to believe that the changes which have occurred have altered the fundamental attitude of countries to each other, and remain firmly convinced that to-day, as yesterday and the day before, great nations are moved by an irresistible desire to add to their territories and in every way aggrandize themselves, by diplomacy if possible, and if diplomacy fails, by force. it is, of course, impossible to say with certainty what the real designs of the emperor and his government in this regard were during the morocco episode, or are now. some believe that their designs have always aimed, and still aim, at depriving great britain of her position of superiority in respect of territory, maritime dominion, and trade. others hold that they seek and will have, _coûte que coûte_, new territory for germany's increasing population, and look with greedy eyes towards south america and even holland. others yet again represent them as incessantly on the watch to seize a harbour here or there as a coaling station for warships and a basis of attack. but an unbiased survey of the annals of the emperor's reign hitherto does not bear out any of these assertions. a policy of territorial expansion as such, mere earth-hunger, cannot be proved against him. prince bismarck was no colonial enthusiast, though he passes for being the founder of germany's present colonial policy; and even to-day the colonial party in germany, though a very noisy, is not a very large or influential one. samoa--east africa--kiao-tschau--the carolines--heligoland--the cameroons: how can the acquisition of comparatively insignificant and unprofitable places like these be used for proving that the might of germany is or has been directed towards territorial conquest? what, it may however be asked, of the morocco adventure? of the speech at tangier? of the sending of the _panther_ to agadir? of the demand for compensation in central africa? until the morocco question arose, all the quarrels amongst the powers regarding territory were caused by the territorial ambition of france, or russia, or italy--not of germany; and it was not until france showed openly, by sending her troops to fez, and thus ignoring the act of algeciras, that germany put forward claims for territorial compensation in connection with morocco. the visit of the emperor to tangier in , a year after the anglo-french agreement, was doubtless an unpleasant surprise for both england and france. and not without good cause; for england and france are naturally and historically mediterranean powers--the one as guardian of the route to her eastern possessions, the other as the owners of a large extent of mediterranean coast; while england, in addition, was justified in seeing with uneasiness the possibility of a german settlement at tangier or elsewhere on the morocco seaboard. but the tangier visit and all that followed it was the consequence, not of an adventurous policy of territorial conquest, but of a legitimate, and not wholly selfish, desire for economic expansion. taken, then, as a whole, the emperor's foreign policy has been, as it is to-day, almost entirely economic and commercial. the same might, no doubt, be said in a general way of all civilized occidental governments, but there never has yet been a country of which the foreign policy was so completely directed by the economic and mercantile spirit as modern germany. the foreign policy of england has also been commercial, but it has been influenced at times by noble sentiment and splendid imagination as well. the first question the german statesman, in whose vocabulary of state-craft the word imagination does not occur, asks himself and other nations when any event happens abroad to demand imperial attention is--how does it affect germany's economic and commercial interests, future as well as present? what is germany going to get out of it? the manner in which on various occasions during the reign the question has been propounded has excited criticism bordering on indignation abroad, but it should be recognized that it has invariably been answered in the long run by germany in the spirit of compromise and conciliation. however, all civilized nations nowadays see that war is the least satisfactory method of adjusting national quarrels, and the tendency is happily growing among them to pursue a commercial, an economic policy, a policy of peace. this is true weltpolitik, true world-policy. time was when wars were the unavoidable result of conditions then prevailing; but conditions have greatly altered, and war, as there is abundant evidence to show, is to-day, in almost every case, avoidable by all civilized peoples. formerly war deranged and disturbed at any rate for the time being, the commerce and industries of the countries engaged in it; to-day, as mr. norman angell demonstrates, it deranges and disturbs commerce and industry all over the world. the derangement and disturbance may, it is true, be only temporary; but there is, as always, the loss of life among the youth of the countries engaged in war to be remembered. granted that it is pleasant and honourable to die for one's country. let us hope the time is coming when it will be equally pleasant and honourable to live for it. we have done with morocco, but to round off the record for mention should be made of an incident in the emperor's life which was a source of great pleasure to him after his return from his journey thither. the marriage of his eldest son, the crown prince, took place in the chapel royal of the berlin palace on june , , to the young duchess cecile of mecklenburg-schwerin, whose character has been alluded to elsewhere and whom all germans look forward with pleasure to seeing one day their empress. the marriage naturally was attended by rejoicings in berlin similar to those shown when the emperor was married in . their chief popular feature, now as then, was the formal entry into the capital, and its chief domestic feature a grand wedding breakfast at the emperor's palace. on the occasion of the latter, the emperor, rising from his seat and using the familiar _du_ and _dich_ (thou and thee), addressed his newly-made daughter-in-law as follows:-- "my dear daughter cecilie,--let me, on behalf of my wife and my whole house, heartily welcome you as a member of my house and my family circle. you have come to us like a queen of spring amid roses and garlands, and under endless acclamations of the people such as my residence city has not known for long. a circle of noble guests has assembled to celebrate this high and joyful festival with us, but not only those present, but also those who are, alas, no more, are with us in spirit: your illustrious father and my parents. "a hundred thousand beaming faces have enthusiastically greeted you; they have, however, not merely shone with pleasure, but whoever can look deeper into the heart of man could have seen in their eyes the question--a question which can only be answered by your whole life and conduct, the question, how will it turn out? "you and your husband are about to found a home together. the people has its examples in the past to live up to. the examples which have preceded you, dear cecilie, have been already eloquently mentioned--queen louise and other princesses who have sat on the prussian throne. they are the standards according to which the people will judge your life, while you, my dear son, will be judged according to the standard providence set up in your illustrious great-grandfather. "you, my daughter, have been received by us with open arms and will be honoured and cherished. to both of you i wish from my heart god's richest blessings. let your home be founded on god and our saviour. as he is the most impressive personality which has left its illuminating traces on the earth up to the present time, which finds an echo in the hearts of mankind and impels them to imitate it, so may your career imitate his, and thus will you also fulfil the laws and follow the traditions of our house. "may your home be a happy one and an example for the younger generation, in accordance with the fine sentence which william the great once wrote down as his confession of faith; 'my powers belong to the world and my country.' accept my blessing for your lives. i drink to the health of the young married couple." the record of this memorable year may be closed with mention of an institution which is not only a special care of the emperor's, but is also a landmark in the relation of germany and america which may prove to be the forerunner, if it has not already done so, of similar interchange of ideas and information between nations which only require mutually to understand each other in order to be the best of friends. the system of an annual exchange of professors between america and germany was suggested, it is believed, to the emperor in this year by herr althoff, the prussian minister of education. the emperor took up the idea with enthusiasm, and after discussing it with dr. nicholas murray butler, president of columbia university, who was invited to wilhelmshohe for the purpose, had it finally elaborated by the prussian ministry of education which now superintends its working. the original idea of an exchange only between harvard and berlin university professors was, thanks to the liberality of an american citizen, mr. speyer, extended almost simultaneously by the establishment of what are known as "roosevelt" professorships. the holders of these positions, unlike the original "exchange" professors between harvard and berlin only, may be chosen by the trustees of columbia university from any american university and can exchange duties for two terms, instead of one in the place of the exchange professors, with the professors of any german university. harvard professors have been succesively: francis g. peabody, theodore w. richards, william h. scofield, william m. davis, george f. moore, h. munsterberg, theobald smith, charles s. minog; and roosevelt professors: j.w. burgess, arthur t. hadley, felix adler, benj. ide wheeler, c. alphonso smith, paul s. reinsch, and william h. sloane. writing to the german ambassador in washington, baron speck von sternburg, in november, , the emperor said: "express my fullest sympathy with the movement regarding the exchange of professors. we are very well satisfied with professor peabody, the first exchange professor, and thankful to have him. he comes to me in my house, an honourable and welcome guest. my hearty thanks also to mr. speyer, for his fine gift for the erection of a professorship in berlin. the exchange of the learned is the best means for both nations to know the inner nature of each other, and from thence spring mutual respect and love, which are securities for peace." the idea of the exchange, as described by professor john w. burgess, of columbia university, the first roosevelt professor to germany, is "an exchange of educators which has for its purpose the bringing of the men of learning of one country into other countries and by a comparison of fundamental ideas to arrive at a world-philosophy and a world-morality upon which the world's peace and the world's civilization may finally and firmly rest." the conception of a world-philosophy and a world-morality upon which the world's peace and civilization may rest is not new, being now a little over years old, and, moreover, educators and men of science in all countries are constantly exchanging ideas by personal visits, correspondence, and publications; but in any case, the emperor's exchange system has the advantage that it brings the educators into touch with large numbers of the rising generation in america and germany and undoubtedly helps towards a better mutual understanding of the relations, and in especial the economic relations, of the two countries. it has worked well, and the emperor has encouraged it by showing constant hospitality to the american professors who have come to berlin since the system was instituted. one or two episodes have given rise to a diplomatic question as to whether or not exchange professors and their wives have the privilege of being presented at court. the question has practically been decided in the negative. this, however, does not prevent the emperor entertaining the professors at his palace, or making the acquaintance of the professors' wives on other than court ceremonious occasions. xiii. before the "november storm" - in the domestic life of the emperor during these years fall two or three events of more than ordinary interest. from the dynastic point of view was of importance the birth of a son and heir to the crown prince in the marble palace at potsdam. the emperor was at sea, on his annual northern trip, when the birth occurred. as the ship approached bergen the town was seen to be gaily decorated with flags. as it happened, everybody on board knew of the birth except the emperor, but none of the officers round him ventured to congratulate him, because they supposed he knew of it already and were waiting for him to refer to it. at bergen the german minister, stuebel, and german consul, mohr, came on board. the minister, being a diplomatist, said nothing, but the consul, as consuls will, spoke his mind and ventured his congratulations. "what? i am a grandfather!" exclaimed the emperor. "why, that's splendid! and i knew nothing about it!" the captain of the ship then asked should he fire the salute of twenty-one guns usual on such occasions. "no," said the emperor, "that won't do. mohr is a great talker. let us first see the official despatches from berlin." the party, including the emperor, went down into the cabin to await the despatches, which were being brought from bergen. on their arrival a basketful of state papers was placed before the emperor. the first one he took out was a telegram from the sultan of turkey with congratulations (great merriment); the second from an unknown lady in berlin, with a name corresponding to the english "brown," with four lines of congratulatory poetry; and it was not until more than a hundred despatches had been opened that they came to one from the minister of the interior and another from the empress announcing the birth. popular reports at the time represented the emperor as boiling over with anger at his being kept or left in ignorance of the happy event. as a matter of fact, he was in high good-humour, and himself mentioned a similar occurrence at metz in , when an important movement of the french army was not reported because it was assumed that it was already known to the intelligence department. as a public sign of his satisfaction he amnestied the half-dozen of his subjects who happened to be in gaol as punishment for _lèse majesté_. another domestic event at this time was the celebration by the emperor and empress of their silver wedding. berlin, of course, was illuminated and beflagged. there was a great gathering of royal relatives, a state banquet, and a special parade of troops. at the latter were remarkable for their huge proportions two former grenadiers of the regiment of guards the emperor commanded in his youth. they were now settled in america, but came over to germany on the emperor's particular invitation and, of course, at his private expense. the last item of domestic interest this year ( ) worth record was the marriage of prince eitel frederick, the emperor's second son, with princess sophie charlotte of oldenburg. in his speech to the bridal pair on their wedding-day the emperor referred to the personal likeness the young prince bore to his great-grandfather, emperor william, and expressed the hope that the prince might grow more like him in character from year to year. meantime the emperor had to pass through a season of great annoyance owing to the scandal which arose in connection with the so-called "camarilla." the existence of a small and secret group of viciously minded men among the emperor's entourage was disclosed to the public by the well-known pamphleteer, maximilian harden, a jew by birth named witowski, who as a younger man had been on semi-confidential terms with prince bismarck and subsequently with foreign secretary von holstein. as a result of harden's disclosures some highly placed friends of the emperor were compromised and had ultimately to disappear from public life as well as from the court. it was perfectly evident throughout that the emperor had been totally ignorant of the private character of the men forming the "camarilla," and nothing was proved to show that the group which formed it had ever unduly, or indeed in any fashion, influenced him. an allusion made to the scandal by a deputy in the reichstag brought the chancellor, prince von bülow, to his feet in defence of the monarch. "the view," he said, "that the monarch in germany should not have his own opinions as to state and government, and should only think what his ministers desire him to think, is contrary to german state law and contrary to the will of the german people" ("quite right," on the right). "the german people," continued the chancellor, "want no shadow-king, but an emperor of flesh and blood. the conduct and statements of a strong personality like the emperor's are not tantamount to a breach of the constitution. can you tell me a single case in which the emperor has acted contrary to the constitution?" the chancellor concluded: "as to a camarilla--camarilla is no german word. it is a hateful, foreign, poisonous plant which no one has ever tried to introduce into germany without doing great injury to the people and to the prince. our emperor is a man of far too upright a character and much too clear-headed to seek counsel in political things from any other quarter than his appointed advisers and his own sense of duty." the camarilla scandal was all the more painful as it was made a ground for insinuations disgraceful to german officers as a body. such insinuations were, as they would be to-day, entirely unfounded. another thing that annoyed the emperor this year was the publication of ex-chancellor prince hohenlohe's memoirs. the publication drew from him a telegram to a son of the ex-chancellor in which he expressed his "astonishment and indignation" at the publication of confidential private conversations between him and prince hohenlohe regarding prince bismarck's dismissal. "i must stigmatize," the emperor telegraphed, "such conduct as in the last degree tactless, indiscreet, and entirely inopportune. it is a thing unheard-of that occurrences relating to a sovereign reigning at the time should be published without his permission." germans as a people are passionately fond of dancing, and though everybody knows that the people of vienna bear away the palm in this respect, claim to be the best waltzers in the world. the emperor, accordingly, won great popularity among the dancers of his realm this year by lending a favourable ear to the sighing of the young ladies of the provincial town of crefeld for a regiment which would provide them with a supply of dancing partners. the emperor took occasion to visit the town, and brought with him a regiment of the guards from düsseldorf to form part of the new garrison. he was received by the city authorities, and was at the same time, doubtless, greeted from balcony and window by multitudes of fair-haired crefeld maidens, who looked with delightful anticipations on the gallant soldiers, who were to relieve the tedium of their evenings, riding by. "to-day," the emperor told the assembled city fathers, "i have kept my word to the town of crefeld, and when i make a promise i keep it too (stormy applause). i have brought the town its garrison and the young ladies their dancers." the "stormy applause" was again renewed--amid, one may imagine, the enthusiastic waving of pocket-handkerchiefs from the windows and the balconies. the salient feature of foreign politics just now was, naturally, the close on march st of the conference of algeciras. its results have been referred to in the chapter on morocco, and mention need only be made here of the famous telegram regarding it sent by the emperor on april th of this year ( ) to the foreign minister of austria, count goluchowski. "a capital example of good faith among allies!" he telegraphed to the count, meaning austria's support of germany at algeciras. "you showed yourself a brilliant second in the tourney, and can reckon on the like service from me on a similar occasion." internal affairs, and particularly the parliamentary situation in germany, had during the three or four years before that of the "november storm" demanded a good deal of the emperor's attention. the everlasting fight with the rebel angels of the hohenzollern heaven, the social democracy, had been going on all through the reign. now the emperor would fulminate against it, now his chancellor, prince von bülow, would attack it with brilliant ability and sarcasm in parliament. still the social democratic movement grew, still the _vorwärts_, the party organ, continued to rail at industrial capitalists and the large landowners alike, still herr lucifer-bebel bitterly assailed every measure of the government. the fact seems to be that the people were getting restive under the imperial burdens the emperor's world-policy entailed. the cost of living, partly as a result of the new german tariff, with maximum and minimum duties, which now replaced the caprivi commercial treaties, was steadily rising. the morocco episode had ended without territorial gain, if with no loss of national honour or prestige. the poles were antagonized afresh by a stricter application of the settlement law for germanizing prussian poland. colonial troubles in south-west africa with herero and other recalcitrant tribes were making heavy demands on the treasury. the parliamentary situation was, as usual, at the mercy of the centrum party, which, with its hundred or more members, can always make a majority by combining with liberal parties of the left (including the socialists) or conservative parties of the right. in december, , when the budget was laid before parliament, it was found to contain a demand for about £ , , for the troops in south-west africa. the centrum refused to grant more than £ , , , and required, moreover, an undertaking that the number of troops in the colony should be reduced. the social democrats, with a number of progressives and other left parties sufficient to form a majority, joined the centrum, and the government demand was rejected by to votes. on the result of the voting being declared, chancellor von bülow solemnly rose and drew a paper from his pocket. it was an order from the emperor dissolving parliament. the general elections were to be held in january following, and great efforts were made by the emperor and chancellor to secure a government majority against the combined centrists and socialists. the country was appealed to to say whether germany should lose her african colonies or not; a patriotic response was made, and, though the centrum, as always, came back to parliament in undiminished strength, the socialists lost one-half of their eighty seats. the emperor, needless to say, was tremendously gratified. on the night the final results were announced he gave a large dinner-party at the palace, and read out to the royal family and his guests the bulletins as they came in. towards one o'clock in the morning the official totals were known. the streets were knee-deep in snow, but the people were not deterred from making a demonstration in their thousands before the palace. by and by lights were seen moving hurriedly to and fro along the first floor containing the emperor's apartments. a general illumination of the suite of rooms followed, a window was thrown up, and the emperor, bare-headed, was seen in the opening. instantly complete stillness fell on the vast square, and the emperor, leaning far out over the balcony, and evidently much excited, spoke in stentorian tones and with a dramatic waving of his right arm as follows: "gentlemen!"--the "gentlemen" included half the hooligans of berlin, but such are the accidents of political life-- "gentlemen! this fine ovation springs from the feeling that you are proud of having done your duty by your country. in the words of our great chancellor (bismarck), who said that if the germans were once put in the saddle they would soon learn to ride, you can ride and you will ride, and ride down, any one who opposes us, especially when all classes and creeds stand fast together. do not let this hour of triumph pass as a moment of patriotic enthusiasm, but keep to the road on which you have started." the speech closed with a verse from kleist's "prince von homburg," a favourite monarchist drama of the emperor's, conveying the idea that good hohenzollern rule had knocked bad social-democratic agitation into a cocked hat. the result of the elections enabled the chancellor to form a new "bloc" party in parliament, consisting of conservatives and liberals, on whose united aid he could rely in promoting national measures. as the chancellor said, he did not expect conservatives to turn into liberals and liberals into conservatives overnight nor did he expect the two parties to vote solid on matters of secondary interest and importance; but he expected them to support the government on questions that concerned the welfare of the whole empire. before , the year we have now reached, franco-german and anglo-german relations had long varied from cool to stormy. they had not for many years been at "set-fair," nor have they apparently reached that halcyon stage as yet. during the moroccan troubles it was generally believed that on two or three occasions war was imminent either between france and germany or between germany and england. that there was such a danger at the time of m. delcassé's retirement from the conduct of french foreign affairs just previous to the algeciras conference is a matter of general conviction in all countries; but there is no publicly known evidence that danger of war between england and germany has been acute at any time of recent years. nor at any time of recent years has the bulk of the people in either country really desired or intended war. there has been international exasperation, sometimes amounting to hostility, continuously; but it was largely due to chauvinism on both sides, and was in great measure counteracted by the efforts of public-spirited bodies and men in both countries, by international visits of amity and goodwill, and by the determination of both the english and german governments not to go to war without good and sufficient cause. among the most striking testimonies to this determination was the visit of the emperor to england in november, . the visit was made expressly an affair of state. the emperor was accompanied by the empress, and the visit became a pageant and a demonstration--a pageant in respect of the national honours paid to the imperial guests and a demonstration of national regard and respect for them as friends of england. nothing could have been simpler, or more tactful or more sincere than the utterances, private as well as public, of the emperor throughout his stay. his very first speech, the few words he addressed to the mayor of windsor, displayed all three qualities. "it seems to me," he said, "like a home-coming when i enter windsor. i am always pleased to be here." at the guildhall subsequently, referring to the two nations, he used, and not for the first time, the phrase "blood is thicker than water." at the guildhall, on this occasion, the emperor reminded his hearers that he was a freeman of the city of london, having been the recipient of that honour from the hands of lord mayor sir joseph savory on his accession visit to london in . he then referred to the visit of the lord mayor, sir william treloar, to berlin the year previous, and promised a similar hearty welcome to any deputation from the city of london to his capital. "in this place sixteen years ago," continued the emperor, "i said that all my efforts would be directed to the preservation of peace. history will do me the justice of recognizing that i have unfalteringly pursued this aim. the main support, however, and the foundation of the world's peace is the maintenance of good relations between our two countries. i will, in future also, do all i can to strengthen them, and the wishes of my people are at one with my own in this." the procession that followed upon the visit to the guildhall made a special impression on the emperor. "i was so close to the people," he said afterwards, "who were assembled in hundreds of thousands, that i could look straight into their eyes, and from the expression on their faces i could see that their reception of the empress and myself was no artificial welcome but an out-and-out sincere one. that stirred us deeply and gave us great satisfaction. the empress and i will take back with us recollections of london and england we shall never forget." while at windsor the emperor received a deputation of sixteen members of oxford university, headed by lord curzon, who came to present him with the honorary degree of doctor of laws voted him by the university while he was still on his way to england. it was a picturesque scene: the members of the university in their academic robes were surrounded by a brilliant company representing the intellect of the country; and the emperor, with the doctor's hood over his field-marshal's uniform, was the cynosure of all eyes. the emperor's reply to lord curzon's address, highly complimentary to the university though it was, was perhaps chiefly remarkable for the expression of his expectations from the rhodes' scholarship foundation. "the gift of your great fellow-countryman, cecil rhodes," he said, "affords an opportunity to students, not only from the british colonies, but also from germany and the united states, to obtain the benefits of an oxford education. the opportunity afforded to young germans during their period of study to mix with young englishmen is one of the most satisfactory results of rhodes's far-seeing mind. under the auspices of the oxford _alma mater_, the young students will have an opportunity of studying the character and qualities of the respective nations, of fostering by this means the spirit of good comradeship, and creating an atmosphere of mutual respect and friendship between the two countries." the emperor had always admired the colossus of south africa, discerning in him no doubt many of those attributes which he felt existed in himself or which he would like to think existed; and the admiration stood the test of personal acquaintance when cecil rhodes visited berlin in march, , in connexion with his scheme for the cape to cairo railway. it does not sound very complimentary to his own subjects, the "salt of the earth," but it is on record that the emperor then said to rhodes that he wished "he had more men like him." at the close of the visit the empress returned to germany, while the emperor took a much needed rest-cure for three weeks at highcliffe castle, a country mansion in hampshire he rented for the purpose from its owner, colonel stuart-wortley. in the course of this work, it may have been noticed, no particular attention has been devoted to the emperor in his military capacity. the reason is, because it is taken for granted that all the world knows the emperor in his character as war lord, that he is practically never out of uniform, and that his care for the army is only second--if it is second--to that for the stability and power of his monarchy. the two things in fact are closely identified, and, from the emperor's standpoint, on both together depend the security, and to a large extent the prosperity, of the empire. he knows or believes that germany is surrounded by hordes of potential enemies, as a lighthouse is often surrounded by an ocean that, while treacherously calm, may at any time rage about the edifice; that round the lighthouse are gathered his folk, who look to it for safety; and that the monarchy is the lighthouse itself, a _rocher de bronze_, towering above all. in this connexion it may be noted that the army in germany is not a mercenary body like the english army, but is simply and solely a certain portion of the people, naturally the younger men, passing for two or three years, according as they serve in the infantry or cavalry, through the ranks. the system of recruiting, as everybody knows, is called conscription; it ought rather to be described as a system of national education, whereby the rude and raw youth of the country is converted into an admirable class of well-disciplined, self-respecting and healthy, as well as patriotic, citizens. the emperor believes, contrary to the opinion of many english army officers, that a man to be a good soldier must also be a good christian, and thus we find him enforcing, or trying to enforce, among his officers the moral qualities which christianity is meant to foster. among these qualities is simplicity of life, and as a result of simplicity of life, contentment with simple and not too costly pleasures. we saw the emperor as a young colonel forbidding his officers to join a berlin club where gambling was prevalent. this year, after a luxurious lunch at one of the regimental messes, he issues an order, or rather an edict, expressing his wish that officers in their messes should content themselves with simpler food and wines, and in particular that when he himself is a guest, the meal should consist only of soup, fish, vegetables, a roast and cheese. ordinary red or white table-wine, a glass of "bowl" ("cup"), or german champagne should be handed round. liqueurs, or other forms of what the french know as "chasse-café," after dinner were best avoided. the edict of course caused amusement as well as a certain amount of discontent with what was felt to be a kind of objectionable paternal interference, and it is doubtful whether it has had much lasting effect. even now, the german officer laughingly tells one that when the emperor dines at an officers' mess either french champagne (which is infinitely superior to german) is poured into german champagne bottles, or else the french label is carefully shrouded in a napkin that swathes the bottle up to the neck. apropos of german champagne, a story is current that bismarck, one day dining at the palace, refused the german champagne being handed round. the emperor noticed the refusal and said pointedly to bismarck: "i always drink german champagne, because i think it right to encourage our national industries. every patriot should do so." "your majesty," replied the grim old chancellor, "my patriotism does not extend to my stomach." in the domain of æsthetics this year the emperor had some pleasant and some painful experiences. joachim, the great violinist, and a great favourite of his, died in august, and his death was followed next month, september, by that of the composer grieg, the "chopin of the north," as the emperor called him, whose friendship the emperor had acquired on one of his norwegian trips. quite at the end of the year his early tutor, dr. hinzpeter, for whom he always had a semi-filial regard, passed away. on the other hand, among the emperor's pleasant experiences may be reckoned the visit of mr. beerbohm tree and his english company to the german capital. their repertory of shakespearean drama greatly delighted the emperor, who expressed his pleasure to mr. tree and his fellow-players personally, and did not dismiss them without substantial tokens of his appreciation. earlier in the year the french actress, suzanne deprès, visited berlin and appealed strongly to the emperor's taste for the "classical" in music and drama. inviting the actress to the royal box, he said to her: "you have shown us such a natural, living phædra that we were all strongly moved. how fine a part it is! as a youngster i used to learn verses from 'phædra' by heart. i am told that in france devotion to classical tradition is growing weaker, and that molière and racine are more and more seldom played. what a pity! our people, on the contrary, remain faithful to their great poets and enjoy their works. after school comes college, and after college--the theatre. it should elevate and expand the soul. the people do not need any representation of reality--they are well acquainted with that in their daily lives. one must put something greater and nobler before them, something superior to 'la dame aux camélias.'" a month later, however, he made one of his extremely rare visits to an ordinary berlin theatre to see--"the hound of the baskervilles"! meanwhile in domestic politics chancellor von bülow's famous "bloc" continued to work satisfactorily, notwithstanding difficulties arising from the conflicting interests of industry and agriculture, free trade and protection and differences of creed and race. at the end of this year it was near falling asunder in connection with the question of judicial reform, but prince von bülow kept it together for a while by an impassioned appeal to the patriotism of both parties. in the course of the speech he told the house how, when he was standing at bismarck's death-bed, he noticed on the wall the portrait of a man, ludwig uhland, who had said "no head could rule over germany that was not well anointed with democratic oil," and drew the conclusion from the contrast between the dying man of action and the poet that only the union of old prussian conservative energy and discipline with german broad-hearted, liberal spirit could secure a happy future for the nation. the "bloc," as we shall see, broke up in and prince von bülow resigned. the chancellor afterwards attributed his fall entirely to the conservatives, but it is possible, even probable, that it was in at least some measure due to the events of the _annus mirabilis_, , which now opened. xiv the november storm the "november storm" was a collision between the emperor and his folk, a result of his so-called "personal regiment." in a general way the latter phrase is intended to describe and characterize the method of rule adopted by the emperor from the very beginning of his reign, especially as exhibited in his semi-official utterances, public and private, in his correspondence, private conversation, and public and private conduct generally. according to the popular interpretation of the imperial constitution--the nearest thing to a magna charta in germany--the emperor should observe, in his words and acts, a reserve which would prevent all chance of creating dissension among the federated states and in particular would secure the avoidance of anything which might disturb germany's relations to foreign countries or interfere with the course of germany's foreign policy as carried on through the regular official channel, the foreign office. the ground for this popular interpretation is a constitutional device which to an englishman, if it be not offensive to say so, can only recall the well-known definition of a metaphysician as "a blind man, in a dark room, looking for a black cat, _which is not there_." the device is known as the chancellor's "responsibility," which was regarded, and is still regarded in germany, as at once "covering" the emperor and offering to his folk a safeguard against unwisdom or caprice on his part. the nature of this responsibility which is evidenced by the chancellor signing the emperor's edicts and other official statements, is so frequently discussed by german politicians, the position of the chancellor--the grand vizier of germany he has been picturesquely called--is so influential, and the intercourse between the emperor and the chancellor is so close, exclusive, and confidential, that an examination of the meaning of the term "responsibility" in this connexion is desirable. whenever the emperor does anything important or surprising, especially in foreign policy, the first question asked by his subjects is, has he taken the step with the knowledge, and therefore with the joint responsibility, of the chancellor? if the answer is in the negative, it is the "personal regiment" again, and people are angry: if the latter, they may disapprove of the step and grumble at it, but it is covered by the chancellor's signature and they can raise no constitutional objection. hence the demand usually made on such occasions for an act of parliament once for all defining fully and clearly the chancellor's responsibilities. according to prince von bülow, and it is doubtless the emperor's own view, the responsibility mentioned in the constitution is a "moral responsibility," and only refers to such acts and orders of the emperor as immediately arise out of the governing rights vested in him, not to personal expressions of opinion, even though these may be made on formal occasions; and the prince goes on to say that if a chancellor cannot prevent what he honestly thinks would permanently and in an important respect be injurious to the empire, he is bound to resign. the chancellor, then, takes responsibility of some kind. but responsibility to whom? to the emperor? to the parliament? to the people? the answer is, solely to the emperor, for it is the emperor who appoints and dismisses him as well as every other minister, imperial or prussian, and the emperor is only responsible to his conscience. in parliamentarily ruled countries like england ministers are responsible to parliament, which expresses its disapproval by the vote of a hostile majority, or in certain circumstances by a vote of censure or even impeachment. in germany, where the parliamentary system of government does not exist, and where there is no upsetting ministries by a hostile majority, and no parliamentary vote of censure or impeachment, no minister, including the chancellor, is responsible, in the english sense of the word, to parliament; accordingly, a german chancellor may continue in office in spite of parliament, provided of course the emperor supports him. at the same time the chancellor to-day is to some indefinable extent responsible to parliament, and therefore to the people, in so far as they are represented by it, for he must keep on tolerable terms with parliament as well as with the emperor, or he will have to give up office. how he is to keep on terms with a parliament consisting of half a dozen powerful parties and as many more smaller fractions and factions is probably the part of his duties that gives him most trouble and at times, doubtless, very disagreeably interferes with the placidity of his slumbers. there is no struggle for government in germany between the crown and the people: germans have no ancient magna charta, no habeas corpus, no declaration of rights to look back to on the long road to liberty. in the protracted struggle for government between the english people and their rulers, the people's victory took the form of parliamentary control while retaining the monarch as their highest and most honoured representative. socially he is their master, politically their servant, the "first servant of the state." in germany there has never, save for a few months in , been any struggle of a similar political extent or kind. german monarchs including the emperor, have applied the expression "first servant of the state" to themselves, but they did not apply it in the english sense. they applied it more accurately. in germany the state means the system, the mechanism of government, inclusive of the monarch's office: in england the word "state" is more nearly equivalent to the word "people." to serve the system, the government machinery, is the first duty of the monarch, and government is not a changing reflection of the people's will, but a permanent apparatus for maintaining the power of the crown, harmonizing and reconciling the sentiments and interests of all parts of the empire, and for conducting foreign policy. it may be objected that legislation is made by the reichstag, that the reichstag has the power of the purse, and that it is elected by universal suffrage; but in germany the government is above and independent of the reichstag; legislation is not made by the reichstag alone, since it requires the agreement of the federal council and of the emperor, and--what is of great practical importance--government issues directions as to how legislation shall be carried into effect. the law of passed against the jesuits forbade the "activity" of the order, but the interpretation of the word "activity," and with it the effects of the law, were left to the government. kings of prussia and german emperors have never shown much affection for their parliaments: parliaments are apt to act as a check upon monarchy, and in prussia in particular to interfere with the carrying out of the divinely imposed mission. this is not said sarcastically; and the emperor, like some of his ancestors, has more than once expressed the same thought. parliaments in germany only date from after the french revolution. after that event there came into existence in germany the frankfurt parliament ( ), the erfurt parliament ( ), and the parliament of the german customs union ( ). these, however, were not popularly elected parliaments like those of the present day, but gatherings of class delegates from the various kingdoms and states composing the germany and austria of the time. since the middle ages there had always been quasi-popular assemblies in prussia, but they too were not elected, and only represented classes, not constituencies. the present parliaments in prussia and the empire are constitutional parliaments in the english sense, elected by universal suffrage, the one indirectly, the other directly. the present prussian diet dates from the "first unified diet," summoned by frederick william iv in , which was transformed next year under pressure of the revolutionists into a "national assembly." this was treated a year after by general wrangel almost exactly as cromwell treated the rump. the general entered berlin with the troops which a few weeks before had fought against the revolutionists of the "march days." he passed along the linden to the royal theatre, where the "national assembly" was in session, and was met at the door by the leader of the citizens' guard with the proud words, "the guard is resolved to protect the honour of the national assembly and the freedom of the people, and will only yield to force." wrangel took out his watch--one can imagine the old silver "turnip"--and with his thumb on the dial replied: "tell your city guard that the force is here. i will be responsible for the maintenance of order. the national assembly has fifteen minutes in which to leave the building and the city guard in which to withdraw." in a quarter of an hour the building was empty, and next day the city guard was dissolved. a month later the king, frederick william iv, granted his _octroyierte_ constitution--that is, a concession of his own royal personal will--which established the diet as it is to-day. emperor william i, as king of prussia, had a good deal of trouble with his parliament, and in wanted to abdicate rather than rule in obedience to a parliamentary majority--it was the "conflict time" about funds for army reorganization. bismarck dissuaded him from doing so by promising to become minister and carry on the government, if need were, without a parliament and without a budget. he actually did so for some years, but there was no change in the constitution as a result. nor has there been any constitutional change in the relations of crown to parliament during the present reign. as a young man, the emperor had of course nothing to do with parliament, prussian or imperial, and since his accession, though there is always latent antagonism and has been even friction at times, he has, generally speaking, lived on "correct," if not friendly terms with it. there is little, if any, of the devoted affection one finds for the monarch in the english parliament. and not unnaturally. early in his reign, in , he made a reference to parliament little calculated to evoke affection. "the soldier and the army," he said to his generals at a banquet in the palace, "not parliamentary majorities and decisions, have welded together the german empire. my confidence is in the army--as my grandfather said at coblenz: 'these are the gentlemen on whom i can rely.'" again, a year or two afterwards he dissolved the reichstag for refusing to accept a military bill and did not conceal his anger with the recalcitrant majority. in he telegraphed to bismarck his indignation with the reichstag for refusing to vote its congratulations on the old statesman's eightieth birthday. in , speaking of the kingship "von gottes gnaden" he took occasion to quote his grandfather's declaration that "it was a kingship with onerous duties from which no man, no minister, no parliament, no people" could release the prince. in his chancellor, prince bülow, had to defend in parliament his action in the case of the swinemunde despatch already mentioned. attention was called to the telegram in the reichstag and the chancellor defended the emperor. he denied that the telegram was an act of state--it was a personal matter between two sovereigns, the statement of a friend to a friend. "the idea," said the chancellor, who contended that the emperor had a right to express his opinions like any citizen, "that the monarch's expression of opinion is to be limited by a stipulation that every such expression must be endorsed with the signature of the chancellor is wholly foreign to the constitution." next day the chancellor had again occasion to defend his imperial master against a charge of being "anti-social," brought by the socialist von vollmar, who coupled the charge with insinuations of absolutism and cæsarism. prince bülow said: "absolutism is not a german word, and is not a german institution. it is an asiatic plant, and one cannot talk of absolutism in germany so long as our circumstances develop in an organic and legal manner, respecting the rights of the crown, which are just as sacred as the rights of the burgher; respecting also law and order, which are not disregarded 'from above,' and will not be disregarded. if ever our circumstances take on an absolute, a cæsarian, form, it will be as the consequence of revolution, of convulsion. for on revolution follows cæsarism as w follows u--that is the rule in the a b c of the world's history." there is no harm in reminding prince bülow that the letter v--which may be a very important link in the chain of events--comes between u and w. it is clear also that the chancellor must have forgotten his english history for the moment, for though cromwell's rule may be called cæsarism of a kind, the reign of william iii, of "glorious, pious, and immortal memory," which followed the revolution of , could not fairly be so named. three years later, in , prince bülow found it necessary to defend the emperor on the score of the "personal regiment." "the view," prince bülow said, "that the monarch should have no individual thoughts of his own about state and government, but should only think with the heads of his ministers and only say what they tell him to say, is fundamentally wrong--is inconsistent with state rights and with the wish of the german people"; and he concluded by challenging the house to mention a single case in which the emperor had acted unconstitutionally. none of these bickerings between crown and parliament went to the root of the constitutional relations between them, but they betrayed the existence of popular dissatisfaction with the emperor, which in a couple of years was to culminate in an outbreak of national anger. an occurrence calls for mention here, not only as a kind of harbinger of the "storm," but as one of the chief incidents which in the course of recent years have troubled anglo-german relations. the incident referred to is that of the so-called "tweedmouth letter," which was an autograph letter from the emperor to lord tweedmouth, first lord of the british admiralty at the time, dated february , , and containing among other matters a lengthy disquisition on naval construction, with reference to the excited state of feeling in england caused by germany's warship-building policy. the letter has never been published, but it is supposed to have been prompted by a statement made publicly by lord esher, warden of windsor castle, in the london _observer_, to the effect that nothing would more please the german emperor than the retirement of sir john fisher, the originator of the dreadnought policy, who was at the time first lord of the admiralty; and to have contained the remark that "lord esher had better attend to the drains at windsor and leave alone matters which he did not understand." the emperor was apparently unaware that lord esher was one of the foremost military authorities in england. the sending of the letter became known through the appearance of a communication in the london _times_ of march th, with the caption "under which king?"--an allusion to shakespeare's "under which king, bezonian, speak or die"--and signed "your military correspondent." the writer announced that it had come to his knowledge that the german emperor had recently addressed a letter to lord tweedmouth on the subject of british and german naval policy, and that it was supposed that the letter amounted to an attempt to influence, in german interests, the minister's responsibility for the british naval estimates. the correspondent concluded by demanding that the letter should be laid before parliament without delay. the _times_, in a leading article, prognosticated the "painful surprise and just indignation" which must be felt by the people of great britain on learning of such "secret appeals to the head of a department on which the nation's safety depends," and argued that there could be no question of privacy in a matter of the kind. the article concluded with the assertion that the letter was obviously an attempt to "make it more easy for german preparations to overtake our own." the incident was immediately discussed in all countries, publicly and privately. everywhere opinion was divided as to the defensibility of the emperor's action; in france the division was reported by the _times_ correspondent to be "bewildering." all the evidence available to prove the emperor's impulsiveness was recalled--the kruger telegram, the telegram to count goluchowski, the austrian minister of foreign affairs, after the morocco conference, characterizing him as a "brilliant second (to germany) in the bout at algeciras," the premature telegram conferring the order of merit on general stoessel after the fall of port arthur, and other evidence, relevant and irrelevant. reuter's agent in berlin telegraphed on official authority that the emperor "had written as a naval expert." on the whole, continental opinion may be said to have leaned in favour of the emperor. mr. asquith, the english prime minister, at once made the statement that the letter was a "purely private communication, couched in an entirely friendly spirit," that it had not been laid before the cabinet, and that the latter had come to a decision about the estimates before the letter arrived. all eyes and ears were now turned to lord tweedmouth, and on march th he briefly referred to the matter in the house of lords. he received the letter, he said, in the ordinary postal way; it was "very friendly in tone and quite informal"; he showed it to sir edward grey, who agreed with him that it should be treated as a private letter, not as an official one; and he replied to it on february th, "also in an informal and friendly manner." a discussion, in which lord lansdowne and lord rosebery took part, followed, the former--to give the tone, not the words of his speech--handing in a verdict of "not guilty, but don't do it again," against the emperor, and laying down the principle that "such a communication as that in question must not be allowed to create a diplomatic situation different from that which has been established through official channels and documents"; and lord rosebery, while he recognized the importance of the incident, seeking to minimize its effects by an attitude of banter. the treatment of the incident by the house of commons as a whole gave considerable satisfaction in germany, where all efforts were directed to showing malevolent hostility to germany on the part of the _times_. prince von bülow dealt with the letter in a speech on the second reading of the budget on march , . after referring to the union internationale interparlementaire, which was to meet in a few months in berlin, and to the "very unsatisfactory situation in morocco," he said:-- "from various remarks which have been dropped in the course of the debate i gather that this honourable house desires me to make a statement as to the letter which his majesty the kaiser last month wrote to lord tweedmouth. on grounds of discretion, to the observance of which both the sender and receiver of a private letter are equally entitled, i am not in a position to lay the text of the letter before you, and i add that i regret exceedingly that i cannot do so. the letter could be signed by any one of us, by any sincere friend of good relations between germany and england (hear, hear). the letter, gentlemen, was in form and substance a private one, and at the same time its contents were of a political nature. the one fact does not exclude the other; and the letter of a sovereign, an imperial letter, does not, from the fact that it deals with political questions, become an act of state ('very true,' on the right). "this is not--and deputy count kanitz yesterday gave appropriate instances in support--the first political letter a sovereign has written, and our kaiser is not the first sovereign who has addressed to foreign statesmen letters of a political character which are not subject to control. the matter here concerns a right of action which all sovereigns claim and which, in the case of our kaiser also, no one has a right to limit. how his majesty proposes to make use of this right we can confidently leave to the imperial sense of duty. it is a gross, in no way justifiable misrepresentation, to assert that his majesty's letter to lord tweedmouth amounts to an attempt to influence the minister responsible for the naval budget in the interests of germany, or that it denotes a secret interference in the internal affairs of the british empire. our kaiser is the last person to believe that the patriotism of an english minister would suffer him to accept advice from a foreign country as to the drawing up of the english naval budget ('quite right,' hear, hear). what is true of english statesmen is true also of the leading statesmen of every country which lays claim to respect for its independence ('very true'). in questions of defence of one's own country every people rejects foreign interference and is guided only by considerations bearing on its own security and its own needs ('quite right'). of this right to self-judgment and self-defence germany also makes use when she builds a fleet to secure the necessary protection for her coasts and her commerce ('bravo!'). this defensive, this purely defensive character of our naval programme cannot, in view of the incessant attempts to attribute to us aggressive views with regard to england, be too often or too sharply brought forward ('bravo!'). we desire to live in peace and quietness with england, and therefore it is embittering to find a portion of the english press ever speaking of the 'german danger,' although the english fleet is many times stronger than our own, although other lands have stronger fleets than us and are working no less zealously at their development. nevertheless it is germany, ever germany, and only germany, against which public opinion on the other side of the channel is excited by an utterly valueless polemic ('quite right'). "it would be, gentlemen," the chancellor continued, "in the interests of appeasement between both countries, it would be in the interest of the general peace of the world, that this polemic should cease. as little as we challenge england's right to set up the naval standard her responsible statesmen consider necessary for the maintenance of british power in the world without our seeing therein a threat against ourselves, so little can she take it ill of us if we do not wish our naval construction to be wrongly represented as a challenge against england (hear, hear, on the right and left). gentlemen, these are the thoughts, as i judge from your assent, which we all entertain, which find expression in the statements of all speakers, and which are in harmony with all our views. accept my additional statement that in the letter of his majesty to lord tweedmouth one gentleman, one seaman, talks frankly to another, that our kaiser highly appreciates the honour of being an admiral of the british navy, and that he is a great admirer of the political education of the british people and of their fleet, and you will have a just view of the tendency, tone, and contents of the imperial letter to lord tweedmouth. his majesty consequently finds himself in this letter not only in full agreement with the chancellor--i may mention this specially for the benefit of herr bebel--but, as i am convinced, in agreement with the entire nation. it would be deeply regrettable if the honourable opinions by which our kaiser was moved in writing this letter should be misconstrued in england. with satisfaction i note that the attempts at such misconstruction have been almost unanimously rejected in england ('bravo!' on the right and left). above all, gentlemen, i believe that the admirable way in which the english parliament has exemplarily treated the question will have the best effect in preventing a disturbance of the friendly relations between germany and england and in removing all hostile intention from the discussions over the matter (agreement, right and left). "gentlemen, one more observation of a general nature. deputies von hertling and bassermann have recommended us, in view of the suspicions spread about us abroad, a calm and watchful attitude of reserve, and for the treatment of the country's foreign affairs consistency, union, and firmness. i believe that the foreign policy we must follow cannot be characterized better or more rightly (applause)." a german saying has it that one is wiser coming from, than going to, the rathaus, the place of counsel. it is easy to see now that it would have been better had the emperor not written the letter, better had the _times_ not brought it to public notice, better, also, had the emperor or lord tweedmouth or sir edward grey--for one of them must have spoken of it to a third person--not let its existence become known to anyone save themselves, at least not until the international situation which prompted it had ceased. as regards the emperor in particular, judgment must be based on the answer to the question, was the letter a private letter or a public document? the _times_ regarded it as the latter, and many politicians took that view, but probably nine people out of ten now regard it as the former. for such, the reflection that it was part of a private correspondence between two friendly statesmen, both well known to be sincere in their views that a country's navy--that all military preparations--are based on motives of national defence, not of high-handed aggression, must absolve the emperor from any suspicion of political immorality. it was unfortunate that the letter was written, unfortunate that it was made known publicly, but, as it is an ill wind that blows nobody good, the episode may profit monarchs as well as meaner folk as an object lesson in the advantages of discretion. discussion of the tweedmouth letter had hardly ceased when the whole question of the "personal regiment" was again, and as it now, five years after, appears, finally thrashed out between the emperor and his folk. before, however, considering the _daily telegraph_ interview and the emperor's part in it, something should be said as to the state of international ill-feeling which caused him to sanction its publication. the ill-feeling was no sudden wave of hostility or pique, but a sentiment which had for years existed in the minds of both nations--a sentiment of mutual suspicion. the englishman thought germany was prepared to dispute with him the maritime supremacy of great britain, the german that england intended to attack germany before germany could carry her great design into execution. the proximate cause of the irritation--for it has not yet got beyond that--was the decision, as announced in her navy law of , to build a fleet of battleships which germany, but especially the emperor, considered necessary to complete the defences, and appropriate for affirming the dignity, of the empire. this was the _origo_, but not the _fons_. the source was the boer war and the kruger telegram, though the philosophic historian might with some reason refer it in a large measure also to the surprise and uneasiness with which the leading colonial and commercial, as well as maritime, nation of the world saw the material progress, the waxing military power, and the longing for expansion of the not yet forty-year-old german empire. forty years ago the word "germany" had no territorial, but only a descriptive and poetical, significance; certainly it had no political significance; for the north german union, out of which the modern german empire grew, meant for englishmen, and indeed for politicians everywhere, only prussia. prussia was less liked by the world then than she is now, when she is not liked too well; and accordingly there was already in existence the disposition in england to criticize sharply the conduct of prussia and to apply the same criticism to the empire prussia founded. in this condition of international feeling england's long quarrel with the transvaal republic came nearer to the breaking-point; at the same time there was an idea prevalent in england that germany was coquetting with the boers--if not looking to a seizure of transvaal territory, at least hoping for boer favour and boer commercial privileges. the jameson raid was made and failed; the emperor and his advisers sent the fateful telegram to president kruger; and the peace of the world has been in jeopardy ever since! the "storm" arose from the publication, in the london _daily telegraph_ of october , , of an interview coming, as the editor said in introducing it, "from a source of such unimpeachable authority that we can without hesitation commend the obvious message which it conveys to the attention of the public." as to the origin and composition of the interview a good deal of mystery still exists. all that has become known is that some one, whose identity has hitherto successfully been concealed, with the object of demonstrating the sentiments of warm friendship with which the emperor regarded england, put together, in england or in germany, a number of statements made by the emperor and sanctioned by him for publication. whether the emperor read the interview previous to publication or not, no official statement has been made; it is, however, quite certain that he did. at all events it was sent, or sent back, to england and published in due course. the immediate effect was a hubbub of discussion, accompanied with general astonishment in england, a storm of popular resentment and humiliation in germany, and voluminous comment in other countries, some of it favourable, some of it unfavourable, to the emperor. the text of the interview in the _daily telegraph_ was introduced, as mentioned, with the words:-- we have received the following communication from a source of such unimpeachable authority that we can without hesitation commend the obvious message which it conveys to the attention of the public. and continued as follows:-- discretion is the first and last quality requisite in a diplomatist, and should still be observed by those who, like myself, have long passed from public into private life. yet moments sometimes occur in the history of nations when a calculated indiscretion proves of the highest public service, and it is for that reason that i have decided to make known the substance of a lengthy conversation which it was my recent privilege to have with his majesty the german emperor. i do so in the hope that it may help to remove that obstinate misconception of the character of the kaiser's feelings towards england which, i fear, is deeply rooted in the ordinary englishman's breast. it is the emperor's sincere wish that it should be eradicated. he has given repeated proofs of his desire by word and deed. but, to speak frankly, his patience is sorely tried now that he finds himself so continually misrepresented, and has so often experienced the mortification of finding that any momentary improvement of relations is followed by renewed out-bursts of prejudice, and a prompt return to the old attitude of suspicion. as i have said, his majesty honoured me with a long conversation, and spoke with impulsive and unusual frankness. "you english," he said, "are mad, mad, mad as march hares. what has come over you that you are so completely given over to suspicions quite unworthy of a great nation? what more can i do than i have done? i declared with all the emphasis at my command, in my speech at guildhall, that my heart is set upon peace, and that it is one of my dearest wishes to live on the best of terms with england. have i ever been false to my word? falsehood and prevarication are alien to my nature. my actions ought to speak for themselves, but you listen not to them but to those who misinterpret and distort them. that is a personal insult which i feel and resent. to be for ever misjudged, to have my repeated offers of friendship weighed and scrutinized with jealous, mistrustful eyes, taxes my patience severely. i have said time after time that i am a friend of england, and your press--or, at least, a considerable section of it--bids the people of england refuse my proffered hand, and insinuates that the other holds a dagger. how can i convince a nation against its will?" "i repeat," continued his majesty, "that i am the friend of england, but you make things difficult for me. my task is not of the easiest. the prevailing sentiment among large sections _of_ the middle and lower classes of my own people is not friendly to england. i am, therefore, so to speak, in a minority in my own land, but it is a minority of the best elements, just as it is in england with respect to germany. that is another reason why i resent your refusal to accept my pledged word that i am the friend of england. i strive without ceasing to improve relations, and you retort that i am your arch-enemy. you make it very hard for me. why is it?" thereupon i ventured to remind his majesty that not england alone, but the whole of europe had viewed with disapproval the recent action of germany in allowing the german consul to return from tangier to fez, and in anticipating the joint action of france and spain by suggesting to the powers that the time had come for europe to recognize muley hand as the new sultan of morocco. his majesty made a gesture of impatience. "yes," he said, "that is an excellent example of the way in which german action is misrepresented. first, then, as regards the journey of dr. vassel. the german government, in sending dr. vassel back to his post at fez, was only guided by the wish that he should look after the private interests of german subjects in that city, who cried for help and protection after the long absence of a consular representative. and why not send him? are those who charge germany with having stolen a march on the other powers aware that the french consular representative had already been in fez for several months when dr. vassel set out? then, as to the recognition of muley i hand. the press of europe has complained with much acerbity that germany ought not to have suggested his recognition until he had notified to europe his full acceptance of the act of algeciras, as being binding upon him as sultan of morocco and successor of his brother. my answer is that muley hafid notified the powers to that effect weeks ago, before the decisive battle was fought. he sent, as far back as the middle of last july, an identical communication to the governments of germany, france, and great britain, containing an explicit acknowledgment that he was prepared to recognize all the obligations towards europe which were incurred by abdul aziz during his sultanate. the german government interpreted that communication as a final and authoritative expression of muley hand's intentions, and therefore they considered that there was no reason to wait until he had sent a second communication, before recognizing him as the _de facto_ sultan of morocco, who had succeeded to his brother's throne by right of victory in the field." i suggested to his majesty that an important and influential section of the german press had placed a very different interpretation upon the action of the german government, and, in fact, had given it their effusive approbation precisely because they saw in it a strong act instead of mere words, and a decisive indication that germany was once more about to intervene in the shaping of events in morocco. "there are mischief-makers," replied the emperor, "in both countries. i will not attempt to weigh their relative capacity for misrepresentation. but the facts are as i have stated. there has been nothing in germany's recent action with regard to morocco which runs contrary to the explicit declaration of my love of peace which i made both at guildhall and in my latest speech at strassburg." his majesty then reverted to the subject uppermost in his mind--his proved friendship for england. "i have referred," he said, "to the speeches in which i have done all that a sovereign can to proclaim my goodwill. but, as actions speak louder than words, let me also refer to my acts. it is commonly believed in england that throughout the south african war germany was hostile to her. german opinion undoubtedly was hostile--bitterly hostile. the press was hostile; private opinion was hostile. but what of official germany? let my critics ask themselves what brought _to_ a sudden stop, and, indeed, to absolute collapse, the european tour of the boer delegates who were striving to obtain european intervention? they were feted in holland; france gave them a rapturous welcome. they wished to come to berlin, where the german people would have crowned them with flowers. but when they asked me to receive them--i refused. the agitation immediately died away, and the delegation returned empty-handed. was that, i ask, the action of a secret enemy? "again, when the struggle was at its height, the german government was invited by the governments of france and russia to join with them in calling upon england to put an end to the war. the moment had come, they said, not only to save the boer republics, but also to humiliate england to the dust. what was my reply? i said that so far from germany joining in any concerted european action to put pressure upon england and bring about her downfall, germany would always keep aloof from politics that could bring her into complications with a sea power like england. posterity will one day read the exact terms of the telegram--now in the archives of windsor castle--in which i informed the sovereign of england of the answer i had returned to the powers which then sought to compass her fall. englishmen who now insult me by doubting my word should know what were my actions in the hour of their adversity. "nor was that all. just at the time of your black week, in the december of , when disasters followed one another in rapid succession, i received a letter from queen victoria, my revered grandmother, written in sorrow and affliction, and bearing manifest traces of the anxieties which were preying upon her mind and health. i at once returned a sympathetic reply. nay, i did more. i bade one of my officers procure for me as exact an account as he could obtain of the number of combatants in south africa on both sides, and of the actual position of the opposing forces. with the figures before me, i worked out what i considered to be the best plan of campaign under the circumstances, and submitted it to my general staff for their criticism. then i dispatched it to england, and that document, likewise, is among the state papers at windsor castle, awaiting the serenely impartial verdict of history. and, as a matter of curious coincidence, let me add that the plan which i formulated ran very much on the same lines as that which was actually adopted by lord roberts, and carried by him into successful operation. was that, i repeat, the act of one who wished england ill? let englishmen be just and say! "but, you will say, what of the german navy? surely that is a menace to england! against whom but england are my squadrons being prepared? if england is not in the minds of those germans who are bent on creating a powerful fleet, why is germany asked to consent to such new and heavy burdens of taxation? my answer is clear. germany is a young and growing empire. she has a world-wide commerce, which is rapidly expanding, and to which the legitimate ambition of patriotic germans refuses to assign any bounds. germany must have a powerful fleet to protect that commerce, and her manifold interests in even the most distant seas. she expects those interests to go on growing, and she must be able to champion them manfully in any quarter of the globe. germany looks ahead. her horizons stretch far away. she must be prepared for any eventualities in the far east. who can foresee what may take place in the pacific in the days to come--days not so distant as some believe, but days, at any rate, for which all european powers with far eastern interests ought steadily to prepare? look at the accomplished rise of japan; think of the possible national awakening of china; and then judge of the vast problems of the pacific. only those powers which have great navies will be listened to with respect when the future of the pacific comes to be solved; and if for that reason only germany must have a powerful fleet. it may even be that england herself will be glad that germany has a fleet when they speak together on the same side in the great debates of the future." such was the purport of the emperor's conversation. he spoke with all that earnestness which marks his manner when speaking on deeply pondered subjects. i would ask my fellow-countrymen who value the cause of peace to weigh what i have written, and to revise, if necessary, their estimate of the kaiser and his friendship for england by his majesty's own words. if they had enjoyed the privilege, which was mine, of hearing them spoken, they would doubt no longer either his majesty's firm desire to live on the best of terms with england or his growing impatience at the persistent mistrust with which his offer of friendship is too often received. there are more indiscretions than one in the interview, but the most important and most dangerous was the emperor's statement that at the time of the boer war the governments of france and russia invited the german government to join with them "not only to save the boer republics, but also to humiliate england to the dust." such a revelation coming from the emperor ought, one would suppose, to have caused serious trouble between great britain and her entente friends. that it did not is at once testimony to the cynicism of governments and the reality and strength of the entente engagement. in private life, if a fourth person confidentially told one of the three partners in a firm that the other two partners had invited him to join them in humiliating him to the dust, there would have been a pretty brisk, not to say acrimonious correspondence between the proposed victim and his partners. governments, it appears, look on things differently, and so far as the public knows, england simply took no notice of the emperor's communication. possibly, however, the emperor had put the matter too strongly and an explanation of some kind was forthcoming. if so, it must be looked for among the secret archives of the foreign office. it was at once suggested that the emperor made the revelation expressly to weaken, if not destroy, the entente. one can conceive bismarck doing such a thing; but it is more in keeping with the emperor's character, and with the indiscreet character of the entire interview, to suppose it to be a proof of deplorable candour and sincerity. the excitement in germany caused by the publication of the interview soon took the shape of a determination on the part of the chancellor and the federal council, for once fully identifying themselves with the feelings of parliament, press, and people, that "something must be done," and it was decided that the chancellor should go to potsdam, see the emperor, and try to obtain from him a promise to be more cautious in his utterances on political topics for the future. the chancellor went accordingly, being seen off from the railway terminus in berlin by a large crowd of people, among whom were many journalists. to dr. paul goldmann, who wished him god-speed, he could only reply that he hoped all would be for the best. he looked pale and grave, as well he might, since he was about to stake his own position as well as convey a mandate of national reproach. what passed at potsdam between the emperor and his chancellor has not transpired. naturally there are various accounts of it, one of them representing the emperor as flying into a passion and for long refusing to give the required guarantees; but as yet none of them has been authenticated. it should not be difficult to imagine the mental attitudes of the two men on the occasion, and especially not difficult to imagine the sensations of the emperor, a prussian king, on being impeached by a people--his people--for whom, his feeling would be, he had done so much, and in whose best interests he felt convinced he had acted; but whatever occurred, it ended in the emperor bowing before the storm and giving the assurances required. the chancellor's countenance and expressions on his return to berlin showed that his mission had been successful, and there was great satisfaction in the capital and country. the text of these assurances, which was published in the _official gazette_ the same evening, was as follows: "his majesty, while unaffected by public criticism which he regards as exaggerated, considers his most honourable imperial task to consist in securing the stability of the policy of the empire while adhering to the principle of constitutional responsibility. the kaiser accordingly endorses the statements of the imperial chancellor in parliament, and assures prince von bülow of his continued confidence." after returning to berlin, prince bülow gave in the reichstag his impatiently awaited account of the result of his mission, and made what defence he could of his imperial master's action in allowing the famous interview to be published. before giving the speech, which was delivered on november , , it will be as well to quote the five interpellations introduced in parliament on the subject, as showing the unanimity of feeling that existed in all parts of the house:-- . by deputy bassermann (leader of the national liberals): "is the chancellor prepared to take constitutional responsibility for the publication of a series of utterances of his majesty the kaiser in the _daily telegraph_ and the facts communicated therein?" . by deputy dr. ablass (progressive party): "through the publication of utterances of the german kaiser in the _daily telegraph_, and through the communication of the real facts in the _norddeutsche allgemeine zeitung_ caused by the chancellor, matters have become known which demonstrate serious short-comings in the treatment of foreign affairs, and are calculated to influence unfavourably the relations of the german empire to other powers. what does the chancellor propose to do to devise a remedy and to give full effect to the responsibility attributed to him by the constitution of the german empire?" . by deputy albrecht (socialist): "what is the chancellor prepared to do to prevent such occurrences as have become known through the _daily telegraph's_ communications regarding acts and utterances of the german kaiser?" . by deputy von norman (conservative party): "is the chancellor prepared to submit further information regarding the circumstances which led to the publication of utterances of his majesty the kaiser in the english press?" . by prince von hatzfeldt and freiherr von gamp (imperial party--conservative): "is the chancellor willing to take precautions that such occurrences as that brought to light by the publication in the _daily telegraph_ shall not recur?" in reply to the interpellations prince von bülow said:-- "gentlemen, i shall not apply myself to every point which has just been raised by previous speakers. i have to consider the effect of my words abroad, and will not add to the great harm already caused by the publication in the _daily telegraph_ (hear, hear, on the left and socialists). "in reply to the interpellations submitted, i have to declare as follows:-- "his majesty the kaiser has at different times, and to different private english personalities, made private utterances which, linked together, have been published in the _daily telegraph_. i must suppose that not all details of the utterances have been correctly reproduced (hear, hear, on the right). one i know is not correct: that is the story about the plan of campaign (hear, hear, on the right). the plan in question was not a field campaign worked out in detail, but a purely academic (laughter among the socialists)--gentlemen, we are engaged in a serious discussion. the matters on which i speak are of an earnest kind and of great political importance--be good enough to listen to me quietly: i will be as brief as possible. i repeat therefore: the matter is not concerned with a field campaign worked out in detail, but with certain purely academic thoughts--i believe they were expressly described as 'aphorisms'--about the conduct of war in general, which the kaiser communicated in his interchange of correspondence with the late queen victoria. they are theoretical observations of no practical moment for the course of operations and the issue of the war. the chief of the general staff, general von moltke, and his predecessor, general count schlieffen, have declared that the general staff reported to the kaiser on the boer war as on every war, great or small, which has occurred on the earth during the last ten years. both, however, have given assurances that our general staff never examined a field plan of campaign, or anything similar, prepared by the kaiser in view of the boer war, or forwarded such to england (hear, hear, on the right and centre). but i must also defend our policy against the reproach of being ambiguous _vis-à-vis_ the boers. we had--the documents show it--given timely warning to the transvaal government. we called its attention to the fact that in case of a war with england it would stand alone. we put it to her directly, and through the friendly dutch government in may, , peacefully to come to an understanding with england, since there could be no doubt as to the result of a war. "in the question of intervention the colours in the article of the _daily telegraph_ are too thickly laid on. the thing itself had long been known (hear, hear). it was some time previously the subject of controversy between the _national review_ and the _deutsche revue_. there can be no talk of a 'revelation.' it was said that the imperial communication to the queen of england, that germany had not paid any attention to a suggestion for mediation or intervention, is a breach of the rules of diplomatic intercourse. gentlemen, i will not recall indiscretions to memory, for they are frequent in the diplomatic history of all nations and at all times ('quite right,' on the right). the safest policy is perhaps that which need fear no indiscretion ('quite right,' on the left). to pass judgment in particular cases as to whether or not a breach of confidence has occurred, one must know more of the closely connected circumstances than appears in the article of the _daily telegraph_. the communication might be justified if it were attempted in one quarter or another to misrepresent our refusal or to throw suspicion on our attitude; circumstances may have previously happened which make allusion to the subject in a confidential correspondence at least intelligible. gentlemen, i said before that many of the expressions used in the _daily telegraph_ article are too strong. that is true, in the first place, of the passage where the kaiser is represented as having said that the majority of the german people are inimically disposed towards england. between germany and england misunderstandings have occurred, serious, regrettable misunderstandings. but i am conscious of being at one with this entire honourable house in the view that the german people desire peaceful and friendly relations with england on the basis of mutual esteem (loud and general applause)--and i take note that the speakers of all parties have spoken to-day in the same sense ('quite right'). the colours are also too thickly laid on in the place where reference is made to our interests in the pacific ocean. it has been construed in a sense hostile to japan. wrongly: we have never in the far east thought of anything but this--to acquire and maintain for germany a share of the commerce of eastern asia in view of the great economic future of this region. we are not thinking of maritime adventure there: aggressive tendencies have as little to say to our naval construction in the pacific as in europe. moreover, his majesty the kaiser entirely agrees with the responsible director of foreign policy in the complete recognition of the high political importance which the japanese people have achieved by their political strength and military ability. german policy does not regard it as its task to detract from the enjoyment and development of what japan has acquired. "gentlemen, i am, generally speaking, under the impression that if the material facts--completely, in their proper shape--were individually known, the sensation would be no great one; in this instance, too, the whole is more than all the parts taken together. but above all, gentlemen, one must not, while considering the material things, quite forget the psychology, the tendency. for two decades our kaiser has striven, often under very difficult circumstances, to bring about friendly relations between germany and england. this honest endeavour has had to contend with obstacles which would have discouraged many. the passionate partisanship of our people for the boers was humanly intelligible; feeling for the weaker certainly appeals to the sympathy. but this partisanship has led to unjustified, and often unmeasured, attacks on england, and similarly unjust and hateful attacks have been made against germany from the side of the english. our aims were misconstrued, and hostile plans against england were foisted on us which we had never thought of. the kaiser, rightly convinced that this state of things was a calamity for both countries and a danger for the civilized world, kept undeviatingly on the course he had adopted. the kaiser is particularly wronged by any doubt as to the purity of his intentions, his ideal way of thinking, and his deep love of country. "gentlemen, let us avoid anything that looks like exaggerated seeking for foreign favour, anything that looks like uncertainty or obsequiousness. but i understand that the kaiser, precisely because he was anxious to work zealously and honestly for good relationship with england, felt embittered at being ever the object of attacks casting suspicion on his best motives. has one not gone so far as to attribute to his interest in the german fleet secret views against vital english interests--views which are far from him. and so in private conversation with english friends he sought to bring the proof, by pointing to his conduct, that in england he was misunderstood and wrongly judged. "gentlemen, the perception that the publication of these conversations in england has not had the effect the kaiser wished, and in our own country has caused profound agitation and painful regret, will--this firm conviction i have acquired during these anxious days--lead the kaiser for the future, in private conversation also, to maintain the reserve that is equally indispensable in the interest of a uniform policy and for the authority of the crown ('bravo!' on the right). "if it were not so, i could not, nor could my successor, bear the responsibility ('bravo!' on the right and national liberals). "for the fault which occurred in dealing with the manuscript i accept, as i have caused to be said in the _norddeutsche allgemeine zeitung_, entire responsibility. it also goes against my personal feelings that officials who have done their duty all their lives should be stamped as transgressors because, in a single case, they relied too much on the fact that i usually read and finally decide everything myself. "with herr von heydebrand i regret that in the mechanism of the foreign office, which for eleven years has worked smoothly under me, a defect should on one occasion occur. i will answer for it that such a thing does not happen again, and that with this object, without respect to persons, though also without injustice, what is needful will be done ('bravo!'). "when the article in the _daily telegraph_ appeared, its fateful effect could not for a moment be doubtful to me, and i handed in my resignation. this decision was unavoidable, and was not difficult to come to. the most serious and most difficult decision which i ever took in my political life was, in obedience to the kaiser's wish, to remain in office. i brought myself to this decision only because i saw in it a command of my political duty, precisely in the time of trouble, to continue to serve his majesty the kaiser and the country (repeated 'bravo!'). how long that will be possible for me, i cannot say. "let me say one thing more: at a moment when the fact that in the world much is once again changing requires serious attention to be given to the entire situation, wherever it is matter of concern to maintain our position abroad, and without pushing ourselves forward with quiet constancy to make good our interests--at such a moment we ought not to show ourselves small-spirited in foreign eyes, nor make out of a misfortune a catastrophe. i will refrain from all criticism of the exaggerations we have lived through during these last days. the harm is--as calm reflection will show--not so great that it cannot with circumspection be made good. certainly no one should forget the warning which the events of these days has given us ('bravo!')--but there is no reason to lose our heads and awake in our opponents the hope that the empire, inwardly or outwardly, is maimed. "it is for the chosen representatives of the nation to exhibit the prudence which the time demands. i do not say it for myself, i say it for the country: the support required for this is no favour, it is a duty which this honourable house will not evade (loud applause on the right, hisses from the socialists)." prince bülow's speech requires but little comment--its importance for germany is the fact that it brought to a head the country's feeling, that if the emperor's unlimited and unrestrained idea of his heaven-sent mission as sole arbiter of the nation's destinies was not checked, disaster must ensue. the speech itself is rather an apology and an explanation than a defence, and in this spirit it was accepted in germany. it is fair to say that the emperor has faithfully kept the engagement made through prince bülow with his people so far, and unless human nature is incurable there seems no reason why he should not keep it to the end of the reign. more than four years have passed since the incidents narrated occurred. the storm has blown over, the sea of popular indignation has gone down, and at present no cloud is visible on the horizon. besides the tweedmouth letter and the "november storm" there were one or two other notable events in the parliamentary proceedings of the year. the reichstag dealt with prussian electoral reform and the attitude of germany towards the question of disarmament. as to the first, the government refused to regard it as an imperial concern, though the popular claim was and is that the suffrage should be the same in prussia as in the empire, viz., universal, direct, and secret. this claim the emperor will not listen to, on the ground that it would injure the influence of the middle classes by the admission of undesirable elements (meaning the socialists); that the electoral system for the empire, with the latter's national tasks, should be on a broader basis than in the case of the individual states, where the electors are chiefly concerned with administration, the school, and the church; and that it would bring the imperial and prussian parliaments into conflict to the injury of german unity. the emperor has made only one reference to electoral reform in prussia, a promise, namely, he gave the diet in october of this year, that the regulations concerning the voting should experience "an organic further development, which should correspond to the economic progress, the spread of education and political understanding, and the strengthening of the feeling of state responsibility." no reform, however, has yet been effected by legislation. as to disarmament, germany's position is simply negative, though it may be noticed by anticipation that she has recently ( ) expressed her disposition to accept the proportion of ten german to sixteen english first-class battleships suggested by sir edward grey in as offering the basis of a possibly permanent arrangement. at the time now dealt with, however, chancellor von bülow asserted that no proposal that could serve as a basis had ever been submitted to his government, and added that even if such a proposal were made it was doubtful if it could be accepted. it was not merely the number of ships, he said, that was involved; there were a host of technical questions--standards, criteria of all sorts, which could not be expressed in figures, economic progress abroad and the possible effect of new scientific inventions--to be considered. lastly there were the navy laws, which the government was pledged to carry out. as for military disarmament, the emperor and his advisers regard it as impossible, considering the unfavourable strategic situation of germany in the midst of europe, with exposed frontiers on every side. this year the emperor and his family took up their quarters for the first time in their new corfu spring residence "achilleion." they were met by the royal family of greece, who showed them over the castle, and in the evening were welcomed by the mayor of corfu, who, in a flight of metaphor, said his people desired to wreathe the emperor's "olympic brow" with a crown of olive. that the emperor did not pass his days wholly in admiring the beauty of the scenery was shown by the fact that a few days after his arrival he delivered a lecture in the castle on "nelson and the battle of trafalgar," being prompted thereto by a book on the subject by captain mark kerr, of h.m.s. _implacable_. the emperor illustrated his lecture with sketches drawn by himself of the positions of the united french and spanish fleets during the battle. almost every year sees some specialty produced at the royal opera in berlin. this year it was meyerbeer's "les huguenots," performed in the presence of the french ambassador in berlin, monsieur jules cambon, and two directors of the paris opera. the emperor told monsieur messager, one of the latter, that he had taken an infinity of trouble to get the right character, colour, and movement of the period of the opera, and explained his interest in the work by the fact that he had lost two of his ancestors, admiral coligny and the prince of orange, in the historic massacre. this opera, with verdi's "aida," are still, as given at the royal opera, the favourite operas of the berlin public. americans, like all other people, regard the emperor with friendly feelings, but for a time this year their respect for him suffered some diminution owing to what was known as the tower-hill affair. when the american ambassador in berlin, mr. charlemagne tower, resigned his post in , the washington authorities found difficulty in choosing a suitable successor. mr. tower was a wealthy man, who by his personal qualities, aided by a talented wife, whom the emperor once described as "the moltke of society," and by frequent entertainments in one of the finest houses of the fashionable tiergarten quarter, had fully satisfied the emperor of his fitness to represent a great nation at the court of a great empire. the emperor has a high opinion of his country, and, in small things as in great, will not have it treated as a _quantité négligeable_: consequently a millionaire was not too good for berlin. the impression produced by mr. tower on republican america was not quite the same. when ambassador in st. petersburg, mr. tower had invented a court uniform for himself and staff of a highly ornate, not to say fantastic, kind, and when in berlin was thought to take too little trouble to win popularity among his american fellow-colonists. this non-republican attitude, as it seemed to be, met with a good deal of adverse criticism in america, and the washington authorities, for that or for some other reason, considered it advisable to choose as mr. tower's successor a man of another type. their choice fell on dr. david jayne hill, american minister at berne, a former president of rochester university, the author of a standard work on the history of diplomacy, and as renowned for the amiability of his character as for his academic attainments. a further reason for choosing him was that he had been attached to the service of the emperor's brother, prince henry, during the latter's visit to the united states some years before. dr. hill spoke german excellently, was able and distinguished, and, if not a man of great means, was sufficiently well-to-do to represent his country becomingly at the court of berlin. his selection was in due course communicated for _agrément_ to the german foreign office, and by it, also in due course, transmitted to the emperor. the emperor without more ado signed the _agrément_ and the arrival of dr. hill in berlin was daily expected. just at this time, however, mr. tower gave a farewell dinner to the emperor, and invited to it specially from rome the american ambassador to italy, mr. griscom. mr. griscom was accompanied by his clever and attractive wife. the dinner-party assembled, and mr. griscom and his wife were placed in the immediate neighbourhood of the emperor. before dinner was over it was evident that the griscoms had made a most favourable impression on the imperial guest. accordingly, so the story goes, when towards the end of dinner the emperor, in his impulsive way, exclaimed, "now, why didn't america send me the griscoms instead of the hills?" or words to that effect, the company was not completely taken by surprise. when, however, the emperor went on to suggest to his host to telegraph to president roosevelt to make the change, it became evident that an international incident of exceptional delicacy had been created. mr. tower, who would perhaps have acted with better judgment had he declined to adopt the emperor's suggestion, cabled to president roosevelt, and at the same mr. griscom wrote to him privately. before mr. griscom's letter arrived, perhaps before mr. roosevelt was in possession of mr. tower's telegram, the words of the emperor had become known in berlin, were cabled to the american press, and much indignation at the emperor's conduct was aroused in all parts of america. the two governments, as well as dr. hill, were placed in a position of great embarrassment. in view of the state of public opinion in america, and in view also of the american government's engagement _vis à vis_ dr. hill, the washington authorities could not withdraw a nominee who had been already signalled to it from germany as _persona grata_. the only way possible out of the difficulty was to employ the machinery of the official _démenti_, and this was accordingly done. it was denied by the foreign office that the emperor had expressed dissatisfaction with dr. hill's appointment, and the incident closed with the carrying out of the original arrangements and the arrival of dr. hill in berlin. subsequent events proved that had the emperor known dr. hill personally he would never have thought of expressing dissatisfaction at the prospect of seeing him as ambassador at his court, for dr. hill, during the two years of his stay, fully vindicated the wisdom of the washington government's choice, and before he left his post had earned the emperor's complete respect, if not his cordial friendship. xv. after the storm - next year, , was the year of the famous finance reform measure which, though finally carried through, led to the resignation of chancellor von bülow. it had been obvious for some years that a reorganization of the imperial system of finance with a view to meeting the growing expenses of the empire, and in especial those of the army and navy, was necessary if imperial bankruptcy was to be avoided. the practice of taking what were known as matricular contributions from the separate states to make up for deficits in the imperial budgets, and of burdening posterity by state loans, had one day to cease. at the beginning of the reign the national debt was million marks (£ , , ), and in over , million marks (£ , , ). a year before this prince bülow had made his first proposals for reform, including new taxes on beer, wine, tobacco, and succession duties on property. all parties in parliament, except of course the social democrats, admitted that fresh imposts were inevitable, but, very naturally, no party was willing to bear them. the conservatives would not hear of an inheritance tax and the liberals would not hear of duties on popular consumption. the result was to make the centrum masters of the political field and place the conservative-liberal "bloc" at its mercy. after long discussion, the government proposals were put to the vote on june th, and as the centrum threw in its lot with the conservatives, the proposals were rejected by votes to . prince bülow thereupon went to kiel and tendered his resignation to the emperor, but at the latter's urgent request consented to remain in office until financial reform in one shape or another had been effected. this result was attained a month later, after much compromising and discussion. the chancellor renewed his request for retirement, and the emperor agreed. on the same day, july th, that the resignation took effect, it was officially announced that herr von bethmann-hollweg, who had hitherto been minister of the interior, was appointed to succeed prince von bülow as imperial chancellor. an impression prevails widely in germany that prince bülow's retirement was due to the loss of the emperor's favour owing to the prince's attitude towards the monarch during the "november storm." prince bülow, very properly, has always refused to say anything about his relations with his royal master, but a lengthy statement he made to a newspaper correspondent referring his resignation to the conduct of the conservatives, and a letter from the emperor gratefully thanking the prince in the warmest terms for his "long and intimate co-operation," and conferring upon him at the same time the highest order in the empire, that of the black eagle, should be sufficient evidence to disprove the supposition. it is more probable that the prince was weary of the cares of office and of the strife of party. moreover, he had, in the state of his health, a strong private reason for retirement. four years before, on april , , he had fallen unconscious from his seat on the ministerial bench during the proceedings in the reichstag, and although he was back again in parliament, perfectly recovered, in the following november, the attack was an experience which warned him against too great a prolongation of such heavy work and responsibility as the chancellorship entails. the retirement of prince bülow meant the disappearance of the most notable figure in german political life since the beginning of the century. in ability, wit, and those graces of a refined and richly cultivated mind which have so often distinguished great english statesmen, he was a head and shoulders above any of his fellow-countrymen; while the mere fact that he was able to maintain his position for almost twelve years (he had been, as foreign secretary for over two years, the emperor's most trusted counsellor and the real executive in foreign policy) is a convincing proof of his tact and diplomatic talent, as well as of his statesmanship. his successor, the present chancellor, herr von bethmann-hollweg, is a man of another and very different type. he incorporates the spirit of prussian patriotism of the most orthodox kind in its worthiest and best manifestations, but as yet he has given no proofs of possessing the breadth of view, the oratorical talent, or the urbanity which distinguished his predecessor. prince von bülow's career as a german diplomatist in foreign capitals made him an acute and highly polished man of the world. the present chancellor has spent all his life within the comparatively narrow confines of prussian administrative service. it is, of course, too soon to pass final judgment on him as german prime minister. the visit of king edward vii and queen alexandra to berlin in february, , disposed finally of the idea, which had prevailed in germany as well as abroad for two or three years, that england was pursuing a policy aiming to bring about the "isolation" of germany in world-politics. the visit was an official one, paid, of course, chiefly to the emperor; but its most remarkable feature politics apart, was the friendly relations which king edward established with the berlin city fathers at a reception in the town hall. it was not that he said anything out of the way to the assembled burghers; but his simple manner, genial remarks, and perhaps especially the sympathetic way in which he handled the loving-cup offered by his hosts, made an instantaneous and strong impression. the controversy that raged round the so-called "flora bust" contributed not a little to the gaiety of nations towards the close of this year. the bust, an undraped wax figure, reproducing the features of leonardo da vinci's famous "la joconde," was bought by dr. wilhelm bode, director of the kaiser friedrich museum in berlin, for £ , from a london dealer as an authentic work of the celebrated italian painter, dating from about the year . it was brought with a great flourish of trumpets to berlin, and a chorus of self-congratulation was raised in germany on the successful carrying off of such a prize from england. the harmony, however, was rudely disturbed by the publication of a letter from mr. f.c. cooksey, art critic of the _times_, stating that the bust was not by da vinci at all, but was in reality the work of mr. r.c. lucas, an artist of some note forty or fifty years ago, and that it had for long occupied a pedestal in lucas's suburban garden. the emperor, whose curiosity as well as patriotism was aroused, spent half an hour on november th discussing the bust with dr. bode and examining an album containing photographs of the works of lucas. at the close of his inspection the emperor expressed great delight at the acquisition, as to the genuineness of which he declared he "had not the slightest doubt," and said he did not regard the price paid as extremely high. unfortunately for the emperor's conviction, a letter now appeared in the _times_ from mr. a.c. lucas, a son of r.c. lucas, who said he recollected the making of the bust, and suggested that there might be found in its interior a piece of cloth, probably a part of an old waistcoat of his father's, which had been used as a sort of filling. in the presence of such a statement there was only one thing left to be done: to examine the interior of the bust. first of all it was subjected to the roentgen rays, the result being to show that the interior was not homogeneous. a few days after, there was a great gathering of experts at the museum, a hole was cut in the wax at the back of the bust, a bent wire was introduced, and the search for the famous piece of waistcoat began. it was a dramatic moment as professor latghen with his wire explored the interior of the bust, and the tension reached its highest point when the professor, drawing from the bust what was evidently a piece of cloth, exclaimed, "_hier ist die veste!_" on being further withdrawn the substance proved to be about two square inches of a grey, canvas-like material, feeling soft and velvety to the touch. it was a disagreeable discovery for the germans, but it was got over by the suggestion that the original bust had been entrusted to lucas for repair, and that in this way the waistcoat had got into it. the "poor english newspapers," dr. bode said, referring to the sarcastic comments on the discovery from the other side of the channel, "had had, without any acquaintance with our bust or with the work of its alleged forger, to give this particular form of expression to their ill-humour at the sale." as a matter of fact, the bust, whoever made it, is a lovely work of art, as every one who has seen it readily admits. the emperor's friendship with mr. theodore roosevelt, which was now to be confirmed by personal acquaintance, throws a side light on his own character, and testifies to his desire to keep in touch with the rulers of other countries--another illustration, by the way, of his consistency, since he laid down the policy of cultivating friendly relations with foreign rulers at the very commencement of his reign. probably many letters in the large characteristic handwriting of both men have passed between them, and there probably always existed a desire on the part of the wielder of the mailed fist to make the personal acquaintance of the advocate of the big stick. the meeting occurred in may, , after mr. roosevelt had shot wild beasts in africa, visited egypt, london, vienna, rome, and other continental cities, with a cohort of newspaper correspondents, and caused by his speeches political, if fortunately harmless, disturbance almost everywhere he went. when in berlin he was to have lodged at the emperor's palace; but the emperor's hospitable intent was frustrated by the death of king edward vii, which prevented all entertainment in the home of his german nephew. the roosevelt party, consisting of the ex-president, mrs. roosevelt, and miss ethel roosevelt, arrived in berlin on may th from stockholm, and at noon the same day were taken by royal train to potsdam. at the new palace the party were heartily greeted by the emperor, whom they found standing on the steps waiting to receive them. after shaking hands the emperor led his guests into a small reception-room, where they were introduced to the empress, the crown prince and crown princess, and other members of the imperial family. the emperor then took them to the shell room, so called from its being inlaid with shells and rare stones, and here were found some of the emperor's high officials, including admiral von müller, chief of the marine cabinet, and one of the most able and amiable of the emperor's entourage, who had met mr. roosevelt when on his trip to america with prince henry several years before. luncheon followed at six small tables in the jasper gallery, the emperor taking his seat between mrs. roosevelt and the crown princess, while the empress had mr. roosevelt on her left and her eldest son, the crown prince, on her right. princess victoria louise, the emperor's only daughter, occupied a seat on mr. roosevelt's left. after lunch was over the guests went back to the shell room, and here the emperor, taking mr. roosevelt apart, began a conversation so long and animated that the shades of evening began to fall before it ended. the roosevelts did not return to berlin by train, but were first driven by the emperor to inspect sans souci, and were afterwards whirled back to berlin in the yellow imperial motors. only two other incidents of the visit need be mentioned. one of them was a lecture on "the world movement," delivered by mr. roosevelt in very husky tones (for he was suffering badly from hoarseness) at berlin university, in the presence of the emperor and empress. the other was a parade of , troops, arranged by the emperor at doeberitz, the great military exercise camp near potsdam, which mr. roosevelt, clad in a khaki coat and breeches, and wearing brown leather gaiters and black slouch hat, observed from horseback beside the emperor. as the troops went by at the close of the review the emperor and mr. roosevelt saluted in military fashion simultaneously. immediately after the visit of the roosevelts, the emperor was called to england to attend the funeral of king edward vii. the imperial yacht _hohenzollern_, with the emperor on board, arrived in england on may th. next day the emperor travelled to victoria terminus, where he was received and warmly embraced by king george. they proceeded to buckingham palace, where the emperor's first call was made on the widowed queen alexandra. on the st took place the funeral of king edward, the procession to westminster abbey, where the service was held, being headed by king george with the emperor on his right and the duke of connaught on his left. both the emperor and the duke were dressed in field-marshal's uniform and carried the bâtons of their rank. the countenance of the emperor is described by a chronicler of the time (and the _times_) as wearing "an expression grave even to severity." the procession moved slowly on to the famous abbey, the emperor riding a grey horse, saluting at intervals as he rode along. on arrival at the abbey an incident occurred. as soon as queen alexandra's carriage arrived and drew up, the emperor, according to the accounts of eyewitnesses, ran to the door of the carriage with so much alacrity that he had reached it before the royal servants, and when it appeared that her majesty was not to alight from that side of the carriage, the emperor motioned the lacqueys round to the other door, and was there before them to assist her majesty. this he did, after himself opening the door. the emperor remained in england only a very few days after the funeral, seeing old friends, among them lord kitchener. as of interest to both englishmen and germans may be mentioned the tour through india undertaken by the crown prince in november. steele once happily said of a lady hastings that "to love her was a liberal education"; to make a tour through india, it might similarly be said, is an education in the extent and character of british imperial power and administration. the crown prince naturally devoted a goodly share of his time to the delights of sport, including tiger-shooting and pig-sticking, but he must also have learned much of england's fine imperial spirit from his intercourse with an official hierarchy as honest and conscientious as that of his own country. the crown prince, on his return home, published a volume of hunting reminiscences which does no small credit to him as an author. the emperor's "shining armour" political remark dates from this period. he was on a visit to his triplice ally, kaiser franz josef, in september, , and made a speech at the vienna town hall on the st which contained a reference to the loyal conduct he claimed germany had observed when the action of austria-hungary in annexing bosnia and herzegovina, despite the wording of the treaty of berlin, had raised an outcry in other countries, and in particular strained austrian relations with russia. after thanking his audience for the personal reception given him, he continued: "on the other hand, it seems to me i read in your resolution the agreement of the city of vienna with the action of an ally in taking his stand in shining armour at a grave moment by the side of your most gracious sovereign." the outcry caused in the world by austria's high-handed annexation, and especially in russia, theoretically always austria's most probable enemy, owing to conflicting interests in the balkans, subsided, we know, as suddenly as it was raised. the reason, it is currently believed, and the form in which the rays of the shining armour acted, was an intimation from the emperor to the czar that, if necessary, germany was prepared to fight for austria. peoples are said to have the institutions, and husbands the wives, they deserve; but if german cities, and especially berlin, have the police they deserve, the fact speaks very uncomplimentarily for their inhabitants. foreigners in germany, coming from countries where manners are more natural and obliging, frequently use the adjectives "brutal" and "stupid" when speaking of the prussian constable. the proceedings of the berlin police during the moabit riots in the capital in september this year are often quoted as an example of their brutality, while, as to stupidity, it is enough to say that a stranger in berlin, discussing its mounted police, naïvely remarked that what most struck him about them was the look of intelligence on the faces of the horses. judgments of this kind are too sweeping. it should be remembered that germany is surrounded by countries of which the riff-raff is at all times seeking refuge in it or passing through it, that polyglot swindlers of every kind, the most refined as well as the most commonplace, abound, and that anarchists are not yet an extinct species. for the prussian police, moreover, there is a social democrat behind every bush. possibly to this condition of things, and to the suspicion that social democratic organizers were about, was due the gallant charge made by half a dozen policemen, with drawn swords in their hands and revolvers at their belts, on four inoffensive english and american journalists during the moabit riots. towards midnight of september th the journalists were seated in an open taximeter cab, in a brilliantly lighted square, which some little time before had been swept of rioters--rioters from the berlin police point of view being any one, man, woman, or child, who is, with guilty or innocent intent, it makes no difference, in or near a theatre of disturbance. suddenly half a dozen burly policemen, led on by a police spy, as he afterwards turned out to be, charged the cab and laid about them with their swords. they probably only intended to use the flat of their weapons, but one of them succeeded in slashing deeply the hand of reuter's representative, who was of the party. the other journalists escaped with contusions and bruises, thanks chiefly to the sides of the cab impeding the sword-play of the attackers. the journalists naturally complained to their ambassadors, who took up their cause with commendable readiness. without immediate effect, however; the authorities, though themselves very strong on the point of duty, wondered much at journalists being in a place where duty alone could have brought them, and refused any sort of apology or other satisfaction. the government, however, eventually expressed its "regret," and a year or two after, possibly in the spirit of conciliation and compensation, agreed to give foreign journalists in berlin the _passe-partout_, or _coupe-fil_, as it is known in france, which is one of the privileges most valued by the journalist, native and foreign, in paris. among the international agreements of the year was a commercial one between germany and america. commercial relations between the two countries have never been quite satisfactory to either, and if there is no tariff war, occasions of tariff tension, with consequent disturbance of trade, constantly arise. germany's european commercial treaties have secured her a sufficiency of raw material for her industry. her chief object now is not so much perhaps to facilitate imports of material from other countries as to find markets, in america as elsewhere, for her industry's finished products. consequently she strongly dislikes the high tariff barriers of the united states, inaugurated by the dingley tariff of , and has in addition certain grievances against that country regarding customs administration in respect of appraisement, invoices, and the like. her commercial connexion with america dates from the treaty of "friendship and commerce" made by frederick the great, and having the most-favoured-nation treatment as its basis; a regular treaty of the same kind between prussia and america was entered into in ; and since then commercial relations have been regulated provisionally by a series of short-term agreements which, however, america claims, do not confer on germany unrestricted right to most-favoured-nation treatment. by the agreement now in force, concluded this year ( ), america and germany grant each other the benefit of their minimum duties. since the "november storm" the emperor had made no reference to the doctrine of divine right, nor given any indication of a desire to exercise the "personal regiment" which is the natural corollary to it. it has been seen that the doctrine, viewed from the english standpoint, is a species of mental malady to which hohenzollern monarchs are hereditarily subject. it recurs intermittently and particularly whenever a hohenzollern monarch speaks in koenigsberg, the scone of prussia, where prussian kings are crowned. when at koenigsberg this year the emperor suffered from a return of the royal _idée fixe_. "here my grandfather," he said, "placed, by his own right, the crown of the kings of prussia on his head, once again laying stress upon the fact that it was conferred upon him by the grace of god alone, not by parliament, by meetings of the people, or by popular decisions; and that he considered himself the chosen instrument of heaven and as such performed his duties as regent and as ruler." speaking of himself on the occasion he said: "considering myself as an instrument of the lord, without being misled by the views and opinions of the day, i go my way, which is devoted solely and alone to the prosperity and peaceful development of our fatherland." the emperor, by the way, on this occasion made what sounds like an indirect reference to the suffragette craze. "what shall our women," he asked, after mentioning the pattern queen of prussia, queen louise, "learn from the queen? they must learn that the principal task of the german woman does not lie in attending public meetings and belonging to societies, in the attainment of supposed rights in which women can emulate men, but in the quiet work of the home and in the family." the emperor's reference to his divine appointment did not pass without a good deal of popular criticism in germany, but nearly all germans were at one with the emperor in his view of the proper sphere for womanly activities. the emperor's domestic life for the last two or three years, including the early months of the present year, have passed without special cause of interest or excitement, if we except the visit he and the empress made to london in may, , to be present at the unveiling of queen victoria's statue, and the announcement he was able to make a few months ago that his only daughter, princess victoria louise, had become engaged to prince ernest august, duke of cumberland, the still persisting claimant to the kingdom of hannover, absorbed by prussia in . the visit to london lasted only five days and produced no incident particularly worthy of record. the engagement of princess victoria louise, while generally believed to be a love-match, possesses also political significance for germany, not indeed as putting an end to the claim of the duke of cumberland, but as practically effecting a reconciliation between the hohenzollerns and guelphs. the young duke of brunswick had already implicitly renounced his claim to hannover by entering the german army and taking the oath of allegiance to the emperor as war lord, so that, when his father dies, the guelph claim to hannover will die with him. it is difficult to determine whether the government's abandonment of its design to amend the prussian franchise system in , its submissive attitude towards the pope's borromeo encyclical in , the rapid rise in food prices which marked both years, or finally, the emperor's failure to secure a slice of morocco for germany had most antagonizing effect on german popular feeling; but whatever the cause, the general elections of january, , proved a tremendous socialist victory, which must have been, and still remains, gall and wormwood to the emperor. notwithstanding official efforts, over one-third of the votes polled at the first ballots went for social democratic candidates. the number of seats thus obtained was , and this number, after the second ballots, rose to , thus making the socialist party numerically the strongest in the reichstag. up to the present, however, herr bebel and his cohorts appear to be happy in possessing power rather than in using it. before completing the emperor's domestic chronicle of more recent years, a few lines may be devoted to the role in which he has last appeared before the public--that of farmer. on february , , he attended a meeting of the german agricultural council in berlin, and with only a few statistical notes to help him narrated in lively and amusing fashion his experiences as owner of a farm, the management of which he has been personally supervising since . the farm is part of the cadinen estate, bequeathed to him by an admirer and universally known for the majolica ware made out of the clay found on the property. the emperor was able to show that he had achieved remarkable success with his farm, and particularly with a fine species of bull, _bos indicus major_, he maintained on it. a year or two before, at a similar meeting, when speaking of the same breed of bull, he caused much hilarity among the military portion of his audience by jokingly remarking that it had "nothing to do with the general staff." on the present occasion he also caused laughter by recounting how he had "fired," to use an american expression exactly equivalent to the german word employed by the emperor, a tenant who "wasn't any use." the emperor, however, would, as it turned out, have done better by not mentioning the incident, for the supreme court at leipzig a few days subsequently quashed the emperor's order of ejectment on the tenant and condemned him to pay all the costs in the case. the role of farmer, it may be added, is one which, had he been born a country gentleman like bismarck, the emperor would have filled with complete success. but in what role would he not have done well? foreign politics everywhere for the last three or four years have been full of incident, outcry, and bloodshed. the state of things, indeed, prevailing in the world for some time past is extraordinary. a visitant from another planet would imagine that normal peace and abnormal war had changed places, and that civilized mankind now regard peace as an interlude of war, not war as an interlude of peace. he would be wrong, of course, but the race in armament, which threatens to leave the nations taking part in it financially breathless and exhausted, might easily lead him astray. on some of the situations with which these politics are concerned we may briefly touch. for the last three or four years the dominant note in the music of what is called the european concert, taking europe for the moment to include great britain, has been the state of anglo-german relations. there have been times, as has been seen, when public feeling in both england and germany was strongly antagonized, but all through the period there has been evident a desire on the part of both governments to adopt a mutually conciliatory attitude, and if the war in the balkans does not lead to a general international conflagration, which at present appears improbable, the two countries may arrive at a permanent understanding. there was, and not so very long ago, a similar state of tension, prolonged for many years, between england and france. that tension not only ceased, but was converted into political friendship by the anglo-french agreement of . parallel with this tension between england and france was the tension between england and russia, owing to the latter's advance towards england's indian possessions. the latter state of things ended with the anglo-russian agreement of , and it should engender satisfaction and hope, therefore, to those who now apprehend a war between england and germany to note that neither of the tensions referred to, though both were long and bitter, developed into war. the tension between england and germany of late years has been tightened rather than relaxed by ministerial speeches as well as by newspaper polemics in both countries. one of the most disturbing of the former was the speech delivered by mr. lloyd george at the mansion house on july , . doubtless with the approval of the prime minister, mr. asquith, mr. lloyd george said: "i believe it is essential, in the highest interest not merely of this country, but of the world, that britain should at all hazards maintain her place and her prestige amongst the great powers of the world. her potent influence has many a time been in the past, and may yet be in the future, invaluable to the cause of human liberty. it has more than once in the past redeemed continental nations, which are sometimes too apt to forget that service, from overwhelming disasters and even from national extinction. i would make great sacrifices to preserve peace. i conceive that nothing would justify a disturbance of international goodwill except questions of the gravest national moment. but if a situation were to be forced upon us in which peace could only be preserved by the surrender of the great and beneficent position britain has won by centuries of heroism and achievement, by allowing britain to be treated, where her interests are vitally affected, as if she were of no account in the cabinet of nations, then i say emphatically that peace at that price would be a humiliation intolerable for a great country like ours to endure." these rhetorical platitudes were uttered at the time of the "conversations" between the french and german foreign offices about the compensation claimed by germany for giving france, once for all, a free hand in morocco. germany was apparently making demands of an exorbitant character, and what mr. lloyd george really meant was that if germany persisted in these demands england would fight on the side of france in order to resist them. as a genuinely democratic speaker, however, he followed the rule of many publicists, who are paid for their articles by the column and say to themselves, "why use two words when five will do?" another unfortunate remark that may be noted in this connexion was that made by mr. winston churchill in referring to the german navy as "to some extent a luxury." the remark, though true (also to a certain extent), was unfortunate, for it irritated public opinion in germany, where it was regarded as a species of impertinent interference. as evidence of the desire on the part of the emperor and his government for a friendly arrangement with england may be quoted the statement made in december, , by the german chancellor, herr von bethmann-hollweg, _to_ the following effect:-- "we also meet england in the desire to avoid rivalry in regard to armaments, and non-binding _pourparlers_, which have from time to time taken place, have been conducted on both sides in a friendly spirit. we have always advanced the opinion that a frank and sincere interchange of views, followed by an understanding with regard to the economic and political interests of the two countries, offers the surest means of allaying all mistrust on the subject of the relations of the powers to each other on sea and land." the chancellor went on to explain that this mistrust had manifested itself "not in the case of the governments, but of public opinion." with regard, in particular, to a naval understanding between england and germany, chancellor von bülow, in a budget speech in march, , declared that up to that time no proposals regarding the dimensions of the fleets or the amount of naval expenditure which could serve as a basis for an understanding had been made on the side of england, though non-binding conversations had taken place on the subject between authoritative english and german personalities. in march last year ( ) such proposals may be said to have been made in the form of a suggestion by sir edward grey during the budget debate that the ratio of to (i.e., per cent. more and per cent. over) should express the naval strength of the two countries. the suggestion was "welcomed" by admiral von tirpitz on behalf of germany in february, . and there the matter rests. a perhaps inevitable result of the tension between england and germany during the period under consideration has been the amount of mutual espionage discovered to be going on in both countries. an incident that attracted wide attention was the arrest in of captains brandon and trench, the former of whom was arrested at borkum and the latter at emden. they were tried before the supreme court at leipzig, and were both sentenced to incarceration in a fortress for four years. many other arrests, prosecutions, and sentences have taken place both in england and germany since then, with the consequence that english travellers in germany and german travellers in england, particularly where the travellers are men of military bearing and are in seaside regions, are now liable, under very small provocation, to a suspicion of being spies. an english lady recently made the acquaintance of a german in england. he was a very nice man, she said, and went on to relate how they were talking one day about ireland. she happened to mention tipperary. "oh, i know tipperary," the german officer said; "it is in my department." "it was a revelation to me," the lady concluded when repeating the conversation to her friends. as a matter of fact, the intelligence departments of the army in both germany and england are well acquainted with the roads, hills, streams, forts, harbours, and similar details of topography in almost all countries of the world besides their own. in regard to should be recorded the journey of the crown prince and crown princess to england to represent the emperor at the coronation of king george in june; the outbreak in september of the turco-italian war, which placed the emperor in a dilemma, of which one fork was his duty to italy as an ally in the triplice and the other his platonic friendship with the commander of the faithful; and, lastly, the suspicion of the emperor's designs that arose in connexion with the fortification of flushing at a cost to holland of some £ , , . the emperor was supposed to have insisted on the fortification in order to prevent the use of the netherlands by great britain as a naval base against germany. like many another scare in connexion with foreign policy, the supposition may be regarded only as a product of intelligent journalistic "combination." finally, among subsidiary occurrences, should be mentioned the meeting of the emperor and the czar in july, , at port baltic in finnish waters, accompanied by their foreign ministers, with the official announcement of the stereotyped "harmonious relations" between the two monarchs that followed; and the premature prolongation, with the object of showing solidarity regarding the balkan situation, of the triple alliance, which, entered into, as mentioned earlier, in the year , had already been renewed in , , and . the next renewal should be in , unless in the meantime an international agreement to which all great powers are signatories should render it superfluous. the war in the balkans need only be referred to in these pages in so far as it concerns germany. the position of germany in regard to it, so far, appears simple; she will actively support austria's larger interests in order to keep faith with her chief ally of the triplice, and so long as austria and russia can agree regarding developments in the balkan situation, there is no danger of war among the great powers. people smiled at the declaration of the powers some little time ago that the _status quo_ in the balkans should be maintained; but it should be remembered that the whole phrase is _status quo ante bellum_, and that, once war has broken out, the _status_, the position of affairs, is in a condition of solution, and that no new _status_ can arise until the war is over and its consequences determined by treaties. the result of the present war, let it be hoped, will be to confine turkey to the orient, where she belongs, and that the balkan states, possibly after a period of internecine feud, will take their share in modern european progress and civilization. the amount of declaration, asseveration, recrimination (chiefly journalistic), rectification, intimidation, protestation, pacification, and many other wordy processes that have been employed in almost all countries with the avowed object of maintaining peace during the last four years is in striking contrast to the small progress actually made in regard to a final settlement of either of the two great international points at issue--the limitation of armaments and compulsory arbitration. enough perhaps has been said in preceding pages to show the attitude of the emperor, and consequently the attitude of his government, towards them. a history of the long agitation in connexion with them is beyond the scope of this work. the agitation itself, however, may be viewed as a step, though not a very long one, on the way to the desired solution, and it is a matter for congratulation that the two subjects have been, and are still being, so freely and copiously and, on the whole, so sympathetically and hopefully ventilated. the great difficulty, apparently, is to find what diplomatists call the proper "formula"--the law-that-must-be-obeyed. unfortunately, the finding of the formula cannot be regarded as the end of the matter; there still remains the finding of what jurists call the "sanction," that is to say, the power to enforce the formula when found and to punish any nation which fails to act in accordance with it. nothing but an areopagus of the nations can furnish such a sanction, but with the present arrangements for balancing power in europe, to say nothing of the ineradicable pugnacity, greed, and ambition of human nature, such an areopagus seems very like an impossibility. time, however, may bring it about. if it should, and the golden age begin to dawn, an epoch of new activities and new horizons, quite possibly more novel and interesting than any which has ever preceded it, will open for mankind. xvi. the emperor to-day what strikes one most, perhaps, on looking back over the emperor's life and time, are two surprising inconsistencies, one relating to the emperor himself, the other to that part of his time with which he has been most closely identified. the first arises from the fact that a man so many-sided, so impulsive, so progressive, so modern--one might almost say so american--should have altered so little either in character or policy during quarter of a century. this is due to what we have called his mediæval nature. he is to-day the same hohenzollern he was the day he mounted the throne, observing exactly the same attitude to the world abroad and to his folk at home, tenacious of exactly the same principles, enunciating exactly the same views in politics, religion, morals, and art--in everything which concerns the foundations of social life. he still believes himself, as his speeches and conduct show, the selected instrument of heaven, and acts towards his people and addresses them accordingly. he still opposes all efforts at political change, as witness his attitude towards electoral reform, towards the germanization of prussian poland, towards the socialists, towards liberalism in all its manifestations. he is still, as he was at the outset of his reign, the patron of classical art, classical drama, and classical music. he is still the war lord with the spirit of a bishop and a bishop with the spirit of the war lord. he is still the model husband and father he always has been. most men change one way or another as time goes on. with the emperor time for five-and-twenty years appears to have stood still. the inconsistency relating to his time arises from the contrast between the real and the seeming character of the reign. for, strikingly and anomalously enough, while the emperor has been steadily pursuing an economic policy, a policy of peace, his entire reign, as one turns over the pages of its history, seems to resound, during almost every hour, with martial shoutings, confused noises, the clatter of harness, the clash of swords, and the tramp of armies. from moment to moment it recalls those scenes from shakespearean drama in which indeed no dead are actually seen upon the stage, but at intervals the air is filled with battle cries, "with excursions and alarms," with warriors brandishing their weapons, calling for horses, hacking at imaginary foes, and defying the world in arms. and yet in reality it has been a period of domestic peace throughout. though there has been incessant talk of war, and at times war may have been near, it never came, unless the south west african and boxer expeditions be so called. commerce and trade have gone on increasing by leaps and bounds. the population has grown at the rate of nearly three-quarters of a million a year. emperor william the first's social policy has been closely followed. the navy has been built, the army strengthened, the empire's finances reorganized; in whatever direction one looks one finds a record of solid and substantial and peaceful progress and prosperity. a great deal of it is owing, admittedly, to the germans themselves, but no small share of it is due to the "impulsive" emperor's consistency of character and conduct. probably the inconsistencies are only apparent. germany and her emperor have grown, not developed, if by development is meant a radical alteration in structure or mentality, and if regard is had to the real germany and the real emperor, not to the germany of the tourist, and not to the emperor of contemporary criticism. it has been seen that the emperor's nature and policy have not altered. the constitution of germany has not altered, nor her press, nor her political parties, nor her social system, nor, indeed, any of the vital institutions of her national life. with one possible exception--the navy. the navy is a new organic feature, and, like all organisms, is exerting deep and far-reaching influences. germany, of course, is in a process of development, a state of transition. but nations are at all times in a state of transition, more or less obvious; and it will require yet a good many years to show what new forms and fruits the development now going on in germany is to bring. the emperor, it is safe to say, will remain the same, mediæval in nature, modern in character, to the end of his life. the main thing, however, to be noted both about germany and the german emperor is what they stand for in the movement of world-ideas at the present time. germans cause foreigners to smile when they prophesy that their culture, their civilization, will become the culture and the civilization of the world. the sameness of ideas that prevailed in mediæval times about life and religion--about this life and the life to come--was succeeded, and first in germany, by an enormous diversity of ideas about life and religion, beginning with the rationalism (or "enlightenment," as the germans call it) which set in after the reformation and the renaissance; and this diversity again promises--let us at least hope--to go back, in one of the great circles that make one think human thought, too, moves in accordance with planetary laws, to a sameness of views among the nations in regard to the real interests of society, which are peace, religious harmony through toleration, commercial harmony through international intercourse, and the mutual goodwill of governments and peoples. for all this order of ideas the emperor, notwithstanding his mailed fist and shining armour, stands, and in this spirit both he and the german mind are working. more than half a century has passed over the emperor's head; let us look a little more closely at him as the man and the monarch he is to-day. time appears to have dealt gently with him; the heart, one hears it said, never grows bald, and in all but years the emperor is probably as young and untiring as ever. his personal appearance has altered little in the last decade. an observer, who had an opportunity of seeing him at close quarters in , describes him, as he then appeared, as follows:-- "i was standing within arm's length of him at cuxhaven, where we were waiting the landing of prince henry, his brother, on his return from america. the _deutschland_ had to be warped alongside the quay, and the emperor, in the uniform of a prussian general of infantry, meanwhile mixed with the suite and chatted, now to one, now to another, with his usual bonhomie. i was speaking to the american attaché, captain h----, when the emperor came up, and naturally i stood a little to one side. "the thing that most struck me was the emperor's large grey eyes. as they looked sharply into those of captain h---- or glanced in my direction, they seemed to show absolutely no feeling, no sentiment of any kind. not that they gave the notion of hardness or falsity. they were simply like two grey mirrors on which outward things made no impression. "two other features did not strike me as anything out of the ordinary, but the whole face had an air of ability, cleverness, briskness, and health. the emperor is about middle height, with the body very erect, the walk firm, and is very energetic in his gestures. i did not notice the shortness of the left arm, but that may have been because his left hand was leaning on his sword-hilt. captain h---- told me he could not put on his overcoat without assistance, and that the hand is so weak he can do very little with it. there was nothing of a hohenzollern hanging under-lip." the following judgment was formed a year or two ago by an american diplomatist: "i have often met him," the diplomatist said, "and only speak of the impression he made on me. i would describe him as intelligent rather than intellectual. he appreciates men of learning and of philosophic mind, and while not learned and philosophic himself, enjoys seeing the learned and philosophic at work, and gladly recognizes their merit when their labours are thorough and well done. his mind is marvellously quick, but it does not dwell on anything for long at a time. it takes in everything presented to it in, so to speak, a hop, skip, and jump. "in company he is never at rest, and surprises one by his lively play of features and the entirely natural and unaffected expression of his thoughts. he is sitting at a lecture, perhaps, when a notion occurs to him, and forthwith indicates it by a humorous grimace or wink to some one sitting far away from him. he is always saying unexpected things. on the whole, he is a right good fellow, and i can imagine that, though he can come down hard on one with a heavy hand and stern look, he does not do so by the instinct of a despot, but acting under a sense of duty." another diplomatist has remarked the emperor's habit in conversation of tapping the person he is talking to on the shoulder and of scrutinizing him all over--"ears, nose, clothes, until it makes one feel quite uncomfortable." the next sketch of him is as he may be seen any day during the yachting week in june at kiel:-- "the emperor is in the smoking-room of the yacht club, dressed in a blue lounge suit with a white peaked cap. he is sitting carelessly on the side of a table, dangling his legs and discussing with fellow-members and foreign yachtsmen the experience of the day, now speaking english, now french, now german. he seems quite in his element as sportsman, and puts every one at ease round him. his expression is animated and his voice hearty, if a little strident to foreign ears. his right hand and arm are in ceaseless movement, emphasizing and enforcing everything he says. he asks many questions and often invites opinion, and when it differs from his own, as sometimes happens, he takes it quite good-humouredly." to-day the emperor is outwardly much the same as he has just been described. he is perhaps slightly more inclined to stoutness. his features, though they speak of cleverness and manliness, are forgotten as one looks into the keen and quickly moving grey eyes with their peculiar dash of yellow. he is well set up, as is proper for a soldier ever actively engaged in military duties, and his stride continues firm and elastic. he is still constantly in the saddle. his hair, still abundant, is yet beginning to show the first touches of the coming frost of age, and the reddish brown moustache, once famous for its haughtily upturned ends, has taken, either naturally or by the aid of herr haby, the court barber, who attends him daily, a nearly level form. in public, whether mounted or on foot, he preserves the somewhat stern air he evidently thinks appropriate to his high station, but more frequently than formerly the features relax into a pleasant smile. the colour of the face is healthy, tending to rosiness, and the general impression given is that of a clever man, conscious, yet not overconscious, of his dignity. the shortness of the left arm, a defect from birth, is hardly noticeable. the extirpation of a polypus from the emperor's throat in , which must have been one of the severest trials of his life when the history of his father's mortal illness is remembered, might lead one to suppose that his vocal organs would always suffer from the effects of the operation. it has fortunately turned out otherwise. his voice was originally strong by nature, and remains so. it never seems tired, even when, as it often does, it pleases him to read aloud for his own pleasure or that of a circle of friends. it frequently occurs that he will pick up a book, one of his ancient favourites, horace or homer perhaps, mr. stewart houston chamberlain's "foundations of the nineteenth century"--a work he greatly admires--or a modern publication he has read of in the papers, and read aloud from it for an hour or an hour and a half at a time. nor is his reading aloud confined to classical or german books. he is equally disposed to choose works in english or french or italian, and when he reads these he is fond of doing so with a particularly clear and distinct enunciation, partly as practice for himself, and partly that his hearers may understand with certainty. this is not all, for there invariably follows a discussion upon what has been read, and in it the emperor takes a constant and often emphatic part. it has been remarked that at the close of the longest sitting of this character his voice is as strong and sonorous as at the beginning. he is still the early riser and hard worker he has always been; still devotes the greater part of his time to the duties that fall to him as war lord; still races about the empire by train or motor-car, reviewing troops, laying foundation-stones, unveiling statues, dedicating churches, attending manoeuvres, encouraging yachting at kiel by his presence during the yachting week, or hurrying off to meet the monarch of a foreign country. he still enjoys his annual trip along the shores of norway or breaks away from the cares of state to pass a few weeks at his corfu castle, dazzling in its marble whiteness and overlooking the acroceraunian mountains, or to hunt or shoot at the country seat of some influential or wealthy subject. in fine, he is still engaged with all the energy of his nature, if in a somewhat less flamboyant fashion than during his earlier years, in his, as he believes, divinely appointed work of guiding prussia's destiny and building up the german empire. it is because he is an empire-builder that his numerous journeys abroad and restlessness of movement at home have earned for him the nickname of the "travelling kaiser." the germans themselves do not understand his conduct in this respect. if one urges that hohenzollern kings, and none of them more than the great elector and frederick the great, were incessant travellers, they will reply that their kings had to be so at a time when the empire was not yet established, when rebellious nobles had to be subdued, and when the spirit of provincialism and particularism had to be counteracted. hence, they say, former hohenzollerns had to exercise personal control in all parts of their dominions, see that their military dispositions were carried out, and study social and economic conditions on the spot; but nowadays, when the empire is firmly established, when the administration is working like a clock and the post and telegraph are at command, the emperor should stay at home and direct everything from his capital. the emperor himself evidently takes a different view. he does not consider the forty-year-old empire as completed and consolidated, but regards it much as the great elector or frederick the great regarded prussia when that kingdom was in the making. he believes in propagating the imperial idea by his personal presence in all parts of the empire, and at the same time observing the progress that is being made there. he is, finally, a believer in getting into personal touch, as far as is possible, with foreign monarchs, foreign statesmen, and foreign peoples, for he doubtless sees that with every decade the interests of nations are becoming more closely identified. in connexion with the subject of the emperor's travelling, mention may be made of the fact that many years ago he thought it necessary to explain himself publicly in reference to the idea, prevalent among his people at the time, that he was travelling too much. "on my travels," he said, "i design not only to make myself acquainted with foreign countries and institutions, and to foster friendly relations with neighbouring rulers, but these journeys, which have been often misinterpreted, have high value in enabling me to observe home affairs from a distance and submit them to a quiet examination." he expresses something in the same order of thought in a speech telling of his reflections on the high sea concerning his responsibilities as ruler: "when one is alone on the high sea, with only god's starry heaven above him, and holds communion with himself, one will not fail to appreciate the value of such a journey. i could wish many of my countrymen to live through hours like these, in which one can take reckoning of what he has designed and what achieved. then one would be cured of over self-estimation--and that we all need." when the emperor is about to start on a journey, confidential telegrams are sent to the railway authorities concerned, and immediately a thorough inspection of the line the emperor is about to travel over is ordered. tunnels, bridges, points, railway crossings, are all subjected to examination, and spare engines kept in immediate readiness in case of a breakdown occurring to the imperial train. the police of the various towns through which the monarch is to pass are also communicated with and their help requisitioned in taking precautions for his safety. like any private person, the emperor pays his own fares, which are reckoned at the rate of an average of fifteen shillings to one pound sterling a mile. a recent journey to switzerland cost him in fares £ . of late years he has saved money in this respect by the more frequent use of the royal motor-cars. the royal train is put together by selecting those required from fifteen carriages which are always ready for an imperial journey. if the journey is short, a saloon carriage and refreshment car are deemed sufficient; in case of a long journey the train consists of a buffer carriage in addition, with two saloon cars for the suite and two wagons for the luggage. the train is always accompanied by a high official of the railway, who, with mechanics and spare guard, is in direct telephonic communication with the engine-driver and guard. the carriages are coloured alike, ivory-white above the window-line and lacquered blue below. all the carriages, with the exception of the saloon dining-car, are of the corridor type. a table runs down the centre of the dining-car; the emperor takes his seat in the centre, while the rest of the suite and guests take their places at random, save that the elder travellers are supposed to seat themselves about the emperor. if the emperor has guests with him they naturally have seats beside or in the near neighbourhood of their host. breakfast is taken about half-past eight, lunch at one, and dinner at seven or eight. the emperor is always talkative at table, and often draws into conversation the remoter members of the company, occasionally calling to them by their nickname or a pet name. he sits for an hour or two after dinner, with a glass of beer and a huge box of cigars before him, discussing the incidents of the journey or recalling his experiences at various periods of his reign. the emperor's disposition of the year remains much what it was at the beginning of the reign. the chief changes in it are the omission of a yachting visit to cowes, which he made annually from to , and, since , the habit of making an annual summer stay at his corfu castle, "achilleion," instead of touring in the mediterranean and visiting italian cities. january is spent in berlin in connexion with the new year festivities, ambassadorial and other court receptions, drawing-rooms, and balls, and the celebration of his birthday on the th. the berlin season extends into the middle of february, so that part of that month also is spent in berlin. during the latter half of february and in march the emperor is usually at potsdam, occasionally motoring to berlin to give audience or for some special occasion. april and part of may are passed in corfu. towards the end of may the emperor returns to germany and goes to wiesbaden for the opera and festspiele in the royal theatre; but he must be in berlin before may has closed, for the spring parade of the berlin and potsdam garrisons on the vast tempelhofer field. his return on horseback from this parade is always the occasion of popular enthusiasm in berlin's principal streets. in early june the emperor stays at potsdam or perhaps pays a visit to some wealthy noble, and at the end of the month the yachting week calls him to kiel. once that is over he proceeds on his annual tour along the coast of norway. september sees him back in germany for the autumn manoeuvres. october and november are devoted to shooting at rominten or some other imperial hunting lodge, or with some large landowner or industrial magnate. the whole of december is usually spent at potsdam, save for an annual visit to his friend prince fürstenberg at donaueschingen. naturally he is in potsdam for christmas, when all the imperial family assemble to celebrate the festival in good old german style. in music, as we know, he retains the classical tastes he has always cultivated and sometimes dictatorially recommended. good music, he has said, is like a piece of lace, not like a display of fireworks. he still has most musical enjoyment in listening to bach and handel. the former he has spoken of as one of the most "modern" of composers, and will point out that his works contain melodious passages that might be the musical thought of franz lehar or leo fall. he has no great liking for the music of richard strauss, and his admiration of wagner, if certain themes, that must, one feels, have been drawn from the music of the spheres, be excepted, is respectful rather than rapturous. of wagner's works the "meistersingers" is "my favourite." a faculty that in the emperor has developed with the years is that of applying a sense of humour, not originally small, to the events of everyday life. he is always ready to joke with his soldiers and sailors, with artists, professors, ministers--in short, with men of every class and occupation. several stories in illustration of his humour are current, but a homely example or two may here suffice. he is sitting in semi-darkness in the parquet at the royal opera house. "le prophète" is in rehearsal, and it is the last act, in which there is a powder cask, ready to blow everything to atoms, standing outside the cathedral. fraulein frieda hempel, as the heroine, appears with a lighted torch and is about to take her seat on the cask. suddenly the imperial voice is heard from the semi-gloom: "fraulein hempel, it is evident you haven't had a military training or you wouldn't take a light so near a barrel of gunpowder." and the _prima donna_ has to take her place on the other side of the stage. or he is presenting professor siegfried ochs, the famous manager of the philharmonic concerts, with the order of the red eagle, third class, and with a friendly smile gracefully excuses himself for conferring an "order of the third class on a musician of the first class," by pleading official rule. a third popular anecdote tells of a lady seated beside him at the dinner-table. salad is being offered to her, but she thinks she is bound to give all her attention to the emperor and takes no notice of it. thereupon the emperor: "gnadige frau, an emperor can wait, but the salad cannot." possibly the emperor had in mind louis xiii, who complained that he never ate a plate of warm soup in his life, it had to pass through so many hands to reach him. the german takes his theatre as he takes life, seriously. to cough during a performance attracts embarrassing attention, a sneeze almost amounts to misdemeanour. to the german the theatre is a part of the machinery of culture, and accordingly he is not so easily bored as the anglo-saxon playgoer, who demands that drama shall contain that great essential of all good drama, action. to the anglo-saxon, the more plentiful and rapid the action is, the better. the german, differing from most anglo-saxons, likes historical scenes, great processions, costume festivals, the representation of mediæval events in which his monarchs and generals played conspicuous parts. the emperor has the same disposition and taste. yet both national taste and disposition, like other of the nation's characteristics, are slowly altering with the growth of the modern spirit, and germans now begin to require something of a more modern kind, a more social order, something that comes home more to their business and bosoms. greater variety in subject is asked for, more laughter and tears, more representations of scenes and life dealing with everyday doings and the fate of the people as distinguished from the doings and fate of their rulers and the upper classes. the emperor has not followed his people in the new direction. he regards the stage as a vehicle of patriotism, an instrument of education, a guider of artistic taste, an inculcator of old-time morality. its aim, he appears to think, is not to help to produce, primarily, the good man and good citizen, but the good man and good monarchist, and--perhaps--not so much primarily the good monarchist as the liege subject of the hohenzollern dynasty. having secured this, he looks for the elevation of the public taste along his own lines. he assumes that the public taste can be elevated from without, from above, when it can only be elevated proportionately with its progress in general education and its purification from within. consequently he is for the "classical," as in the other arts. but apart from its aims and uses, the theatre has always appealed to him. his fondness for it is a hohenzollern characteristic, which has shown itself, with more or less emphasis, in monarch after monarch of the line. nor is it surprising that monarchs should take pleasure in the stage, since the theatre is one of the places which brings them and their subjects together in the enjoyment of common emotions, and shows them, if only at second hand, the domestic lives of millions, from personal acquaintance with which their royal birth and surroundings exclude them. the emperor treats all artists, male and female, in the same friendly and unaffected manner. there is never the least soupçon of condescension in the one case or flirtation in the other, but in both a lively and often unexpectedly well-informed interest in the play or other artistic performance of the occasion, and in the actors' or actresses' personal records. the nationality of the artist has apparently nothing to do with this interest. the emperor invites french, italian, english, american or scandinavian artists to the royal box after a performance as often as he invites the artists of his own country, and, once launched on a conversation, nothing gives him more pleasure than to expound his views on music, painting, or the drama, as the case may be. "tempo--rhythm--colour," he has been heard to insist on to a conductor whom in the heat of his conviction he had gradually edged into a corner and before whom he stood with gesticulating arms--"all the rest is _schwindel_." at an entertainment given by ambassador jules cambon at the french embassy after the morocco difficulty had been finally adjusted, he became so interested while talking to a group of french actors that high dignatories of the empire, including princes, the imperial chancellor and ministers, standing in another part of the _salon_, grew impatient and had to detach one of their number to call the emperor's attention to their presence. since then, it is whispered, it has become the special function of an adjutant, when the occasion demands it, diplomatically and gently to withdraw the imperial _causeur_ from too absorbing conversation. several anecdotes are current having reference to the emperor as sportsman. one of them, for example, mentions a loving-cup of frederick william iii's time, kept at the hunting lodge of letzlingen, which is filled with champagne and must be emptied at a draught by anyone visiting the lodge for the first time. this is great fun for the emperor, who a year or two ago made a number of berlin guests, including chancellor von bethmann-hollweg, the austrian ambassador, szoghenyi-marich, the secretary for the navy, admiral von tirpitz, and the crown prince of greece stand before him and drain the cup. as the story goes, "the attempts of the guests to drink out of the heavy cup, which is fixed into a set of antlers in such a way as to make it difficult to drink without spilling the wine, caused great amusement." the principles of sport generally, it may be here interpolated, are not quite the same in germany as in england, though no country has imitated england in regard to sport so closely and successfully as germany. up to a comparatively few years ago the germans had neither inclination nor means for it, and though always enthusiastic hunters, hunting--not the english fox-hunting, but hunting the boar and the bear, the wolf and the deer--was almost the sole form of manly sport practised. _turnen_, the most popular sort of german indoor gymnastics, only began in , a couple of years after the birth of the emperor. there are now nearly a dozen cricket clubs alone in berlin, football clubs all over the empire, tennis clubs in every town, rowing clubs at all the seaports and along the large rivers, nearly all following english rules and in numerous cases using english sporting terms. at the same time sport is not the religion it is in england--indeed, to keep up the metaphor, hardly a living creed. the german attitude towards sport is not altogether the same as the english attitude. in england the object of the game is that the best man shall win, that he shall not be in any way unfairly or unequally handicapped _vis-à-vis_ his opponent, and the honour, not the intrinsic value of the prize, is the main consideration. these principles are not yet fully understood or adopted in germany, possibly owing to the early military training of the german youth making the carrying off the prize anyhow and by any means the main object. it is _realpolitik_ in sport, and a _realpolitik_ which is not wholly unknown in england; but while the spirit of _realpolitik_ is still perceivable in german sport, it is equally perceivable that the standard english way of viewing sporting competition is becoming more and more approached in germany. the emperor is an enthusiastic patron of sport of all healthy outdoor kinds, not as sympathizing with the english youth's disposition to regard play as work and work as play, to give to his business any time he can spare from his sport, but because he estimates at its full value its place in the national health-budget. his personal likings are for bear-shooting, deer-stalking, and yachting, but he also wields the lawn-tennis racket and the rapier with fair skill. the names of several of his hunting lodges---rominten, springe, hubertusstock, and so on--are familiar to many people in all countries. rominten preserve is in east prussia, and embraces about four square miles, with little lakes and some rising ground. september is the emperor's favourite month for visiting it. here one year he shot a famous eight-and-twenty-ender antelope, which had come across from russian territory. before the present reign the deer, or pig, or other wild animal used to be beaten up to the royal sportsman of the day, but that practice has long ceased, and the emperor has to tramp many a mile, and at times crawl on all fours for hundreds of yards, to get a shot. we have seen that the emperor's position as king and emperor renders inevitable his adoption, either of natural bent, which is extremely probable, or from a policy in harmony with the wishes of his people, of a view of the monarch's office that to perhaps most englishmen living under parliamentary rule must seem antiquated, not to say absurd. this attitude apart, the emperor possesses, as it is hoped has been sufficiently shown, as modern and progressive a spirit as any of his contemporaries. his instant recognition of all useful modern appliances, particularly, of course, those of possible service in war, is a prominent feature of his mentality. he went, doubtless, too far in heralding count zeppelin, in , as "the greatest man of the century," but the very words he chose to use marked his appreciation of the new aeronautical science count zeppelin was introducing. similarly, the moment the automobile had entered on the stage of reliability it won a place in the imperial favour, and is now his most constant means of locomotion. he has never, it is true, emulated the enterprise of his son, the crown prince, whom mr. orville wright had as a companion for a quarter of an hour in the air at potsdam three years ago, but his interest in the aeroplane is none the less keen because he is too conscious of his responsibilities to subject his life to unnecessary risk. before closing our sketch of the emperor as a man by quoting appreciations written by two contemporary writers, one german and the other english, it may be added that there is a statesman still--it is pleasant to think--alive who could, an he only would, draw the emperor's character perfectly, both as man and monarch. indeed, as has been seen, he has more than once sketched parts of it in parliament, but only parts--the whole character of the emperor, on all its sides and in all its ramifications, has yet to be revealed. here need only be quoted what chancellor bülow--and also, by the way, princess bülow--publicly said about the emperor as man. the prince's most noteworthy statement was made in the reichstag in , when, in answer to leader-of-the-opposition bebel, the prince said, "one thing at least, the emperor is no philistine," and proceeded to explain, rather negatively and disappointingly, that the emperor possesses what the greeks call megalopsychia--a great soul. one knows but too well the english philistine, that stolid, solid, self-sufficient bulwark of the british constitution. the german philistine is his twin brother, the narrow-minded, conservative burgher. other epithets the prince applied to the imperial character were "simple," "natural," "hearty," "magnanimous," "clear-headed," and "straightforward"; while princess bülow, during a conversation her husband was having with the french journalist, m. jules huret, in , interjected the remark that he was "a person of good birth, _fils de bonne maison_, the descendant of distinguished ancestors, and a modern man of great intelligence." but let us see how the emperor appears to his contemporaries. dr. paul liman, who has made the most serious attempt to sketch the character of the emperor that has yet appeared in german, writes:-- "we see in him a nature whose ground-tone is enthusiasm, phantasy, and a passionate impulse towards action. filled with the highest sense of the imperial rights and duties assigned to him, convinced that these are the direct expression of a divine will, he has inwardly thrown off the bonds of modern constitutional ideas and in words recently spoken, where he claimed responsibility for fifty-eight million people, converted these ideas into a formula that, while unconstitutional, is yet moral and deeply earnest. these words were doubly valuable as giving insight into the soul of a man who can be mistaken in his conclusions and means, but not in his motives, since these are directed to the general weal. here, too, we find the explanation of the fact that at one time he comes before us surrounded with the blue and hazy nimbus of the romantic period, and at another as the most modern prince of our time. out of the rise in him of the consciousness of majesty there grows a greater sense of duty, and instead of keeping watch from his turret over his people he loses himself in detail. and precisely here must he fail, because modern life with its development is far too rich in complications and activities to admit of its submitting to patriarchal benevolence. and because an artistic strain and a strong fantasy simultaneously work in him, he moves joyfully beyond the limits of the actual to raise before our eyes the highly coloured dream of the picture of a time in which all men, all nations, will be friendly and reconciled--an artist's dream. here is something characteristic, something unusual, to give particular charm to a personality which has no parallel in the history of the dynasty hitherto. there may be concealed in it the seed of illustrious deeds, but only too often disappointment and contempt lie scornfully in wait when the deed is accomplished. for the heaven we erect on earth always comes to naught, and the idealist is always vanquished in the strife with fact." so far, dr. liman. mr. sydney brooks, in a sketch in _maclure's magazine_ for july, , writes:-- "the drawback to any and to every _régime_ of paternal absolutism is that the human mind is limited. the kaiser will not admit it, but his acts prove it. it is not given to one man to know more about everything than anybody else knows about anything; and the kaiser, who is a good deal of a dilettante, and believes himself omniscient, at times speaks from a lamentable half-knowledge, and occasionally has to call in the imperial authority to back up his verdicts against the judgments of experts. "unquestionably his mind is of an unusual order. it is a facile, quickly moving instrument; it works in flashes; it assimilates seemingly without effort, and it is at its best under the highest pressure. the kaiser is not to be laughed at for wanting to know all there is to be known, but he may justly be criticized for failing to distinguish between the attempt and its failure.... "is it all charlatanerie? is it all of a part with his speech in russian to the regiment of which the czar made him honorary colonel, a studied trumpery effort, designed for a momentary effect? is the kaiser just glitter and tinsel, impulse and rhapsody, with nothing solid beneath? is it his supreme object to make an impression at any cost, to force, like another nero, the popular applause by arts more becoming to a _cabotin_ than a sovereign? vanity, restlessness, a consuming desire for the palm without the dust--an intense and theatrical egotism--are these the qualities that give the clue to his character and actions? "i do not think so altogether. the kaiser has scattered too much. in an age of specialists on many subjects he speaks like an amateur. he is always the hero, and often the victim, of his own imagination; like a star actor, he cannot bear to be outshone; he is morbidly, almost pruriently, conscious of the effect he is producing. and on all matters of intellect and taste his influence makes for blatant mediocrity. but he is not meretricious; at bottom he is not by any means as superficial and insincere as he often seems. he is one of those men in whom an instinct becomes an immutable truth, an idea a conviction, and a suspicion a certainty, by an almost instantaneous process; and, the process completed, action follows forthwith. the kaiser is always resolved to do the right thing; the right thing, by some quaint but invariable coincidence, is whatever he is resolved to do." these appreciations from afar may be as sound as they are brilliant, but they rather refer to the non-essential parts of the character of the emperor in the first flush of imperial glory than to the essential character as it has developed with the years. as a man--he will be dealt with as monarch presently--his essential character must be judged from his conduct, and conduct extending over a good many years. one might say, conduct and reputation, but that reputation is so often the result of a confused mixture of superficial observation, gossip, tittle-tattle, envy, hatred and uncharitableness, and, in the case of an emperor, of merely picturesque and effective writing. there is another source which would materially help us in forming a judgment, but it is wholly wanting in the case of the emperor. no private correspondence of his is, as yet, available to the world. again, a man's character is determined by his motives, if it is not the other way about; in any case, a man's motives are for the most part inscrutable and can only be deduced from conduct, while the world usually makes the mistake of explaining conduct by attributing its own motives. tried, then, by the standard of conduct, the only one available, the emperor, as a man, shows us a high type of humanity. it may not, probably does not, appeal to englishmen wholly, but there are features of it which must command, and do command, the respect of people of all nationalities. and, first of all, he is a good man; good as a christian, good as a husband, good as a father, good as a patriot. with all the power and temptation to gratify his inclinations, he has no personal vices of the baser sort. he is moderate in the satisfaction of his appetites, whether for food or wine. he is no debauchee, no voluptuary, no gambler. he is faithful to old friends and comrades. he has high ideals, and is not ashamed of them. he is neither indolent nor fussy; neither a cynic, nor an intriguer, nor a fool; he is neither wrong-headed nor stubborn; he is honest and sincere to a degree that does him honour as a man, if it has sometimes proved perilous and blameworthy in him as a monarch. he is optimistic, and on good grounds. he is no physical or intellectual giant, but he is a man of more than average all-round intelligence and capacity. if this appreciation is correct, or even approximately correct, it is a testimonial, whatever may be its worth, to great merit. yet the emperor as man has his failings and drawbacks, though they are such as time is almost sure to diminish or eradicate. notably in his earlier years he lacked judgment, the power of balancing considerations and arriving at conclusions from them which men more gifted with poise would endorse as logical and inevitable. he does not, like spare cassius, see quite through the deeds of men, as his friendship for count phili eulenburg and the malodorous "camarilla" go to show, and his choice of imperial chancellors, his grand viziers, has not in every instance been happy. he has less tact than character, as he showed once in vienna, where he greatly pained the foreign minister, count goluchowski, one day at a club by calling to him, "golu, golu, come and sit beside your kaiser." he has the german masculine enjoyment in a kind of humour which would have delighted fox and the three-bottle men, but would sadly shock the susceptibilities of an oxford æsthete. he has a share of personal vanity, but it springs from the desire to look the emperor he is, not because he supposes for a moment that he is an adonis. he is theatrical in exactly the same spirit--the desire imperially to impress his folk in the sense of the german word _imponieren_, a word that needs no translation. if he has lost much of dr. liman's "romantik," he still retains the "scatteredness" of mr. sidney brooks, though the emperor would rather hear it called "many-sidedness." _en résumé_ he has the defects of his qualities, but to no man or woman's unmerited loss or injury, and if we weigh the good qualities with the bad, we find a fine balance remaining to his credit as a man. the fierce light which beats upon a throne, if it is apt to dazzle the bystander, helps those at a distance, especially in these days of the still fiercer light of modern publicity, to judge fairly the throne's occupant. the character of the emperor as monarch ought, therefore, as far as is possible in the absence of archives marked "secret and confidential" and yet lying in the ministries of all countries, to disclose itself nowadays with reasonable clearness. yet, even still, different and conflicting opinions regarding it are to be gathered in germany and out of it. indeed, his own people are among the severest critics. one of them, professor quidde, early in the reign, made an extraordinarily ingenious, but quite unjustifiable, comparison of him to caligula, which, though only consisting of classical quotations and making no mention of the emperor, was seen by everybody to refer to him and has caused discussion ever since. while many foreign critics have done the emperor justice, others in turn have made him out to be arrogant, snobbish, bombastic, superficial, incompetent, and insincere. to writers of this class he is always the german war lord, ready to pounce, like a highwayman or pirate, on any unprotected person or property he may come across, regardless of treaty obligations, of international disaster, or of the dictates of humanity. one day they announce he is planning the annexation of holland in order to get a further set of naval bases, the next that he means to take belgium to make a road for his armies into france, a third that he is about to set at naught the monroe doctrine and with his dreadnoughts seize brazil. all these things are conceivable and not impossible, but they are in the very highest degree improbable, and, as yet at least, ought not to be considered seriously. to sensible and better-informed people everywhere he is a prussian king of the best type, a sincere friend of peace, with a mania for pushing the maxim "_si vis pacem para bellum_" to extremes, politically the most influential man in europe, and, with all his faults, one of the greatest germans of his time. the character of the emperor, as monarch, is reflected very largely in the character of the germany of to-day. germany is optimistic, ardently desirous of peace, bent on worthily maintaining the great place she has won, and deserved to win, among the nations, and so materially prosperous as to make many germans tremble at the thought that the prosperity may be too great to last. this, however, is not to assert that in germany everything is _couleur de rose_. there are not a few things in the empire's social and political conditions which are antiquated or promise no good. noxious as well as beneficial forces have been introduced into the social life of the country and are beginning to make themselves felt. german home-life is ceasing to be the admirable and exemplary thing it was before the present era of class rivalry, commercialism, the parvenu and the snob. the idealism which made the empire a possibility is passing away. there is need, and a general demand, for franchise reform in prussia, and a change in the spirit of prussian bureaucratic administration would be acceptable, though it is, perhaps, hopeless to expect it. the opposition in germany between the monarchic and the democratic principle, if not more marked than it was twenty or thirty years ago, is manifesting itself over a wider and perhaps deeper area. the relations between capital and labour are far from satisfactory adjustment. social democracy is yearly gaining fresh adherents, and if guilty of no political violence, is yet a constant source of danger to domestic peace. the german middle class, that bourgeoisie which is the backbone and strength of the empire, is losing its spartan simplicity and its content with small and moderate pleasures; and the national virtues of thrift and self-denial are yielding to the temptations of wealth and luxury. business credit is unduly stretched, speculation in land has attained disturbing proportions, and the banking world is in too many instances allied with hazardous or doubtful enterprises. nevertheless the country as a whole is sound, intellectually, morally, and financially. it would be difficult to mention any of the greater tasks of imperial administration to which the emperor does not continue to devote personal attention. he is the life and soul of the army and navy, though it should not be forgotten that as regards the latter he has in admiral tirpitz an executive talent worthy of his own directive. his interest in the mercantile marine remains what it was when in , as prince william, he drew up an expert opinion which decided the hamburg-amerika company to build their fast ocean-going steamers at home instead of abroad, and by the success of the experiment commenced the modern development of germany's shipbuilding industry. indeed, his attention to the hamburg line, familiarly known as the "hapag" line, from the initial letters of its legal title, "hamburg-amerika packetfahrt-aktien gesellschaft," and to the norddeutsche line from bremen, has given rise to the unfounded belief that he is heavily interested in their financial success. herr albert ballin, the director of the hamburg line, though a jew, is among his intimates and advisers, and the emperor is said to have caused umbrage more than once to court officials and the aristocracy by giving directors of both lines precedence at his table. without the emperor's personal support it is probable that neither the firm of krupp at essen nor the splendid shipbuilding yards at hamburg, bremen, stettin and elsewhere would continue to progress as they are doing. he neglects no opportunity of stimulating germany's internal and external trade. he is at all times ready to encourage the introduction of useful achievements of modern science and invention. and lastly, by tactful treatment of other german rulers, and a wise policy of non-interference with their states, he is promoting a feeling of federal solidarity. the emperor's conception of his relations to the people remains to-day what he was brought up in and what it was when he mounted the throne. in england, america, and france the people are the real rulers, and their monarch or president is their highest official servant and representative. the idea is not perhaps constitutionally expressed, but it is universally and deeply felt in the countries named. in germany the opposite theory obtains--for how long it must be left to the future to say. in germany the emperor is the real ruler, the genuine monarch, and the people are his subjects, the country his country. hence, while an english king in an official document or public statement would not think of putting himself first and the people or country second, the german emperor's official statements and speeches constantly repeat such expressions as "i and my people," "i and the army," "my capital," "me and the fatherland," and a score more; so that anglo-saxons and other foreigners acquire the impression that the word "my" is no figure of rhetoric or pride, but a simple claim of ownership or possession. and the official relation between monarch and people is reflected in the people's ordinary life. to the foreigner it continually appears that the public are the servants of the official, not the contrary, whether officialism takes the shape of a post-office clerk, a tramcar conductor, a shop salesman, a policeman, or a waiter. all these functionaries are the possessors of an authority which the citizen is expected to, and usually does, obey. the explanation of such a state of things is a little abstruse, but an attempt may be made at giving it. the period immediately preceding the reign of frederick the great was a period of absolute monarchy in germany, a system introduced from france, where louis xiv had proclaimed the doctrine _l'etat, c'est moi_, according to which the lives and property of the subject belonged to the prince, whose will was to be obeyed without question or demur. there were now four hundred courts in germany in imitation of the court of versailles, and the smaller the principality the greater the absolutism. absolutism, however, required an army to support it; hence the establishment of standing and mercenary armies and the disuse of arms by the citizen. the result, to quote professor ernst richard's work on "german civilization," was that "the pride of the burgher and the peasant was broken. a submissive servility hopelessly pervaded the masses, and even the best had lost all social and national feeling, all sense of being part of a greater body.... the luxurious life and the arrogance of the ruling classes were accepted as a matter of course, one might say as a divine institution. thus those traits of character, which had come to light under the cruel stress of the thirty years war, fostered by the rule of despotism and the worst vices, took deeper root. to these belong that greed for social position, for titles and the smiles of the great; servility towards those who hold a higher position as bearers of official titles and dignity, a fear of publicity, above all a rather remarkable inclination to a peevish, petty, and sceptical attitude as regards the knowledge and ability of others. the exaltation of the position of the prince extended to his court and his officials, as well as to the nobility, which had long since become a court nobility." but absolutism had to go with the changes in human thought under the influence of rationalism, which brought with it the idea of the state, not the absolute prince, as ruler. this idea was embodied in the _rechtstaat_, or state based on law, which was introduced by frederick the great, the "first servant of the state." the state, he said, exists for the sake of the citizens. "one must be insane," he wrote, "to imagine that men should have said to one of their equals, 'we will raise you so that we may be your slaves, we will give you the power to guide our thoughts according to yours.' they rather said: 'we need you in order to execute our laws, that you show us the way, and defend us. but we understand that you will respect our liberties.'" the _rechtstaat_ exists in germany to the present day, the emperor is at the head of it, and the people are content to live within its confines. it is not, as has been seen, coterminous with the whole liberty of the subject, but is yet a vast bundle of rights and obligations which in public, and much of private, life leaves as little as possible to the unaided or undirected intelligence or goodwill of the citizen. it is an exaggeration, but still expresses a popular feeling even in germany itself--and certainly describes an impression made on the anglo-saxon--to say that outside this bundle of laws and regulations, which, clearly and logically paragraphed, orders to a nicety all the public, and many of the private, relations of the citizens, everything is forbidden or discouraged by authority. yet, as has been said, the people are satisfied with it, and it must be admitted that if it confines individual liberty within what to the anglo-saxon seem narrow limits, still, by directing the individual to common ends, it works great public advantage. it is in truth a very intelligent and practical form of socialism, infinitely less oppressive to the people than would be the socialism of the professed socialist. it left, however, the german caste system of frederick's day undisturbed; as professor richard says: "the nobility retained its privileged position. it was considered a law of nature that the noblemen should assist the monarch in the administration of the state and as leaders of the army; the peasant should cultivate the fields and provide food; the commoner should provide money through industry and commerce." to the anglo-saxon, of course, brought up with individualistic views of life and demanding complete personal freedom, the german _rechtstaat_ would be galling, not to say intolerable. the englishman, however, has his _rechtstaat_ too, but the limits it places on his liberty are not nearly so restrictive in regard to public meeting, public talking, public writing, in short, public action of all sorts, as in germany. besides, the spirit of laws in england, as naturally follows from the englishman's political history, is a much more liberal one than the german spirit, which is still to some extent under the influence of the age of absolutism. the german conception of the _rechtstaat_ entails, as one of its consequences, a sharp contrast between the rights and privileges of the crown and the rights and privileges of the people; and therefore, while the emperor is never without apprehension that the people may try to increase their rights and privileges at the expense of those of the crown, the people are not without apprehension that the crown may try to increase its rights and privileges at the expense of the political liberties of the people. to this apprehension on the part of the people is to be attributed their widespread dissatisfaction with the emperor's so-called "personal regiment," which, until recently, was the chief hindrance to his popularity. in truth the emperor is in a difficult position. to be popular with the people he must be popular with the parliament, but if he were to seek popularity with the parliament he would lose popularity and prestige with the aristocracy and large landowners, who have still a good deal of the old-time contempt for the mere "folk," the burgher, and he would lose it with the military officer class, which is aristocratic in spirit, and is, as the emperor is constantly assuring it, the sole support of throne and empire. in addition to this it has to be remembered that a large majority of south germany is catholic, and, generally speaking, no great lover of prussia, its people, and their airs of stiff superiority. the personal relations of the emperor to his people, and in especial to the vast burghertum, are precisely those to be expected from his traditional and constitutional relations. he is not popular, but he is widely and sincerely respected. his preference for the army, intelligible though it is, and the cleavage that separates government and people, explain to some extent the want of popularity, using that word in its "popular" sense; while the consciousness of all the nation owes to his "goodwill," his initiative and energy, his conscientiousness in all directions, is quite sufficient to account for the respect. it is, in truth, in part at least, the respect which excludes the popularity. no one is ever likely to be popular, anywhere, who is constantly endeavouring to teach people how to live and what to think, and at the same time seems to have no social weaknesses to reconcile him with those--no small number--who are fond of cakes and ale. some of the emperor's acts and speeches have postponed, if not precluded, eventual popularity--his breach with bismarck, for example, the whole "personal regiment," and speeches like that at potsdam in , when he told his recruits that if he had to order them to shoot down their brothers, or even their parents, they must obey without a murmur. speeches of this last kind live long in public memory. in his dealings with his people the emperor is neither arrogant--"high-nosed" is the elegant german expression: "arrogant" is no german word, prince bülow would doubtless say-- towards his subjects, nor are they cringing towards him, though this statement does not exclude the excusable embarrassment an ordinary mortal may be expected to feel in the presence of a monarch. the emperor himself desires no "tail-wagging" from his subjects, and though there is something of the autocrat in him, there is nothing of the despot. certainly for the present, germans, with rare exceptions, are satisfied with him. they are prospering under him. the shoe pinches here and there, and if it pinches too hard they will cry out and perhaps do more than cry out. they do not consider the emperor perfect, but they forgive his errors, and particularly the errors of his impetuous youth, even though on three or four occasions they brought the country into danger. monarchy has been defined as a state in which the attention of the nation is concentrated on one person doing interesting things: a republic, as a state in which the attention is divided between many who are all doing uninteresting things: germans find their emperor interesting, and that is a stage on the road to popularity. the imperial ego, which is quite consistent with the german view of monarchical rule and conformity with the _rechtstaat_, is specially advertised by the pictures and statues of the emperor which are to be found all over germany, to the apparent exclusion of the pictures and statues of national and local men of distinction. the emperor's picture almost monopolizes the walls of every public and municipal office, every railway-station refreshment-room, every shop, every restaurant throughout the empire. wherever it turns the eye is confronted by the portrait or bust of the emperor, and if it is not his portrait or bust, it is the portrait or bust of one or other of his ancestors. an exception should be made in the case of bismarck, the reproduction of whose rugged features, shaggy eyebrows, and bulky frame are not infrequent; statues and portraits, too, of moltke and roon, though much more rarely met with than those of bismarck, are to be seen, while those of goethe, schiller, kant, lessing, wagner, or other german "immortal," are still rarer. only once, or perhaps twice, in all germany is there to be found a public statue of heine--for heine was a jew and said many unpleasant, because true, things about his country. the travelling foreigner in germany after a while begins to wonder if he is not in some far eastern country where ancestor-worship obtains, and where one tremendous personality overshadows, obscures, and obliterates all the rest. in truth, however, this is not the lesson of the imperial images for the foreigner. they teach him that he is in a country with a system of government and views of the state different from his own, that the empire is ruled in a military, not a civic spirit, and that the counterfeit presentment of the emperor, always in dazzling uniform, is the sign of the national acceptance of system, views, and spirit. a similar lesson is taught by the emperor's speeches. in england the king rarely speaks in public, and then with well-calculated brevity and reserve. in five words he will open a museum and with a sentence unveil a monument. the emperor's speeches fill four stout volumes--and he is only fifty-four. the speeches deal with every sort of topic, and have been delivered in all parts of the empire--now to parliament, now to his assembled generals, now at the celebration of some national or individual jubilee, now at the dedication of a building or the opening of a bridge. the style is always clear and logical, in this respect contrasting favourably with the german style of twenty years ago, when the language wriggled from clause to clause in vermiform articulations until the thought found final expression in a mob of participles and infinitives. metaphors abound in the speeches, some of them slightly far-fetched, but others of uncommon beauty, appropriateness, and pith. there is no brilliant employment of words, but not seldom one comes across such terse and happy phrases as the famous "we stand under the star of commerce," "our future lies on the water," "we demand a place in the sun." on the english reader the speeches will be apt to pall, unless he is thoroughly saturated with prussian historic, military, and romantic lore and can place himself mentally in the position of the emperor. the tone, never quite detached from consciousness of the imperial ego, hardly ever descends to the level of familiar conversation nor rises to heights of eloquence that carry away the hearer. with three or four exceptions, there is no argumentation in the speeches, for they are not meant to persuade or convince, but to enjoin and command. they do not contain any of the important and interesting facts and figures of which, nevertheless, the emperor's mind must be full, and they are wanting in wit and humour, though nature has endowed the emperor with both. on the other hand, it should be remembered that they are the speeches of an emperor, not of a statesman. the speeches have no political timeliness or object save that of rousing and directing imperial spirit among the people by appeals to their imagination and patriotism. had the emperor been actuated by the spirit of a minister or statesman, he would have been far more alive to the fact than he appears to have been, that every word he uttered would instantly find an echo in the parliament, press, and stock exchange of all other countries. the emperor's fundamental mistakes, as disclosed by his speeches, appear to an englishman to have been in assuming when they were made that the empire was in a less advanced stage of consolidation and settlement than it in fact was, and in underrating the intelligence, knowledge, and patriotism of his people. from this point of view his early speeches in particular sound jejune or superfluous. what would the englishman say to a king who began his reign by a series of homilies on alfred the great or elizabeth or queen victoria; by using strong language about the labour party or the fabian society; by appeals to throne and altar; by describing to parliament the chief duties of the monarch; by recommending the london county council to build plenty of churches; by calling journalists "hunger-candidates"; by frequent references to the battles of waterloo and trafalgar? yet, _mutatis mutandis_, this is not so very unlike what the young emperor did, and not for a year or two, but for several years after his accession. to an englishman such addresses would appear rather ill-timed academic declamation. yet there was much, and perhaps is still much, to account for, if not quite justify, the emperor's rhetoric. the peculiarity of germany's monarchic system placed, and places, the monarch in a patriarchal position not very different from that of moses towards the israelites--a leader, preacher, and prophet. again, the empire, when the emperor came to the throne, was not a homogeneous nation inspired by a centuries-old national spirit, but suffered, as it still in a measure suffers, from the particularism of the various kingdoms and states composing it: in other words, from too local a patriotism and stagnation of the imperial idea. thirdly, the empire had no navy, while an empire to-day without a navy is at a tremendous and dangerous disadvantage in world-politics, and the mere conception that a navy was indispensable had to be created in a country lying in the heart of europe and with only one short coast-line. the englishman is as loyal to his king as the german is to his emperor, and england, as little as germany, is disposed to change from monarchy to republicanism. but the englishman's political and social governor, guide, and executive is not the king, but the parliament; because while in the king he has a worthy representative of the nation's historical development and dignity, in the parliament he sees a powerful and immediate reflection of himself, his own wishes, and his own judgments. moreover, with the spread of democratic ideas, the position of a monarch anywhere in the civilized world to-day is not what it was fifty years ago. the general progress in education since then; the drawing together of the nations by common commercial and financial interests; the incessant activity of writers and publishers; the circulation and power of the press--themselves almost threatening to become a despotism--such facts as these tend to change the relations between kings and peoples. monarchs and men are changing places; the ruler becomes the subject, the subject ruler; it is the people who govern, and the monarch obeys the people's will. such is not the view of the german emperor nor of the german people. to both the monarch is no "shadow-king," as both are fond of calling the king of england, but an emperor of flesh and blood, commissioned to take the leading part in decisions binding on the nation, responsible to no one but the almighty, and the sole bestower of state honours. there are, it is true, three factors of imperial government constitutionally--the emperor, the federal council, and the imperial parliament; but while the council has only very indirect relations with the people, the parliament, a consultative body for legislation, is not the depositary of power or authority, or an assembly to which either the emperor, or the council, or the imperial chancellor is responsible. it must be admitted that, while such is the constitutional theory, the actual practice is to a considerable extent different. the emperor is no absolute monarch, even in the domain of foreign affairs, as he is often said to be, but is influenced and guided, certainly of late years, both by the federal council and by public opinion, the power of which latter has greatly augmented in recent times. whether the reichstag really represents public opinion in the empire is a moot-point in germany itself. it can hardly be denied that it does so, at least in financial matters, since with regard to them it has all the powers, or almost all, possessed by the english house of commons in this respect. where its powers fail, it is said, is in regard to administration; for though it deliberates on and passes legislation, it is left by the constitution to the emperor and his ministers to issue instructions as to how legislation is to be carried into effect. the result is to throw excessive power over public comfort and convenience into the hands of the official class of all degrees, which naturally employs it to maintain its own dignity and privileged position. towards one class of the population, and that a highly important and exceptional one, the emperor's attitude of unprejudiced goodwill has never varied. israelites form only a small proportion--about per cent.--of the whole people, and are to be found in very large numbers only in berlin and frankfurt; but to their financial and commercial ability germany owes a debt one may almost describe as incalculable. there is a strong national prejudice against them in all parts of the empire, as there probably is in all countries, and it must be admitted that the manners and customs of the lower-class jew, his unpleasant and insistent curiosity, his intrusiveness where he is not desired, his want of cleanliness, his sharpness at a bargain, his oily bearing to those he wishes to propitiate and his ruthless sweating of the worker in all fields when in his power, are all disagreeable personal qualities. there is also, as a concomitant of the nation's growth in wealth of every sort, and mostly perhaps to be found in the capital a class of jewish parvenu, remarkable for snobbishness, ostentation, and affectation. but one must distinguish; and of a large percentage of the educated class of jew in germany it would be difficult to speak too highly. germans may be the "salt of the earth," as the emperor once told them they were, but jewish talent can with quite as much, perhaps more, justice be called the salt of german prosperity. and not alone in the region of finance and commerce. some of the best intellect, most of the leading enterprise in germany, in all important directions, is jewish. many of her ablest newspaper proprietors and editors are jews. many of her finest actors and actresses are jews and jewesses. many of her cleverest lawyers, doctors, and artists are jews. the career of herr albert ballin, the jewish director of the hamburg-amerika line, the emperor's friend, to whom germany owes a great deal of her mercantile marine expansion, is a long romance illustrative of jewish organizing power and success. the emperor's friendship for herr ballin is obviously not entirely disinterested, but the interest at the root of it is an imperial one. in this spirit he cultivates to-day, as he has done since he took over the empire, the society of all his subjects, german or jew, who either by their talents or through their wealth can contribute to the success of the mighty task which occupies his waking thoughts, and for all one knows, his sleeping thoughts--his dreams--as well. accordingly, the wealthy german is quite aware that if he is to be reckoned among the emperor's friends he must be prepared to pay for the privilege, since the emperor is neither slow nor shy about using his influence in order to make the more fortunate members of the community put their hands deeply into their pockets for national purposes. a little time ago he invited a number of merchant princes and captains of industry, as american papers invariably call wealthy germans, to a _bier-abend_ at the palace. when the score or so of guests were seated, he announced that he was collecting subscriptions for some public object--the national airship fund, perhaps--and sent a sheet of paper to herr friedlander fuld, the "coal-king" of germany, to head the list. herr fuld wrote down £ , , and the paper was taken back to the emperor. "oh, this will never do, lieber fuld," he exclaimed, on seeing the amount. "at this rate people will be putting down their names for £ . you must at least double it." and herr fuld had to do so. a few weeks afterwards there was another invitation to the palace, and the same sort of scene took place. a little later still herr fuld got a third invitation, and as an imperial invitation is equivalent to a command, he had to go. when he arrived he noticed his fellow-industrials looking uneasy, not to say sad. the emperor noticed it too, for his first words were: "dear gentlemen, to-night the beer costs nothing." throughout the reign germany has made it her constant policy to cultivate friendly relations with the united states. chancellor von bülow, in , apropos of samoa, said in the reichstag: "we can confidently say that in no other country has america during the last hundred years found better understanding and more just recognition than in germany." this is true of the educated classes, professional, professorial, and scientific; but the ordinary european german, who does not know and understand america, still displays no particular love for the ordinary american. at the same time he probably prefers him to the people of any other nation. american outspokenness in politics, for example, must be refreshing to minds penned within the limits of the _rechtstaat_. he sees in them, too, millionaires, or at least people who come from a country where money is so abundant that, as many country-people still think, you have only to stoop to pick it up. when it comes to business, however, he is a little afraid of their somewhat too sanguine enterprise, and is given to suspect that a "bluff" of some sort is behind the simplest business proposition. much of this, of course, is due to ignorance heightened by yellow journalism, for as a rule only the vastly interesting, but mostly untrue, "stories" regarding germany printed in the yellow press come back to the fatherland. the german, again, is made uneasy by what he thinks the hasty manners of the americans; he considers them uncivil. so, let it be admitted, they sometimes appear to be to people of other nationalities; but then as a rule americans who jar on european nerves will be found to hail from places where life, to use the american expression, is "woolly," or too strenuous to allow of the delicacies of real refinement. the ordinary idea of the german in germany, held by the stay-at-home american, is a vague species of dislike, founded on the conviction that the american, not the german, is the salt of the earth; that the german regard for tradition makes them a slow and slowly moving race; and that the emperor as war lord--for he is almost solely known to him in that capacity--must be ever desirous of war, in particular wishes to seize a coaling-station or even a country, in south america, and, generally speaking, set at naught the monroe doctrine. the governments on both sides, of course, know and understand each other better. in november, , prince bülow publicly thanked america for her attitude at algeciras, implying that it was due to her representative's conciliatory and reconciliatory conduct that the conference did not end in a fiasco. "this," said the chancellor, "was the second great service to the world rendered by america; the other," he added, "being the bringing about of peace between russia and japan." a great deal of the increased intercourse between the two countries is due to the personal endeavours of the emperor. what his motives are may be conjectured with fair accuracy from a general knowledge of his "up-to-date" character, the commercial policy of his empire, and the events of recent years. he has a whole-hearted admiration for the american character and genius, so akin in many ways to his own character and genius; and if he refuses to recommend for germans similar institutions to those in states, federated in a manner somewhat analogous to that of the kingdoms and states composing his own empire, it is not from want of liberality of mind, but because they are wholly opposed to prussian tradition, because his people do not demand them, and because he honestly believes that in respect of topographical situation, climate, historical development, and race feelings and sentiment, the safeguards and requirements of germany are widely different from those of america. as a young man he naturally had very little to do with america or americans, though among his schoolboy playmates was a young american, poulteney bigelow, who afterwards wrote an excellent appreciation of the fine traits in the emperor's character. at the same time the emperor himself has stated that the country always interested him, and recent visitors bear out the statement fully. in , a year after his accession, he expressed his admiration for america, when receiving the american ambassador, mr. phelps. "from my youth on," the emperor said, "i have had a great admiration for that powerful and progressive commonwealth which you are called on to represent, and the study of its history in peace and war has had for me at all times a special interest. among the many distinguished characteristics of your people, which draw to them the attention of the whole world, are their enterprising spirit, their love of order, and their talent for invention. the predominant sentiment of both peoples is that of affinity and tested friendship, and the future can only strengthen the heartiness of their relations." more than twenty years have elapsed since the words were uttered, and the prediction has been fulfilled. scores of anecdotes, it need hardly be said, are current in connexion with the emperor and american friends. one of them is that of an american, mr. frank wyberg, the husband of a lady who, with her children, used often to visit mr. and mrs. armour on their yacht _uttowana_ at kiel, there met the emperor, and was invariably kindly greeted by him. mr. wyberg was summoned with his friend, general miles, to an audience of the emperor in berlin. before going to the palace mr. wyberg went to a well-known picture-dealer in the city and bought a small but artistic painting costing about £ , . he had the picture neatly done up, and carried it off under his arm to the hotel where he was to meet general miles. as they were leaving for the palace the general asked mr. wyberg what he was carrying. "oh, only a trifle for the kaiser!" was the reply. the general was horrified, and tried to dissuade his friend from bringing the picture, telling him that the proper procedure was to ask through the foreign office or the american embassy for the emperor's gracious acceptance of it. otherwise the emperor would be annoyed, he would think badly of american manners, and so on. mr. wyberg, however, was not to be deterred, and insisted that it would be "all right." while waiting in the reception-room for the emperor, mr. wyberg unwrapped the picture and placed it leaning against the wall on a piano. by and by the emperor came in, and almost the first thing he said, after shaking hands, was to ask what the presence of the picture meant. mr. wyberg explained that it was a mark of gratitude for the kindness the emperor had shown his wife and children at kiel. the emperor smiled, said it was a very kind thought, and willingly accepted the gift. the story has a sequel. a day or two after a court official called at the hotel, to get from general miles mr. wyberg's initials, and after another few days had passed reappeared with a bulky parcel. on being opened the parcel was found to consist of a large silver loving-cup, with mr. wyberg's name chased upon it, and underneath the words, "from wilhelm ii." another anecdote refers to an american naval attaché, a favourite of the emperor's. dinner at the palace was over, and the attaché, wishing to keep a memento of the occasion, took his large menu card and concealed it, as he thought, between his waistcoat and his shirt. unfortunately, when taking leave of the emperor, the card slipped down and part of it became visible. the emperor's quick eye immediately noticed it. "hallo! h----," he exclaimed; "look out, your dickey's coming down!" the story shows the emperor's acquaintance with english slang as well as his geniality. the emperor seems to take pleasure in displaying himself to americans in as republican a light as possible, and when he desires the company of an american friend, stands on no sort of ceremony. the american's telephone bell may ring at any hour of the day or evening, and a voice is heard--"here royal palace. his majesty wishes to ask if the herr so-and-so will come to the palace this evening for dinner." on one occasion this happened to professor burgess. the telephone at the hotel adlon in berlin rang up from potsdam about six in the afternoon, and there was so little time for the professor to catch his train that he was forced to finish his dressing _en route_. or the invitation may be for "a glass of beer" after dinner, about nine o'clock. if it is a dinner invitation, the guest, in evening clothes, with his white tie doubtless a trifle more carefully adjusted than usual, drives or walks to the palace. he enters a gate on the south side facing the statue of frederick the great, and under the archway finds a doorway with a staircase leading immediately to the royal apartments on the first floor. in an ante-room are other guests, a couple of ministers, the rector magnificus of the university, and perhaps a "roosevelt" or "exchange" professor; and if the party is not one of men only, such as the emperor is fond of arranging, and the empress is expected, the wives also of the invited guests. without previous notice the emperor enters, an american lover of slang might almost say "blows in," with quick steps and a bustling air that instantly fills the room with life and energy, and showing a cheery smile of welcome on his face. the guests are standing round in a half or three-quarter circle, and the emperor goes from one to the other, shaking hands and delivering himself of a sentence or two, either in the form of a question or remark, and then passing on. when it is not a bachelors' party, the empress comes in later with her ladies. a servant in the royal livery of red and gold, on a signal from the emperor, throws open a door leading to the dining-room, and the emperor and empress enter first. the guests take their places according to the cards on the table. if it is a men's party of, say, four guests, the emperor will seat them on his right and left and immediately opposite, with an adjutant or two as makeweights and in case he should want to send for plans or books. on these occasions he is usually in the dark blue uniform of a prussian infantry general, with an order or two blazing on his breast. he sits very upright, and starts and keeps going the conversation with such skill and verve that soon every one, even the shyest, is drawn into it. there is plenty of argument and divergence of view. if the emperor is convinced that he is right, he will, as has more than once occurred, jestingly offer to back his opinion with a wager. "i'll bet you"--he will exclaim, with all the energy of an english schoolboy. he enjoys a joke or witticism immensely, and leans back in his chair as he joins in the hearty peal about him. when cigars or cigarettes are handed round, he will take an occasional puff at one of the three or four cigarettes he allows himself during the evening, or sip at a glass of orangeade placed before him and filled from time to time. when he feels disposed he rises, and having shaken hands with his guests, now standing about him, retires into his workroom. a few moments later the guests disperse. conversation, both in england and germany, sometimes turns on the question whether or not the emperor will be known to future generations as william "the great." it is agreed on all sides that he will not take a place among the mediocrities or sink into oblivion. we have, though only negatively and indirectly, his own view of the matter, if, that is, it may be deduced from the fact that he has more than once tried to attach this _epitheton ornans_ to the memory of his grandfather. at hamburg in he desired a statue to the emperor william i to bear the inscription "william the great." the cool common sense of the cautious hamburgers refused to anticipate the decision of posterity and placed on the pedestal the simple words "william the first." in deference to the emperor's well-known wishes, if not at his request, the hamburg-amerika line of steamers christened one of their ocean greyhounds _wilhelm der grosse_. the mere fact that people discuss the question in his lifetime is of happy augury for the emperor. perhaps some other epithet will be found for him. "puffing billy" is one of his titles among english officers, taken from the name given locally to stephenson's first locomotive. but history has many ranks in her peerage and many epithets at her disposal--great, good, fair, lionhearted, silent--_that_ the emperor will not have--and a host more. maybe the greatest rulers were those whom history, as though in despair of finding a single term with which to do them justice, has refrained from decorating. timur, akbar, attila, julius cæsar, elizabeth, victoria, napoleon have no epithets, and need none. however, it is clear that a verdict on the emperor's deserts is premature. suppose him at the bar of history. the case is still proceeding, the evidence is not complete, counsel have not been heard, and--most obvious defect of any--the jury has not been impanelled. more than half a century has passed since the emperor was born. how time flies! "alas, alas, o postumus, postumus, the years glide by and are lost to us, lost to us." but not the memories they enshrine. it is, let us imagine, the night of the emperor's jubilee, and he lies in the old schloss, still awake, reflecting on the past. what a multitude of happenings, gay and grave, throng to his recollection, what a glorious and crowded canvas unrolls itself before his mental vision! the toy steamer on the havel; the games in the palace corridors, with the grim features of the great elector betrayed, one is tempted to think, into a half-smile as he watches the innocent gaiety of the romping children from the old wainscoted walls; the irksome but disciplinary hours in the cassel schoolroom; the youthful escapades with those carefree borussian comrades at the university on the broad bosom of father rhine; the excursions and picnics among the seven hills; the visits to england, its crowded and bustling capital, its country seats with their pleasant lawns and stately oaks; the war-ships in the solent, with their black mass and frowning guns, as they towered, like milton's leviathan, above his head. what a good time it was, and how rich in manifold and picturesque impressions! the canvas continues to unroll and a literary period opens--that age between youth and manhood, of all ages most passionate and ideal, when we are enthralled and moved by what we read--by those studies which "_adolescentiam agunt, senectutem oblectant, secundas res ornant, adversis perfugium ac solatium præbent, delectant domi, non impediunt foris; pernoctant nobiscum, peregrinantur, rusticantur_." it was the lohengrin period, when, filled with the ardour and imaginativeness of high-souled youth, the future emperor was dimly thinking of all he would do in the days to come for the happiness and prosperity of his people, nay, of all mankind. another tableau presents itself. life has now become real and the emperor's soldiering days have begun--never to conclude! his regiment is his world; parades and drills, the orderly-room and the barrack square occupy his time; and would seem monotonous and hard but for the little eden with its eve close beside them. the emperor turns uneasily, for his thoughts recur to the painful circumstances of his accession; but calmness soon succeeds as the curtain rises on the splendid panorama of the reign. he sees himself, a young and hitherto unknown actor, leaving the wings and taking the very centre of the stage, while the vast audience sits silent and attentive, as yet hardly grasping the significance of his words and gestures, emphatic though they are. and then he recalls the years of _sturm und drang_, the growth of empire in spite of grudging rivals and of fellow-countrymen as yet not wholly conscious of their destinies, which one can now see constituted a whole drama in themselves, fraught with great consequences to the world. but we are keeping the emperor awake when he should be left to well-deserved repose. he has doubtless half forgotten it all; the bismarck episode is one of those "... old, unhappy, far-off things and battles long ago" of which the poet sings. one unquiet political care excepted, all the rest must be pleasant for him to remember--the rising with the dawn, the hurried little breakfast with the empress, the pawing horses of the adjutants and escort in the courtyard of the palace; the constant travelling in and far beyond the empire; the incessant speech-making, with its appeals to the past and its promises, nobly realized, of "splendid days" in the future--its calls to the people to arms, to the sea, to the workshop, to school, to church, to anything praiseworthy, provided only it was action for the common good; the dockyards in kiel and danzig, with their noise of "busy hammers closing rivets up"; the ever-swelling trade statistics; and the proud feeling that at last his country was coming into her own. even the sensation the emperor caused from time to time in other countries must have had a certain charm for him--endless telegrams, endless scathing editorials, endless movement and excitement. there is no fun like work, they say. the emperor worked hard and enjoyed working. it was the "personal regiment," maybe, and it could not last for ever; but while it did it was doubtless very gratifying, and, notwithstanding all his critics say, magnificently successful. those strenuous times are long over, and if strenuous times have yet to come they will find the emperor alert and knowing better how to deal with them. he has, one may be sure, no thoughts of well-earned rest or dignified repose--he probably never will, with his strong conception of duty and his interest in the fortunes of his empire. still, he is a good deal changed. time has taught him more than his early tutor, worthy dr. hinzpeter, ever taught him; and if his spring was boisterous, and his summer gusty and uncertain, a mellow autumn gives promise of a hale and kindly winter. index abdul aziz, . absolutism, , , _seq_. accession, date, i; period, _seq_. achilleion, . aegir, song to, . agadir, _seq_. alexandra, queen, . algeciras conference, _seq_.; act of, . alsace-lorraine, _seq_. america, art exhibition, ; germany and, ; frederick the great and, ; squadron at kiel, ; commercial relations with, , _seq_. anarchism, _seq_. anglo-french agreement, , _seq_. anglo-german agreement, , ; , ; relations, - , , , _seq_. anglo-japanese agreement, . anti-semites, . arbitration, compulsory, . aristocracy, german, . armament, limitation of, . army, accession speech to, ; importance of, ; true character of, ; emperor and, . art, emperor on, , _seq_.; speech to sculptors, ; german ideals, . attempt on, emperor, ; on william i, . augusta, empress, wife of william i, , . auguste, victoria, present empress, _seq_. "babel und bibel," . baghdad railway, . balkans, . ballin, . battenberg affair, . bebel, august, , , . _see_ social democracy bennigsen, von, . berlin palace (schloss), . bethmann hollweg, _seq_. biedermeier time, . bismarck, ; empress fred. and, ; william i and, _seq_.; on divine right, _seq_.; on foreign policy, ; resignation, , ; emperor and, , ; "blood and iron" speech, ; emperor's account of quarrel with, ; journey to vienna, ; death, . "bloc" party, , , . boer war, german policy and, , . bonn, emperor at, ; address at, . borussia, , , . bosnia and herzegovina, . boulanger, , . boxer troubles, , _seq_. brandon, . "brilliant second" speech, . brooks, sydney, . bülow, prince von, ; succeeds hohenlohe, ; fainting fit, ; resignation, . burgess, prof., . butler, dr. nicholas murray, . byzantinism, _seq_. cadinen, . camarilla, caprivi, von, ; treaties, , _seq_.; chancellorship, . caroline islands, . casablanca, . centrum, , . chamberlain, mr., , . chamberlain, stewart, . chancellor, "responsibility," _seq_. china, relations with, ; boxer indemnity, . chun, prince, _seq_. churchill, winston, . colonial development, _seq_. commercial treaties, ; american, . conscription, . constitution, german and british compared, . corps, student, _seq_. crefeld, . crown prince, , ; income, ; marriage, ; indian tour, ; at english coronation, ; in aeroplane, . court, comparison with english, ; nobility, . cowes, . _daily telegraph_, interview, _seq_.; text of, ; bülow and, _seq_.; emperor's undertaking, . delcassé, , . delitzsch, prof., . dewey, admiral, . dictator paragraph, . diedrich, admiral, . dingley tariff, . disarmament, . divine right, _seq_. dreibund, _see_ triple alliance. dreyfus case, . dual alliance. (germany and austria), ; (russia and france), . duel, _see_ mensur. dynasty, _see_ hohenzollern. education, emperor on, _seq_. edward vii, at kiel, ; visits berlin, ; funeral, . elector, great, , . emperor, birth, ; marriage, ; brothers and sisters, ; offspring, ; first visit england, ; at bonn, ; on art, ; and theatre, ; on religion, ; character, _seq_.; and people, , . empress, present, marriage, ; character, . farmer, emperor as, . finance reform, . fleet, english, at kiel, ; american, . _see_ navy. flora bust, _seq_. foreign policy, in orient, _seq_.; emperor's, . france, and germany, ; franco-german agreement, , . frankfort, treaty of, . frederick the great, death, ; tomb, ; and navy, ; statue, ; emperor and, . frederick iii, ; as crown prince, ; last illness, . frederick, empress, _seq_.; bismarck and, ; death, . future, "our future lies on the water," . general elections, , . "germans to the front," . germany, "greater," ; to-day, ; foreign policy, , . george v, , , . george, lloyd, speech, . goluchowski, count, . goschen, lord, . government, dynastic not democratic, _seq_. great elector, emperor and, ; german navy and, . grey, sir edward, . grieg, composer, ; death, . griscom, ambassador, . guelphs, . guildhall, speech at, , ; , . hamburg-amerika line, . hannover, . harvard university, . heine, , . heligoland, . henry, prince, ; sent kiautschau, ; visits america, . highcliffe castle, . hill, dr. d.j., _seq_. hinzpeter, dr., . hödel, attempt, . hohenlohe-schillingsfürst, prince, ; character, ; chancellor, ; resigns, . hohenzollern, , , , , , , ; divine right and, _seq_., . iltis, gunboat, . italy, _seq_. jameson raid, emperor's telegram on, ; date of, . jews, emperor and, . journalists, attack on, . junker, . ketteler, von, murder of, . kiautschau, , . kiel, canal, ; first regatta, do.; harbour, ; american squadron at, ; edward vii at, . koenigsberg, speech at, . kruger, telegram, the, _seq_.; european tour, . _kulturkampf_, emperor and, . labourdonnais, . labour party, . leoncavallo, . liberalism, emperor and, . liman, dr. paul, , . limitation of armaments, . list, prof., . lloyd george, speech, . louise, queen, . luderitz, . mackenzie, sir morell, , . madrid convention, . magna charta, germany's, . mahan, captain, . manila, . marakesch, . marble palace, . "march days," _seq_. mensur, _seq_. menzel, painter, ; death, . moabit riots, . mommsen, emperor and, . monroe doctrine, . morocco, _seq_. navy, german, first navy law, ; prince william and, ; early history of, ; auctioned, ; early proposals, _seq_.; legislative stages, ; grey's proposal, . new palace, potsdam, . nobiling, attempt, , . "november storm," _seq_. open door, the, . "our future lies on the water," . oxford university, . palestine, ; journey to, . panther, . parliament, introduction; parliamentary rule, ; chancellor and, ; emperor and, ; _see_ reichstag. "personal regiment," , , . peters, carl, . "place in the sun," . polypus, removed, . potsdam, . prussia, at emperor's birth, ; diet, ; electoral reform in, . quinquennat, . raid, jameson, . rationalism, , . reaction, . _realpolitik_, see _weltpolitik_; in sport, . _rechtstaat_, _seq_. reichstag, introduction, , , . reinsurance treaty, . religion, emperor on, . rhodes, cecil, . richard, prof., . "roland von berlin," . roosevelt, alice, ; president, ; visits berlin, _seq_.; professorships, . russia and germany, relations, . russo-japanese war, . saladin, . samoa, . sans souci, , . sardanapalus, . septennat, , . seymour, admiral, . shimonoseki, treaty of, . "shining armour," . social democracy, introduction; emperor and, ; history of, ; programme, ; causes of, . socialist laws, , _seq_. socialism, ; _see_ social democracy. sport, in germany, . "star of commerce," phrase, . state, german interpretation of, . stein, dr. adolf, . stoessel, general, , . stone, melville, . suffragettes, emperor and, . sultan, promise to, , . swinemunde despatch, . taku forts, . tangier, , ; emperor's speech at, , . theatre, emperor on, ; germans and the, . "times," the, , , , . tirpitz, von, admiral, . tower, ambassador, . trade unionism, _seq_. transvaal, _seq_.; . tree, sir beerbohm, . treitschke, von, on divine right, ; on bismarck, . trench, captain, . triple alliance, emperor on, ; history of, ; provisions, ; renewals, , . "urias letter," . universities, england and germany compared, . "unser fritz," . venezuela, , . victoria louise, princess, . victoria, queen, ; death, . "von gottes gnaden," _seq_.;. doctrine to-day, . waldersee, countess, ; count, , . weihaiwei, . _weltpolitik_, , ; bülow on, ; open door and, ; foreign policy and, , , , . william i, career, ; character, ; death, ; parliament and, . williams, george valentine, . wyberg, frank, . zeppelin, count, . transcriber's note: bold type is indicated thus: =the prussian bully.= and italics so: _ - ._ supplement to "punch, or the london charivari."--october , . "punch" and the prussian bully * * * * * illustration: _january , ._ *** =the prussian bully disturbs the peace of europe.= _ - ._ "punch" office, bouverie street, london, e.c. * * * * * illustration: =the reward of (de)merit.= king punch presenteth prussia with the order of "st. gibbet." _may , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully tears up a "scrap of paper" pledging him to respect the integrity of denmark.= * * * * * illustration: =jack on the crisis.= "blow it, bill! we can't be expected to _fight_ a lot o' lubberly swabs like him. we'll _kick_ 'em, if that'll do." _july , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully gives great offence to england.= * * * * * illustration: =brigands dividing the spoils.= _august , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully takes his share of the plunder.= * * * * * illustration: =check to the king.= _bismarck_ (_reads from , citizens of cologne_). "in view of the miserable condition of the country in view of a civil war, with its attendant sufferings and fearful calamities ... we couch a solemn protest against engaging in such a war...." _king of prussia._ "what is that? dare my subjects object to be slaughtered! what next, i wonder?" _june , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully declares his intention of making war on austria.= * * * * * illustration: =peace--and no pieces!= bismarck. "pardon, mon ami; but we really can't allow you to pick up anything here." nap (_the chiffonnier_). "pray don't mention it, m'sieu! it's not of the slightest consequence." _august , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully refuses to allow france to rectify her frontier.= * * * * * illustration: ="to be sold."= _emperor napoleon:_ "i-a-have made an offer to my friend here, and...." _the man in possession:_ "no, have you, though? i rather think i was the party to apply to." _emperor napoleon:_ "oh, indeed! ah! then in that case i'll--but it's of no consequence." _may , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully objects to being turned out of luxemburg.= * * * * * illustration: =gaul to the new cÆsar.= "defiance, emperor, while i have strength to hurl it!" _december , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully has no pity for france.= * * * * * illustration: =excessive bail.= _justice_ (_to bismarck_). "your client was assaulted, and you ask that the defendant 'shall be bound over to keep the peace for many years.' but i cannot sanction a demand for exorbitant securities." _february , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully demands from france the cession of alsace and lorraine and an indemnity of £ , , .= * * * * * illustration: =enter bismarck.= "i speak of peace, while covert enmity, under the smile of safety, wounds the world; and who but 'bismarck,' who but only i, make fearful musters and prepared defence." _henry the fourth, part ii._ (_induction._) _february , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully speaks of peace and prepares for war.= * * * * * illustration: =dropping the pilot.= _march , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully has no further use for prince bismarck.= * * * * * illustration: ="nana would not give me a bow-wow!"= [the german emperor is reported to have said, "it was impossible for me to anticipate the rejection of the army bills, so fully did i rely upon the patriotism of the imperial diet to accept them unreservedly. a patriotic minority has been unable to prevail against the majority ... i was compelled to resort to a dissolution, and i look forward to the acceptance of the bills by the new reichstag. should this expectation be again disappointed, i am determined to use every means in my power to achieve my purpose."--_the times._] _may , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully complains that he cannot have it all his own way.= * * * * * illustration: =his favorite subject.= _imperial artist._ "wish i could have got it done in time for the royal academy. sure to have been accepted." _may , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully paints himself in divine colours.= * * * * * illustration: =germania arming kruger.= "the _vossische zeitung_ chronicles with satisfaction the recent arrival at lorenzo marquez, on board the german east african liner kaiser, of , cases of war material for the transvaal, including a whole battery of heavy guns, and states its conviction that the transvaal and the orange free state are 'determined to maintain their independence.'"--_globe, april ._ _april , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully tries to interfere in the transvaal.= * * * * * illustration: =a tall order.= _german eagle_ (_to dove of peace_). "teach me how to coo!" _december , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully maintains, in the cause of peace, a strong and efficient army, ready for instant action.= * * * * * illustration: =the blind side.= _german officer_: "glad to hear you're going to fortify your sea front. very dangerous people, these english." _dutchman_: "but it will cost much." _german officer_: "ah, but see what you save on the eastern frontier, where there's nobody but us." _january , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully tries to get on the "blind side" of holland.= * * * * * illustration: =solid.= _germany._ "donnerwetter! it's rock. i thought it was going to be paper." _august , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully finds that the triple entente really exists.= * * * * * illustration: =out of the shadow.= _the kaiser._ "what business have you here?" _german socialist party._ "i too want 'a place in the sun.'" _january , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully becomes aware of a growing menace.= * * * * * illustration: =bravo, belgium!= _august , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully invades an inoffensive neutral country.= * * * * * illustration: =the triumph of "culture."= _august , ._ * * * *** =the prussian bully declares himself to be the apostle of culture.= * * * * * illustration: =the great goth.= design for a stained-glass window in a neo-gothic cathedral at potsdam. _september , _ * * * *** =the apotheosis of the prussian bully.= * * * * * bradbury, agnew & co. printers, london & tonbridge. note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) supplement to "punch, or the london charivari" september , . the new rake's progress cartoons from "punch" illustrating the kaiser's career, - . "punch" office, , bouverie street, london, e.c. * * * * * illustration: _german kaiser._ "let us prey." _sept. , ._ * * * * * illustration: a wise warning. dÆdalus bismarck (_political parent of_ wilhelm icarus). "my son, observe the middle path to fly, and fear to sink too low, or rise too high. here the sun melts, there vapours damp your force, between the two extremes direct your course." "nor on the bear, nor on boÖtes gaze, nor on sword-arm'd orion's dangerous rays: but follow me, thy guide, with watchful sight, and, as i steer, direct thy cautious flight." ovid, _"metamorphoses," book viii., fable iii._ _october , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser is warned by the great chancellor.= * * * * * illustration: l'enfant terrible. chorus in the stern. "don't go on like that--or you'll upset us all!" _may , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser begins to alarm his fellow rulers.= * * * * * illustration: the imperial jack-in-the-box. _chorus_ (_everybody_). "everything in order everywhere! o! what a surprise! sold again!" _january , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser has a finger in every german pie.= * * * * * illustration: the modern alexander's feast; or, the power of sound. "with ravished ears, the monarch hears, assumes the god, affects to nod, and seems to shake the spheres!" _march , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser feels his feet. this cartoon caused _punch_ to be excluded for a while from the imperial palace.= * * * * * illustration: the story of fidgety wilhelm. (_up-to-date version of "struwwelpeter."_) "let me see if wilhelm can be a little gentleman; let me see if he is able to sit still for once at table!" "but fidgety will he _won't_ sit still." just like any bucking horse. "wilhelm! we are getting cross!" _february , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser worries his friends of the triple alliance.= * * * * * illustration: a new rÔle. _imperial "manager-actor"_ (_who has cast himself for a leading part in "un voyage en chine," sotto voce_). "um--ha! with just a few additional touches here and there, i shall make a first-rate emperor of china!" _january , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser prepares for china.= * * * * * cook's crusader. _imperial knight templar_ (_the german emperor--to_ saladin). "_what!!_ the christian powers putting pressure upon _you_, my dear friend!! horrible! i can't think how people can do such things!" _october , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser sympathises with the turk.= * * * * * illustration: on tour. (_tangier, march ._) kaiser wilhelm (_as the moor of potsdam_) _sings_:-- "'unter den linden'--always at home, 'under the lime-light' wherever i roam!" _april , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser woos morocco.= * * * * * illustration: not in the picture. scene--_on shore, during the visit of the british fleet to brest._ mr. punch (_photographer, suavely, to the_ kaiser). "just a leetle further back, please, sir. your shadow still rather interferes with the group." _july , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser (not for the first time) is out of it with england and france.= * * * * * illustration: the sower of tares. (_after millais._) _august , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser as enemy of europe.= * * * * * illustration: "isolation." peace (_attending the inter-parliamentary congress at berlin_). "everybody else seems to be my friend; why do you stand aloof?" german kaiser. "but haven't i always said that i was your friend?" peace. "yes; but can't you do something to prove it?" _september , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser as the platonic friend of peace.= * * * * * illustration: the teutonising of turkey. german kaiser. "good bird!" _october , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser takes turkey in hand.= * * * * * illustration: harmony. [the german emperor has been patronising the centenary of krupp's gun factory.] _august , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser prepares for the millennium (prussian version).= * * * * * illustration: the coming of the cossacks. wilhelm ii. "what is this distant rumbling that i hear? doubtless the plaudits of my people!" _august , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser deludes himself.= * * * * * illustration: the world's enemy. the kaiser. "who goes there?" spirit of carnage. "a friend--your only one." _august , ._ * * * *** =the kaiser as the foe of humanity.= * * * * * bradbury, agnew & co., printers. london & tonbridge. "der tag" or the tragic man books by j. m. barrie published by charles scribner's sons half hours _net_ $ . "der tag," or the tragic man _net_ . peter and wendy. illustrated _net_ $ . peter pan in kensington gardens. with illustrations in color by arthur rackham _net_ $ . the little white bird _net_ $ . sentimental tommy. the story of his boyhood. illustrated _net_ $ . tommy and grizel. illustrated _net_ $ . margaret ogilvy. by her son _net_ $ . a window in thrums. mo _net_ $ . auld licht idylls. mo _net_ $ . "der tag" or the tragic man by j. m. barrie new york charles scribner's sons copyright, , by j. m. barrie _all rights reserved_ published december, "der tag" or the tragic man characters emperor chancellor officer spirit of culture "der tag" or the tragic man _a bare chamber lighted by a penny dip which casts shadows. on a hard chair by a table sits an emperor in thought. to him come his chancellor and an officer._ chancellor. your imperial majesty---- officer. sire---- emperor (_the emperor rises_). is that the paper? (_indicating a paper in the chancellor's hand._) chancellor (_presenting it_). it awaits only your imperial majesty's signature. officer. when you have signed that paper, sire, the fatherland will be at war with france and russia. emperor. at last, this little paper---- chancellor. not of the value of a bird's feather until it has your royal signature. the---- emperor. then it will sing round the planet. the vibration of it will not pass in a hundred years. my friend, how still the world has grown since i raised this pen! all europe's listening. europe! that's germany, when i have signed! and yet---- officer. your imperial majesty is not afraid to sign? emperor (_flashing_). afraid! officer (_abject_). oh, sire! emperor. i am irresistible to-day! "red blood boils in my veins. to me every open door is the gift of a world! i hear a thousand nightingales! i would eat all the elephants in hindustan and pick my teeth with the spire of strassburg cathedral." officer. that is the fatherland to-day. such as we are, that you have made us, each seeking to copy you in so far as man can repeat his deity. it was you fashioned us into a sword, sire, and now the sword must speak. emperor (_approvingly_). there the sword spoke--and yet the wise one said: "take not your enemies together, but separately, lest the meal go to them instead of to you." one at a time. (_to chancellor_) why am i not a friend of russia till france is out of the way, or france's friend until the bear is muzzled? that was your part. chancellor. for that i strove, but their mean minds suspected me. sire, your signature! emperor. what of britain? officer (_intently_). this--the day, to which we have so often drunk, draws near! emperor. the day! to the day! (_all salute the day with their swords._) but when? officer. now, if she wants it! emperor. there is no road to britain--until our neighbors are subdued. then, for us, there will be no roads that do not lead to britain. chancellor (_suavely_). your imperial majesty, britain will not join in just now. emperor. if i was sure of that! chancellor. i vouch for it. so well we've chosen our time, it finds her at issue with herself, her wild women let loose, her colonies ready to turn against her, ireland aflame, the paltry british army sulking with the civic powers. emperor. these wounds might heal suddenly if german bugles sounded. it is a land that in the past has done things. officer. in the past, your imperial majesty, but in the past alone lies britain's greatness. emperor. yes, that's the german truth. britain has grown dull and sluggish; a belly of a land, she lies overfed; no dreams within her such as keep powers alive--and timid, too--without red blood in her, but in its stead a thick, yellowish fluid. the most she'll play for is her own safety. pretend to grant her that and she'll seek her soft bed again. britain's part in the world's making is done. "i was," her epitaph. chancellor. how well you know her, sire! all she needs is some small excuse for saying, "i acted in the best interests of my money-bags." that excuse i've found for her. i have promised in your name a secret compact with her, that if she stands aloof the parts of france we do not at present need we will not at present take. emperor. a secret bargain over the head of france, her friend! surely an infamous proposal. chancellor. the british government will not think so. trust me to know them, sire. your signature? emperor (_gleaming_). i can fling a million men within the week across the border by way of alsace and lorraine. officer (_with a frown_). there are a hundred gates to open that way. emperor. my guns shall open them. officer (_with meaning_). you can think of no easier road, sire? emperor. i think of it night and day. officer. one further north--through belgium? emperor. if i could dare! but no, that road is barred. officer (_misunderstanding_). on the contrary, sire---- emperor. barred by a fortress no gun of mine may bear against--by honor, by my plighted word. officer. yet, sire---- emperor (_after hesitating_). no, no! i will not so stain my name. chancellor. i am with you, sire, but i fear it will not be so with france. she has grown cynical. she will find the road through belgium. emperor. you seek to tempt me. she also signed the treaty. chancellor. your imperial majesty judges others by yourself. i have private ground for fearing that in the greed for a first advantage france will call the treaty but a scrap of paper. emperor. i think your private ground may be your own private newspaper. chancellor. she will say that necessity knows no law, or some such dastard words. emperor. belgium is no craven. she will fight the betrayer. chancellor. france will hack her way through her. emperor. my chancellor, that is a hideous phrase. chancellor. i ask your pardon, sire. it came, somehow, pat to my lips. officer. your imperial majesty, the time passes. will it please you to sign? chancellor. bonaparte would have acted quickly. emperor. bonaparte! chancellor. the paper, sire. emperor. leave it now with me. return in an hour and you shall have it signed. officer (_warningly_). the least delay---- chancellor. overmuch reflection---- emperor. i wish to be alone. (_they retire respectfully, but anxious. he is left alone in thought._) emperor. even a king's life is but a day, and in his day the sun is only at its zenith once. this is my zenith; others will come to germany, but not to me. the world pivots on me to-night. they said bonaparte, coupling me with him. to dim napoleon! paris in three weeks--say four, to cover any chance miscalculation; russia on her back in six, with poland snapping at her, and then, after a breathing space, we reach--the day! we sweep the english channel, changing its name as we embark, and cross by way of calais, which will have fallen easily into our hands, the british fleet destroyed--for that is part of the plan--dover to london is a week of leisured marching, and london itself, unfortified and panic-stricken, falls in a day! _væ victis!_ i'll leave conquered britain some balls to play with, so that there shall be no uprising. next i carve america in great mouthfuls for my colonists, for now i strike the seas. it's all so docketed. i feel it's as good as done before i set forth to do it. dictator of the world! and all for pacific ends. for once, the whole is mine. we come at last to the great desideratum, a universal peace. rulers over all! god in the heavens, i upon the earth--we two! (_raising his brows threateningly_) _and there are still the zeppelins!_ i'll sign! (_he sits in thought. he is very tired, and soon he is asleep. the lighting becomes strange; he dreams, and we see his dream. the spirit of culture appears, a noble female figure in white robes._) emperor. who's that? culture. a friend. i am culture, who has so long hovered well-placed over happy germany. emperor (_who gives her royal honor_). a friend--a consort! i would hear you say, o queen, that i have done some things for you. culture. you have done much for me. i have held my head higher since you were added to the roll of sovereigns. i may have smiled at you at times, as when you seemed to think that you were the two of us in one, but as kings go you have been a worthy king. emperor. it was all done for you. culture. so, for long, i thought. i looked upon germany's golden granaries, plucked from ground once barren; its busy mills and furnaces, its outstretching commerce and teeming people and noble seats of learning, all mellowing in the sun, and i heard you say they were dedicate to me, and i was proud. you have honored me, my emperor, and now i am here to be abased by you. all the sweet garments you have robed me in, tear them off me and send me naked out of germany. emperor. you would not have me sign? culture. i warn you first to know yourself, you who have gloated in a looking-glass too long. emperor. i sign, so that germany may be greater still, to spread your banner farther; thus i make the whole world cultured. culture. my banner needs no such spreading. it has ever been your weakness to think that i have no other home save here in germany. i have many homes, and the fairest is in france. emperor. if that were true, germany would care less for you. culture. if that is true, i have never had a home in germany. i am no single nation's servant, no single race's queen. i am not of german make. my banner is already in every land on which you would place your heel. culture spreads not by way of maiming freedom. i'll not have you say you fight for me. find some other reason. emperor. the jealousies of nations---- culture. all are guilty there. jealousy, not love of money, is the root of all evil; that was a misprint. yet i know of nothing those others want that is yours to give, save peace. what do you want of them? bites out of each, and when they refuse to be dismembered you cry: "the blood be on their heads; they force me into war." emperor. germany must expand. that is her divine mission; i have it from on high. culture. your system of espionage is known to be tolerably complete. emperor. all germany is with me. i hold in leash the mightiest machine for war the world has forged. culture. i have seen your legions, and all are with you. never was a lord more trusted. o emperor, does that not make you pause? emperor. france invades little belgium. culture. chivalrous france! never! emperor, i leave one last word to you at the parting of the ways. france, russia, britain, these are great opponents, but it is not they will bring the pillars of germany down. beware of belgium! (_she goes. he is left in two minds. he crosses to sign. he flings down the pen. he strikes the bell. chancellor and officer reappear._) chancellor. your imperial majesty has signed? emperor. thus (_he tears the paper_). officer. sire! emperor. say this to russia, france, and britain in my imperial name: so long as they keep within their borders i remain in mine. officer. but, sire---- emperor. you know, as i do, that it is all they ask for. chancellor. you were the friend of austria. emperor. i'll prove it. tell her from me that servia has yielded on every point which doth become a nation and that austria may accept her terms. chancellor. nay, sire---- emperor. and so, there will be no war. officer. sire, we beg---- emperor. these are my commands. (_they have to go, chagrined, but deferential._) emperor. the decision lay with me, and i said there shall be peace. that be my zenith! (_he goes back to the chair; he sleeps peacefully; in the distance a bell tolls the angelus, and suddenly this is broken by one boom of a great gun, which reverberates and should be startling. the spirit of culture returns, now with a wound in her breast; she surveys him sadly._) culture. sleep on, unhappy king. (_he grows restless._) better to wake if even your dreams appal you. (_he wakes, and for a moment he scarcely understands that he has been dreaming; the realization is tragic to him._) emperor. you! you have come here to mock me! culture. oh, no. emperor. i dreamed there was no war. in my dream they came to me and i forbade the war. i saw the fatherland smiling and prosperous, as it was before the war. culture. it was you who made the war, o emperor! emperor (_huskily_). belgium? culture. there is no belgium now, but over what was belgium there rests a soft light, as of a helm, and through it is a flaming sword. emperor. i dreamed i had kept my plighted word to belgium. culture. it was you, o emperor, who broke your plighted word and laid waste the land. in the lust for victory you violated even the laws of war which men contrive so that when the sword is sheathed they may dare again face their maker. your way to him is lighted now by smouldering spires and ashes that were once fair academic groves of mine, and you shall seek him over roads cobbled with the moans of innocents. emperor. in my dream i thought england was grown degenerate and would not fight. culture. she fought you where crécy was, and agincourt, and waterloo, with all their dead to help her. the dead became quick in their ancient graves, stirred by the tread of the island feet, and they cried out: "how is england doing?" the living answered the dead upon their bugles with the "all's well." england, o emperor, was grown degenerate, but you, _you_, have made her great. emperor. france, russia? culture. they are here around your walls. emperor. my people? culture. i see none marching but men whose feet make no sound. shades of your soldiers who pass on and on, in never-ending lines. emperor. do they curse me? culture. none curses; they all salute you as they pass. they have done your bidding. emperor. the women curse me? culture. not even the women. they, too, salute you. you were their father and could do no wrong. emperor. and you? culture. i have come with this gaping wound in my breast to bid you farewell. emperor. god cannot let my germany be utterly destroyed. culture. if god is with the allies, germany will not be destroyed. farewell. (_she is going. she lifts a pistol from the table and puts it in his hand. it is all she can do for her old friend. she goes away with shining eyes. the penny dip burns low. the great emperor is lost in its shadows._) transcriber's note: text in italics is surrounded by underscores: _italics_. the schemes of the kaiser from the french of juliette adam by j. o. p. bland new york e. p. dutton & company printed in great britain translator's introduction more fortunate than the majority of the prophets who cannot speak smooth things, madame adam has lived to find honour in her own country: _la grande française_ has come into her own. god willing, she should live to see that _revanche_ for which, through good and evil report, she has laboured unceasingly these forty-five years, to see the arrogant prussian humbled to the dust and alsace-lorraine restored to france. , she firmly believes will revenge and reverse the tragedy of . more fortunate than the great british soldier who spent his veteran days in warning his countrymen of the ordeal to come, madame adam, now in her eighty-first year, may yet hope to see the banners of the allies crowned with victory, the black wreaths on the statue of strasburg in the place de la concorde changed to garlands of rejoicing. there have been dark days in these forty-five years, times when, even to herself, the struggle for _la patrie_ seemed almost a forlorn hope. it was so at the time of the berlin congress in , when, after his visit to germany, gambetta abandoned the idea of _la revanche_. it was so in , when she realised that the influence of paul déroulède's ligue des patriotes had ceased to be a living force in public opinion, when france had become impregnated with false doctrines of international pacifism and homeless cosmopolitanism, when (as she wrote at the time) there were left of the faithful to wear the forget-me-not of alsace-lorraine only "a few mothers, a few widows, a few old soldiers, and your humble servant." but never, even in the darkest of dark days, was the flame of her ardent patriotism dimmed. after her breach with gambetta, determined not to be defeated by the government's abandonment of a vigorous anti-german policy of preparation, she founded the _nouvelle revue_, to wage war with her brain and pen against bismarck and the ruler of germany. the objects with which she created that brilliant magazine, as explained by herself to mr. gladstone in , were threefold--"to oppose bismarck, to demand the restoration of alsace-lorraine, and to lift from the minds of young french writers the shadow of depression cast on them by national defeat." the fortnightly "letters on foreign politics" which she contributed regularly to the _nouvelle revue_, for twenty years were not only persistently and violently anti-teuton: they became a powerful force in educating public opinion in france to the necessity for an effective alliance with russia, and to the cause of nationalism, in the balkans, in egypt, and wherever the liberties of the smaller nations were endangered by the earth-hunger of the great. she disliked and feared the policy of colonial expansion inaugurated by gambetta and pursued by jules ferry, because she felt that it must weaken france in preparing for the great and final struggle with teutonism which she knew to be inevitable. thus, when ferry requested her to cease from attacking germany, she defied him, assuring him that nothing less than imprisonment would stop her, and that no honour could be greater than to be imprisoned for attacking bismarck. juliette adam has always been intensely sure of herself and her opinions. she has the virile fighting spirit of a super-suffragette. "always out of rank," as gambetta described her, "madame intégrale" has displayed throughout her political and literary work a contempt for compromise of every kind, which occasionally leads her into untenable positions and exaggerations. like her friend george sand, she has ever been an inveterate optimist and in the clouds, and this defect of her very qualities has tended to make her proficient in the gentle art of making enemies. thus she broke with anatole france for espousing the cause of dreyfus, because, in spite of her keen sense of justice, she identified the army with france and was instinctively opposed to jews, because she regarded their "cosmopolitan" influence as incompatible with patriotism. for her, all things and all men have been subordinate to the sacred cause, to her watch-word and battle-cry of _vive la france_! nobly has she laboured for france, confident ever in the _renaissance_ of _la grande nation_, and of her country's final triumph. and to-day her unswerving faith is justified, and her life work has been recognised and crowned with honour in her own land. with one exception, all the articles collected in this book have been taken from madame adam's "letters on foreign politics" in _la nouvelle revue_. together they constitute a remarkable testimony to the political foresight and courage of _la grande française_, and an equally remarkable analysis of the policy and character of germany's ruler. author's preface modesty is out of fashion nowadays: what is wanted is the glorification of every kind of courage. that being so, i hold myself entitled to claim a military cross, for my forty-five years of hand-to-hand fighting with bismarck and with william the second, and to be mentioned in despatches for the past. juliette adam. chapter i william ii, the "social monarch"--what lies beneath his declared pacifism--his journey to russia--the german press invites us to forget our defeat and become reconciled while germany is adding to her army every day. april , . [ ] what an all-pervading nuisance is william! to think of the burden that this one man has imposed upon the intelligence of humanity and the world's press! the machiavelism of bismarck was bad enough, with its constant demands on our vigilance, but this new omniscient german emperor is worse; he reminds one of some infant prodigy, the pride of the family. yet his ways are anything but kingly; they resemble rather those of a shopkeeper. he literally fills the earth with his circulars on the art of government, spreads before us the wealth of his intentions, and puffs his own magnanimity. he struggles to get the widest possible market for his ideas: 'tis a petty dealer in imperial sovereignty. there is nothing fresh about his wares, but he does his best to persuade us that they are new; one feels instinctively that some day he will throw the whole lot at our heads. i am quite prepared to admit that, if he had any rare or really superior goods to offer, his advertising methods might be profitable, but william's stock-in-trade has for many years been imported, and exported under two labels, namely the principles of ' and christian socialism. the german emperor has mixed the two, after the manner of a prentice-hand. his organ, the _cologne gazette_, with all the honeyed adulation of a suddenly converted opponent, [ ] has called this mixture "social monarchism." therefore, it seems, the german emperor is neither a constitutional sovereign nor a monarch by divine right. he has restored caesarism of the roman type, clinging at the same time to the principle of divine right--and the result is our "social monarch"! rushing headlong on the path of reform--full steam ahead, as he puts it--he is prepared to change the past, present and future in order to give happiness to his own subjects. but france is likely to pay for all this; sooner or later some new rescript will tell us that the valley of tribulation is our portion and inheritance. it is one of his ambitions to put an end to class warfare in germany. to this end he begins, with his usual tact, by denouncing the capitalists (that is to say; the wealth of the middle class) to the workers, and then holds up the scandalous luxury of the aristocracy in the army to the contempt of the bourgeois. one of his most brilliant and at the same time most futile efforts, is his rescript on the subject of the shortage of officers for the army. as the army itself is steadily increasing every day, it should have been easy in each regiment for him, gradually and quite quietly, to increase the number of officers drawn from the middle-class; indeed, the change would have practically effected itself, for the minister of war had a hundred-and-one means of bringing it about. but this rescript has put a check on what might otherwise have been a natural process of change, and unless william now settles matters with a high hand, it will cease. in every regiment the aristocracy provides the great majority of officers; bourgeois candidates for admission to the service are liable to be black-balled, just as they might be at any club; it is now safe to predict that they will henceforward be regarded with less favour than ever, and that generals, colonels, majors and the rest will form up into a solid phalanx, to prevent the emperor's platonic _protégés_ from getting in. william ii appeals to the higher ranks of officers, who are tradition personified, to put an end to tradition. it is really wonderful what a genius he has for exciting cupidity in one class and resistance in the other. and he has done the same thing with the working class as with the army. what a strange riddle his character presents--this quietist, this worshipper of an angry and a jealous god, with a mania for achieving the happiness of his people in the twinkling of an eye! a strange figure, this emperor of country squires, who despises the bourgeois and who threatens to despoil the aristocracy of the very privileges which have been the safeguard of the hohenzollerns' throne for centuries. these peculiarities are due to an occult influence which weighs on the mind of william ii, an influence which, while it points the way to action, blinds him to its consequences. the dead hand is upon him! frederick iii, that liberal, bourgeois monarch, compels his reactionary, old-prussian-school son, to do those things which he would have done himself, had he not been victimised by bismarck and his pupil. i wonder whether the ever-mystical william ii sometimes reflects on the ways by which god leads men into his appointed ways? such thoughts might do more to enlighten him than his way of gazing at the heavens in the belief that all the stars are his. there is one piece of advice that william's friends should give him--not to restore the sixty millions of guelph money to the duke of cumberland. this ultra-modern young emperor will very soon have greater need of the services of the reptile press than even bismarck himself; for every one of his latest rescripts adds new public difficulties to the number of those secret ones which the ex-chancellor, with his infinite capacity for intrigue, will hatch for him. bismarck, of the biting wit, who accepts the title of duke of lauenburg, because, as he says, "it will enable him to travel incognito," sends forth from friedrichsruhe winged words which sink deep into the mind of the people. this phrase, for example, which sums up the whole of william's policy: "the emperor has selected his best general to be chancellor and made of his chancellor a field marshal." and bismarck begs his readers to insert the adjectives, good and bad, where they rightly belong. april , . [ ] emperor william continues to increase the list of his excursions into every field of mental activity. intellectually divided between the middle ages and the late nineteenth century, it would seem as if he were trying to forget the infirmity of his one useless arm by assuming a prominent rôle modelled on men of action. he tries to combine in his person the effects of extreme modernism with those of the days of charlemagne. because of his very impotence, his desire to grasp and clasp all history is the fiercer, and this emphasises and aggravates the cruelty he showed in relegating bismarck to compulsory inaction. just imagine if some power stronger than himself were to compel this ever restless monarch to quiescence! what would be the cumulative effect of want of exercise at the end of a year? and just because the german emperor is pleased, amongst the innumerable costumes of his wardrobe, to don that of a socialist sovereign, the same people who before believed in the liberalism of bismarck, now believe in the socialism of william ii. they go on saying the same old things. in different words they ask: "isn't the young emperor amusing?" (tis' a great word with us french people), and before long, they will be appealing to the gullible weaklings among us by suggesting "after all, why shouldn't he give us back alsace-lorraine?" and thus are being sown the seeds of our national enervation. the dangers that threaten us from the hatred that the prussian bears us are all the greater now that germany is ruled by this man-chameleon. let william do what he will, let him change colour as he likes, our hatred for prussia remains unshaken and immutable. but acquiescence in his performances will draw us into his orbit and expose us to those same dangers which he incurs, dangers which, were we wise, we should know how to turn to our own profit. may , . [ ] amidst the ruins of his fallen fortunes, bismarck can still erect a magnificent monument to his pride. if the results pursued by his once-beloved pupil stultify the old man's immediate intentions, they constitute nevertheless a testimonial to the bismarckian doctrine in its purest form, to those immortal principles based on lies and the exploitation of "human stupidity," which the ex-chancellor raised to such heights in german policy, from the commencement of his career to the date of his fall. let us, in the first place, inquire how it has come to pass that william ii has been able to convince a certain number of people, either through their "human stupidity" or their cowardice, that he is striving for and towards peace, when every single act of his proves the opposite. is it enough that, because he declares himself a pacifist, men should go about saying "thank god that he, who seemed most eager for war, now sings the praises of peace"? and there are others who earnestly implore us to think no more or war "now that william of germany no longer dreams of it." now i ask, is there a single reason to be found, either in the tradition of his race, or in his own character, or in the logic of prussian militarism, which can justify any clear-thinking mind in believing that william is a pacifist? during the past fortnight a pamphlet has been published in germany under the title _videant consules_ (a pamphlet having all the appearance of a berlin semi-official, or officious, document) which gives us the key (my readers will agree that i have already placed it in the lock) of william ii's sudden affection for paths of peace. the illuminating pages of this work are written with the object of preparing the honorable members of the reichstag to vote an annual credit of twenty millions (it is said that the minister of war and the chief of the general staff originally asked for fifty). this money will be asked for to provide new batteries, to bring up to the number of the german battalions on the vosges frontier and to increase the peace footing strength of the army. according to a statement made by william ii, in his speech at the opening of the reichstag, the special object of those twenty millions is to strengthen the defences of the eastern and western frontiers. _videant consules_ tells us that bismarck created the empire by war, but that his later policy threatened to destroy it by peace; for this reason the young emperor deprived him of power. according to this pamphlet, the ex-chancellor allowed france to recover and russia to prepare her defences, whereas he should have crushed us a second time in order to have only one enemy--russia--to deal with later on. therefore, germany's present task is to prepare in haste for the struggle against russia and france united, and for this reason it behoves her (says _videant consules_) to increase her forces by a superhuman effort. as matters stand, in spite of the triple alliance, in spite of the sympathy and support of austria and italy (ruinous for them) william ii is by no means confident in the future success of his arms. now this hero is not taking any chances. in order that might may overcome right, he wants to be quite sure of superior numbers. and this explains why the emperor of germany is a "pacifist" to-day! but things are likely to be different by october . i would have the dupes of pacifism read carefully the following extract from his speech; if they remain deaf to its meaning, it can only be because, like the man in the fable, they do not wish to hear. "it is true," says the german emperor, "that we have neglected none of the measures by which our military strength may be increased within the limits prescribed by the law, but what we have been able to effect in this direction has not been sufficient to prevent the changes which have taken place in the general situation from being unfavourable to us. we can no longer postpone making additions to the peace footing of the army and to effective units, more especially the field artillery. a bill will be brought before you which will provide for the necessary increase of the army to take place on the first of october of this year." according to _videant consules_, the last _favourable_ date for attacking france would have been in . bismarck sinned beyond forgiveness in not provoking a war at that time. more than that, his manoeuvres to undermine the credit of russia and his policy of intimidation towards france, by exciting the hatred of both countries against germany, only served to unite them. in the position in which he finds himself, william ii has therefore no alternative; he must vastly increase his forces, while assuming the pacifist rôle. he must pretend to be severe with the aristocracy of his army--the apple of his eye--and to be full of sympathetic concern for the welfare of the working classes and peasantry, whom he fears or despises, and who are nothing but cannon fodder to him. and he does these things in order to sow seeds of mutual distrust between france and russia. he will use every possible expedient of trickery and guile, and, even more confident than his teacher bismarck in the eternal gullibility of human nature, he will exploit it for all it is worth. take this example of our gullibility, as displayed in the question of passports for alsace-lorraine. a section of the european press, well primed for the purpose (the guelph funds not having been restored, so far as we know, to their proper owner), continues unceasingly to implore william ii to consent to a relaxation of the regulations in regard to these passports. the idea is, that when our credulous fools come to learn that this relaxation has been granted, there will be absolutely no limit to their enthusiasm for him. already they speak of him good-naturedly as "this young emperor." (is it not so, that, every day, old friends whose rugged patriotism we thought unshakable, meet us with the inquiry, "well, and what have you got to say now of this young emperor?") this young emperor piles falsehood upon falsehood. if he permits any relaxation of the passport regulations, you may be perfectly certain that he will give orders that the _permis de séjour_ are to be more severely restricted than before. once a passport is issued, it is of some value; but the _permis de séjour_ is a weapon in the hands of the lower ranks of german officialdom, which they use with pomeranian cruelty. every german bureaucrat in alsace-lorraine aims at preventing frenchmen from residing there, at getting them out of the country; and nothing earns them greater favour in the eyes of their chiefs. therefore, if this "young emperor" is to be asked to grant anything, let it be a relaxation of the _permis de séjour_. to be allowed to _travel_ amongst the brothers from whom we are separated, can only serve to aggravate the grief we feel at not being allowed to _live_ amongst them. william's socialism is all of the same brand. his first display of affection for the tyrant lower down was due to the fact that he used him to overthrow a tyrant higher up: it was the socialist voter who broke the power of bismarck. when we see william embarking upon so many schemes of social reform all at once, we may be sure that he has no serious intention of carrying out any one of them. after having made all sorts of lavish promises to the industrial workers, he is now busy giving undertakings to make the welfare of the peasantry his special care! in his speech to the reichstag there is no mention even of the one definite benefit that the workers had a right to expect--namely, a reduction of the hours of labour; but the threat of shooting "them in the back" reappears in a new guise. william ii warns the working classes of "the dangers which they will incur in the event of their doing anything to disturb the order of government." "my august confederates and i," adds the emperor, "are determined to defend this order with unshakable energy." delicious to my way of thinking, this expression "my august confederates." is there not something astounding about the use of the possessive pronoun in connection with the word "august," implying sovereignty? one wonders what part can they have to play, these confederates, led and dominated by a personality as jealous and self-centred as this "young emperor." there is only one thing about which william ii really concerns himself, over and above his blind passion for increasing the forces of germany, and that is, other people's morals--the morals of working men or officers. the devil has always had his days for playing the monk. may , . [ ] do my readers remember my last article but one, written at a moment when the whole press was singing the praises of william the pacifist, on the eve of the day when _the times_ published its despatch, proclaiming the complete agreement between tzar and kaiser, the _entente_ that assures the world of the peace that shall come down from william's starry heavens? it was then that i wrote-- "is there a single reason to be found, either in the traditions of his race, or in his own character, or in the logic of prussian militarism, which can justify, any clear-thinking mind in believing that william is a pacifist?" hardly had that number of may appeared when the german emperor made his speech at königsberg! in his cups, the king of prussia reveals his true nature, just as a champagne cork flies from a badly wired bottle. after giving expression once again to his animosity towards france, he borrows from us one of the famous dicta of monsieur prudhomme-- "the duty of an emperor," he declared, "is to keep the peace, and i am determined to do it; but should i be compelled to draw the sword to preserve peace, germany's blows will fall like hail upon those who have dared to disturb it." next, in the neighbourhood of the russian frontier, he used the following provocative language: "i will not permit that any one should touch my eastern provinces and he who tries to do so, will find that my power and my might are as rocks of bronze." sire, beware! the god of the hohenzollern will prove to you before long that your power and your might, those rocks of bronze, are no more in his hands than a feather tossed in the wind; he will show you that a tricky horse can unseat you, regardless of your dignity, when you take your favourite ride, the road to peacock island, with your august brother-in-law. say what you will, the prussians have not yet acquired either wit or good taste! there is proof of this not only in the speeches of william ii at konigsberg, but even more convincing, in that which was delivered before the reichstag by that famous strategist, our conqueror de moltke, on the subject of the proposed increase in the peace-footing effectives. one must read the whole speech to get an idea of the sort of nonsense that "honorable" germans are prepared to listen to. in urging the vote of credit, "the victor" said: "confronted with the fundamental problem of the army, the question of money is of secondary importance; for what becomes of your prosperous finances in war-time?" having proved that conquerors are the greatest benefactors of the human race, m. de moltke goes on to declare that it is not the rulers, but the peoples, who want war to-day. in germany, it is "the cupidity of the classes whom fate has neglected"; it is also the socialists who decline to vote more soldiers because they desire to trouble the world's peace and expect "to sacrifice hundreds of thousands of lives in the next war and to threaten the existence of morality and civilisation." i do not know whether my readers can make head or tail of this speech--i certainly cannot--but its intention is plain enough. william ii has been careful to emphasise it, by declaring that the increase in the peace strength of the army is intended to reinforce the eastern and western frontiers. several officious newspapers (we no longer call them reptile, but to do so would make them more authoritative) sum up the matter in these words-- "the nearer the peace-footing of the troops on our frontiers approaches to war-strength, the more effectively these troops are provided with everything necessary to enable them to leave within _three hours_ of receiving marching orders, the more secure becomes germany's position." quite so! by next october there will be , men in alsace-lorraine. as you see, the new law adds to the security of germany precisely what it takes from ours. june , . [ ] my readers will recollect that after a journey in switzerland, two years ago, i proved by statements which could not be (and never were) refuted, that the russian nihilists established in switzerland before the federal government's inquiry, were all either deliberate or unconscious tools of the german police. on the one hand, m. de puttkamer, minister of the interior, unable to refute the evidence brought forward by the socialist deputy, bebel, had then been compelled to confess that the socialist agitators haupt and schneider were his agents in switzerland. on the other hand, at the inquiry into the proceedings of these socialists, there was the evidence furnished by letters seized on schmidt and friedmann, associates of haupt and schneider, that schmidt had been commissioned by m. krüger of the berlin police to commit a crime. in one of the seized letters, the following words were actually used by krüger: "the next attempt upon the life of the emperor alexander must be prepared at geneva. write to me; i await your reports." [ ] whenever the alleged liberalism of william ii finds its expression in anything else but speeches, it is easy to take its measure. he has just shown once more what it really amounts to, in the treaty of establishment with switzerland, wherein restrictions are placed upon the issue of good moral character certificates by german parishes to their parishioners. these will no longer be available to enable a german to take up his residence in switzerland. henceforward it will be the business of the german legation to pick and choose those whom it considers eligible to reside in switzerland, either to practise a profession or to conduct an export business there. it will be for germany to decide whether or not her subjects are dangerous abroad. this would be well enough if it were only a question of restraining rogues, but it is anything but reassuring when we come to deal with the ever advancing phalanx of german spies. july , . [ ] it seems to me that this wagnerian emperor, pursuing his legends to the uttermost parts of the earth, is doing his utmost to darken our horizon. everywhere, always he confronts us, appearing on the scene to deprive us of the last remnants of good-will left to us in europe. in the scandinavian states, even after , we had preserved certain trusty friendships: of these william ii now tries to rob us. he appears and, to use his own expression, draws men to him by magic strings. to the people who are offshoots of germany he figures as "the emperor," unique, mysterious, he who goes forward in the name of the fables of mythology, gathering and uniting anew in his slumbering people the instincts of vassalage. "super-german virtues," he calls them, "ornaments of old-time germany." this monarch who, in his own land, is pleased to pose as a liberal! can it be that this same william who, on the bosphorus held communion with the stars, who, writing to bismarck, said, "i talk with god," finds the celestial responses so inadequate that his mind must needs invoke a retinue of teutonic deities? "let the latins, slavs and gauls know it," says he, "the german emperor bears to germans the glad tidings which promise them the sovereignty of the world!" have not even the anglo-saxons bowed before the sovereign will of william ii, so that before long the island of heligoland will see the german flag floating over its rocky shores? yes, let her press and public men say what they will, proud albion has delivered herself over to germany. she has made surrender to our enemy in the hope that we shall thus become for her an easier victim, that she will be able to recover at our expense what germany has taken from her. lord salisbury hopes, in return for the plum he has yielded, to be able to help himself to ours, to those of italy and portugal, and to share others with germany. but such is the character of william ii that he despises those who serve him or who yield to his will. like don juan, he seeks ever new worlds to conquer, new resistances to overcome, and neglects no means to secure his desired ends. england and austria to-day count for less than nothing in his schemes. these countries have had a free hand in bulgaria, and they have used it to indulge in every sort of intrigue. screened by bismarck, they have advised, upheld and exalted stamboulof, they have set up the prince of coburg. and william, not having inspired any of this policy, would like to see it end in complications shameful for his associates. as to the king of sweden, he thinks it due to the dignity of his people to make some show of resistance, but one feels that this is only done to save appearances. he also has delivered himself, bound hand and foot, just as they have all done, the emperor francis joseph, the king of italy, the hohenzollern who reigns at bucharest, stamboulof, lord salisbury and leopold ii. july , . [ ] the imperial bagman travelling in germanophil wares conceals under his flag a very mixed cargo. he makes a bernadotte to serve as speaking trumpet for prussian conservatism at the same time that he subsidises _agents provocateurs_ for the purpose of misleading and internationalising the social reform programme of the danes. and all the time, in every direction, he comes and goes--this ever restless, universal disturber--creating and perpetuating instability on all sides, so as to increase the price of his peace stock, he controlling the market. it is bismarck's old game, played with up-to-date methods. august , . [ ] does it not seem to you, dear reader, that the voyage of william ii to russia suggests in more ways than one the scene of the temptation on the mount? at st. petersburg there reigns a sovereign whose life, directed by the inspirations of his soul, is one long act of virtuous self-denial; who prefers the humble and the lowly to fortune's favourites; whose works are works of peace, and whose intentions are always those of a man ready to appear before him who only tolerates the great ones of this earth when their power is balanced by a due sense of their moral responsibility, by devotion to duty and truth. at berlin there reigns a man of ungovernable pride, who aspires to be torch-bearer to the world. restless, like the spirit of evil, tormented by his inability to do good, he has dedicated his soul to wickedness and lies. alexander iii regarded his accession to the throne as an ordeal, the sacrifice of his life. he would have given his own blood to spare his father the pangs of death. william ii seized fiercely on the reins of power, after having committed a crime, at least in his heart; after having wished for the death of his father and increased his sufferings by his conduct. by the tragic end of two martyrs, god has brought face to face those who are destined to be the champions of good and of evil respectively in these last years of the century. the german emperor goes to russia to say to the tzar, "divide with me the kingdoms of the earth, always on condition that i receive the lion's share." the emperor of russia will reply: "let us endeavour, my brother, to work for the welfare of the nations, let us calm their hatreds and follow the rugged paths of justice; above all, let us regard the power which the god of hosts has confided into our hands as an instrument of sovereignty, whose only purpose should be to keep the nation's honour unsullied and safeguard the blessings of peace." "words, nothing but words," replies the tempter. "say, yes or no, wilt thou go with me to the conquest of the world? on all sides your influence, which i have undermined, is waning: you and your followers are caught in a ring of iron from which before long you will be unable to escape. "in germany, all things are subject to my unfettered rule. henceforth nothing can ever check or stop my triumphal march. throughout the humbly listening world, which will soon be at my feet, i break that which will not bend before me. i overthrow all those that stand, and that which comes to me, i keep. even the church, which treated with my forefathers on a footing of equality, now bows the knee before me and humbly votes the money for my great slaughters. "socialism, that bogey of bismarck's, is an easily tamed monster. i have only to sow discord amongst its leaders to make it serve my ends of policy like the veriest national liberal party. "in austria, my grandfather and i created financial troubles, entangled things, let loose envy and hatred and sowed the seeds of quarrels, which have delivered her into my hands. let them try as they will to free themselves from the fetters with which i have bound them; i shall create such obstacles to all these efforts that the future shall be mine, like the present. "in hungary, prussian diplomacy has found a way to turn the people's hatred of austria into hatred of russia, and to make them forgive the house of hapsburg for a policy of coercion so cruel than even a romanoff denounced it. "everywhere i create dissension amongst my allies so that the final decision may be mine. "in italy i have my _âme damnée_, the only one who understands me, an ambitious tyrant, mad like bismarck with the lust of power, who serves my purposes at rome as effectively as bismarck hampered them in berlin. "i have stifled and destroyed the spirit of brotherhood in the cradle of the latin race. i have made history a liar, bringing a false morality to the interpretation of the most brilliant days and deeds. i have reduced to servility a royal house that once was proud. i have cheated and deceived the cleverest and most suspicious race on earth. "at rome, i have insulted the traditional and sacred majesty of the head of the christian religion! "in england, i have done even more. i have compelled proud albion to serve the ends of my personal policy. i have forced the most jealous of nations to yield the leading place to me, to work, in her own colonies and against her own interests, for the benefit of my growing rivalry, sacrificing to me her dreams of supremacy in the four quarters of the globe. "as to america, i will deal with her later. i have my plans. "despite lord salisbury's make-believe of caution and reserve (about which, i may say, we quite understand each other) england is so completely delivered into my power that, after the conservatives the liberals, in the person of the young leader john morley, now proffer me their services, and no matter what changes may take place in the english parties my influence will soon prevail. "my journeys to the scandinavian states have been fruitful. in denmark, o tzar! your own father-in-law has become almost associated with my destiny. "i have linked with my fortunes a king of french stock in sweden, and i will prove it at alsen island, where i shall compel him to take part in the manoeuvres of my fleet. "as to norway, a few words from my imperial lips have overcome the old republicanism of these brother teutons. "so as to keep closer watch over the submission of my new allies, i have wrested heligoland from england; and there i shall build an eagle's nest from which i shall be able to swoop down upon them, should they attempt to escape me. those who had any doubts as to the importance of this surrender, have learned it from the speeches that i made when taking possession. "by this means i have closed the german ocean _for ever_, and that which is closed gives access to something. "what need i say of turkey that you do not know already? all her thoughts, movements and actions are regulated by one man, and he a vassal of german policy. turkey's army, trade and finances, the direction of her ruling minds, are either in my hands or in those of england. and england, say what you will, is hypnotised by me. "i can afford at my pleasure to challenge her policy indefinitely. "the diplomas which she conferred upon the bulgarian bishops after the execution at panitza have shown you, my brother, how greatly i am pleased to favour those whom you have condemned! stamboulof, the inveterate foe of russia, now dominates the elections in bulgaria and roumelia, thanks to the iradé on the bishoprics. he goes in triumph through the land, so that even the russophile candidates invoke the protection of this man, who shoots the country's heroes and reduces its prince to the level of an ordinary public servant. his audacity, his impunity, the length of his tether, have no limits except those which will be imposed upon him by my power should you turn a deaf ear to my proposals. "and just as british policy has served the ends of prussian statecraft in bulgaria and roumelia, even so it serves them at this moment in armenia. "it was i who willed and inspired the indulgence of the sultan for the bloodthirsty moussa bey. massacred by the kurds on the one hand, and on the other observing the success of the revolution in roumelia, the armenians will inevitably be led from one revolt to another and, helped by a few timely suggestions, will come to believe that they can win their autonomy. "herein lies another difficulty which disturbs your mind, and of which my hands hold the threads; another people, to whom you might have looked for help in the event of my allies going to war with you, but which england and i will be able to remove from your influence. "in roumania, a hohenzollern guards all the keys which open the doors of his frontiers. "in serbia, i am working by sure means to destroy the last remaining sympathies for russia. to attain this end i will leave no stone unturned, even as i am doing in greece against france. "with an eye to the future interests of my african colonies, i have compelled england to keep portugal quiet. i do not wish any revolutionary upheaval to react upon spain, that indomitable nation which still resists me, but in whose mouth nevertheless, i have put an invisible bit. i shall know how to drive her headlong into the trap that awaits her in morocco. "with the help of italy, switzerland is mine. and holland will fall to me through the little duchy of luxembourg, which will come to me by the marriage of one of my sisters with the heir of nassau. "my last master stroke was the way of my coming into belgium. therein i was artful. the belgians affected to believe in the neutrality of their microscopic kingdom. i played up to the joke and entered their country by way of the sea. "in all the splendour of my power, i came to ostend on the _hohenzollern_, and i made it my business to invest my appearance with every feature calculated to impress the mob, in these days when outward show appeals most powerfully to the popular imagination. and i was, moreover, determined that nothing should be lacking to the full effectiveness of this demonstration. "belgium had intimated by a revolution her objections to becoming german. well and good: i imposed myself upon her as german emperor. with wearisome reiteration she had manifested her sympathy for france. in order to challenge these sentiments the more effectively, i compelled king leopold to take his seat beside me as the colonel of one of my alsatian regiments! "and do you suppose that the belgians protested? not a bit of it! no, the trick is played. no longer in secret, but openly, belgium will play my waiting game, in the congo and at the gates of france. "my visit to belgium is destined to produce such important results in days to come, that i have neglected not the smallest detail in order to produce a legendary impression upon europe. nothing have i forgotten: costumes for each part, words, good seed sown broadcast in the public mind, communications to the press, advice given to sovereigns of a nature to please the people, and elsewhere (as in england) popularity with the military caste! "an individual of the name of van der smissen, having dared to argue in the ranks, got broken for his pains. "at the same time, in order to cast into stronger relief the loftiness and majesty of my countenance, i invested it, amongst these good belgians, with certain new features of good nature and cordiality. "as to france, russia's only possible ally to-day, her artless simplicity protects me from all risks that i might otherwise run. i shall compel her to accept the neutralisation of alsace-lorraine, whenever the provinces shall have become thoroughly germanised. "for the present i leave england to deal with her: england who keeps her busy with childish things, and soothes her vanity with illusory diplomatic successes, such as the _exequatur_ of the madagascar consuls (which the settled policy of the residents would have achieved in time) and with useless concessions amidst the fogs of lake chad, or on the niger, or in regions whose possession none disputed. "lord salisbury evoked much mirth, over these concessions at the lord mayor's banquet, joking somewhat cynically at his own policy in disposing of territories over which he had no rights. one country, amongst others, given to france, has provided my good english friends with an inexhaustible source of merriment. "concerning egypt, lord salisbury has clearly intimated to france that england will _never_ give it up. "thus, the salisbury ministry has still at its disposal, to keep busy my fiery but easily duped neighbours, the egyptian problem, with a french minister at cairo, who is more of a help than a hindrance to england; the newfoundland question, with the anglo-american waddington, more yielding for the purposes of the british foreign office than one of its own agents. "moreover, whenever i choose, the rulers of france can be made to believe in a francophile reincarnation of m. crispi! i have many things in store for them in that quarter. "deceived by the infinite resources of my diplomacy, led astray by my agents who have taken on less reptilian disguises, the guileless french nation remains a prey to ignorance and ambitions as countless as the sands on the shore of her democracy. "to sum up; england, through india; england and germany, through china, we hold in our hands that question of an asiatic war, a scourge which will exhaust the strength of your empire, o tzar! and which may finally weaken france. i have said!" 'tis a long tale, and were it all told at one time, alexander iii would certainly not listen to half of it. but william ii spent a fortnight in russia, and i have only an hour to summarise his argument. have the wings of the german emperor the span of those of lucifer, as he believes? he may play the part, but he will never be able to carry it through! august , . [ ] although for the meeting of these two powerful emperors (whose destinies, as history proves, are so frequently commingled) there was no real necessity, other than the desire of the young and restless king of prussia, to keep the whole world guessing as to the object of his multifarious designs, their coming together has its undeniable importance and significance, for it has been the means of increasing the resistance and strengthening the determination of the tzar. alexander iii, whose mind reflects the great and untroubled soul of russia, is well able to estimate at its true worth the insatiable greed of germany and the ever-encroaching character of her ruler. because of his own self-control and disinterestedness, the tzar must have been able to gather from william's words and works a very fair idea of his unbounded self-conceit; of that vanity which, like its emblem the eagle of the outspread wings, aspires to cover the whole earth. even though william has offered to the emperor of russia the prospect of a general disarmament; even though, with his present mania for speech-making he may have suggested a congress for the settlement of europe's disputes, his success must have been of the negative kind. if the tzar were to agree to a conference, it could only lead to one of two results. either it would embitter those disputes which threaten to embroil the nations in a fierce struggle, and bring france and russia together in resistance to the same greedy foes, or it would end in the imposition of a lasting peace, which would mean that the prussian and military fabric of the german state would be dissolved, as by a miracle, to the benefit of french and russian influences in europe. let then the german emperor have his head. god is leading him straight on the path of failure. it is this still-vague feeling, that he will never have power to add to the prussian birthright, that makes him rush feverishly from one scheme to another; stirring up this question and that, ever testing, ever striving. it is this foreboding that has driven him to pursue fame, fortune and glory, and so to weary them with his importunities and haste, that they flee from him, unable and unwilling to bear with him any longer. sire, if it be your ambition to become, immediately and by your own endeavours, greater than any one on earth, allow me to express the charitable wish without hoping to dissuade you--that you may break your neck in the attempt! september , . [ ] it was just at the time that i was writing my last article, that the emperor of germany, king of prussia (who has a perfect obsession for being in the middle of the picture), was carrying out at the army manoeuvres at narva, a certain strategic design, long-prepared and tested, by means of which he proposed to fill with amazement and admiration not only the russian army but the imperial court--nay, all russia, and the whole wide world! william's idea was to repeat the exploit performed by the troops of charles xii (with the aid of the russian viborg regiment, of which he is colonel) and to pass through the heavy mass of a regiment of cavalry with light infantry battalions. the future commander-in-chief of the german army wished to show the world that he would know how to add the _élan_ of the french and the impetuosity of the slav to the qualities of method and strength perfected by leaders like von moltke or frederick charles. therefore, several weeks before, william ii had asked the tzar to be allowed to take part in the manoeuvres and to command in person the viborg regiment. and so it came to pass that, having cast himself for a part of invincible audacity, he came to cut a very sorry and ridiculous figure. surrounded by the hussars, he was made to see that what may be done with german infantry against uhlans, cannot be accomplished, even with russian soldiers, against russian cavalry. this incident shows that the tzar had something akin to second sight when he gave orders that the length of the manoeuvres would be optional. thanks to this, the kaiser was free to take home the sooner his pretty jacket (no, his tunic, i mean) from narva. what an interesting broadsheet might be made on the subject of "william ii a prisoner"! in the long winter evenings to come, how many a russian peasant--gifted with imagination as they are--in telling again the tale of the viborg regiment's attack, will see in it an omen of the destiny of the german emperor! and they will add, with bated breath, that the _hohenzollern_, on leaving the shores of russia narrowly missed being cut in two by another vessel. and one more sign of evil omen--a fearful tempest shook the imperial yacht in russian waters. let us, whose emperor was a prisoner of the germans in , pray that some day a german emperor may be taken prisoner by the russian army--not like at narva, but in all seriousness. i said in my last letter that it might well be that william's journey to russia might result in stiffening the resolution of the emperor alexander. and so it has proved, for scarcely had his imperial guest returned to berlin, than a ukase raised the russian customs tariff and imposed a new duty of per cent. on german imports. a fine result this, of that which the german press, before william's departure, described as the russo-german economic entente, at a moment when, even for the berlin newspapers, the prospects of a political _entente_ were somewhat dubious. for this reason, professor delbrück says quite bluntly, in the "prussian annals," that william ii's journey to russia has been a lamentable fiasco; that the tzar declined to listen to any diplomatic conversation; that he ridiculed and entertained his imperial guest with a series of military parades whilst the russian general staff was carrying out important manoeuvres on the western frontiers. in the same spirit as that of the ex-deputy professor, the whole german and austrian press have been demanding that, for the peace of europe, the german and austrian troops should be withdrawn from their respective frontiers, so as to compel the russian forces to do the same. that is all very well, but inasmuch as the military zones of the great russian empire are separated by enormous distances, and the movement of troops being very much easier for germany and austria than for russia, one would like to know precisely what is the idea at the back of these demands. as soon as ever he returned to germany, two very significant ideas occurred to william ii: one, to make a display of the warmest sentiments for his august _pis-aller_, the emperor of austria; the other, to have his faithful ally italy play some scurvy trick on france, russia's friend. to this end, the german emperor proceeded to hold a review of the austro-hungarian fleet and went beyond the official programme by going aboard the ironclad _francis joseph_, flying the flag of admiral sterneck. after this, inviting himself to luncheon with the archduke charles stephen, commanding the austrian squadron, he made a fervent speech, wishing health and glory to his precious ally the emperor of austria. september , . [ ] when germany agreed to withdraw her armies from the soil of france, she replaced them by other soldiers: crossing-sweepers, clerks, workmen, bankers (industrials or "reptiles" as the case might be), as well organised, linked up and drilled as her best troops. unceasingly, therefore, and without rest, it behoves us to be on our guard and to defend ourselves. a good many amiable frenchmen will shrug their shoulders at this, but if we act otherwise we shall be delivered over to our enemies, bound hand and foot, at the psychological moment. and now, dear reader, to return to william ii. you will grant, i think, that since we have followed the interminable zig-zags of his wanderings throughout europe, we are entitled to coin and utter a new proverb: "a rolling monarch gathers no prestige." november , . [ ] for mastodons like bismarck, william ii prepares a refrigerating atmosphere which freezes them alive. splendid mummies like von moltke he smothers with flowers. the men whom william dismisses and discards are great men in the eyes of germany, even though in history they may not be so, because the ex-chancellor is of inferior character, and because certain successes of von moltke were due rather to luck than design. nevertheless, they are in william's way and he gets rid of them, by different means. he needs about him men of a different stamp to those of the iron age; for the present, he is satisfied with courtiers, later he will demand valets. all those who are of any worth, all those who stand erect before his shadow, will be sacrificed sooner or later. his autocratic methods will end by producing the same results as those of the most jealous of democracies. let us bear in mind how often, under bismarck and william i, the german press made mock of our fatal french mania for change, pointing out to europe how the everlasting see-saw of ministers of war was bound to reduce our national defences to a position of inferiority. in two years william is at his fourth! soon, no doubt, william ii will be able to score a personal success in the matter of his intrigues against count taaffe. his benevolence spares not his allies. we know the measure of his good-will towards italy. lately, it seems, the emperor, king of prussia, said to the count of launay, king humbert's ambassador at berlin, "do not forget that, sooner or later, trieste is destined to become a german port." and it was doubtless with this generous idea in his mind that he had his compliments conveyed to m. crispi for his anti-irridentist speech at florence. that the triple alliance is the "safeguard of peace," has become a catchword that each of the allies repeats with wearisome reiteration. but there! it is not that william ii does not wish for war: it is germany which forbids him to seek it. it was not m. crispi who declined to seek a pretext for attacking france: it was italy that forbade him to find it. it is not the germanised austrians who hesitate to provoke russia: it is the slavs who threaten that if a provocation takes place they will revolt. let me add that the official organs in germany, italy and vienna only raise a smile nowadays when they describe russia and france as thunderbolts of war. november , . [ ] at the outset of the reign of william ii, referring to his father, i spoke of the "dead hand" and its power over the living. now, what has the young king of prussia done since his accession to the throne? he, the flatterer of bismarck, this disciple of pastor stöker, this out-and-out soldier, this hard and haughty personage, who was wont to blame his august parents for their bourgeois amiability and their frequent excursions? he carries out everything that his father planned, but he does it under impulse from without and he does it badly, without forethought, without the sincerity or the natural quality which is revealed in a man by a course of skilful action legitimate in its methods. he smashed von bismarck in brutal fashion. his father, on the other hand, was wont to say: "i will not touch the chancellor's statue, but i will remove the stones, one by one, from his pedestal, so that some fine day it will collapse of itself." it is a curious thing that these reforms and ideas, not having been applied by the monarch whose character would have harmonised perfectly with their conception and execution, now possess no reversionary value. they lose it completely by being subjected to a false paternity. it is true that occasionally william ii envoys some real satisfaction, such as that which he has derived from the coming of the king of belgium. so impatient was his majesty to return his visit, that he could not wait for the good season and therefore he came in the bad. at ostend, leopold ii had caused sand to be strewn at william's coming (the beach being conveniently handy). the king of prussia only spread mud. why was the king of belgium in such a hurry? after the visit of general pontus to berlin and his three days in retirement with the german headquarters staff, people at brussels are still asking what more king leopold could possibly have to settle in person with messrs. moltke and waldersee at these same headquarters? the _courier de bruxelles_ informs us that certain proposals for an alliance were made to leopold ii during his stay at potsdam. what! could prussia possibly have dared to think of laying an impious hand upon belgian neutrality! but if not, why should they have been at such pains formerly to prove to me that the thing was inconceivable? prussia wants a belgian alliance and the king refuses. splendid! but let him tell us so himself! i confess that such a document would interest me far more than all that i have published on the subject! may not the explanation of king leopold's journey be, that william ii would like a mobilisation in belgium just as he wants one in italy? m. bleichroder will supply the cash. he has already got his bargain money, viz. pastor stöcker in disgrace, and the repudiation of anti-semitism by its ex-partisan, william ii. november , . [ ] how can one avoid taking an interest in william ii of hohenzollern? he is one of those people who, by every means and in every way, insist on being noticed. this up-to-date emperor is obsessed by the idea of making profit, for purposes of advertisement, out of every sensation; he loves to upset calculations and produce every kind of astonishment. he believes that he has not fulfilled his part, until he has made a number of people lift their arms to heaven at least once a day and exclaim: "william is marvellous!" he wants to hear this cry arise from the humblest and the highest, from the miner's gallery and the palace of his "august confederates," from the workman's cottage and the homes of the middle-class, from the officers' club, from church and chapel, from the parliament of the empire and the house of peers. being _blasé_ himself, it pleases him to tickle public opinion with spicy fare; his lack of mental balance compels him to these endless and senseless choppings and changes, to all these schemes projected, proclaimed and cast aside. the former court of his grandfather is already in ruins, the work of bismarck crumbling in the dust; in less than no time he has reduced the old aristocratic and feudal prussian monarchy to the purest kind of democratic caesarism. perched above every political party in germany, william the young wants to be the one and only ruler and judge of all. among themselves let them differ as and when they will, it being always understood that all these separate opinions must equally be sacrificed to the emperor. before long the king of prussia will endeavour to be at one and the same time the spiritual head of the lutheran church and the temporal pope of the catholic church, the leader of economists, the cleverest of stategists, the one and only socialist, the most marvellous incarnation of the warrior of german legends, the greatest pacifist of modern times, explorer in his day and soothsayer whenever he likes. in his own eyes, william is all these. have not the delegates of the old house of peers ingenuously complained during these last few days that they no longer possess any initiative of legislation? but they have just as much or as little as the honourable members of the prussian diet. all schemes of reform emanate from the emperor. the people have no right to be emperor. surely that is simple enough? to bulk larger in the public eye, william dwells apart; he can no longer endure that any one should presume to think himself useful or agreeable to him or to give him advice. he is fulfilling the prediction that he made of himself when he was twenty-one: "when i come to reign i shall have no friends; i shall only have dupes." more infatuated with himself than ever, the emperor wears his mystic helmet _à la_ lohengrin, tramples the purple underfoot and has the throne surrounded by his life-guards, wearing the iron-plated bonnets of the days of frederick ii. thus he deludes himself with the dream of absolute authority. his mania for power is boundless, his pride knows no limits. he recognises only god and himself. to his recruits, he says: "after having sworn fidelity to your masters upon earth, swear the same oath to your saviour in heaven!" but in his moments of solitude, in the privacy of the potentate's toilet-chamber, must it not be dreadful for him to reflect that his silver helmet rests on ears that suppurate, that his voice comes from a mouth afflicted with fistula of the bone, and that there are days when his sceptre is at the mercy of the surgeon's knife? december , . [ ] the rumour has spread, and has not yet been authoritatively contradicted, that william is suffering from disease of the brain. is not this in itself good and sufficient reason to make him wish to prove that no one in his empire can do as much brain work as he can? we, whose minds are so confused in the endeavour to follow william's movements at a distance, where little things escape us, can imagine what it must be to observe them from close at hand! one of the chief glories of his reign will be to have produced the diagnosis of a new disease, "locomotor caesarism" of the restless type. before his case, these symptoms were always associated with paralysis. here is a discovery that may turn out to be more genuine that that of dr. koch. the unfortunate koch is one more of william's victims. it was his imperial will that germany should wake up one morning to find herself possessed of a pasteur of her own. he could not even wait long enough to allow the necessary experiments to be made with a remedy which is so violent that it may well be mortal. at the word of command "forward, march," koch found himself propelled by his majesty into the position of a benevolent genius. dr. henri huchard has expressed his opinion of koch's method in the following words: "in therapeutics, daring is always permissible, so long as it preserves its respect for human life." a few days ago, the german emperor was thrusting his advice on a man of science, to-day he is overthrowing the most venerable traditions of the prussian monarchy with the scheme of m. miguel, the new system, for taxing incomes and legacies, opening a campaign against the nobility and the old conservatives. with the help of an official of the "younger generation"--for thus is he pleased to describe his minister of finance--he begins to make war on the "old school." with the "old school" in his mind's eye, he conceives another idea, namely, that of a new method of teaching in the elementary, secondary and high schools, upon which it will be unnecessary to improve for the next hundred years. he sets the faithful m. hinzpeter to work, and compels him to toil night and day to prepare a complete programme in all haste--whereupon behold the emperor holding forth to the collegians just as he does to the recruits. "down with latin!" cries william. "let us make germans instead of greeks and romans! let us teach our children the practical side of life." all of which does not prevent him from adding: "let us teach them the fabulous history of our race." william insists that his name shall be on every lip--that he be recognised as father of his workmen, father of collegians, father of the country at large. it is his ambition to look upon all his subjects as his sons. much good may it do them! december , . [ ] the emperor of germany, determined supporter of triumphant militarism, and, therefore, the deadly enemy of every permanent and beneficial social reform, has suddenly stopped short in his attempts to improve the condition of the masses. if you ask: to whom does william ii give satisfaction? the only possible answer is: himself! for it matters nothing to him whether these plans of his succeed or fail. the thing that does matter to him is, that he should have left his mark everywhere, and that, after a quarter of a century or more, legislators shall inevitably find, in every project of law, the sacred mark, the holy seal of william's mind. [ ] from _la nouvelle revue_, of april , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] this paper had been, till then, in the service of prince bismarck. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, may , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, may , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, june , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, june , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] several pages of the "letters on foreign policy" of june give proofs, undeniable and complete, that the preparation of crimes committed by anarchists in europe was instigated at berlin, william knowing and approving the fact. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, july , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, august , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, august , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, september , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, september , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, october , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, november , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, november , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, december , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, december , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, january , , "letters on foreign policy." chapter ii - the danger to france of a _rapprochement_ with germany--the empress frederick's visit to paris--william ii as _summus episcopus_ of the german evangelical church--reception of the alsace-lorraine deputation in berlin--the law against espionage in germany: every german is a spy abroad--christening of the imperial yacht, the _hohenzollern_--further increase of the military effective force in peace-time--the _youth of william the second_, by mr. bigelow. january , . [ ] the berlin _post_ thinks that we should be able to get on very well without alsace-lorraine, and that the best thing for us to do, if we are "reasonable souls," is simply to become reconciled with germany. the reasonable ones among us are directed to prove to us others (who must needs be "gloomy lunatics") the folly of believing in the russian alliance, and gently to prepare us for a last and supreme act of cowardly surrender--namely, to give william ii a friendly reception at cannes or in paris. the chief argument with which they would persuade us is, that berlin is quite willing to receive our philosophers and our doctors. but we are more than quits on this score, seeing the number of germans that we entertain and enrich in paris. to prove that we owe them nothing in the matter of hospitality, it should be enough to ascertain on the th inst. how many germans will celebrate the birthday of william ii in one of our first-rate hotels. heaven be praised, hatred of the hohenzollerns is not yet dead in france! if it be true that the corpse of an enemy always smells sweet, the person of a living enemy must always remain hateful. before we discuss the possibility of the king of prussia visiting paris, however, let us wait until m. carnot has been to berlin. january , . [ ] the nearer we approach to , the less desire have i to be up-to-date. i persist in the belief that the solution of the problems of european policy in which france is concerned, would have been more readily attainable by an old fashioned fidelity to the memory of our misfortunes than by scorning to learn by our experience. certain well-meaning, end-of-the century sceptics may be able lightly to throw off that past in which they have (or believe they have) lost nothing, whilst we of the "mid-century" are borne down under its heavy burden. these people neglect no occasion to advise us to forget and they do it gracefully, lightly showing us how much more modern it is to crown oneself with roses than to continue to wear tragically our trailing garments of affliction and mourning. i should be inclined to judge with more painful severity those witty writers who advise us to light-hearted friendship with bismarck the "great german," with william the "sympathetic emperor", with richard wagner "the highest expression of historical poetry and musical art," those men who prepared and who perpetuate prussia's victories--i should judge them differently, i say, were it not that i remember my former anger against the young decadents and the older _roués_ in the last days of the empire. all of them used to make mock of patriotism in a jargon mixed with slang which greatly disturbed the minds of worthy folk, who became half ashamed at harbouring, in spite of themselves, the ridiculous emotions "of another age." but these same decadents and _roués_, after a period of initiation somewhat longer than that which falls to the lot of ordinary mortals, behaved very gallantly in the terrible year. true, in order to convince them that they had been wrong in regarding the theft of schleswig-holstein as a trifle, wrong in applauding the victory of sadowa, and declaring that each war was the last, it required such disasters, that not one of us can evoke without trembling the memory of those events, whose lurid light served to open the eyes of the blindest. "understand this," nefftzer was wont to insist (before ), "we can never wish that prussia should be victorious without running the risk of bringing about our own defeat; we must not yield to any of her allurements nor even smile at any of her wiles." if the people of paris applaud wagner, he who believed himself to be the genius of victorious germany personified, it can only be in truth that paris has forgotten. and in that case, there will only be left, of those who rightly remember, but a few mothers, a few widows, a few old campaigners and your humble servant! so that we may recognise each other in this world's wilderness, we will wear in our button-holes and in our bodices that blue flower which grows in the streams of alsace-lorraine, the forget-me-not! and we shall vanish, one by one, disappearing with the dying century, _that is, unless some surprise of sudden war, such as one must expect from william ii, should cure us of our antiquated attitude_. need i speak of these rumours of disarmament, wherewith the german press now seeks to lull us, rumours which spread the more persistently since, at last, we have come to believe in our armaments? "germany is satisfied and seeks no further conquests," says william ii. but does it follow that we also should be satisfied with the bitter memories of our defeats, and resolved that, no matter what may happen, we shall never object to prussia's victories? i never forget that william ii, as a prince, in his grandfather's time, said, "when i come to the throne i shall do my best to make dupes." this rumour of disarmament is part of his dupe-making. the real william reveals himself in his true colours when he awakens his aide-de-camp in the middle of the night, to go and pay a surprise visit to the garrison at hanover. in militarism the german emperor finds his complete expression and the emblem of his character. his empire is not a centralised empire and only the army holds it together. and for this reason william has favoured the army this year at the expense of all the other public services, by increasing its peace-footing strength and the number of its officers, by ordering more than two hundred locomotives and a corresponding amount of rolling stock intended to expedite mobilisation. seventy new batteries have been formed. the artillery has been furnished with new ammunition, the infantry with new weapons, and the strategic network of railways has been completed! abroad, every one, friends and enemies alike, think as i do on the subject of disarmament. "this plaything of william the second's leisure moments," says _the standard_ (although a fervent admirer of queen victoria's grandson), "this disarmament idea, is a myth." our faithful and loyal supporter, the _sviet_, says the same thing: "disarmament is a myth, germany talks of it unceasingly, but she strengthens her frontiers, east and west. on the north," adds the russian organ, "she is converting heligoland into a fortress; on the south-east, she is increasing the defences of breslau, and holds in readiness two thousand axle-trees _of the width of the russian railways_." it is only in france that a few up-to-date journalists take this disarmament talk of the german emperor quite seriously. to them, we may reply by a quotation from the official organ of the "great german." "the course of historic events," says the _hamburger nachrichten_, "is opposed to any realisation of the idea of disarmament, and justifies the opinion expressed by von moltke, who declared war to be in reality a necessary element in the order of things, of itself natural and divine, which humanity can never give up without becoming stagnant and submitting to moral and physical ruin." there you have the genuine style of bismarck, of the man who invented the formula--"the right of might." one thing--and one thing only--might possibly lead william ii to entertain seriously this idea of disarmament, and that would be for bismarck to oppose it. truly, there is something extremely pleasant in this duel between the two ex-accomplices! bismarck terrorising socialism, william coaxing and wheedling it, for no other tangible purpose than to act in opposition to him whose power he has overthrown. what an eccentric freak is this german emperor! one day he sends the sultan a sword of honour, a bitter jest for one who has never known anything but defeat! the next, he proposes to take back the command of the fleet from his brother henry, and in order to get rid of him conceives the plan of making alsace-lorraine and luxembourg into a new kingdom. at the same time he proposes to provide the grand duke of luxembourg with a guard of honour, a guard _à la prudhomme_, whose business it would be to defend and to fight him. the state council of the patriotic grand duchy is aroused, and denies the right of prussia on any pretext to interfere in its affairs. boldly it reminds the powers signatory to the convention of of their pledges. and with all his mania for governing the world at large, william ii would seem to be possessed of the evil eye, and to bring misfortune to all whom he honours with his friendship for any length of time. february , . it looks as if poor bismarck were about to be treated just as he treated count von arnim. can it be that everything must be paid for in this world, and that a splendid retributive justice rules the destiny even of super-men and punishes them for committing base actions? it is rumoured that the duke of lauenbourg (bismarck) is threatened with prosecution on a charge of _lèse majesté_, which the lawyers of the crown will not have very much trouble in proving against him. that any one should dare to criticise the emperor's policy, even though it be bismarck, or that any one, even be it count waldersee, should express a personal opinion in his presence, is more than william ii will tolerate. the "sympathetic emperor" has a cruel way of doing things. before striking his victims it is his wont to give them some public mark of his esteem and good-will. small and great, they pass before him, sacrificed each in his turn, so soon as they have come to believe themselves for a moment in the enjoyment of his favour. thus colonel kaissel, aide-de-camp to the emperor, is about to be shelved. lieutenant von chelin has been removed from the court, general von wittich has already lost his fleeting favour, and the moderating influence of major de huene, erected on the ruins of that of von falkenstein, proves to be equally short-lived. three generals in command of army corps are now threatened--that is, of course, unless a fortnight hence they should prove to have reached the highest pinnacle of favour. three months ago von moltke declared that he and bismarck would live long enough to be able to say "farewell to the empire." on the other hand, von puttkamer seems to be regaining something of favour, and prince battenberg has been welcomed to the old castle; strange plans concerning him are being hatched in the brain of william ii. prince henry has been brought back, ostensibly to take part in the councils of the government, but in reality that he may be watched the more closely. he also has received a letter in which he is publicly thanked for the services he has rendered. if i were in his place i should be very uneasy, seeing the kind of brother that he was, the most changeable the most jealous, and the most suspicious of men. there is a false ring about this letter to prince henry, just as there was in those which the emperor addressed to count waldersee and to bismarck. gratitude is a word that william often thinks fit to use, but it is a sentiment that he is careful never to indulge in. it is impossible to discover any sign of a heart in the actions of the german sovereign. one may therefore predict that he will continue to show an ever increasing preference for distinguished personalities, whom it may please him to destroy, or creatures who would be the butts of his malicious sport, rather than to encourage the kind of public servants who strive continually to increase their efficiency, so as to serve him better. instead of being simply good and ruling benevolently, he aspires to be first a sort of pope, imposing upon his people a social state composed of servility and compulsory comfort, and again a leader of crusades, drawing his people after him to the conquest of the world. spiritual and material interests, military organisation, he mixes and confuses them like everything else which occurs to his mind, and every day he does something to destroy the results of that marvellous continuity, which did more to establish the power of william i than the victories of sadowa and sedan. ever more and more infatuated with the idea of military supremacy, he now pretends to be greatly concerned with the idea of disarmament. and he, the avowed protector of socialists, looks as if he were about to accept from mr. dryander, the protestant presidency of that association of workmen, which is being organised for the purpose of fighting socialism. wherever we look, it is always the same, false pretences, trickery, lying, love of mischief-making and of persecution, innumerable and unceasing proofs given by william that his sovereign soul, irretrievably committed to restless agitation, will never know the higher and divine joys of peace. march , . [ ] for some months past, my dear readers, i have predicted that william ii will not be satisfied without paying a visit to france. the visit of the empress frederick should have prepared us for this amiable surprise. but because the august mother of the german emperor was received by us with nothing more than cold politeness, the _cologne gazette_ gives us a sound drubbing, as witness the following-- "the french have no right to be offensive towards the august head of the german empire and his noble mother, by insulting them after the manner of blackguards (polissons). every german who has the very least regard for the dignity of the nation must feel mortally insulted in the person of the emperor." "the german people have the right to expect that the french government and the french nation will give them ample satisfaction, and will wipe out this stain on the honour of france, by sternly calling to order the wretches in question, creatures whom we germans consider to be the refuse of human society." and we who belong to this "refuse," who flatter ourselves that we have made extraordinary efforts of self-control when we refrained from saying to the empress frederick: "madame, spare us; let it not be said that you went one day to saint-cloud, and on the next to versailles, lest our resolution to be calm should forsake us"--we, i say, now perceive, that all our prudence has been wasted, and that we are still "refuse," the refuse of human society. the character of william ii continues to develop its series of eccentricities. with him, one may be sure of incurring displeasure, but his favours are shortlived. his mania for change is manifested to a degree unexampled since the days of the decay of the roman empire. his freakishness, the suddenness of his impulses, are becoming enough to create dismay amongst all those who approach him. one day he will suddenly start off to take by surprise the garrisons of potsdam and of rinfueld; he gives the order for boots and saddles, which naturally leads to innumerable accidents. next day you will find him issuing a decree that, a play written by one of his _protégés_, entitled _the new saviour_, is a masterpiece, which he would compel the public to applaud. the best he can do with it is to prevent its being hissed off the stage. another day he has a room prepared for himself at the headquarters of the general staff, where he interferes in the preparation of strategic plans, without paying the least attention to the new chief who has replaced count waldersee. then, again, he connects his private office with the entire press organisation, so as to be able to manipulate the reptile fund himself, and to dictate in person the notices he requires, concerning all his proceedings, in the newspapers which he pays in germany and in those which he buys abroad. all of a sudden it occurs to him that six more war-ships would round off the german fleet; and so he demands that they be built on the spot. his minister resists, pointing out that the approval of the reichstag is required, william ii flies into a passion, and the wretched minister obeys. suddenly it occurs to him also to remember the existence of a certain count vedel, greatly favoured by the grand duke of saxe-weimar. he summons him by telegraph, and makes him his favourite of an hour. when it pleases him to remove a superior officer, or to put one on the shelf, nothing stops him, neither the worth of the man, nor the value of the services he may have rendered. one can readily conceive that german generals live in a state of perpetual fright. add to all this that william is becoming impecunious. he has taken to borrowing, and is reduced to making money out of everything. what will the sultan abdul hamid say when he learns that the grand marshal of the german court has put up for sale the presents which he offered to the emperor, his guest, and which are valued at four millions! these things bring to mind the threat which william ii uttered a few days before the fall of bismarck: "those who resist me i will break into a thousand pieces." march , . [ ] the many and varied causes which led to the journey of the empress frederick to paris, and the equally numerous results that the emperor, her son, expected from that visit, are beginning to stand out in such a manner that we can appreciate their significance more and more clearly. this proceeding on the part of william ii, like all his actions, was invested with a certain quality of suddenness, but at the same time, it reveals itself as the result of a complicated series of deliberate plans. the object of these last was, as usual, the young monarch's unhealthy craving for making dupes. to this i shall return later on. let us first examine the causes of william's sudden impulses. he has acquired, and is teaching his people to acquire, the taste and habit of sudden and unexpected happenings. it having been the habit of bismarck to speculate on things foreseen, it was inevitable that his jealous adversary should speculate on things unforeseen. moreover, the king-emperor is dominated by that law of compensation, from which neither men nor things can escape, and from which it follows logically that germany, after having profited by methods of continuity, is now condemned to suffer, in the same proportion, her trials of instability. in determining upon the journey of his august mother to paris, the emperor took no risks other than those which pleased him, and which served the purposes of his grudges and his policy. in the first place, this journey would serve for a moment to divert attention in germany from a policy which the great industrials and the workmen, the party of progress and the conservatives, all unite in condemning. in the next place, berlin, having for a long time made ready to be amiable to paris, was bound to resent all the more acutely any failure to reciprocate her kind advances. these results could not fail to be favourable to the vote of credits for military purposes, which are always the last credits asked for by the government (whether under bismarck or under caprivi) and which are always voted under stress of an appeal to the eternal but utterly non-existent dangers, that are supposed to threaten germany from france. if our capital, then, should extend a cold welcome to the august mother of the german sovereign, the result could not fail to be of immediate advantage to the vote of military credits. i ask my readers to notice, by the way, the deliberate coincidence of the journey of the empress with the demand for these credits, and also with the anniversary of the treaty of versailles. finally, it was to be expected that if she were badly received, the mistake thus committed by the empress frederick would make "the englishwoman" more unpopular in germany; and, so far as one knows, her imperial son has never been passionately devoted to her. moreover, she afforded bismarck an opportunity of getting rid of a little of his venom, as witness the following words of his-- "only an englishwoman," the ex-chancellor declared during a visit to mr. burckardt, "could possibly have inspired the emperor with the idea of sending her to paris as a challenge to the french. a german woman would have had too much respect for her own dignity to go and visit versailles and saint-cloud. the nobility of her feelings would have forbidden her to make a triumphal appearance amidst the ruins of the houses and castles destroyed by our troops, and her pride would have prevented her from seeking the homage and the favours of the vanquished. the empress is english, and english she will remain." but if france were to welcome with enthusiasm--or even with favour--the empress frederick, william ii might justifiably conclude (without making allowance for the sympathy which the widow of the emperor-martyr inspires in frenchwomen) that france had accepted the accomplished fact, abandoned her claims to alsace-lorraine, and the defence of her future interests in common with russia. in that case, he would have treated france as he treats those who show him the greatest devotion. in order to get a clear idea of the object pursued by william ii, it is sufficient to read two short extracts from the _Étoile belge_, a blind admirer of the emperor of germany, and to read them separately from the enthusiastic articles which this paper published at the commencement of the journey of the empress frederick. the correspondent of the _Étoile belge_ wrote as follows-- "in confiding his mother and his sister to the hospitality of paris, william ii committed an act as clever as it was courageous. let him continue in this policy of pacific advances, and the idea of a reconciliation with germany will soon become more popular than the russian alliance." the berlin correspondent of the same _Étoile_ wrote-- "germany has at least as much as england to gain in bringing it about that russia should not feel too sure of french support." is not this clear enough? there you have it: the real object which underlay the visit incognito of the empress frederick for the furtherance of the interests of germany, it meant a reconciliation with germany, which would have separated us from russia, from which england had everything to gain, which would once more have surrendered our credit to italy unconditionally, and would have compelled us to renounce alsace-lorraine for good and all. what then would have been the results had she paid us an official visit? we have already seen that none of the alternative schemes for this journey could work to germany's detriment; we need, therefore, not be astonished at the publicity given by the count von münster to all the comings and goings of the empress, and at the determination shown by her majesty to investigate the quality of our patriotism in all its various aspects. the memories which the empress went to recall at saint-cloud and at versailles were the same as those which she compelled us to call from the past: memories glorious for her but unforgettably sad for us, memories which, in reminding her of victory, were meant to remind us of a defeat to which our conquerors have added cruelty. i watch with fervour the expression of our patriotism. a race which forgets the brutal insults of superior force deserves slavery. italy would never have reconquered milan and venice had she resigned herself to see them pass under the yoke of the stranger. forty years and more had passed since the nd of may, [ ] when prince napoleon thought fit to send prince jérome as ambassador to madrid. he was forced to leave it. princess murat was in no way responsible for what the french generals had done. she came in the suite of the empress eugenie, but spain found a way to make her displeasure manifest without any lack of courtesy. to the empress frederick, france has shown a melancholy kind of astonishment rather than dislike, and has displayed an infinite courtesy. not a single demonstration, not a gesture, not a word from the population of paris has done anything to detract from the city's world-wide reputation for hospitality. the emperor william i and bismarck, who pretended to make war only against the empire, would have shown themselves to be great and far-seeing political minds had they left republican france in possession of the whole of her territory. although beaten at sedan, she would have remembered jena, and germany's revenge would have quickly been forgotten. let us remember the words of the emperor of germany-- "i would rather that all my people should fall upon the field of battle than give back to france a single clover-field of alsace-lorraine." the _post_ of strasburg, recalling this declaration, adds-- "the french _bourgeoisie_ is too cowardly to begin a war. it is willing to smile at the words of déroulède, but does not move. the people of alsace-lorraine have done quite rightly in turning away from these talkers. we have _permitted_ them to become germans, why then, should they refuse the privilege?" but william ii continues to evoke the red vision of france militant, in order to obtain the vote for his military credits. it would seem that his liberalism has gone to join his socialism. at the dinner of the brandenburgers he said "god inspires me; the people and the nation owe me their obedience." no matter whether he bungles or blunders, god alone is responsible, and it is not for the people or the nation to argue. and what is more, has not the new president of the evangelical church just proclaimed william ii as _summus episcopus_? just as william claims to decide infallibly every political question he will now decide all theological questions, without asking any help from the supreme council of the evangelical church. pope, emperor and king--but does anybody suppose that this will satisfy him? march , . [ ] the reception of the delegates from alsace-lorraine at berlin is characteristic. william ii, eternally pre-occupied with stage-effects, has on this occasion accentuated the disproportion between the framework and the results obtained. he insisted upon it that the proceedings should be as imposing as the refusal of the delegates' request was to be humiliating. all the pomp and circumstance of state was displayed for the occasion, with the result of producing a scene, carefully prepared in advance, worthy of a nero. the emperor of germany surrounded by his military household, in the hall of his knights of the guard, receives the complaints of the representatives of alsace-lorraine, who have come to ask for a relaxation of the laws imposed on them by conquest. to them, william ii made answer: "the sooner the population of alsace-lorraine becomes convinced that the ties which bind her to the german empire will never be broken, the sooner she proves more definitely that she is resolved henceforward to display unswerving fidelity towards _me_ and towards the empire, the sooner will this hope of hers be realised." above the imperial palace, during this scene, the yellow flag of the emperors of germany floated side by side with the purple banner of prussia. another picture-- the emperor gives a banquet to the delegates of alsace-lorraine, after having refused to hear their complaints. at the same table with them he invites herr krupp to sit, in order to remind the people of the annexed provinces of the cannons which defeated france and will defeat her again. here we have a reproduction of the roman empire in decay. the power of the conqueror, imposed in all its pomp upon the vanquished, with the cruelty of a bygone age. the all-absorbing personality of william grows more and more jealous. he would like to fill the whole stage of the theatre of the empire and of the world itself. more than that, he even demands that the past should date from himself, and he turns history inside out, having it written to begin with his reign, and reascending the course of time. first himself, then the house of hohenzollern, then prussia, and let that suffice. the other dynasties, other kingdoms of germany, count for so little that it is sufficient merely to mention their existence. the history of which i speak, written for the german army, will be prescribed later on for use of the high schools. from each department of the public service william lifts an important part of its business. from the department of education he takes the direction of public worship, which, in his capacity as _summus episcopus_, he proposes to control in person. from the war department he takes the section having control of maps and fortresses, which, he proposes to place under the general staff and his own direction. he is planning to make a province of berlin, so that he himself may govern it in military fashion, etc., etc. is it possible that the mind of such a man, thus inflated with pride, should not succumb to every temptation of ambition? is there any one of those about him, or amongst his subjects, who can say where these ambitions will end? when one thinks of the mass of ambitions and emotions that william ii has exhausted since he came to the throne, when one thinks of the difficult questions he has raised, the obstacles he has created and the enterprises he has undertaken, how is it possible not to _fear_ the future? germany is beginning to be oppressed by a feeling of uneasiness. she is beginning to realise that her emperor, by designing the orbit of his activity on too large a scale, is producing the contrary effect, with the result that sooner or later, the narrowing circumference of that orbit will close in upon him, and he will only be able to break its barriers by violent repression from within _and by a sudden outbreak of war without_. militarism and militarism only, the passion for which is ever recurrent with william ii, can satisfy his morbid craving for movement and action. thus we see him celebrating the anniversary of william i by a review of his troops and by a speech, so seriously threatening a breach of the peace, that even the newspapers of the opposition hesitate to reproduce it. all france should realise that _the german emperor will make war upon her without warning and without formal declaration, just as he surprises his own garrisons_. by his orders, the statement is made on all sides that the rifle of the german army is villainously bad. let us not believe a word of it. on the contrary, we should know that the greater part of the prussian artillery is superior to ours; let us be on our guard against every surprise and ready. april , . [ ] on the occasion of the presentation of new standards to his troops, the emperor observed that the number is one of deep significance for his race, that it corresponds with six important dates in the history of prussia. "for this reason," he added, "i have chosen the th of april as the day on which to present the new standards." as william ii himself puts it, this day, like all the "eighteenths" that went before it, has its special significance. the strange words uttered by the monarch on this occasion--always intoxicated with the sense of his power, and sometimes by _kaiserbier_--are denied to-day, or perhaps it would be more correct to say that the _monitor of the empire_ has not published them. "let our soldiers come to me," he proclaimed in the white hall, to "overcome the resistance of the enemies of the fatherland, abroad as well as at home." on the one hand, after the manner of the middle ages, he reveals to us the ancient mysteries of the cabal, on the other, as an up-to-date emperor, he compels his brother henry to become a sportsman like himself. on occasion he will don the uniform of the navy, interrupt a post-captain's lecture, and throw overboard the so-called plan of re-organisation, so as to substitute a new strategy of his own making for the use of the german fleet. so field-marshal von moltke is dead at last. his place is already filled by the emperor, who is willing to be called his pupil, but a pupil equal in the art of strategy to his master and a better soldier. the remarkably peaceful death of von moltke only reminds me of the violent deaths that he brought about. it was to him that we owed the bombardment of paris. only yesterday, marshal canrobert said "he was our most implacable foe, and in that capacity, we must continue to regard him with hatred and contempt." von moltke himself was wont to say "when war is necessary it is holy." he leaves behind him all the plans in readiness for the next war. william ii, you may be sure, will proceed to depreciate the military work of von moltke, just as he tries to depreciate his diplomatic and parliamentary work. he has reached a pitch of infatuation unbelievable; and is becoming, as i have said before, more and more of a nero every day. at the present moment he is instigating the construction of an arena at schildorn where spectacles after the ancient manner will be given. these, according to william, are intended to afford instruction to the masses as well as to the classes. a very fitting conclusion this, to the fears which he has expressed about seeing the youth of the german schools working too hard and overloading its memory. for the same reason, no doubt, he has made von sedlitz minister of public instruction--it is an unfortunate name--an individual who has never been to college, who has never studied at any university, and who only attended school up to the age of twelve. now, it seems, william ii is bored with the palace of his forefathers. for the next two years he is going to establish his imperial residence at potsdam; consequently all his ministers and high officials are compelled to reside partly at potsdam. his mania for change leads him to destroy the historic character of the old castle; his scandalised architects have been ordered to restore it in modern style. and berlin, his faithful berlin, is abandoned. it is said that at a gala dinner the other day the emperor uttered these words: "the empire has been made by the army, and not by a parliamentary majority." but it is also said that bismarck observed to the conservative committee at kiel: "it is best not to touch things that are quiet, best to do nothing to create uneasiness, when there is no reason for making changes. there are certain people who seem singularly upset by the craving to work for the benefit of humanity." it requires no special knowledge to interpret this sentence as a thinly veiled criticism of the character of william ii. may , . [ ] there is an attitude frequently adopted by william ii, that german socialists are in the habit of describing, as "the whipping after the cake." he has now had the socialist deputies arrested, and he is introducing throughout the country a system of espionage and intimidation, which is only balanced to a certain extent by his fondness for sending abroad a class of reptiles who go about preaching, writing and imparting to others the doctrines which he endeavours to strangle at birth in his own country. in spite of his brief flirtation with socialism (in which he indulged merely to copy the man whom he opposes in everything and cordially detests), william ii has now come to persecute it. one of his amiable jokes is to try and lead people to believe that the order which he has given, for the dispositions of his troops on the frontier _en échelon_, has no other object but to prevent belgian strikers, from coming into germany. but can it be also to repel this invasion of belgian strikers that the entire german army now receives orders just as if it were actually preparing to begin a campaign? sentinels of france, be on your guard! it goes without saying that during the past fortnight we have had our regular supply of speeches from william ii. at düsseldorf he said three things. the first, coming from the lips of a sovereign known all the world over for his mania for change, is calculated to raise a smile-- "from the paths which i have set before me, i shall not swerve a single inch." the second was a threat-- "i trust that the sons of those who fought in will know how to follow the example of their fathers." the third and last was meant for bismarck-- "there is but one master, myself, and i will suffer none other beside me." for the future william will only make his appearances accompanied by heralds clad in the costumes of the middle ages, bodyguards drawn from the nobility, surrounding the _summus episcopus_, pope and khalif of the protestant church. the extremely curious mixture which unceasingly permeates the character of william ii may be observed in the orders which he, the mystic, the pious, has recently given to the chaplains of the court, viz. that they are never to preach in his presence for more than twenty minutes. naturally enough, the prussian pastors are extremely indignant at the cavalier way in which the _summus episcopus_ treats the holy word. may , . [ ] the business of a sovereign is not a bed of roses, and causes of discomfiture are just as frequent in the palaces of kings as in the humblest cottages. william ii has just had more than one experience of this humiliating truth, but it must be admitted he fully deserves most of the lessons he receives. instead of saying, as he used to say, "my august confederates and myself," he has suddenly conceived the pretension that he and he alone is the sole master in germany. accordingly the august confederates by common consent, although invited by the grand marshal of the palace, count eulenberg, have refused to take part in the trifling folly of the golden throne that william is having made for himself. kings, grand dukes and senators of the free cities, all have unanimously declared that they will never assist "in the erection of a throne which is the sign and attribute of sovereignty." but to continue the list: at strelitz, a clergyman refused the request of the prussian colonel of the th regiment to allow his church to be used for a thanksgiving service in honour of the birth of william ii, and preached a sermon declaring that the grand duke of mecklenburg-strelitz, and he alone, had the right to have a divine service and a sermon in honour of his birthday. and yet another instance: the emperor has organised a regatta to be held on lake wannsee on may for all yachts and pleasure boats owned by princes and by the german aristocracy. the archduke, heir to the austrian throne, has refused to honour the occasion with his presence. the toast at dusseldorf, "myself the only master," has been very generally condemned; equally that which the emperor addressed to the students at bonn, when he said to them "let your jolly rapiers have full play," or in other words, "indulge to the top of your bent, and without regard to the laws, in your orgies of brutality." people in germany are beginning to think that william reminds them a little too much of the incoherencies of his great-uncle, frederick william, who was undoubtedly clever in all sorts of ways, but who died insane. at the shipyards of elbing, william ii narrowly escaped being wounded by the fall of the large mast of the ship _kohlberg_, which had been sawn through in several places. he has just had his coachman, menzel, arrested, who very nearly brought him to his death by driving him into a lime tree in a _troika_ presented to him by the tzar. at present it is his wish that holland and belgium should receive him. the queen regent and leopold ii (in spite of the latter's violent love for germany) are hesitating, by no means certain as to the welcome which their peoples would extend to him. william ii proposes to strike the imagination of the dutch, as he did that of the belgians, and to make his appearance before them, aboard his yacht, the _hohenzollern_, which dutch vessels are to go to meet and escort. to make the thing complete (and it may well be that the idea is germinating in his mind) it would only require him to visit the fortifications on the meuse. the _berliner tageblatt_ in a long article informs us that the emperor declares them to be _perfect_. 'tis a good word. . . . when the imperial traveller shall have exhausted all pretexts for rushing about on this continent, he will go to africa. there is a _but_ about this; it arises from the question whether he will be able to obtain from his ministers that they should ask the reichstag or the landtag for the , francs that he needs for the voyage, the constitution forbidding the king of prussia to leave europe. but what does the constitution matter to william ii? he, the master, will put an end to it! august , . [ ] what are the qualities which have distinguished the government of germany since the victories of moltke? the patient tenacity of william i, and a continuous policy of trickery raised by bismarck to the level of genius. william ii is a mind diseased, infatuated with itself. his actions are dominated by pride, and all the most childish off-shoots of that weakness, love of noise, of attitudes, of pomps and vanities and jewellery; his mind is a thing of somersaults, and his will is subject to capricious whims and sudden outbursts of temper. august , . [ ] may we not flatter ourselves that the torments of william ii are now beginning? he, who only yesterday proclaimed himself to be the triumphant personification of the german empire, is now compelled to inaction as the result of a fall. whilst the great tzar is received with acclamation on board of the french _marengo_, he goes awkwardly stumbling about on the deck of his yacht. the german emperor composed for himself a prayer, which he is accustomed to have said in his presence, and in which god is implored "to grant his protection to the emperor william, to give him health and inspiration for the fulfilment of his mission _towards the nations_." to-day, reduced to inactivity by his illness and by the consequences of his folly, he has ample leisure to reflect on the psalm which he is so fond of singing, with the mitre of the _summus episcopus_ on his head: "the kings of the earth are the instruments of god." yes, sire, they are instruments which god breaks as easily as he bends a reed before the wind. he is pleased to humble the proud, and he reserves defeat and death as the portion of the parricide. august , . [ ] germany's luck is running out. . . . the emperor certainly lacks neither the youth nor the audacity to compel fortune, but he drives her too hard, and ignores all her warnings. his fall is a clear warning, which he appears to be quite unwilling to notice; more mechanical than ever in his movements, he is now taking to riding again. by his orders, his illness and even his fall are alike contradicted. his reason for withdrawing himself so long from the gaze of his adoring subjects is to let his beard grow, after the fashion of boulanger. but he hasn't wasted his time; his furious impatience under activity has brought about a fresh attack. september , . [ ] william ii makes every effort to keep the triple alliance on its legs (it being as lame as himself) whilst he continues to give vent to his triple _hoch!_ and resumes once more his rushing to and fro, so wearisome to his faithful subjects, which compels the european press to groan so loudly that his pennon (imperial in austria, or royal in bavaria) waves madly about his excited person. meanwhile the emperor alexander iii, calm in the serenity of his nature, takes his rest in the pleasant retreat of fredensborg, where he finds contented virtues and the joys of family life. it really looks as if a certain deviltry were at work against william ii. his splendid statecraft now revolves about questions of rye bread, russian geese, and american pork; he struggles amidst a mass of difficulties more comic than sublime. he has imposed a system of rigid protection in order to entangle his allies in a net of tariffs favourable only to germany, and now behold him, all of a sudden, removing the duties off diseased pork, all for the profit of the mckinley bill, the scourge of germany. only the future can say what dangers await a policy of fierce protection and dangerous favouritism. how much simpler and cleverer it would have been to remove the duties on cereals! as far as the people are concerned, cheap pork will never appeal to them as cheap bread would have done. the progressive party had asked for both; the satisfaction they have received appeases them for the moment, but the socialists will still be able to say that william's government takes off the duties on foodstuffs that poison the people, and leaves them on those which would afford them healthy nourishment. september , . [ ] william ii has decidedly no luck when he puts the martial trumpet to his lips. it was at erfurt that he learned that the tribes of the wa héhé had massacred zalewski's expedition into east africa. it is said that, on hearing this news, the german emperor, seized with one of those sudden outbursts of rage which throw him into convulsions, swore to avenge in torrents of blood the insult thus suffered by the ever-victorious banner of prussia. are we, then, to see the reichstag in its turn, like the french and italian parliaments, wasting its millions and its men in colonial adventures? at münich, william ii has declared that the wretched condition of the artillery in the austrian army, the lack of cohesion in its infantry, and the inexperience, not to say incapacity, of its officers, render it unfit for war in the near future, and that no hope of its improvement is to be entertained, so long as it shall have as its head a man so completely worn out as francis joseph. germany's armament is to be completely changed and renewed, and it is even said that william will go down in person to the reichstag during the autumn session to demand the enormous credits which the situation requires. the _neue münchen tageblatt_ has been seized at münich for having published an attack upon "the mania for armaments and for military pomp which possesses william ii, a mania which is exhausting germany and will leave her completely ruined after the next war." november , . [ ] the unfortunate constitution of the german empire, like the emperor himself, doesn't know which way to turn. legislation, administration, the army; the universities, the church and the administration of justice: everything is being passed through a sieve, and transformed, first in order that it may retransform itself and then become more readily accessible to the rising generation. anything that savours of a ripe age is extremely displeasing to william ii. ripeness is a thing which he disdains to acquire. all that is youthful finds favour in his eyes, with the sole exception of a class of youth with which he is disposed to deal severely, viz. the _souteneurs_. against them the _summus episcopus_ is extremely wroth. here the virtue of chaste germany is at stake, and he proposes to cauterise the disease with a red-hot iron. for the future, the scandalous discussion of these things will be forbidden to the press, and thus, even if private morals continue the same, public morality will not be offended. hypocrisy, at least, will be saved. there is much talk at vienna of a plan whispered at headquarters in berlin, which has to do with converting the capital of austria into an entrenched camp, so that an army driven back from the austro-russian frontiers might there be re-formed. william means to throw austria against russia, and to take his precautions in case of defeat, precautions which would at the same time, safeguard the rear of the german empire. november , . germany is becoming uneasy; she has heard the rustling of the wings of defeat. accustomed to victory, she is suffering, as rich people suffer under the least of privations. bankruptcies, one after another, are spreading ruin in berlin. bismarck and william, united in a very touching manner on this subject, conceived the idea of bringing about russia's financial ruin, and of importing into the prussian capital the vitality of the paris market. the fall in russian securities was unlucky for the german bank, and all the scrip that the berlin bourse so greedily devoured, for the sole purpose of preventing paris from getting it, does not seem to have been easily digested. the middle class is suffering from the bad condition of the market, and the increase of taxation; the lower classes are hungry. impassive in his majesty, the emperor contemplates himself upon the throne. now you will find him copying louis xiv and writing in the golden book of the city of münich _regis volontas suprema lex_. and again he will imitate st. louis, but not finding any oak tree within his reach, he administers justice on the public highway, as in the skinkel-platz. he is having his own statue made of marble, to be placed alongside of his throne. great heavens! if some day, this were to be for him the avenging commander's statue! [ ] but no, it cannot be, for has he not been converted? is he not the _summus episcopus_, who conducts the service in person? has he not composed psalms? could anybody be more pious, a more resolute foe of those vices which he pursues with such energy? could any one be more determined to be a pillar of the church? in his interviews with the delegates of the synod of the united prussian church, has not the _summus_ said that the reformation drew its strength from the hearts of princes? true, you may say, that this does not sound very like a humble christian; but then humility had never anything to do with william. at the administration of the oath to new recruits, after having held forth to them on the subject of the hardships at the beginning of a soldier's life, he added, "it shall be your reward when you have learnt your trade, to manoeuvre before me." december , . [ ] the nations of europe desire peace, and it has been so often proved to them that they also desire it, who have been accused of furbishing their weapons unceasingly, that it would be dangerous even for william ii to seem to be preparing for war, or rather that, having made ready for it, he should be working to let it loose. and so it comes to pass that the fire-eating emperor and king of prussia himself is compelled to play the part of a bleating sheep "admiring his reflection in the crystal stream," and that he cannot even have recourse to the expedient, now exhausted, to make it appear that either france or russia are ravening wolves in search of adventure. but the rôle of a sheep sits badly on william, and the _mot d'ordre_, which he dictates is so evidently opposed to the condition of affairs for which he is responsible, that messrs. kalnoky and caprivi, in spite of their appearance of rotund good nature, have shown distinct signs of intractable irritation. people have been asking what can be the meaning of all these pacific assurances, so hopelessly at variance with everything that one sees and knows, at a moment when the monarch of berlin is furious at the visit of the tzar to kronstadt? well, the truth is out, and it is m. de kalnoky who, by proxy, shall reveal it to you. "the reception at kronstadt and its consequences have effected no change in the situation." there you have the secret. it is necessary to prove that the diplomacy of the triple alliance has not been checked at any point or in any way; that the "excellent impression," to quote the words of m. de caprivi, left in russia by the visit of william ii did not allow the tzar any alternative; he was compelled to show attention to some other country than germany. moreover, the appearance of alexander iii on the _marengo_ was nothing more than a simple desire for a sea trip; france, going like mohammed to the mountain, bore in her flanks nothing larger than a mouse. finally, that peace never having been threatened by the loyal league of peace, there could be no possible reason left to france and russia for wanting to defend it, etc., etc. william ii is working hard to control and direct the diplomacy of the triple alliance. nevertheless, all his scaffolding work is liable to sudden collapse, overthrown by the most insignificant of events. regarding his speech to the recruits, the german press has pluckily voiced its condemnation by the public. it is impossible to deny that his observations on that occasion were a perfect masterpiece of self-glorification. this is what he said-- "you have just taken the oath of fidelity to myself. from this day forward there exists for you one order and one order only, that of my majesty. henceforth you have only one enemy, mine, and should it be necessary for me some day (which god forbid) to order you to shoot your own parents, yes, to fire on your own brothers and sisters, fathers and mothers, on that day remember your oath." those who wish to form an accurate idea of william's loquacity and self-conceit should read a few passages, selected haphazard from "the voice of the lord upon the waters," a sermon by his majesty, the emperor-king, for use in polar voyages. there they will find a strange hotch-potch of all sorts of ideas, religious, political and heathen, all half digested. but the dominant note in the sermons preached by william ii lies in his tendency to diminish the infinite, to hold it within the measure of his own mind, to bring down god to his own stature. all his comparisons tend to show god as an emperor, built in the image in which william sees himself. when he draws you a picture, in which he brings god face to face with himself, there is about him a certain splendour of pride, something in his utterance that suggests an imperial lucifer. but beyond these relations between god and the german emperor, his utterances reveal nothing beyond commonplace self-conceit. in his perpetual and personal contact with the divinity, william's morality becomes more exacting than even that of god himself towards his saints, who have long enjoyed his sanction to sin seven times a day. william ii will not allow of a single sin. everywhere and in everything he must interfere. well may his subjects say, who have just received their catechism: "he is on heaven, on earth, and within us." january , . [ ] i, who have so long been devoted to the franco-russian alliance, have followed with acute distress the intrigues of bismarck in bulgaria (intrigues of which the _nouvelle revue_ revealed one proof in the letters of prince ferdinand of coburg to the countess of flanders). i have known that william, in spite of his actual dislike for the proceedings of his ex-chancellor, is pleased to approve the impertinences of a stamboulof. nevertheless, i confess i am seized with anxiety at seeing france enter into diplomatic proceedings with the so-called government of bulgaria. it is very often more dignified to despise and ignore the enterprises of certain people, then to endeavour to obtain satisfaction from them. there are certain complicated circumstances in which the manifestation of a sense of honour or loyalty becomes a weakness: at all costs one should avoid being led into it. the emperor of germany possesses a special talent for adding new complications to a difficult situation, so as to render it impossible of solution. he has now so completely tangled up the parliamentary skein, that in a little while it will be impossible for parliament to govern. can one conceive of a majority of the chamber rallying around the catholic centre, or the socialists, for the same reason, increasing in number at the bye-elections? in such a case william ii, equally unable to surrender in favour of the clericals or to submit to the socialists, will find himself, as others have been before him, driven to adopt the ultimate remedy of war. february , . [ ] if the states of germany, in joining themselves on to prussia, have thereby increased in power, they have gained very little in humanity. the circular, secretly issued by prince george of saxony, commanding the th army corps, reveals something of the brutalities and exquisite torture which german soldiers have to suffer. this circular was addressed to the commanders of regiments, and has been published by a socialist newspaper, the _vorwärts_. this prince of saxony is indignant at these things, doubtless because he is a saxon; bavaria, we are told, declines to accept the application of the prussian military code. by common consent, the house of peers and the chamber of deputies at münich have voted against subscribing to a condition of things which permits men to behave like real savages. military germany takes pleasure in cruelty, sentimental germany is moved by the tortures inflicted on her children. brutality and sentiment rub elbows, and are so strangely intermingled amongst our neighbours that i, for one, abandon all attempts at understanding them. it was von moltke who said one day that the army was the school of all the virtues. next day the same field-marshal put into circulation certain formulas for the infliction of cruelty, intended for the use of commanding officers. "if a superior officer should order an inferior to commit a crime, the inferior must commit it." thus says william ii, who in the very next breath expresses his sentimental concern over the unfortunate lot of a woman of loose life handed over to the tender mercies of a bully! william's latest quarrel, it seems, is with liberty of conscience. the _summus episcopus_ of the evangelical religion becomes the protector of clericalism in germany. he, the elect of god, has discovered the power of the catholic church. this was the power that broke bismarck, but it will not break william ii, for he intends to assimilate it. he dreams of establishing his protectorate over catholicism in europe, america, africa and in the east; his destiny lies in a world-wide mission, which only catholicism can support. he will, therefore, dominate the papacy, and through it will govern the world. february , . [ ] the list of emperor william's vagaries continues to grow. he, who was once the father of socialists, now pursues them with all manner of cruelty, in order to be revenged for their opposition to the scholastic law. this law is his dearest achievement. he produced it under the same conditions as his socialist rescripts, all by himself, without consulting his minister. it seems that von sedlitz was instructed to bring it forward without discussing its terms. this is a reactionary _coup d'état_ in the same way that the rescripts on socialism were a democratic stroke. will this "new course" of imperial policy, as they call it in germany, last any longer than its predecessor? i presume so, for it corresponds more closely than the old one to the autocratic instincts of william ii. the national, liberal and progressive parties, and even the socialists, who had turned full of hope towards their liberal emperor, now vie with each other in turning their backs on the sovereign, who fulfils the policies of a von kardoff or a baron von stumm, the most determined conservatives of the extreme party. the universities of berlin and halle, together with all the other educational institutions, have addressed petitions to the landtag, protesting against the re-organisation of the primary schools, which it is proposed to hand over to the church. sixty-nine professors out of eighty-three, six theologians out of eight, including amongst them certain members of the faculty, have signed this protest. the greatest names of german science and literature have here joined forces. liberals like herr harnack have made common cause with such anti-semite conservatives as professor treitschke. mommsen, virchow, curtius helmholtz, stand side by side in defence of the rights of liberty of thought. william is becoming irritated by the lessons thus administered to him and the opposition thus displayed, and his nervousness continues to assume an aggressive form. alsace-lorraine is undisturbed, and all europe bears witness to its pacific tendencies; nevertheless, the german emperor is bringing forward a bill before the reichstag for declaring a state of siege in alsace-lorraine, which includes even a threat of war, and opens the door to every abusive power on the part of the civil authority. the speech which he addressed to the members of the diet of brandenburg is the most complete expression which the emperor, king of prussia, has yet given of his latest frame of mind. how dare they criticise him, or discuss his policy! let them all go to the devil! he, whose policy it is to block emigration, now wishes for nothing better than that all his opponents should leave germany. but it is impossible to revoke public opinion wholesale, like an edict. if it is difficult now to expel all malcontents from prussia, what will it be when their number is legion? william ii has promised to his people a glorious destiny, happiness, and the protection of heaven. truly these germans must be insatiable if they ask for more! march , . [ ] william ii aims at concentrating all power, and, to organise the work of espionage, in the hands of the military authorities. if the prussian law of is still effective, the emperor in case of need will be able to dispense with a vote of the reichstag. this law confers on every general and on his representative, who may be an officer of eighteen years of age, the right to declare a state of siege in the event of war threatening. on the other hand, the projected bill against espionage meets with very general approval. your german has got spies on the brain. he wishes to be able to indulge in spying in other countries, but to prevent it in germany. the _frankfurter zeitung_ and the _vorwärts_ assert that the proposed law against the revealing of military secrets was inspired by the publication of the report by prince george of saxony, containing revelations of a kind which the emperor does not wish to occur again. one of the articles of this law against spying reveals the prussian character in all its beauty. one has only to read it, in order to understand the inducements which the government of william ii holds out to informers. the end of this article runs as follows: "every individual having knowledge of such an infringement, and who shall fail to notify the authorities, is liable to imprisonment." to hear these germans, one would think that france and russia are flooding the empire with spies, whilst germany never sends a single one of them to france or russia. in the first place, all these statements are purely cynical; and in the second germany can very well afford to dispense with professionally selected spies, inasmuch as every german prides himself on being one at all times in the service of the fatherland. april , . [ ] william ii makes a solemn promise to his august grandmother, queen victoria, and to the "best beloved" of his allies, the emperor of austria, that he will restore the guelph fund. francis joseph has obtained from the duke of cumberland the somewhat undignified letter of renunciation, which we have all read, and now it is either up to rogue scapin or bre'r fox, just as you please! william ii says that he never meant to give back the capital, but only the interest! it is easy to imagine the effect produced on those concerned by the revelation of this astonishing mental reservation. but this is not all! the king of prussia--always short of money, always in debt on account of his extravagant fancies and expensive clothes, and half ruined by his mania for running to and fro--had made certain arrangements for meeting his creditors by means of the guelph fund, but with the proviso, needless to say, that they affected only the interest!! it is said that the heir of the house of hanover has written a second letter which evoked a sickly smile from william ii, and of which councillor rössing has suppressed the publication with some difficulty. amongst other things, william ii has had quick-firing guns, supplied to the people of dahomey by slave merchants. the berlin _post_, directly inspired by the emperor, tells us exactly what is his object in so doing-- "england and russia will not help france to settle her difficulties in her colonies. these two powers are far too pre-occupied with the struggle for supremacy in asia. france is, therefore, reduced to looking to germany as her sole support. if france consents to work together with germany, africa will be won for civilisation, and for the best civilisation of all, the franco-german, but so long as france pursues this task single-handed, she will not attain her end, and will find in africa nothing but disappointment." such evidences of effrontery remind us that william ii is the pupil of bismarck. we are, therefore, justified in concluding that the germans realise that it is not aristides the just who has been exiled, but a master rogue, whom his pupil now imitates. april , . [ ] william ii continues to expel from berlin all unemployed workmen, quite regardless of the cause of their temporary or continuous idleness. he sends them back to their native parishes, without caring in the least whether they will find there the work which they are unable to secure at the capital. the "workmen's emperor" compels an emigration into the interior of all the most discontented, the most irritated and wretched, thus sowing throughout all the land the evil seed of the most dangerous kind of propagandist. the spirit of germany is full of surprises for any one who takes the trouble to observe it carefully, and it is not only in the acts of the emperor that we perceive its contradictions. to take one instance out of a thousand. five non-commissioned officers of dragoons have just been tried at ulm, accused of having beaten recruits with sticks until they drew blood. they have been acquitted, after having proved that they acted under the orders of their captain. in this connection it is interesting to read the following-- "the court of saverne has just condemned a carrier named schwartz to six weeks' imprisonment and a fine of ten marks for ill-treating his horse." the unstable grandson of the steadfast william i threatens before long to get between his teeth a fourth war minister; he has already devoured three chiefs of the general staff, and, in a few years, as many ministers as his grandfather had during the whole course of his long reign. it remains to be seen whether, after the withdrawal of the scholastic law, william ii will still find a majority willing to accept his new and disturbing schemes. may , . [ ] as the german empire has no other force of cohesion except such as lies in militarism, william is necessarily compelled to do everything to magnify and increase it. whereas we in france are free to develop the quality rather than the quantity of our army, germany, finding the elements of cohesion only in her military agglomerations is compelled to increase unceasingly the number of her soldiers. at this very moment william is planning to add a permanent effective of , men to the tactical units. in return, he will promise parliament and the country a provisional two years' service, being quite capable of withdrawing his promise so soon as the vote has been secured. numbers, always numbers! it is the german emperor's only ideal, and he becomes further and further removed from any principle of selection. . . . the german newspapers make a speciality of the fabrication of sensational rumours. i could not ask any better vengeance for our beloved country than to have their stories placed before the most loyal of sovereigns, the most far-seeing of diplomats, of the politician the furthest removed from sordid calculations that the world knows or has ever known, that is to say, of the emperor alexander iii. . . . but all this is just a manoeuvre of the enemy who plays his own game, and it has no importance whatsoever beyond that which credulous and anxious people choose to give it. inasmuch as the renewal of the triple alliance has produced a definite situation, which affords no opportunity for any of the combinations which might have resulted had it been broken up into independent parts, the tzar with his usual foresight was naturally led to proclaim his _rapprochement_ with france, and this he has done. what change has there been in the situation since kronstadt? none at all, unless it be that lord salisbury has revealed something more of the nature of his intrigues at sofia, and of the anti-russian intentions of his bulgarian policy. the king of italy has surrendered himself a little more into the hands of the king of prussia, placing at the disposal of william's diseased restlessness further and inexhaustible sources of trouble and uneasiness for europe. july , . [ ] it seems to me that the speech addressed by william to his new admiralty yacht at the port of stettin has not attracted sufficient notice. it is simply beautiful, a very choice morsel indeed. to show how little i exaggerate, i will ask my readers to study it in the actual text, and i would like to engage the services of the king of prussia to collaborate in the _nouvelle revue_ for a page in precisely the same style. here is this little masterpiece of classic purity-- "thou art ready to glide into thy new element, to take thy place amidst the imperial war-ships, and thou art destined to carry our national flag. thine elegant construction, thy light sides, showing no sign of the heavy threatening defensive turrets, such as are carried by our war-ships destined to fight the foe, indicate that thou art consecrated to works of peace. lightly, as on the wing, to cross the seas, bringing distant lands closer to each other, giving rest and recreation to workers, happiness to the imperial children, and to the august mother of the country,--that is thine appointed task. may thy light artillery be worn by thee as an ornament and not as a weapon of war. "it is for me now to give thee a name. thou shalt carry that which my castle bears, whose towers rise so high towards heaven, that which, lying amidst the beautiful country of suabia, has given its name to my family. it is a name which recalls to my fatherland centuries full of labour, of work done with and for the people, of life devoted to the people, of good examples set in leading the people in paths of literature and in many struggles. the name which thou shall bear means all this. mayest thou do honour to thy name, and to thy flag, to the great elector who, first of all men, taught us our mission on the sea, and to my great ancestors who, by works of peace as in fierce warfare, knew how to keep and increase the glory of our fatherland. i baptize thee _hohenzollern_!" august , . [ ] william ii, claiming as usual to be ahead of every change of opinion in europe, and to direct it, has chosen a very singular pretext to make profession of his faith as a pacifist, at the moment when lord rosebery was doing the same, and when the visit of our squadron to genoa was about to emphasise a relaxation of tension in the relations between france and italy. on june , , the following motion was adopted by the reichstag-- "the governments of the confederated german states are requested to take into serious consideration the introduction of the two years' period of military service for the infantry." without deigning to remember this, and without bothering his head as to the discomfiture of the peasantry, who believed the emperor to be really favourable to a scheme which he had openly patronised hardly six months before, on the ground that he had been greatly impressed by general falkenstein's report; indifferent also to the difficulty of the situation in which he was placing von caprivi, advocate of the two years' system--the emperor-king (apparently just because on that day it had pleased him to make a declaration in favour of peace) made a speech to his officers after the last review of the guards, and summarily condemned any reduction in the term of military service. moreover, he requested his hearers to repeat his words and to let people know the motives which impelled him thus to set his face against a reform, which, not having secured his approval, must remain in the limbo of fantastic schemes. much stir and commotion follows, and as usual a great deal is said about the most changeable and the most feather-headed of sovereigns; then we have a new interpretation of his speech by the press, contradictions of the original text, withdrawal by the emperor himself of his original words, and finally, as net result: a great deal of noise, and the attention of all europe directed towards william ii. what more could he ask? soon, thanks to the insidious activities of austria in servia, and thanks to that of his own police on the franco-belgian frontier, william will be able to threaten europe with war. september , . [ ] william has given up the idea of his trip to hamburg, cholera being the sort of jest for which he has no relish. to make up, he has rushed off to canossa. the black alliance, as the liberals call it, is an accomplished fact. the price paid to the catholics for their assistance has been a matter of bargaining; what william ii wants is an increase in the peace-footing of the army, and of the annual contingent of recruits, so that germany's army of , men may always be ready. in twenty years the war budget has been raised from to millions, as the result of these new plans. the _freisinnige zeitung_ wonders what will happen on the day when the opposition of the catholic centre shall cease, which has always been a check upon military expenditure and which, nevertheless, has not prevented germany from spending , millions upon armaments since . will austria follow once more the lead of berlin? the object of william ii's visit to vienna, accompanied by von caprivi, is to decide her to do so. in the empire of the hapsburgs, as in germany, people are asking; "what is going to be the end of all this expenditure?" the _vaterland_, discussing william's voyage, says that "the pact between the three great powers appears to be beginning to be very shaky." september , . [ ] william ii thinks that war is impending and close at hand; he feels that italy is inclined to argue, and austria to assert herself. according to the tradition of von moltke, he wishes to be ready at the hour of his own choosing. in the last volume of the field-marshal's memoirs, there is a letter addressed by him to the deputy, count de bethusy huc, dated march , , in which the following words occur-- "after a war like that which we have just ended, one can hardly wish for another. i desire, however, to profit by the occasion which now offers to make war on france, for, unfortunately, i consider this war to be absolutely necessary, and indispensable within a period of five years; after that, our organisation and armament, which are to-day superior, may be equalled by the efforts of france. it is therefore to our interest to fight as soon as possible. the present moment is favourable; let us profit by it." november , . [ ] if you would take the measure of the hatred which the emperor-king of prussia, has towards russia, read the _youth of william the second_ by mr. bigelow, his companion in childhood, the friend of his youth, and the passionate admirer of his imperial greatness. in the eyes of mr. bigelow, william ii is endowed with all the virtues, all the qualities, and a hatred of evil; he is a complete master of every conceivable kind of science. he is a person of tact, foresight, and superior feelings, he possesses the noblest qualities of courage and sense of honour. he knows better than any one else everything concerning government, business, trade and industry. of his military art, it were needless to speak; it is conspicuously evident. a brilliant talker and a fine orator, his lucidity of observation, his judgment, and his rapidity of decision are all alike, incomparable. mr. bigelow's william has a complete knowledge of the history of europe and of the character of its peoples. there is nothing that he does not know of the upper and lower foundations of the views of european statesmen, past and present. a frank and loyal fellow withal, good to children, he feels keenly the sufferings of soldiers ill-treated by their officers, and the hardships of the working classes exploited by their masters. frederick the great is the only one who in any way approaches him. then, as to his magnanimity, he proved it to m. jules simon, by offering him the musical works of the said frederick the great, with a letter which, according to mr. bigelow, should have made france give up her foolish ideas about alsace-lorraine, were it not for the fact that "from the drawing-rooms of the faubourg saint germain to the garrets of montmartre, all frenchmen suffer from an incorrigible mania for revenge." to the great satisfaction of mr. bigelow, however, it has been given to england to understand, and she knows how to promote william's mission. on august , , she ceded to him heligoland, the gibraltar of germany. it is not i who put these words into the mouth of the friend of the king of prussia! "since waterloo," adds mr. bigelow, "england has not been on such good terms with germany." a very touching confession for us to remember! hatred of russia finds expression in a hundred ways under the pen of mr. bigelow. nothing that is russian can find favour in his sight; the least of the sins of russia are barbarism, corruption, vice of every kind, cruelty and ignorance. after having piled up all the usual accusations, he stops, and one might think that it was for lack of materials. but not at all! he could, but will not say more about it; and this "more" assumes most fabulous proportions "so as not to compromise my german friends." i imagine that some of those friends of his must figure on the margin of the russian budget, for if it were not so, why should they be liable to be compromised? travelling down the danube by boat, mr. bigelow was able to make use everywhere of the german language. every intelligently conducted enterprise which he found on his way was in the hands of germans. "sooner or later," said he, "the danube will belong to germany." according to mr. bigelow, all the people who have the misfortune to live in the neighbourhood of the frontiers of russia only dream of becoming germans, in order to escape her. there is one remarkable quality which william ii possesses and which mr. bigelow has forgotten, and that is his talent as a scenic artist and _impresario_ for any and every kind of ceremony; in this he is past master. for the th anniversary of october , , the day on which the famous theses, which inaugurated the reformation, were posted by martin luther on the door of the chapel at wittenberg, the emperor-king surpassed himself. the imperial procession aroused the greatest enthusiasm in the little town by its successful reconstruction of the historic picture. the speech of the _summus episcopus_ cast all sermons into the shade by its lofty tone and spirit of tolerance. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, january , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, february , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, march , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, march , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] spanish insurrection against the french invasion under the first empire. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, april , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, may , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, may , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, june , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, august , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _ibid._, august , . [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, september , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _ibid._, september , . [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, october , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, november , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] an allusion to the commander's statue in "don juan." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, december , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, january , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, february , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, march , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, march , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, april , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, may , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, june , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, july , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, september , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, september , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, october , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, november , , "letters on foreign policy." chapter iii william ii receives the tzarewitch--germany would rather shed the last drop of her blood than give up alsace-lorraine--william's journey to italy--the german manoeuvres in alsace-lorraine. january , . [ ] being too weak a man to accept such responsibility as that involved in the scheme of military reforms, von caprivi has, so to speak, by his suppliant attitude towards the parties in the reichstag, forced william ii to assert himself. in spite of his leanings towards prudent reform, the emperor-king, whose pride we know, has found himself all of a sudden in a sorry plight on the question of the increase of the standing army. the rising tide of public censure, mounting to the foot of the throne itself, found no one to hold it back but a bewildered lock-keeper. and so the emperor, with his helmet on his head, appeared upon the scene, to take charge of the damming operations. on january he addressed his generals, his enthusiastic officers (who, like all soldiers, have a holy horror of politicians), and said to them, "i shall smash the obstacles that they raise against me." thus it happens that it is no longer von caprivi who confronts the reichstag, no longer the hesitating successor of bismarck, whom the country accuses of leading it on the path to ruin: the emperor-king takes charge in person. instead of being a question of policy and bargaining between the political parties, the question becomes one of loyalty. in parliament, the resistance of the country, instead of being a legitimate opposition intended to enlighten the sovereign, becomes revolutionary. so now the reichstag is compelled either to vote the scheme of military reform, or to be dissolved; germany must either confirm her representatives in their obedience, or take the consequences of her hostility towards the emperor and his army. the reichstag will submit, and germany will humbly offer to her sovereign an additional million of troops in the next five or six years. william ii will hasten their general submission by threats of war and revolution, as unlimited as is the field of his falsehood. february , . [ ] william ii has left no stone unturned, and has displayed the utmost skill, in endeavouring to enfold in his influence the heir to the throne of russia. he has devoted to this end all the splendour that an imperial sovereign can display in the entertainment of his guest, all the resources of enthusiasm which he can lead his people to display in welcoming him, all his tricks of apparent good-will, all the fascination of a mind which is apt to dazzle those who meet it for the first time (although later on it is apt to inspire them with weariness by its very excesses), every manifestation of a wistful friendship which proclaims itself misunderstood. the whole germany of tradition displayed itself before the eyes of the tzarewitch, all its treacherous appearance of good nature, all its dishonest methods, composed of a mixture of vanity and apparent simplicity, whose object it is to make people believe in a sort of unconsciousness of great strength. the german emperor made an appeal for a union of princes to resist the restless democracy of our times, and repeated it with urgency, and in the usual stock phrases. in a word, william ii laid under contribution, to charm the son of the tzar, all his arts and spells of fascination. why wonder that he succeeded, when we remember that m. jules simon, a french republican, member of the government of national defence in , came back from berlin singing the praises of the king of prussia? also, that the entire press of our country, with the sole exception of the _nouvelle revue_, was wont, at the commencement of william's reign, to speak with sympathy of the genial character of the "young emperor," to praise his schemes of social reform, and to express its belief in the superiority of a mind which, as a matter of fact, is remarkable only for its excesses and disorder? but all germany, like m. jules simon and the french press, will find out the truth. the country may have gone into ecstasies over the first acts and first speeches of its young sovereign, but it will soon learn to know how little connection there is between the words and assurances of william of hohenzollern and his deeds. at the outset, during the sojourn of the tzarewitch at berlin, whilst he was being carefully coddled by the emperor, the chancellor, von caprivi (who boasts of having no initiative of his own and of acting only under the orders of his master), was inspiring accusations, and making them himself before the military commission, charging the war party in russia with secretly plotting against germany. one would like to know where the war party in russia can possibly be at the present moment? at the same time that william ii was endeavouring to recover and restore amicable relations with the tzar, he had every intention of carrying through his schemes of military re-organisation and the increase of the army, which, as von caprivi was wont to say after his majesty, constitute essential safeguards against a russian invasion. now, the good germans welcomed the son of alexander iii; they meant to prove to william ii how useless they considered the increase of the army, inasmuch as the tzar, with whom lies the final arbitrament of war, had shown his desire for peace by sending his son to berlin. the tzar, whose statecraft is great and profound, had clearly foreseen what the german people would think of the presence of his son in their midst; he showed them by this means that the increase of the army is useless, and that all the agitation and complications which william provokes, the oppositions and the struggles which he himself creates amongst the forces that he lets loose, give rise to dangers, far greater than any with which russia could ever threaten germany. william ii wears blinkers; he can sometimes see in front of him, but never around him nor behind. he believed that the tzar and the russian press were going to be affected by the same sort of enthusiasm which he had inspired in the tzarewitch, but the tzar, russia, and the russian press considered matters dispassionately and saw them in their right light; they were even of opinion that william ii had displayed far too much vanity in his reception of the tzarewitch and too little dignity. consequently, after the departure of the tzarewitch, the emperor-king of prussia, had a fit of rage, furious with disappointment at not having been able to follow up the success which he had obtained with the tzarewitch himself. in one of those fits of ungovernable temper which lead him to commit so many irreparable mistakes, and which are the despair of his government and his court, he caused von caprivi's press to publish the news of an attempt upon the life of the tzar. but the methods of reptile journalism are now thoroughly understood and the emperor alexander, guessing the source of this lie, demanded an immediate apology, which admiral prince henry hastened to convey, in the name of his brother, to the russian embassy. at the same time that he invented this story of the attempt on the life of the tzar, the king of prussia, german emperor, proposed a toast in honour of the duke of edinburgh, commander-in-chief of the british fleet, in which he looked forward to "the glorious day when the british fleet should fight the common enemy." the common and double enemy of england and germany, as every one is aware, is france and russia. march , . [ ] until quite recently, the proposed military law was heatedly discussed in germany. realising that the military commission was on the point of rejecting it, william ii finished his speech in the following words-- "the supporters of the proposed sedlitz law accused the government of weakness, when it withdrew the bill in the face of the clearly declared opposition of a majority of the nation. well, then, the proposed military law provides us with an opportunity of showing that my government is not a weak one, and that the firm will of my grandfather, the emperor william, lives again in me." a few days before the vote in the reichstag, herr bebel had raised the question of international arbitration wherein, he said, lay germany's best means of proving her love for peace, even should it involve the risk of having the question of alsace-lorraine brought before an international tribunal. hereupon, von caprivi, chancellor of the prusso-german empire, replied to the applause which had come from almost the entire reichstag, as follows-- "the deputy bebel advises us to adopt a tribunal of international arbitration. he admits the possibility that such a tribunal might raise some day the question of alsace-lorraine; he insinuates that we were to blame for the outbreak of war in , and that there are those who maintain this idea with even greater strength and assurance than himself. well, then, if such a tribunal should come together, and should express, no matter in what connection, its opinion on the question of alsace-lorraine, and if that opinion should be to the effect that germany should hand back alsace-lorraine, i am convinced that germany would never submit to such a decision, and that she would rather shed her blood to the last drop than to hand back these provinces." to which herr bebel naturally replied-- "when one holds ideas of this kind, it is perfectly evident that one cannot admit of international tribunals." before his little speech, his majesty the german emperor had made a big one, from which we learned yet once again that william i had been entrusted with a mission, and had handed it down to william ii; and then we heard once more the phrase with which bismarck had deafened our ears, on one of his blustering days, and which the king of prussia has re-issued in a new form and on his own account: "we germans fear god and nothing else in this world." well, sire, i for my part believe that your majesty fears something else besides god, and that is the disintegration of the triple alliance. march , . [ ] william ii is ever at pains to invest those occasions in which his personality plays a part, with all the glamour of imperial pomp. once again, accompanied this time by an enormous retinue of germans glad of the occasion of a free trip to a sunny land, william ii is about to remind the romans at rome of the majesty of the caesars. may their king not be reminded at the same time, by certain aspects of this triumphal procession, of rome's captive kings. in binding herself to germany, has not italy given herself over into bondage to the teuton and especially to austria, her hereditary foe? i could readily answer this question in the affirmative by looking back into the past, i who have so often shared in the patriotic emotions of italy in bygone days; but every people is entitled to be the sole judge of its own destinies, and its best friends abroad have no right to endeavour to enlighten it by any rays which do not fall from its own heaven above. one can easily lead a nation astray, even by means of truths that have been clearly demonstrated beyond its frontiers. one is compelled to admit that the most extraordinary events may occur amongst one's neighbours. william ii, after having sent general loë to congratulate leo xiii on his episcopal jubilee, has just made a speech on the occasion of the silver wedding of king humbert i and queen margaret. it will please the italians, but this ambiguous policy seems to me anything but flattering, either for the italian kingdom or for the papacy. as in and with the same ceremonies, leo xiii will receive the emperor-king of prussia at the vatican, and william ii, as on that previous occasion will be able to split his sides with laughter on returning to the quirinal, mimicking the holy father and boasting that he has befooled him once more. april , . [ ] the wisdom of the nations is now enriched with a new proverb, "a rolling emperor gathers moss, and gathers nothing more." before long the tumult and the shouting of the fêtes at rome will die down, and with them the popular excitement of enthusiasm for the all-powerful german emperor. the italian people will then find itself confronted by the exhaustion imposed upon it by the compulsory militarism of the so-called pacific triple alliance. even if cavalcades, reviews and tournays, should awaken again in the heart of the roman people that love of the circus, which this people has inspired in all the latinised races, the economic question still remains, the question of money and of bread, implacable. i know not why it is, but the brilliancy of william ii's visit to italy gives me the impression of a fire of straw. what object had he in going there, and what has he attained? i can see none. all his fervent protestations appear to me in bad taste, when compared with the correct dignity of the court of austria, third of the allied powers. may , . [ ] how can our german caesar, who has just made a journey to rome after the manner of barbarossa, continue to suffer an assembly of talkers, of political commercial travellers, of people who allow their minds to be dominated by the vulgar thing called economics? it is not possible, and therefore caesar calls to witness the first military staff that he comes across at the tempelhof and makes it judge of the matter. "i have had to order the dissolution of the reichstag," says william to his officers and generals, "and i trust that the new parliament will sanction the re-organisation of the army. but if this hope should not be realised, i fully intend to leave no stone unturned to attain the end which i desire. no stone unturned, gentlemen, and you understand, i hope, that it is to you that i am speaking, and you who are concerned. you are the defenders of the past, and of the prerogatives of the imperial and royal power." if the new reichstag meets in the same spirit of resistance to the excesses of prussian militarism, william ii will be condemned to constitutional government and then, little by little, to the surrender of everything that he believes to be his proper attributes, and of all his tastes. no further possibility then of an offensive war, to escape from domestic difficulties; no more parades with the past riding behind him; no more finding a way out by some sudden headlong move, for he would drag behind him only a people convinced against its will and too late. the only thing then left to the king of prussia, face to face with a new majority opposed to militarism, would be the dangerous resource of a _coup d'état_. dr. lieber, an influential deputy, has defined the actual situation with a clearness which leaves nothing to be desired-- "we perceive," he said, "that the prussian principle of government is developing more and more, and tending to become the idea of the german empire. the policy to be pursued in the german parliament should be purely german." the dilemma is clear. will germany continue to become prussianised or will she remain german? if she is prussian, that is to say, militarist, socialism will grow and increase; if she is german, the development and expansion of her political and social organism, having free play, will come about normally and surely. therefore, the solidity of german unity should consist in resistance to prussianism or militarism, to william ii, and to the past. on the other hand, submission of the old confederation to prussia must inevitably lead to disintegration. may , . [ ] william ii has told us, on the occasion of the unveiling of the statue of william i at gorlitz, that the question which brought about the dissolution of the reichstag, that like which confronts the impending election, is that of the military bill, and that this question dominates all others. "that which the emperor, william i, has won, i will uphold," says the present emperor; "we must assure the future of the fatherland. in order to attain this object, the military strength of the country must be increased and fortified, and i have asked the nation to supply the necessary means. confronted by this grave question, on which the very existence of the country depends, all others are relegated to the background." should we conclude, with the _frankfurter zeitung_, that "that which oppresses our minds in this struggle is the reflection, that no possible benefit is to be attained through victory, nor any remedy for defeat"? will germany yield, or will she resist the will of the emperor thus clearly expressed? herein lies a question which, in one way or another, must have the gravest consequences. july , . [ ] one day, on the occasion of a first performance of a play called "cadio," by george sand, i was with a woman, my best friend, in the wings of the theatre, porte-saint-martin. i saw mélingue stamping on the floor with his feet and jumping and twisting about, and upon my asking him what was the meaning of these extraordinary antics, he replied; "it is because, when i come upon the scene, i am supposed to have galloped several miles on horseback and it would not do for me, therefore, to present the appearance of a gentleman who has just come out of a room or from the garden." i do not quite know why i should have remembered this far-off incident on learning that the german emperor, king of prussia, had come on horseback from potsdam to open the new reichstag. as a comedian, william ii does not follow the methods of mélingue. he rides, in order to present a calmer appearance at his entry upon the scene. clad in the uniform of a hussar, he read the speech from the throne with an evangelical mildness. he was playing the part of a soldier-clergyman. the soldier said-- "my august allies agree with my conviction that the empire, in view of the development of military institutions by other powers, can no longer delay to give to its armed forces such increase as shall guarantee the security of its future." the clergyman had upon his lips the honey of promises of concessions, and he concluded with these words, added to the speech from the throne-- "and now, gentlemen, may the lord grant his blessing to every one of us, for the successful issue of a meritorious work in the interests of our country. amen!" in the course of the latest discussion of the military law in the reichstag, we have been able to gather certain unforgettable information. in the first place, von caprivi has told us that the increase of the army is directed really and more especially against france. herr richter declares that germany, single-handed, can carry through victoriously any struggle against us. liebknecht says that turkey can hold russia in check together with poland, and finally, that: "germany counts upon england as surely as upon austria and upon italy." september , . [ ] the emperor, king of prussia, has addressed to our brothers that are cut off from us, the following words-- "you are germans, and germans you will remain; may god and our good german sword help us to bring it to pass." to which words, every frenchman has replied-- "they are french and french they shall remain, god and our good french sword helping us." calmly we await the final provocation. the german manoeuvres have only served to teach us one thing more, viz. that william ii wishes us to know that the moment is at hand for a last challenge. all the german sovereigns who were present at the manoeuvres in alsace-lorraine, appeared to be weary of the supremacy which william, the hot-headed, asserts throughout all the territory of the empire. certain of their number stated in the presence of several people whose sympathies are with the french, that the emperor of germany was no more master of the proceedings than they themselves, and that they had no intention of figuring either as members of his suite or of his general staff, in accordance with the wish which he had expressed to von caprivi. (before the emperor of germany, talma had played a part in the presence of an audience of kings.) the gift offered by the german subjects of the city of metz, by way of thanksgiving for the extraordinary performance given by william ii, proves by its very nature that not a single frenchman had anything to do with its selection. in its form and substance, and in the taste which it displayed, it is a typically german present, this casket of green plush full of candied fruits. no doubt, the empress will be delighted and all the little princes too. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, january , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, february , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, march , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, april , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, may , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _ibid._, may , . [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, june , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, july , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, september , , "letters on foreign policy." chapter iv - treaty of commerce between germany and russia--opening of the kiel canal; why france should not have sent her ships there--germany proclaims her readiness to give us again the lesson which she gave us in . march , . [ ] william ii is triumphant in germany, and his officious newspapers vie with each other in proclaiming the grandeur of his ideas. meanwhile, the people of berlin hiss him and sing rebel songs about him on the review ground at tempelhof. beyond all doubt the king of prussia got the better of much opposition when he secured the vote for his commercial treaty with russia. our friends of the north cannot doubt that they have our best wishes, that their commercial and agrarian position may be improved thereby, but the more favourable the treaty proves for them, the more we would beg them to profit by its advantages, but not to allow themselves to be entangled in its dangerous consequences. if they act thus, if germany's sacrifices should prove of benefit only to her neighbours, if the advantages of influence and penetration aimed at by william ii under cover of this treaty, should be revealed to russian patriotism, germany may prove to be the party deceived. if william ii is clever it is only because of our lack of cleverness and foresight. it is because we leave the door open that he is able to make his way in. prussian policy is completely lacking in honesty. it forces an entry by all possible means, keeps listening ears at every door, and weakens its rivals by the dissensions which it creates, maintains and fosters. neither french influence in russia, nor russian influence in france, has ever made use of such methods of procedure as germany employs in both our countries. the unwholesome and dangerous penetration of reptile influences and of espionage, in all its multitudinous forms, produce effects on our two allied nations, whose consequences are impossible to over-estimate. only an unceasing vigilance against every one of the foreign intruders, salaried and enlisted in our midst, can protect russia and france against their insidious influences. our enemies labour to weaken us with the desperation inspired in them by the dangers which they must face, if only we remain staunch, united and strong. is it generally known that the german subjects of the poorer class who inhabit paris, receive an annual subsidy of marks? this amounts to putting a premium on a form of emigration useful to germany and constitutes for us a grave danger. proof of this is to be found in the report of a recent meeting of the municipal council at metz. instead of sending back distressed german subjects in france to their own country, germany sends them money. the alsatian newspaper which affords us this information adds with perfect accuracy: "what would germany say if french municipalities were to subsidise officially frenchmen living in berlin?" april , . [ ] i am one of those french people who have hoped, up to the very last moment, for a continuation of good commercial relations (which means good political relations) with italy; i am one of those who first believed in the possibility of re-establishing a good understanding under both these headings; but for this very reason i retain a certain susceptibility and pride which others, less sincere in the pursuit of a definite reconciliation, certainly do not possess. sadly i have followed the cavalcade of the prince of naples to metz. i can find no joy in the words of king humbert, which m. gaston calmette has reproduced so wittily and with such good nature, in the _figaro_. from my point of view, both these actions of the king of italy were inspired by william ii; and both had the same object in view, viz. to prove at metz that he could wound us cruelly through his ally, and to prove at venice that the good-will of humbert i was subject to his control, dictated in his own good time, and sanctioned at his pleasure. the emperor of germany has inaugurated in europe the policy of right-about-face, a policy which bewilders diplomacy, astonishes the _bourgeoisie_ and fills the nations with fear. april , . [ ] the revelations published by mr. valentin, comptroller of stores in the cameroons, deserve to be quoted in their entirety. in the _neue deutsche rundschau_ he has described the atrocities committed by governors of german colonies, or by their representatives. wholesale butcheries, slow and horrible tortures, a new and ingenious method of scalping, the imprisonment of wives snatched from their husbands and of young girls taken from their mothers (to minister to the debaucheries of these governors and their officers) and then brought back to tell the terrible story to other unfortunate creatures destined to the same fate; the horrible brutality of sentences, by virtue of which the flesh of the victims was reduced to pulp under the eyes of the judges--the revelation of all these things leaves one's mind possessed with feelings of terror and horror, sufficient in themselves to justify any reprisals that negro races might inflict upon white people. july , . [ ] one of these days i shall tell how the house of krupp (in which william ii has so large a personal interest over and above his public interest) is about to create for itself a formidable position in china, which is likely to overthrow many calculations and may end in turning asia upside down. the great commercial houses of hamburg, encouraged and supported by the government at berlin, are in telegraphic communication with every market in china. germany's economic life is developing with frightful rapidity in asia. september , . [ ] amongst the list of surprises with which the emperor of germany is pleased to supply the makers of small-talk in europe, one often finds, since the journey of the empress frederick to paris (although that was hardly to be called a success) that he is by way of making advances to france. from time to time william ii, in a carefully premeditated pose (as, for that matter, all his poses are), extends towards us, across the frontiers of alsace-lorraine, the hand of generous friendship. sometimes, for an entire day he will be good enough to forget that he is heir to the victories won from us in . next day, it is true, we shall find him celebrating in splendour our defeat at sedan; but none the less he will have satisfied his great soul by thus inviting us to forget the past. why is it that william ii wearies not in thus renewing his attempts at reconciliation with france? the reason is, that he has nothing to lose by continual failures, whilst he has everything to gain if he succeeds, even for a moment, in deceiving our vigilance, and in diverting us from those feelings which alone can honour and raise the vanquished, that is to say, fidelity to the brothers we have lost, and the proud belief that, sooner or later, we shall re-enter into possession of the conquered territory. last on the list of the intermittent advances which william ii has made to france, there appeared lately the following in the _allegemeine norddeutsche zeitung_, official organ of the german government:-- "there is no reason for misunderstanding, or for failure to appreciate, the increasing signs which go to show that public opinion in france is favourable to reconciliation with us, and that this opinion is growing, not only amongst the higher classes in france, but amongst the people. it is beginning to be recognised that it is to the interest of both nations to shake hands, as is fitting between neighbours, no matter what may have been their _former differences_. on the part of germans the tendency towards an _entente_ has gained in strength since we have noticed the tendency of the french to judge impartially a personality like that of our emperor, as befits a nation so cultured and richly endowed as the french." what say you, veteran soldiers, who fought in the terrible year? what say you, parisians of the siege, frenchmen who have seen the prussian conqueror dragging his guns and booty along the roads of our france? what say you, men of alsace-lorraine, heroes all? (no matter whether, like some, you have sacrificed situation, home and your little fatherland, so as not to forsake the greater, or, like others, you have consented to become prussians in order that the land you worship may remain in hands that are still french.) what say you, when our dreadful defeat, our piled-up ruin, and the spoliation of a portion of france, become for a german official organ our _former differences_? what words are these in which to speak of - , of that unforgettable and tragic invasion, of the terrible anguish of our ravished provinces, and what a proof they afford of the great gulf which separates the mind of germany from that of france! september , . the german emperor does not forget that he is before all things a prussian. having administered a reprimand to the nobility, he proceeds to give to the five new fortresses at königsberg, the five greatest family names of the prussian nobility. at thorn he declared-- "only they can count upon my royal favour who shall regard themselves as absolutely and entirely prussian subjects." the germans have not yet realised that the german empire will be prussian, before ever prussia consents to lose herself in a united germany. october , . the german emperor, king of prussia, with that love of peace for which even frenchmen are pleased to praise him, is now chiefly occupied in displaying his passion for militarism. in the case of william ii, it will be necessary to modify a hallowed phrase, and to say to him: "seeing you in uniform, i guessed that you were no soldier." the emperor, king of prussia, insists on continually reminding the german peoples that he is the commander-in-chief of the armies of the empire, and he never misses an opportunity of emphasising the fact. at the presentation of flags to the new battalions created by the new military law, (and doubtless with a view to peace, as usual) the emperor with his own hand hammered nails, fixing the standards to their flag-staffs. this sort of thing fills me with admiration, and if it were not for my stupid obstinacy, it might convert me to share the opinion of m. jules simon, who holds that we should entertain the king of prussia at the exhibition in , and welcome him as the great _clou_[ ] on that occasion. but i should not jest about those feelings which transcend all others in the heart of the french people. germany owes us alsace-lorraine; she has every interest in trying to make us forget the debt. what would one think of a creditor who allowed the debtor to persuade him that the debt no longer existed? a nation which reserves its rights against the victor, and maintains its claims to conquered territory, may be despoiled but is not vanquished. would italy have recovered lombardy and venice had she not unceasingly protested against the austrian occupation? excessive politeness towards those who have inflicted upon us the unforgettable outrage of defeat is not a sign of good manners, but of culpable weakness, for it inflicts suffering upon those who have to put up with the material consequences of germany's conquest, and might end in separating them from their old and unforgotten mother country. when william ii conducted the prince of naples to metz he was only acting in accordance with his usual ideas as an insolent conqueror. but if we were to receive the german emperor at the exhibition of --if at that time he is still master of alsace-lorraine--we should be committing the base act of a people defeated beyond all hope of recovery. december , . [ ] as day by day one follows the proceedings of william ii, one gradually experiences a feeling of weariness and of numbness, such as one gets from watching the spectacle of waves in motion. before his speech from the throne, and in order to prepare his public for a surprise, william ii had directed the king of saxony, on the occasion of a presentation of standards, to tell france to her face that she had better behave, that the saxon heroes of had sons worthy of them, and that the glorious, triumphant march from metz to paris might very easily begin all over again. whereupon, general alarm and feverish expectation of the speech of william ii, which of course, turned out to be pacific. the following sentence should suffice to prove it: "our confidence in the maintenance of peace has again been strengthened. faithful to the spirit of our alliances, we maintain good and friendly relations with all the powers." one can discern, however, a little trumpet note (of which he would not lose the habit), in the speech which he made at the opening of the new reichstag building, whose construction was begun at the time of the prussian victories: "may this building remind them (the deputies) that it is their duty to watch over that which their fathers have conquered." but this is a pure and simple melody compared to the war-march of the saxons. january , . [ ] william ii, in search of a social position, has become lecturer. at his first lecture, he announced to the whole world that our commercial marine no longer holds the second place, that this second place belongs to germany, and it is now necessary that germany's navy should also take our place. and in his usual chameleon way, the german emperor, who until quite recently refused to admit that there lay any merit whatsoever in the bismarckian policy, now adds: "and prince bismarck may rejoice, for the policy which he introduced has triumphed." march , . [ ] on a certain day, in , the defenders of paris and its patriotic inhabitants learned from the silence of our guns, that the prussian enemy's victory over them was complete. and now it seems we are going to kiel, to take part in the triumphant procession of h.m. william ii, king of prussia, and to add the glory of our flag to the brilliant inauguration of his strategic waterway. why should we go to kiel? who wanted our government to go there? nobody, either in france or russia. the great tzars are too jealous of the integrity of their own splendid territory, to refuse to allow that a nation should remember its lost provinces. we were indignant when the prince royal of italy, the ally of germany, went to take part in the german military cavalcades, and now we ourselves, whom prussia defeated, are going, in the train of the despoiler of schleswig-holstein, to assist at the opening of a canal, which penetrates and bleeds danish provinces, annexed by the same conqueror who took from us alsace-lorraine. will denmark, whom william ii has had the audacity to invite, go to kiel? no, a thousand times no! and neither should we go there ourselves, to applaud this taking possession of danish waters. denmark, though invited, will not go to kiel; yet we know what are the ties which bind her sovereigns to russia. it has been said, in order to reassure consciences that are easily quieted, that our war-ships will go to kiel sheltered by those of russia, and, so to speak, hidden beneath their shadow. our dignity is at stake, as much in the truth as in the falsehood of this news. the french government is not a monarchy. by declining this invitation of our conquerors, it would have placed the whole question on its proper footing, which should be that of the situation created by the treaty of frankfort. we should have said to germany, france desires peace. our chauvinists will remain quiet, so long as the german government gives us no provocation. if we refrain from going to kiel, it is in order to maintain the peaceful condition of our relations. germany's chief interest is to lead europe to believe that we have come to accept the loss of alsace-lorraine, and to make the people of those provinces believe that we have forgotten them. the king of prussia, german emperor, just to keep his hand in, stimulates the military virtues of his recruits, and for the hundredth time presides over the taking of the oath of fidelity. he teaches the recruits that the eagle is a noble bird, which soars aloft into the skies and fears no danger; also, that it is the business of the said recruits to imitate the eagle. he adds that the german navy is the only real one, that all others are spurious imitations, and he concludes by saying that "the german navy will achieve prosperity and greatness along paths of peace, for the good of the fatherland, as it will in war, so as to be able, if god will, to crush the enemy." william ii never speaks of conquering the enemy or being superior to him; it is always "crush." it is this crushing german navy that our sailors are to go and salute at kiel. it looks as if our artists were lending a hand to william, and gratifying this passion of his for crushing people. an alsatian friend of mine, who knows his germany well, said to me the other day that, in sending their pictures for exhibition at berlin, our painters are likely to ruin their own market. for a long time the king of prussia has wanted to have a _salon_ at berlin, and he looks to french painters to give it brilliancy and to attract those foreign artists who are accustomed to french exhibitions. once it has become the fashion to go to berlin, french artists will find that they have helped to ruin their own business. how can anybody suppose that william ii really wishes to do honour to french art? do not let us forget that frederick iii said "france must have her industrial sedan, as she has had her military sedan." march , . [ ] it seems then, that germany's proudest ambitions are about to be realised at the fêtes at kiel. that patriotic hymn of theirs, which up to the present has been a dead letter for those peoples who have not yet been incorporated in the prussianised empire, will now become a living thing. henceforward all europe must hear and accept the offensive utterance which the germans shout: "deutschland über alles!" yes, germany over all things. that her emperor should have willed it, is enough to bring together in his triumphant procession all the following-- russia, despoiled of her triumph at constantinople by the congress of berlin, and exposed on her flank by the baltic canal. england, tricked at heligoland and at zanzibar, and whose power is threatened by the very fleet which she is going to salute. spain, threatened in the carolines, who has only been protected from prussian presumption by her own indomitable pride. denmark, cynically robbed of schleswig-holstein. italy, from whom the german navy, when it has become the equal of the german army and fulfilled the dream of william ii, will take trieste. it is true that, to make up for trieste, diplomacy at berlin is putting salonika in pickle with a good deal of english pepper, intending to offer it as a _hors d'oeuvre_ to austria, germany's advanced and submissive sentinel in the east. france, the most deeply injured and despoiled, whom the german conquest has plundered to the utmost, she also will take part in the procession, and in order that our humiliation be the more complete, so that the french army may be unable to forgive the french navy for it, our flag, our beloved colours, will doubtless salute one of those prussian vessels which carry the name of one of our defeats, for instance, the _wörth_! after that, william ii, king of prussia, will be unable to descry a single cloud on the german horizon. and germany, germany will be above and over all! the glory and the splendour of the hohenzollerns will shine upon the entire universe, and the german emperor, emperor of emperors, like the king of kings, will have nothing to fear until the heavens fall. and we, who have forgotten nothing of the terrible year and what it took from us, we, who can see under the left breast of our beloved france, her bleeding heart, ravished alsace-lorraine, we shall lift our eyes unto heaven, our last hope, beseeching it to strike down the presumptuous one, since men are afraid of him. april , . [ ] it has always been a dream of mine to see a newspaper founded under the title _foreign opinion_, a sheet confined to information, in which would be presented, clearly, simply, and held together by an intelligent sequence of ideas, quotations from the principal organs of those countries in which we have interests, either identical or opposed. statesmen and members of parliament would be compelled to read such a paper. a knowledge of foreign opinion would render the greatest services to public opinion in this country, for it would compel our somewhat self-centred mind to take into consideration the judgment of others, to determine the justice or the harshness of the criticism directed against us, and to draw, from the study of these things, warnings and rules of conduct. to take an immediate instance, let me give my readers an extract from the _münchner nachtrichten_, a newspaper, which as a rule does not share the brutal harshness of the berlin press with regard to our feelings and their expression in french newspapers-- "these foolishly vain frenchmen, sitting in their meagre little thicket of laurels, contemplate with evident displeasure the stirring of the winds in the great forest of german oaks, and their discontent finds expression in ways that are frequently comical. the _figaro_ for example, has expressed it in an article which is particularly silly (with a kind of foolishness not often found even in a french newspaper, which is saying a good deal). it denies to germans the right to remember the glorious years of and ' , for the reason that french people might thereby be hurt. does it mean to say that the french would threaten us with war if we continue to celebrate our victories over them? well, if these gentlemen are of that opinion, we will answer them that germany is peacefully inclined, but that, if the french are not satisfied with the severe lesson that we gave them in - , we are quite prepared to begin it all over again." and these are the people, mind you, who would have said that we were trying to provoke them if, faithful to the memory of our defeat, as they are to the memory of their victory, we had abstained from going to kiel to sing the glories of the conqueror. like william ii, their sovereign and lord, germany will never admit that our actions should be a counterpart to their own, even though such actions should include recognition of their former victories. they wish to impose upon us, not only the acceptance of defeat, but a definite recognition of their conquest, a final sacrifice of our ancient rights, together with unlimited scope for their new ambitions. the german emperor, king of prussia, has never made two consecutive speeches in which one did not contain some threat for us, long or short-dated. if one were to add together all the words of peace which william has spoken and all his war-like utterances, the mass of the latter would irretrievably swamp all the rest. october , . [ ] his majesty the german emperor, king of prussia, seems to be quite incapable of understanding that, in love as in hate, it is wisest not to be overfond of repeating either the word "always" or the word "never." it is the intention of william ii, that germany should for ever and ever remain the gate of hell for france, and he has continued to din into our ears his _lasciate speranza_ every year for the last twenty-five. he never misses an opportunity of showing us france humiliated and germany magnified and glorified. the monument at wörth has been unveiled with such a noisy demonstration, that it has for ever banished from our minds the figure, softened by suffering, of that emperor frederick, who had made us forget "unser fritz" of blood-stained memory. william ii noisily recalls to our mind the conqueror, when we wished to see in him only the martyr. this is what the german emperor now tells the world at large: "before the statue of this great conqueror, let us swear to keep what he conquered, to defend this territory against all comers and to keep it german, by the aid of god and our good german sword." to do him justice, william ii has rendered to us patriots a most conspicuous service. at a word he has set us back in the position from which the luke-warm, the dreamers, and the cowards were trying to drive us. by saying that alsace-lorraine is to remain prussian for ever and for ever, he has compelled france either to accept her defeat for centuries to come, or to protest against it every hour of her national existence. november , . william ii suffers from a curious kind of obsession, which makes him want to astonish the world by his threats, every time that his recruits take the oath. on the present occasion he said, that the army must not only remember the watch on the rhine but also the watch on the vistula. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, april , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, april , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _ibid._, may , . [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, august , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, september , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] a pun on the word _clou_, a nail. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, december , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, january , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _ibid._, march , . [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, april , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, april , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, november , , "letters on foreign policy." chapter v - telegram from william ii to president krüger--the emperor nicholas ii visits france--william ii and turkish affairs; he becomes protector of the sultan--why the condolences of william ii preceded those of the tzar on the occasion of the fire at the charity bazaar--"germany, the enemy": skobeleff's word remains true--we have been, and we still are, gulls--peace signed between turkey and greece. january , . [ ] as the result of his telegram to president krüger, william ii has recovered the popularity of the early days of his reign. the german emperor had undoubtedly very powerful reasons for making a chivalrous display on behalf of the transvaal, from which he anticipated deriving the greatest advantages. he expected to produce a moral effect by undertaking the defence of the weaker side (a rôle that once belonged to france). he saw a way to flatter holland, deeply touched by these manifestations of german sympathy for dutchmen, who were represented by others as barbarians. he saw also an opportunity for acquiring and keeping admirable outlets into the transvaal, which had threatened to become for ever closed to german emigrants. finally, he expected to produce a feeling of admiration for his magnanimous attitude, which would divert the german people from socialism and make them forget the hammerstein affair. truly, the transvaal is for william ii one of those lucky finds from which all sorts of good things may spring. the educated classes in germany, as well as the lower orders, were beginning to get very weary of the everlasting celebrations in memory of - , which continually fed the flames of french hatred. a silesian journal had just informed us that the th anniversary of the proclamation of the german empire at versailles would be celebrated by a great fête in all the german schools. the german artillery of the siege of paris had arranged for a commemorative banquet, to be held in berlin on january . the senate and the _bourgeoisie_ of hamburg had made a gift of nearly , marks on behalf of the regiment of hanseatic infantry which fought at loigny on december , and for distressed veterans of that regiment. germany was in great need of something to distract her attention by a stroke of exotic brilliancy and by the creation of some new object of hatred. enmity for ever directed against france, was beginning somewhat to pall. this continually living on the strength of one's old triumphs, made germany to appear like some much-dyed old dandy, seeking to gain recognition for past conquests by means of art and cosmetics. the time had come to create a diversion. the german emperor, king of prussia, has found it with his usual headlong impetuosity, the quality which impels him always to seize things on the wing, to display alternately the capacity of a genius, and that of a stupid blunderer. . . . march , . [ ] german opinion persists in expressing its severe criticisms on the subject of the transvaal business and continues to display its sympathy for the boers. there is every reason to expect that german interests will now be able to create for themselves numerous outlets in the transvaal. william ii has made another speech on the subject of the war of ; in this he is like the tide, which the waves carry away only to bring it back. lord, lord, deliver us from this torture! i, for one, can bear it no longer. my eyes are filled with tears of rage as i listen and listen again, for ever, unceasingly and without end, to the tale of our defeat and to the glorification of the army which conquered us, to the tale of the german empire born of these prussian victories. will it ever be finished, this tale? when will they have done, once and for all, with inscribing these cruel records of theirs in the golden book of germany, and shut the clasp upon it? we know that william ii either painted himself, or had painted, a picture, which was all the rage in germany and which represented europe invaded by the chinese. it would look as if william ii really believed in the danger of this impending invasion, to judge by the inscription on the engraving of this picture, reproduced by the thousand; "nations of europe, take care for your most sacred treasures!--william i.r." but if this be so, how comes it that the german emperor is sending hundreds of military instructors to the chinese, who are supposed to be threatening his country? june , . [ ] william ii believes that the victories of were due to prussia alone, and that it was she who made the empire; and this explains why he takes such complete possession of the empire, and makes the celebrations of these victories so personal a matter. the people of bavaria, würtemberg and saxony are herein exposed to humiliation of a kind which they decline to accept. there is no doubt that all germans hate us with an equal hatred, and all have united with the same enthusiasm to crush our unfortunate france; nevertheless, we may derive some profit from the antipathy inspired in them by prussia's grasping claims to glory and authority. september , . [ ] do you remember, my faithful friends, and you, my earliest readers, what were the sentiments of hatred, love and fidelity, that inspired the letters which i addressed to you nearly eighteen years ago--the violence of my hatred for the most tyrannical, and at the same time, the most dangerously vindictive, of european statesmen, viz. von bismarck? have you not often smiled, when i then denied the strength of the colossus and asserted his fragility, when i used to say: "he must not die with a halo of glory; let him witness rather the bankruptcy of his moral estate and give proof of the pettiness of his character and evidence of his unbridled lust for power. let the effrontery of his lies return to him in bitterness?" and together, you and i, we have now seen prince bismarck, not hurled down, but slowly crumbling to ruin; there has been nothing great about his fall, neither the shout that he gave, nor his way of falling, nor the words which he said when he picked himself up. and at the same time when i showed you, in the far distant future, this idol of blood-thirstiness broken, i preached to you the love of russia. i saw her freeing herself from german influence and drawing closer to us. hardly had the emperor alexander iii come to the throne, than i said to you: "he will be a popular emperor, and the more he loves his own people the more he will love ours." for a long time you thought that my hatred of prince bismarck was blind, but from the outset you regarded my love of russia as enlightened. how many strengthening and encouraging letters have i not received from you? and now, nicholas ii, son of alexander iii, the well-beloved emperor, who represents in his own person the highest expression of great, holy and mystical russia, is coming to paris officially, as the ally of france, so that all the ambitions of our patriotism, all our dreams of the last twenty-five years, are coming true together. am i not entitled to say to you, dear readers, "i have fulfilled the mission that i set before myself, my work amongst you is accomplished"? but there remains still a tie between us, our common fidelity to alsace! how could we forget those who have not ceased to remember? shall it be said that we failed those who rather than yield have suffered every form of torture? let us endeavour together to prove in a more active manner our devotion to the brethren who are separated from us. now that prince bismarck has one foot in the grave, now that the russian alliance is in the hands of the government of france, let us devote all our strength and all the resources of our advocacy, all our love of justice, to the cause of alsace-lorraine. . . . william ii is sick, nervous and irritable. he has lost all patience with the question of the reform of military organisation; he did not raise that question, it would seem, and has plenty of other things to worry him. he is going to ask parliament, on its re-assembling, to vote large sums for the increase of the navy, his own particular care. after all, he received the army triumphant from the hands of moltke and of bismarck, but the navy is his own personal achievement; he believes this, and says so repeatedly. but the german navy has no luck. this year, besides the _iltis_, the _frauenlob_, and the _amazone_, which swallowed up a large number of junior officers of the prussian navy, it has lost the _kurfurstin_ (as the result of an error of navigation) with sailors, also the _augusta_, the _undine_, and other vessels. february , . [ ] william ii has announced himself as the enemy of greece, and the prop of the ottoman empire. at the subscription ball given at the opera in berlin, did he not walk arm-in-arm with ghalik bey, the turkish ambassador, and authorise him to telegraph to the sultan that, under existing conditions, he might count upon his sense of justice and his good-will? does not this constitute an insolent challenge to the decision which the powers are supposed to have taken for the observation of neutrality? when william ii is insolent, he does not do things by halves; now, he repeats to all concerned: "one does not argue with greece, one gives her orders," and on every occasion that has offered, he has displayed sentiments hostile to greece and favourable to the sultan. for these reasons, abdul hamid is devoted to william ii. he is tied to him, and bound by all his sentiments, by all his admiration and his fear, to the germans. messrs. cambon and de nelidoff believed that they had detached the sultan from germany, but illusions on that score are no longer possible. germany possesses his entire confidence. did not he, the most nervous and suspicious of men, allow on one occasion the german military mission to take _effective_ command of his troops, whereas no other military mission has ever been allowed anything more than the right to put them through their drill? germany, which in case of need can count upon the turkish army, is fundamentally interested in preventing turkey from being either weakened or divided up. a war in the east, in which germany might get russia deeply involved, at the same time that she kept her busy in asia, is too great an advantage to risk losing, without doing everything possible to protect it. . . . april , . [ ] william ii, the god of war and of force, is in every way responsible for events in the east. only his friendship, and the many consequences of that friendship, have given to abdul hamid the courage of his massacres, of his resistance to all efforts at reconciliation, and of his military proceedings in greece. the german emperor had been able to persuade the simple-minded government of france of his peaceful and humanitarian intentions. it only needed a few of us to revolt and to express our indignation, to unmask him, and to show in its true, lurid light, the real nature of his actions, so as to enable the nations to know him for what he is. to-day he is the master of europe; but let the power of the kaiser be what it may (and it is a power no more capable of honesty than that of bismarck, who lied without ceasing, forfeited without ceasing his honour, and accepted responsibility for crime), whatever conquests hereafter william ii may achieve, even should we be defeated again, we shall be able to stand up before him and to his face to say, "you will never achieve greatness!" material greatness turns again to dust, like all matter, but moral greatness is eternal, an intangible thing, which surrounds men, invisible, and which emanates from the best amongst them. we will leave to history, which shall surely record it, the judgment of _human_ men, of real peace-lovers, concerning william ii, concerning this protector of the red sultan, this renegade and denier of his faith, who has sold his soul in order to govern the world through evil, through trickery, through force and through war. you have only to read the german legends, to analyse the souls of the traditional heroes of germany, to see that they are indeed much more closely allied to the turks (who have only understood islamism under its aspects of conquest) than they are to the traditions which europe has inherited from greece and from her daughters, rome and byzantium. the struggle of to-day lies between these two spirits: one the barbarian spirit, the spirit of conquest, which knows no other law but force, the spirit which subdues and kills, represented by turkey and by germany; the other, the spirit of civilisation, of love, which knows no other law than the right, the spirit which emancipates and vivifies, the spirit of greece, from which european civilisation is drawn, excepting always that of the germans and turks. either the east will resist the turks, and europe will resist germany, or else both will relapse into barbarism, and be condemned to war without ceasing, to butcheries, to the brutality of force and all its works. may , . [ ] at all events they have not yet won their bet in berlin that they would make us look ridiculous and hateful. those very wise and well-bred people, who have been advising us to revise our national education, so as to welcome the kaiser in , have had but meagre success. as to the golden stream, which brought us the marks of the king of prussia,[ ] thank heaven, it has not been able to drown our patriotism. brother frenchmen, it is still lawful for lunatics and ill-bred people like ourselves to remember sedan, metz, strasburg and paris, as well as kronstadt and toulon. then let us not forget either the first rays of sunlight which reach us from russia, or the darkness of . [ ] there is not a single german journalist (_and i wish to emphasise this fact most clearly_), even in the ultra-prussian party, who would have dared to put his signature to such an article as one of our greatest newspapers has published concerning william ii, whom it describes as "a humanitarian thinker, a gentle philosopher, thinking only of the happiness of the human race, of appeasing ancient hatreds and removing old grudges. how joyfully would he not have restored metz and strasburg had he not been prevented in performing this act by the historical necessities of his position." in proof of all which things, this article cites his telegrams of sympathy, the splendid bouquets which he has sent to our illustrious dead, his wish to pay homage to france in , etc., etc. the journalist grown old in harness, who has dared to write such monstrous things as well as such nonsense, will no doubt be greatly astonished when i inform him that no foreign reporter, however inexperienced, of any nation great or small, is ignorant of the fact that william ii is relentlessly determined to achieve the re-establishment of absolute autocracy as it was conceived by certain emperors of rome and byzantium. his motto is _voluntas regis supremo lex_, which, on the occasion of his first visit to münich, he wrote there with his own imperial hand. on the first occasion of the opening of the states of brandenburg, he declared that he counted on their fidelity to help him to crush and destroy everything that might oppose his personal wishes. is it necessary to say once more for the hundredth time that he never has the oath taken by his recruits without telling them that "they must ever be ready to fire on those who oppose his rule, even though they should be their own fathers, mothers and brothers"? the other day, did he not make his brother prince henry read a letter to the sailors of his war-ship the _wilhelm imperator_ (the vessel appointed to attend the jubilee of queen victoria), in which letter he held up to the execration of the army and navy those "unpatriotic" germans who refused to provide him with millions for his wild scheme of increasing the navy, that is to say, about nine-tenths of the reichstag? there is in germany one institution which commands very general respect, and enjoys traditional liberty, viz. the university. for the last year william ii has opened a campaign against the liberties of university education, and the scandalous manner in which he has attacked the professors at berlin because of the dignity with which they have defended their rights of scientific research, are known to every one except "this brilliant chronicler of the boulevards." from one end of germany to the other they go into ecstasies whenever, either before, during, or after his acts of politeness to france, william finds some new pretext for humiliating, humbling, or threatening us. [ ] a german pamphlet published two years ago, entitled _caligula; a study of caesarian madness_, by mr. quidde, achieved such a success, that hundreds of thousands of copies were bought up in a few days by the faithful subjects of the german emperor. this pamphlet, ingeniously compiled by means of quotations from suetonius, dion cassius, philo, etc., gives a marvellous analysis of the character of william ii. i cannot resist the pleasure of giving a few extracts from this little work, for it would appear that william ii is endeavouring, since its publication, to emphasise the resemblance between himself and caligula and nero. "the dominant feature in the actions of caligula lies in a certain nervous haste, which led him spasmodically from one obsession to another, often of a self-contradictory nature; moreover, he had the dangerous habit of wanting to do everything himself. caligula seems to have a great fondness of the sea. the strolling-player side of his character was by no means limited to his military performances. he was passionately devoted to the theatre and the circus, and would occasionally take part himself on the stage, led thereto by his peculiar taste for striking costumes and frequent changes of clothing. he was always endeavouring to shine in the display of eloquence; and was fond of talking, often in public. we know that he developed a certain talent in this direction, and was particularly successful in the gentle art of wounding people. his favourite quotation was the celebrated verse of homer-- there is only one master, only one king. sometimes he loved the crowd, and sometimes solitude; at other times he would start out on a journey, from which he would return quite unrecognisable, having allowed his hair and beard to grow." just as the names of caligula and nero are daily affixed in germany to the name of william ii, herr hinzpeter is called senecus, general von hahnke is known as burrhus; there is also an acté and a poppea at berlin. frederick iii is germanicus and prince bismarck is called macro, after the powerful prefect of the praetorium in disgrace. like nero, william ii has been cruel to his mother; he is cruel to his sister, the princess of greece. he hates england, just as caligula hated brittany. with a mind like that of nero, william ii derives the greatest pleasure from the thought of degrading the french people by making them receive him with acclamation. what a triumph it must be for this grandson of william i (who defeated us but left us our honour) thus to bring us to dishonour: us, the descendants of the france of , republicans in the service of a prussian caesar! june , . [ ] it should have been to the interest of france and, of russia, and a policy of skilful strategy, to oppose turkey when supported by the triple alliance, and to create around and about her, in greece as in the balkans, such a force of resistance as would have put a stop to her schemes of expansion, resulting from those of the powers of the triple alliance. by so doing, france and russia might have taken them in the rear and upset their plans. we were already in a position of considerable advantage, in that we could leave to the king of prussia, the german emperor, all the responsibility for the crimes of the sultan, observing at the same time all those principles which would have maintained, in their integrity, the moral and christian traditions of france and russia. but our policy has been that of children building castles in the sand. confronted by a triumphant turkey, leaning on the triple alliance, and by a sultan suffering from the dementia of blood-lust, certain of the faithful friendship of william ii, and confident in his victorious army (already , strong, and commanded by a german general staff); confronted by such fears and threats, we have chosen to place all our hopes upon the balanced mind of william ii, the generosity of the sultan, and the loyalty of oriental statecraft! i have said it so repeatedly that i may have wearied my readers, but i say it again; "_to their undoing, france and russia have sacrificed their policy to turkey, protected by germany_." they are now confronted by german policy, evasive and at the same time triumphant, that is to say, in full command of the situation which it has brought about. william ii is at last revealed, even to the blindest eyes, as the instigator and sole director of everything that has taken place in the east since his visit to constantinople. he takes pleasure in advising the sultan day by day, for he makes him do everything that he himself is prevented from doing, and he enjoys the satisfaction of being a tyrant in imagination when he cannot be one actually. june , . [ ] the sultan's million of armed men, organised under a german general staff, in a country where germany is making every effort to possess herself of every kind of influence and every source of wealth, is not this the chief danger which russia has to fear, and whose imminence she should clearly foresee, in dealing with a sultan like abdul hamid, a man of nervous fears and bloodthirsty instincts, bound to furtherance of the sudden or premeditated schemes of william ii? july , . [ ] although germany has commemorated her victories for the last twenty-five years, and will doubtless continue to commemorate them for the next six months and then for evermore, it seems that we are to be compelled, in deference to "superior orders" revealed at the council of ministers, to postpone the official consecration of a monument intended to prove our devotion to our mutilated country, and our incurable grief at the defeat of sedan. it seems that we have not the right, a free people, to give to sorely oppressed alsace-lorraine (which never ceases to give proofs of her fidelity to france) a proof in our turn, that we remember the disaster which has separated us, that we lament this disaster, and hope one day to repair, if not to avenge it. our pride is being systematically humiliated in every direction! the nature and consequences of victory have indeed been cruelly modified, if one must submit to the law of the conqueror after having been delivered from him for twenty-five years. the glorious resistance of the past thus becomes an ignominious surrender and makes us shed tears of shame, even more bitter than those which we shed over our saddest memories. gentlemen of the government of france, i would ask you to read the german newspapers; go to berlin, go wherever you like in germany or in alsace-lorraine, and you will find there hundreds and hundreds of monuments which have been inaugurated by the imperial german government. for these, the smallest event, ancient or modern, affords sufficient pretext. [ ] in all things and in every direction we yield today to the authority of a monarch who emphasises our defeat more severely than those who actually conquered us. our strict national duty towards him who did not overcome us with his own sword, was to hold ourselves firmly upright before him and to protect our brethren, victims of the war. alas! we have been obedient to bismarck, and we shall be submissive to william ii. but why, and to what end? had we met the liar and cheat with honesty, had we remained calm in presence of this nerve-ridden individual, we should have been able to recover, morally at first and then actually, all the advantages that prussia gained by her victory. the imperial victim of restlessness, whose nerves are so unhealthily and furiously shaken when he goes abroad, has a craving for disturbing the nerves of others; this in itself makes him the most dangerous of advisers. william ii never allows to himself or to others any relaxation of the brain; like all spirits in torment, he must needs find, forthwith, to the very minute, a counter-effect to every thing that confronts him. with him, even a sudden calm contains the threat of a storm, excitement lurks beneath his moods of quietness. the bastard peace which he has authorised turkey to conclude, conceals a new revolution in crete: such is his will. no sooner is there evidence of an improvement in our relations with italy, than he invites king humbert to be present at the german military manoeuvres, in order to create dissension between the two countries. and so it is in everything. he makes it his business to inspire weariness and vexation of spirit, to destroy those hopes and feelings which restore vitality to the soul of a people. he is for ever stretching out a hand that would fain control by itself the rotation of the globe, and he sets it all awry. the glorification of william ii at kiel is founded upon shifting sands. schleswig remains danish and resists the germanising process with a force of energy at least equal to that of alsace-lorraine. the danes of schleswig are still danes, they have not bowed the knee in admiration of german _kultur_, any more than the alsatians, schleswig says: "let them ask us by a _plébiscite_ and they shall see what we want, what civilised men have the right to ask: light and air and the right to dispose of themselves." the people of alsace-lorraine say: "if you would know what alsace-lorraine, which was never consulted, thinks of the treaty of frankfort, ask her." i blush, and my soul is filled with shame, when i think of the degradation of french patriotism contained in the utterances of . . . ., of those words which, to our lasting sorrow, evoked in _the centre_ of the chamber an outburst of enthusiasm. may our patriots never forget this cowardly session of the french parliament! thus, then, twenty-seven years after the war, when we have spent countless millions on the remaking of our army and navy, when every frenchman has bled himself to the bone to make france so strong and independent that she might cherish the brightest hopes, a president of the french council has the unutterable weakness, from the tribune, to threaten france with the german cane, should she dare to follow any other policy than that desired by berlin! and french deputies have applauded these shameful words, that are reproduced, with such joy as may be imagined, by the whole german press! that press has every reason to be delighted and to find in these words clear proof that the official class in france has always looked upon the russian alliance as a show-piece, never relying upon it, and that since the berlin congress (how often have i said it!) this official class has never ceased to gravitate towards germany. and i, a republican, a fanatic for the russian alliance, such as it might and should have been, a frenchwoman, blind worshipper of my vanquished country--how can i hold my head up in the face of such a shameful collapse! in placing his services at the disposal of the grand turk for the persecution of christians, in supporting those in russia whose policy it is to urge their country into war with japan and china and to divert it from its natural sphere of action in europe, our minister for foreign affairs has ruined one of the finest political situations in which france has ever found herself. if the conduct of our foreign affairs had been entrusted to a real statesman, france might have recovered her position in europe instead of going, with giant strides, down the path of hopeless decadence. are not the intentions of germany plain enough now and sufficiently proved? they must be stupidly foolish who cannot see that a great german war is being prepared against the slavs and gallo-latins, under most disastrous conditions for us and for russia. it needs all the blindness of king humbert, of leopold ii and of the hungarian centralists, to believe that if and when it comes, a german victory would confer any benefits on anything that is not german. september , . [ ] the mind of germany is everlastingly concerned with the toasts proposed by william ii. we know the toast proposed after his review of the th army corps. first of all, come his remarks on the subject of foreign policy. "it rests with us to maintain in its integrity the work accomplished by the great emperor and to defend it against the influences and claims of foreigners." on such an occasion, after the remarks on "justice and equity," which he made on board the _pothuau_, the hot-headed emperor was bound to deliver himself in some such strain. the next toast was that which he proposed at hamburg in honour of king humbert and queen marguerita. this one is emphatic and at the same time gracious, for william ii cultivates every style and all the arts. on this occasion the king of prussia, emperor of germany, referred as usual to the solidity of the triple alliance and to the mandate which it has assumed for the preservation of peace. he spoke as the grandson of william i. king humbert replied as the grandson of victor emmanuel (_sic_), skilfully gliding over the question of the indissoluble nature of the triple alliance and reminding his hearers that germany has no monopoly in the pursuit of peace, but that all the governments of europe are equally concerned in endeavouring to attain it. a movement is taking shape in italy, full of danger and of promise, as events will prove. the clericals and the republicans have sketched the outline of an understanding, which looks as if it might be approved by leo xiii. the danger of this union between the parties will lead king humbert back to a more national, a more peninsular, policy. the strong opposition that it has to face is useful, in that it will oblige the country's rulers to pay more attention to home affairs and to the nation's interests than to the glorification of the dynasty. september , . [ ] "germany is the enemy," skobeleff used to say at paris in , speaking to the younger generation of slavs in the balkans. these prophetic words were inspired in the hero of plevna by germany's intrigues at the berlin congress, intricate intrigues, full of menace for the future of the east. they should have haunted the spirit of every chancellery ever since, and become the formula around and about which european diplomacy should have organised its forces to resist prussia's invading tendencies. until the liberal, philosophic, learned and federalist genius of germany, was spreading all over the world through its literature, science, poetry and music, a genius whose attitude and equilibrium were the fruit of an equal fusion of the mind of north germany with that of the south. by the victories and conquest of , this genius became suddenly and entirely absorbed in prussian militarism, and has now grown to be a force hostile to all other races. the power of the intellect in all its forms, recognises reciprocity and scientific research; the power of brute force only recognises the idea of predominance and the subjection of others. the genius of prussianised germany to-day combines the lust of conquest and power with the shopkeeping spirit, but even in this last, there is no idea of reciprocity but only of exclusive encroachment. her international misdeeds are past all number; she saps and undermines all that has been laboriously built up by others. germanisation carries with it the seeds of disintegration; it is a sower of hatred, proclaiming for its own exclusive benefit the equity of iniquity, the justice of injustice. only less extraordinary than the audacity of prussia is europe's failure to realise these truths. in napoleon iii was deluded, fooled and compromised, led into war by means of lies. nameless intrigues set our generals one against the other. at a moment when victory was possible, the treachery of bazaine made defeat inevitable for france, whom the so-called genius of moltke and frederick-carl would never have vanquished. having overthrown the empire, the king of prussia, who had declared that he was fighting against it alone, made war on france, well aware that sufficient vitality remained in the broken pieces to enable them to come together again, and that, under the threat of a french _revanche_, prussia would be able to keep germany exercised in such a state of mind as would reconcile her to remaining under the military yoke of the hohenzollerns. and europe, without protest, accepts this condition of things, fatal to her interests and security, created for the sole profit of the lowest of nations. by her self-effacement, indeed, she increased fivefold the influence and power of that nation. september , . [ ] you and i, all of us, we french people in particular, who think that we were born clever, we are all a pack of credulous fools. let any one take the trouble to put a little consistency, a little continuity, into the business of fooling us--especially about outside matters whose origins we ignore, or people whose history we have not closely followed--and we will swallow anything! all of us republicans, all the liberals of the second empire, edmond adam, our friends, our group,--great heavens! how we swallowed german republicanism and liberalism! with what brotherly emotion did we not sympathise with the misfortunes of those who, like ourselves, were the vanquished victims of tyranny! we, frenchmen and germans alike, were defending the same principles, the same cause; we were fighting the same good fight for the emancipation of ideas, for the levelling of intellectual frontiers, etc., etc. how well i remember the friendly _abandon_ of louis bamberger in our midst! truly these prussian liberals and ourselves held the same opinions concerning everything, far or near, which bore upon intellectual independence, upon progress and civilisation. and since we were united by such a complete understanding, such identity of ideas, it was our duty to work together: our german friends for the triumph of liberalism in france, and we, for the triumph of liberalism in germany. as to such questions as those of territorial frontiers, or the banks of the rhine, bamberger used to ask, "who thinks of such things in germany? no one! they had other things to think about!" the heart's desire of the sons of the german revolution of - was a universal republic, universal brotherhood, and nothing else. we believed him, but for what an awakening! hardly were the germans in france, than all the orders dictated by bismarck were translated into french by louis bamberger. a book by dr. hans blum, which has just been published in berlin under the title of "_the german revolution of - _," throws even more light on the "brotherly" sentiments of german republicans. in this book dr. blum recalls a speech made in the palatinate on may , . this is what the orator said: "there can only be one opinion amongst germans, and only one voice, to proclaim that, on our side, we would not accept liberty as the price of giving the left bank of the rhine to france. should france show a desire to seize even an inch of german territory, all internal dissensions would cease at once and all germany would rise to demand the retrocession of alsace-lorraine, for the deliverance of our country." that is how german republicans thought, as far back as . in - they made us swallow once again ideas of brotherhood from beyond the rhine, by lulling our perspicacity, by enervating the courage we used to display towards _foreigners_, and it was several weeks before we realised in that _all germany_, from one end to the other, was of the same type of honesty, the same character as the ems telegram. we are nothing but fools, credulous fools, if we believe that any german can think otherwise than as a member of united, that is to say prussianised, germany, or if we imagine that prussia is anything but the complete, total, unique, fully accepted, assimilated and admired expression of german patriotism. prussia is the fine flower, the ripe fruit of german unity. a few bavarians, a few so-called german liberals, may pretend to be restive under the despotism of the king of prussia, but they accept unreservedly the authority of the german emperor. and what is more, it is just as he is, that they wish their emperor to be, thus they have imagined, thus they have made him. he is like unto them in their own image, he governs them according to their own mind. there may be some who, as a matter of personal inclination, might prefer to have more liberalism, but whenever germanism is in question it is personified in william ii, king of prussia. berlin is the capital of all the germans upon earth. during these past few days, in the vienna parliament, whilst an orator on the government side was singing the praises of the emperor francis joseph, a german austrian exclaimed--an austrian, mark you--"_our_ emperor is william ii." the credulous fools of the moment in france are the socialists. just as we believed in the liberalism of german liberals before , so french socialists now believe in the internationalism of german socialists. with greater sincerity than anything displayed by the old german liberals of before , the socialists of hamburg have taken the trouble to enlighten their french brethren with regard to their real sentiments. herr liebknecht himself has explained their attitude; his words may be summed up as follows: "the socialists of france are our brothers, but if they wanted to take back alsace-lorraine, we should regard them as enemies." there is nothing more remarkable than these german socialists and their congresses, these fellows who always preach to other nations against patriotism, and never come together except to make speeches about the fatherland. at the hamburg congress, auer, the socialist deputy, looked into the future and saw "the cossacks trampling underfoot all the liberties of western europe." what tyranny of barbarians could be more cruel than the tyranny of germany which, wherever it extends, oppresses the racial instincts of mankind, ruins and absorbs a people, reducing it to servitude by the assertion of the rights of a superior race over its inferiors. has the hamburg congress disabused the minds of french socialists on the brotherhood of their german brethren? let us hope that it will not be necessary for them, as it was for us, to hear the thunder of german guns to understand that all parties in germany are included in the _german party_, and that those who believe anything else are nothing but poor deluded dupes. october , . [ ] those amongst us who, hour by hour, have devoted their lives to the service of our mutilated country, have for their object, each within the humble limits of his individual efforts, the glorification of france and that of russia, the greatness of the one being dependent on the greatness of the other. this twofold devotion, and dual service keep our fears perpetually alert in two directions; how great are those two commingled sources of fear when patriotic frenchmen, like patriotic russians, come to consider the bewildering development of prussian power--a veritable process of absorption. german policy knows no laws except those of which prussia is sole beneficiary. only that which is profitable to prussia is good; the rest, all the rest, is a negligible quantity. moral precepts, religious brotherhood, higher education by force of example, a sense of justice applied to the fair apportioning of influence, vested rights, and a reasonable idea of reciprocity--all such things are moonshine for prussia. the sole object that prussian germany pursues is brutal conquest in all its forms. by all conceivable means to get a footing for herself, here, there and everywhere; by the most energetic and methodical diplomacy possible, by military science, by trade and manufactures, by emigration and the race-spirit, and at the same time by subterranean methods of allurement and by insolent threats; these are her purposes and she accomplishes something of them every day. when one reflects what germany's objects were, and what she has achieved in the eastern question, to what humiliations and cross purposes she has exposed and reduced europe, to what contempt for her own interests, what bewilderment and impotence, then, i repeat, the stoutest heart may have good cause for fear. turkey, galvanised by germany, has become a force to inspire terror amongst christians in the east and throughout the whole range of european civilisation, where it comes into contact with mussulmans, in all parts of the world. all the slow-moving patience of russian and french diplomacy for centuries, all the long struggles of the crusades have been robbed of their garnered fruits in a few months. german policy has overthrown all their influence, destroyed all their approach works, released europe's vassal from all his promises and obligations. the sick man, cured by a quack who holds his health in pawn, has bound himself body and soul to his healer. greece, frequently hesitating in her policy between british and french sympathies, has nothing to hope for in the future from turkophil germany. william ii will make her recovery a matter of limitations and bargaining. and who knows but that the strange proceedings of prince constantine and of the royal princes, his brothers, may not be explained by secret promises for the future--promises made by the german emperor in return for blind submission to his will? william ii holds turkey in the hollow of his hand. byzantium and rome are vassals of a german monarch. if rome is threatened with ruin by her alliance with the king of prussia, byzantium is restored by a new caraculla. william ii is, therefore, twice entitled to wear the sphere with the imperial crown atop, as the emblem of his sovereign power and as the imitator of the roman emperor. and notwithstanding the anti-christ protection which he extends to the infidel, he can also affix the cross to his sphere. is he not about to take possession, in theatrical fashion, of the holy places? turkey has been restored by the kaiser of berlin. he is her emperor, her khalif, master of the holy places, for the reason that his most humble servant is emperor, khalif and master of the holy places. so long as all these titles and powers lay in weak hands, the dangers of turkish policy, if not the anxieties it created, might be disregarded. but today the military strength of turkey is firmly established and it is supported by another tremendous power. russia and france have never committed an act of graver imprudence than to allow these two forces to unite. germany, germany, ever and ever greater! the german song is no longer a dead letter. it was by guile that simulated liberal and democratic ideas, that bismarck prepared public opinion in the german confederation for union with prussia. we, too, believed in the liberalism of germans and of bismarck before , and herein we proved ourselves to be just as easily gullible as french socialists are to-day, who believe in the genuine internationalism of german socialists. for those whose interest lies in this direction, the imperial statistical bureau of berlin provides information of an astounding kind. germany's exports in reached the value of millions of marks. german exports to england and her colonies amounted to million marks, whilst england and her colonies supplied germany with produce to the amount of million marks. [ ] henceforth william ii knows that he has at his command the tools with which to bite into england, industrially and commercially. he has already had a large bite, and he looks forward to eating up proud albion, slowly but surely. november , . [ ] we must always remember and incessantly repeat: germany's paths throughout the whole world are widening and lengthening horribly. the latest roman invader profits at the same time by all the headway that carthage and athens lose. england and france, alike responsible for their spoliation, are the more to blame in that they allow themselves to be smitten with blindness at a time when they are not yet smitten with impotence. in the east, both might have done what they liked, with the help and the interested support of russia. but what have they done? less than nothing, since they have worked in servile fashion--one for the greater glory of her military conqueror, the other for the glory of her commercial conqueror. the european concert, whether it retreated or advanced, whether it took up a question or discussed it, has done all things under the exclusive direction of german interests. with a haughty contempt and disdain for the dignity of all europe outside the triple alliance, which should have been met by emphatic protests, william ii has compelled russia, england and france to give public sanction to the crimes of the hyena of stamboul, to build up with their own hands the supremacy of prussia in the east and that of austria in the balkans. baron marshal von bieberstein, germany's new ambassador, has been welcomed at the court of the grand turk as the envoy of his chief counsellor, his only friend, as the sacrosanct representative of the emperor-king, over-lord of the east. thus all the delays, evasions and subterfuges of the sultan are sanctioned by william ii. the king of prussia, emperor of germany, takes pleasure in a self-contradictory policy, whereby he misleads and confuses the world. he is the same to-day as he was when, as prince heir to the throne, he declared that he "would never have any friends, only dupes." through him the sultan, whom he delights to honour, becomes a conqueror, his crimes are condoned and cynically absolved before the outraged conscience of all europe. yes, all these things have been done by william ii; abdul hamid looks upon the german emperor as the main pillar of the temple of his glory! one cannot speak of the east without feelings of shame and heartfelt indignation. in turkey's stolid resistance to reform, in her massacres, in the cretan revolt, and in the war between her and greece, william ii has seen only an opportunity of gain for himself. he has cynically pursued his policy of profit-snatching. just as certain quacks demand a higher fee when they prescribe for a patient whose life is in serious danger, so william ii exacts heavier payment from his client. his demands are exorbitant: trade, finance, armaments, concessions, sale of arms, renewal of munitions of war, rebuilding of the fleet, etc., etc. the king of prussia continues, without ceasing and at his own sweet will, to utter defiance to common sense and to the general direction of civilised opinion. whilst by his policy he supports the foul murderer of christians and prepares the way for fresh butcheries on the return of the victorious turks from thessaly, william ii has addressed these astounding words to the recruits of his royal guards: "he who is not a good christian, is not a brave man, nor a worthy prussian soldier, and can by no means fulfil the duty required of a soldier in the prussian army." december , . [ ] germanism, which up till had a certain sense of decent restraint, and took the trouble to disguise itself skilfully under bismarck, no longer knows either limitations or scruples. it displays itself without shame, secure in the hesitancy of the slav and the weakness of the latin peoples. who could fail to be roused to indignation by the display of german fanaticism which has taken place at vienna? to think that in the capital of an ally of william ii, a faction, relying on advice publicly given in berlin should shout in the reichsrath, overthrow a ministry, disturb the public peace in the streets, and accompany these manifestations with prussia's national song, "die wacht am rhein," and the display of the german flag! if scandalous proceedings such as these make no difference in the relations of the triple alliance, why wonder at the audacity and pride of the teutons? everything is a matter of exclusive right for the german. there are no other rights but german rights, and when germany claims the exercise of a right, neither numbers, nor nationalism, nor races have any existence, confronted by the individuality, the nationalism, of the german race. mommsen, the leading historian of prussian germany, wrote in the _neue freie presse_ of vienna, "pummel the heads of the czechs with your fists," whereat all the austrians of german race applauded, loudly declaring that if it came to a question between the germans of prussian germany and austrian subjects of slav extraction, their sympathies would not be in doubt, for they, although austrians, saw on the one side their brethren of a superior _kultur_, and, on the other, barbarians only fit to remain for ever oppressed. on another occasion, mommsen wrote: "we are twin brothers; we became separated from you in former days, but soon we must be united again." the linguistic map of germany, widespread wherever german is spoken, reveals very clearly what are the ambitions of "alt-deutschland." the lion's maw of the "slav-eaters" is always wide open. sometimes the devouring beast walks delicately, at others he hurls himself savagely on his prey. the opening of the reichstag has provided us with a very important speech from the throne by william ii, for it emphasises the lack of agreement which prevails between sovereign, parliament and people. the emperor-king has announced his plan for a seven-years' period for naval service, similar to that in force in the army. the bill will come before the reichstag during its present session. as william has declared more than once, he intends that the naval strength of germany shall equal that of her army. as for the german people, while ready to accept all the sacrifices required to maintain the supremacy of its military forces, it has no hankerings after naval supremacy. its proudest hopes lie in the direction covered by the "drang nach osten" formula. it wants to advance upon austria, while retaining the ground already won. mommsen and the duke of baden between them sum up germany's ambitions. in germany at the present moment, public opinion would appear to be satisfied with preserving the work of william i and pushing on towards the east; but how little will these things satisfy william ii! it is the will of the german emperor, king of prussia, to be a law-giver to the east, to dispute with england the sovereignty of the seas, to take bites out of china, to display the ever-victorious flag of germany all over the world. it is true that, to accomplish this will of his, will require an additional millions, and it will require, in particular, that the reichstag should vote them in one lump sum. william ii is like his teacher bismarck in the matter of dogged obstinacy. like him, he will present his scheme in a hundred different guises, until its opponents become weary and give in. germany has just been giving the european concert a lesson in the policy of energy. she displays as much bluntness in her sudden claims as she displayed skill in having the concert brought to ridicule by turkey. haiti and china have yielded on the spot to her direct threats. if they reflect, will not the powers of the concert realise that germany's every act is either a challenge or a lesson? the german expedition to kiao-chao, strong, is so greatly in excess of the requirements of her claims to compensation for injuries suffered, that it reveals a definite intention on the part of william ii to take advantage of the first plausible pretext to acquire a naval station in china. peace has been signed between turkey and greece, but let us not regard it as a settlement of outstanding questions, for the ambassadors were only able to come to an agreement by eliminating questions in dispute, one by one. germany now appears to dominate the eastern question to such a degree that, in his speech from the throne, william ii did not even allude to it. what would have been the good? turkey is already a province of germany! william ii and his ambassador are the rulers there and govern the country as sovereigns. the flood-gate of german emigration, secretly unlocked, will soon be thrown wide open; , germans will be able to make their way into the ottoman empire every year. before long their numbers will tell, they will assert their rights, and the slav provinces in the balkans and in austria will find themselves out off by the flood. is russia beginning to realise that it would have been better for her to protect the christians against turkey rather than to allow them to be slaughtered--that it would have been a more humane and far-seeing policy to defend greece and crete instead of abandoning them to the tender mercies of turco-german policy? it is over-late to set the clock back and to challenge the pre-eminent control which william ii has established over everything in the east. december , . [ ] none but the author of _tartarin_ and his immortal "departures" could have described for us the setting-forth of prince henry of prussia for china. the exchange of speeches between william and his brother makes one of the most extravagant performances of modern times, when read in conjunction with the actual facts, reduced by means of the telegraph to their proper proportions, which may be summed up as follows: taking up the cause of two german missionaries who have suffered ill-treatment in china, the emperor of germany sends an ultimatum to the son of heaven, who yields on every point and carries his submission so far that he runs the risk of compromising his relations with other powers. consequently, there is an end of the dispute. the facts, you see, are simple. but prince henry has made him ready to receive his solemn investiture at the hands of his brother, the emperor, by going to kiss prince bismarck on his forehead and cheek ("forehead and cheek," as prince henry unctuously remarks, "so often kissed by my grandfather, william i"). next prince henry goes to seek the blessing of general waldersee; then he has himself blessed by his mother, and by his aunt, and later he will go and get blessed by his grandmother, queen victoria. slowly and solemnly each act and formality is accomplished in accordance with the rites prescribed by william. the imperial missionary, the sailor transformed into a sort of bishop, sets forth. the quest of the pirate-knight is to conquer all china, to become its emperor, to fall upon it, inspired by the god of battles. what matters it that the chinese will not resist, that they will fall prostrate before him? the grandeur of tartarin's setting forth has nothing to do with his getting there. at kiel all was prepared. germany trembled with impatience and this is what she heard:-- "imperial power means sea power: the existence of the one depends upon the other. the squadron which your ships will reinforce must act and hold itself as the symbol of imperial and maritime power; it must live on good terms of friendship with all its comrades of the fifteen foreign fleets out yonder, so as energetically to protect the interests of the fatherland against any one who would injure a german. let every european over them, every german merchant, and, above all, every foreigner in the land to which we are going, or with whom we may have to do, understand that the german michael has firmly planted on this soil his shield bearing the imperial eagle, so as to be able, once and for all, to give his protection to all those who may require it of him. may our fellow-countrymen out yonder be firmly convinced that, no matter what their situation, be they priests or merchants, the protection of the german empire will be extended to them with all possible energy by means of the warships of the imperial fleet. and should any one ever infringe our just rights strike him with your mailed fist! if god so will he shall bind about your young brow laurels of which none, throughout all germany, shall be jealous! "firmly convinced that, following the example of good models (and models are not lacking to our house, heaven be praised!), you will fulfil my wishes and my vows, i drink to your health and wish a good journey, all success, and, a safe return! hurrah for prince henry!" prince henry's incredible reply was as follows-- "as children we grew up together. later, when we grew to manhood, it was given to us to look into each other's eyes and to remain faithfully united to each other. for your majesty the imperial crown has been girt with thorns. within my narrower sphere and with my feeble strength strengthened by my vows, i have endeavoured to help your majesty as a soldier and a citizen. . . . "i am very sincerely grateful to your majesty for the trust which you place in my feeble person. and i can assure your majesty that it is not laurels that tempt me, nor glory. one thing and one only leads me on, it is to go and proclaim in a foreign land the gospel of the sacred person of your majesty and to preach it as well to those who will hear it as to those who will not. it is this that i intend to blazon upon my flag and wherever i may go. our comrades share these sentiments! eternal life to our well-beloved emperor!" such gems must be left intact. one should read them again and again, line by line. ponderous eloquence, fustian bombast, and mouldy pathos combine with the display of pomp, to excite world-wide admiration. this play of well-rehearsed parts is given before an audience of generals, high officials and politicians, and the scene is set at kiel, that moving pedestal which the king of prussia inaugurated when he made all the fleets of europe file past him. william ii looks upon history as a vulgar photographic plate designed for the purpose of "taking" him in all his poses and in such places as he may select and appoint. a crusade is afoot: they go, they are gone, to preach "the gospel of the sacred person of william ii." a holy war is declared, to be waged against a people which declines to fight. never mind, they will find a way to glory, be it only in the size of the slices of territory which they will seize. the two great conceptions of our minister of foreign affairs are to act as the honest broker in china between st. petersburg and berlin, and to put the european concert to rights. how often have i not told him that all he has to gain by playing this game is a final surrender on the part of france? alas! my prophecy, already fulfilled in the east, is very near to coming true in the far east. if it should prove otherwise, it would not be to anything in our foreign policy that our good luck would be due, but to the fact that all russia has come to realise that she is likely to be germany's dupe in the far east, as she has been in the east. during the reign of the emperor alexander iii and the presidency of m. carnot, the franco-russian alliance possessed a definite meaning, because both these rulers understood that any pro-german tendencies in their mutual policy must have constituted an obstacle to the perfect union of the national policies of their two countries. france had ceased to indulge in secret flirtations with germany when the latter was no longer russia's ally. the plain and inevitable duty of our government was to promote an antagonism of interests between germany and russia and to prove to the latter that france was loyally working to promote her greatness above all else, on condition that she should help us to hold our own position. if france had been governed as she should have been, had we possessed a statesman at the quai d'orsay, our diplomatic defeats at canea, athens and constantinople, though possibly inevitable, might have found a court of appeal; and france would finally have been in a position of exceptional advantage in securing a judgment favourable to our alliance. germany's brutal seizure in china of a naval station that the chinese government had leased to russia for the purposes of a winter harbour for her fleet, foreshadows the sort of thing that william ii is capable of doing, under cover of an _entente_, so soon as japan comes to evacuate wei-hai-wei, upon china's payment of the war indemnity. germany's scruples in dealing with "sick men," remind one of the charlatans who either kill or cure, according to their estimate of their prospects of being able to grab the inheritance. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, january , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, march , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, june , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _ibid._, september , . [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, march , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] la nouvelle revue, may , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, june , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] william ii had just sent marks to the fund for the victims of the fire at the charity bazaar. [ ] since parisian journalists have dared to sing their cynical praises in honour of the german emperor, no considerations need restrain our pen in defending the tzars from the charges that have been brought against them. these people ask: how is it that _your_ emperor of russia has delayed so long in expressing to us his condolence? why? let me explain. the fire at the charity bazaar broke out at p.m. on may , but the russian ambassador in paris only telegraphed the news to count mouravieff on the evening of may . the emperor can only have heard of the disaster on the th; it was then too late for him to telegraph a direct message, and it was therefore thought best to send instructions to the russian embassy. the blame in this matter falls therefore upon m. de mohrenheim. it was due to his methods of proceeding that the emperor learnt the news forty-eight hours late. _le gaulois_, in a somewhat officious explanation, informs us that the russian ambassador kept back his telegram because may is the birthday of the empress, and because there is a superstition in russia that it is bad luck to get bad news on one's birthday. this explanation is untrue; there is no such superstition. did they conceal from nicholas ii, on the day of his coronation, the terrible catastrophe at khadyskaje, which cost the lives of thousands of russians; and did this disaster prevent the tzar from attending m. de montebello's ball that same evening? moreover, m. de mohrenheim should have telegraphed on may to count mouravieff, leaving to him the choice as to the hour for communicating the information to the tzar. m. de mohrenheim is in the habit of doing this sort of thing; when he chooses, his instincts are dilatory. he behaved in exactly the same way, and with the same object, on the day when m. carnot was assassinated. as soon as the news of that dreadful event reached the quai d'orsay, the _chef du protocole_, (then count bourqueney) went in all haste to the russian embassy, woke up the ambassador, and informed him officially of the disaster which had just overtaken france. it was then two o'clock in the morning. instead of telegraphing the news at once to alexander iii, m. de mohrenheim only did so at eleven o'clock on the following day. now, he knew perfectly well that, as the result of this delay, the tzar could only learn the news two days later because, on the following day in the early morning, alexander iii was starting with the whole imperial family for borki, where he was about to open a memorial chapel on the spot where several years before an attempt had been made on his life. the journey takes about forty-eight hours, and as the destination of the imperial train is always kept secret, the tzar could not receive the telegram until after his arrival at borki. it will be remembered that the delay which thus took place, in the communication of the tzar's sympathy with france in her mourning, created an unfortunate impression, and enabled the german emperor to get in ahead of him by two days. the explanation of the delay which occurred on that occasion should have been communicated to the havas press agency, and the tzar's journey mentioned. this was done by all foreign newspapers, but good care was taken that no word of the sort should be published in paris. it is, therefore, evident that, if the kaiser has been twice placed in the position which has enabled him to get in well ahead of alexander iii and nicholas ii, the blame must not be ascribed to any indifference, or lukewarm feelings on the part of the friends of france. the most one can reproach them with is to have retained at paris an ambassador about whose sentiments both tzars were fully informed long ago. [ ] "truly, this man must be devoted to france," m. emile hinzelin writes me, "he must love her dearly, since he keeps a strip of her, cut from the living flesh, which still palpitates and bleeds. whom can he possibly hope to deceive? mülhausen is not far from paris, neither is colmar, nor strasburg, nor metz. it is from this unhappy town of metz, the most cruelly tortured of all, that he sends us his condolences and his bag of money. as is usual with complete hypocrites, he is by no means lacking in impudence. never have the french people of alsace-lorraine been accused with more bitter determination, prosecuted, condemned and exploited by all possible means and humiliated in every way. never has william himself displayed such unrestraint and wealth of insult in his speeches to the army. i came across him during a journey of mine some months ago, just as he was unveiling a monument, commemorating the fatal year of . with his head thrown back, his eyes rolling in frenzy and rage, shaking his fist towards france and with his voice coming in jerks, he uttered imprecations, challenges and threats in wild confusion. next day the german press published his speech, very carefully arranged, toned down, and even changed in certain respects; but it still retained, in spite of this diplomatic doctoring, an unmistakable accent of fierce and determined hatred. there you have him in his true light, and in his real sentiments, this man of sympathetic telegrams, of flowers, and easy tears." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, june , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, july , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, august , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] amongst the latest proofs of this, here is one, i quote from a german newspaper: "in , when war was declared, the _kölnische zeitung_ offered a reward of thalers for the first capture of a french gun. this prize was won by some soldiers of the first silesian battalion of the th regiment of chasseurs, who, in their first fight at wissemburg, took possession of a cannon which bore the name of le douay, after the commander-in-chief of a french army corps. it occurred to these soldiers to erect a monument at the spot where this gun was captured. the monument itself, consisting of a large rock from the vosges, was the gift of one of them, and on june the presentation of the monument took place, in the presence of chasseurs who had come from all parts of the country and of a large number of officers. twenty-seven years ago, the chasseurs were there, on the same spot, facing the enemy; to-day, they hail the heights of wissemburg as part of the great german fatherland, reconquered after a fierce and bloody struggle." it is evident that the emperor is not the only one to celebrate these anniversaries, that new ones are always being invented, and that no humiliation will be spared us in alsace-lorraine. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, september , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, october , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] this article appeared in the _petit marseillais_ under the title of "the gulls." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, october , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] a friend writes to me from germany: "you cannot conceive the effects produced upon me by the _incredible_ development of industrial enterprise throughout all germany. factories seem to spring out of the ground; in all the large towns that one visits, smoke ascends from hundreds of chimneys. the workshops that manufacture steam-engines are so overloaded with work, that orders take more than a year to fill. i went all over the offices of the patents bureau in berlin--a place as large as our ministry of commerce, with a library more complete than that of our poor conservatoire of arts and trades. alas, we are but pigmies beside these giants! everywhere one sees evidence of order, discipline and patience, qualities in which we are somewhat lacking. but i am not down-hearted, and with the help of a few colleagues, we are going to try and propagate some of the ideas we have learned from our neighbours and which may be of benefit to our country." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, december , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, december , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, january , , "letters on foreign policy." chapter vi the encroaching expansion of germany--when will there be a determined coalition against germany?--the crime of jules ferry--william ii checked in his attempt to obtain a representative of the holy see at constantinople--leo xiii confirms france in her protectorate over christians in the east--william's journey to palestine. january , . [ ] shall i be told that i repeat myself if, once a fortnight, i say to every good citizen, anxious about the many dangers that threaten his country, "beware of this germany, whose numbers and wealth and strength are ever-increasing and multiplying?" let each one of us do all that lies in his power not to assist in any way the industry and commerce of germany, which devour and destroy our own. let us enlighten those near to us who in their turn will enlighten their neighbours, and let us stimulate a movement of resistance to the invasion of german produce of every kind; let every one of us contribute his share to the strengthening of public opinion for the struggle against the spirit of germanism, which is gradually undermining the national spirit of france. may the voter insist that his representative should not keep his eyes fixed within the narrow semi-circle of parliamentary affairs and that he should observe beyond it the continual retreat of our diplomacy before the advance of german predominance. even the most limited intelligence can now perceive that, even if we felt ourselves powerless to pursue our secular policy for the defence and protection of christians in the east, nothing compelled us to witness the marriage contract between germany and the grand turk, to overwhelm them both with good wishes for their perfect union, to lend them our aid in establishing their perfect understanding. what need is there for us to seek to reconcile germany and russia in china? germany could not have rendered any valuable assistance to our ally in the middle kingdom, for she brings to asia nothing but her insatiable greed, and had it not been for her reconciliation with russia, she would never have dared to gratify it. once sure of the confidence of the young tzar, with what haste and brutality did william ii proceed to display his long teeth! so there he is, definitely in possession of kiao-chao bay, for only the utterly credulous will believe in any retrocession of this so-called leased territory, in recovering from germany this admirable commercial harbour, this marvellous strategical position. february , . [ ] lies, insolence, polite hypocrisy, underhand plotting, audacity, cynicism and cruelty, these are the ingredients that go to the making of prussian statecraft. it must be admitted that the emperor-king of prussia is growing. cutting himself clear from the timid souls who are still possessed of a sense of right, he assumes the proportions of a machiavelli and a mephistopheles combined. william the incalculable, as his subjects call him, develops to his own advantage the influences and the power of evil. what new distress will he bring to christian souls, this applauder of the armenian massacres, when, after having covered with his favour, supported by his strength, guided by his advice and encouraged by his friendship, the assassin who reigns at constantinople, he makes his pilgrimage to palestine, escorted in triumph by the same soldiers who, by order of the red sultan, have killed, tortured and tormented christians? we shall see him kneeling before the tomb of christ, surrounded by turks with bloodstained hands, when he goes to take possession of those much-coveted holy places, which shall make him, the prop and stay of the exterminator of christians, sole arbiter of christianity in the east. can the heavens that look down on mount sinai smile on william ii, sheltering in the shadow of turkish bayonets? when, at jerusalem, he celebrates the opening of the prussian church (whose corner-stone was laid by frederick iii, repentant of his military glory), will not this man of insatiable pride receive some sign of warning from above? no, it sufficeth perhaps that he should go forward to meet his fate. is it not the same for all evil-doers, no matter to what heights they may attain, who only climb that they may be hurled to lower depths? the challenges that men fling at the ideal structure of the principles of humanity are like the stones that children throw at monuments. they accumulate and serve to consolidate that which they were meant to destroy. no one can reproach william ii with inactivity, and in this the monarch at berlin is of one mind with germany. he draws the nation after him; it follows blindly on dizzy paths of adventure and the pursuit of wealth. there is this about germany to inspire us with fear--and one wonders how it is that russia and france have not been so terrified long ago as to make them leave no stone unturned in the near and far east, to exorcise the perils with which her earth-hunger threatens them--that she is just as greedy as england in the politics of business, has just the same jealous desires for financial and commercial expansion, but that, in addition, she has hankerings of another sort: for glory, for conquests, for the annexations necessary to feed and satisfy her imperious military spirit. when we consider the innumerable objects for which germany is working in the near and far east, we are compelled to astonishment at the narrow limits of the field of action that she leaves for other nations. prior to , every country in europe possessed its own distinguishing features, its power, its ambition, or its dominating influences. england was the first, of commercial and industrial nations. russia was the great leader of oriental policy, the predestined heir to asia. austria was the supreme german power. france was a military nation and at the same time the eldest daughter of the church; she was the undisputed protector of catholic missions all over the world and umpire in most of the great international quarrels. to-day, germany is at once all that england, russia, austria and france were. she holds every monopoly, centralises power of every kind, and destroys all power of movement in others. when shall we have a determined coalition against germany? herein lies the only hope of liberating europe from the claws of prussia and recovering something of the lion's share which william takes to himself. february , . [ ] by what process of mental aberration has it come to pass that our minister of foreign affairs has placed himself under the wing of william ii at constantinople? his one object should have been to combine every effort on the part of russia and france to keep germany out of the east. there would be no parallel to such a deplorable lack of foresight, if our diplomacy had not provided it in the far east, if it had not helped to prove to germany, there also, that she was becoming indispensable in china, that the prestige of russia combined with that of france was insufficient to cope with the situation and to solve the difficulties that had arisen with the son of heaven, with japan and england. the blindness which has characterised our foreign policy, which, since jules ferry took it in hand, has made us labour continuously with our own hands for the greatness of germany, as if to justify our humility in her eyes, this will remain the crime of the initiator of an anti-national policy, the crime of m. jules ferry. it will also remain the irreparable fault committed by those who have adopted the lamentable policy which consists in following in the train of the conqueror once the ransom has been paid. march , . [ ] william ii will have his sea-going fleet, and be able to challenge the fleets of the great powers and meet them on equal terms. he had meant to carry with a high hand his seven years' naval construction plan, in the same way that bismarck obtained his seven years' military programme in spite of the opposition of the german catholics. and now behold the german budget committee has sanctioned the raising of the money for his warships in six years! as to the projected reform of the military code and the complete re-organisation of the army on a homogeneous basis, the emperor-king of prussia is not in the least disturbed. no doubt bavaria, würtemberg and certain other confederated states will claim to keep their autonomous armies by virtue of the constitution of , but the king of prussia is quite determined, on his part, to administer the german army under a single military code. bavaria, they tell us, will never yield. bavaria will yield. the german victories of - created the german empire and every empire must of necessity be centralised or else become once more a confederation. united teutondom, germany, is embodied in prussia. the bavarians, like all the other saxons, sing the national hymn "germany, germany, ever and ever greater." what, then, is the good of all their talking at münich? if germany is to grow ever greater, she cannot have several centres of influence. therefore bavaria will submit. april , . [ ] notwithstanding the fact that he is a protestant, william is impressed by the greatness of the rôle that leo xiii might play in christianity; and, therefore, brings all the influences at his command to bear upon him. through all his official and officious agents he tells him that atheistic france, in the hands of laymen, can no longer be the eldest daughter of the church; that the holy father is the head of christianity throughout the world, and that in the east and far east he should make use of those who are most christian; that an emperor who is a believer, even though he be a protestant, is much better fitted to be the protector of christians in china and in turkey than a republic without faith. the only possible influences in china and in turkey are religious influences, but economic questions follow in their wake, and the german emperor, king of prussia, means to appear before the peoples of the near and far east, in the light of his spectacular proceedings at kiel, of the triumphant audacity of kiao-chao, and of the splendour with which he is going to invest his journey in palestine, as the controller of their destinies, the defender of their rights and the supplier of such goods as they may wish to purchase. it is possible that william ii may be able to persuade leo xiii that he should entrust him with the holy places and work together with him in china. in any event, the catholics of germany are now a long way from the _kulturkampf_; they will vote the naval budget by an ample majority and germany will become the great naval power, and at the same time the great military power, so that in the end she may become the wealthiest of the commercial powers: this is the dream of william, king of prussia! june , . [ ] william ii has become attached to the east, the scene of his chief diplomatic successes, a part of the world in which his imperial word is law. he will continue to shower his favours upon it, and disturb everything there, so as to be able to fish in troubled waters. he will ransack everything for his purposes, even that very vague thing, homogeneous turkey, based on the mussulman faith. at this moment, he is planning i know not what kind of acceptance of the cross by the crescent, just as he planned prince henry's chinese crusade. if the cuban war did not detain him in europe, he would have gone to palestine, with a cavalcade of some sort which would have been an event in the history of christianity. and he will do it yet. what does russia, so jealous for the holy places, think of the intrusion into them of the german kaiser? he is master there. here is one of the most striking proofs of the fact: the mussulmans have a perfect horror of bells, but the new german church erected at jerusalem is equipped with a fine peal of them. that which neither christian kings, nor even tzars, were able to obtain, william ii has achieved. and such is the idea of force with which the german emperor is associated in their minds, that even the most fanatical mussulmans have bent the knee in submission to this sacrilege. july , . [ ] the unseverable unity of pan-germanism is the ruling formula with the germans of austria. are they not continually threatening the hapsburgs that they will secede if the supremacy of their german minority over the slav majority is not maintained? they do not even take the trouble to lower their voices when they cry to the neighbouring empire: "before very long we shall be yours." since the defeat of france, germany's ambitions have grown to a height out of all proportion even to the importance of her conquest. on all sides she has cast covetous eyes, stretched out her grasping hand in all directions. for only france, while still intact, possessed the courage to protect other nations from the all-consuming german appetite. that germany should have captured the monstrous friendship of a french minister for the christian-slaying sultan! can any one possibly find any absolution, any excuses, for such a deplorable mismanagement of our material and moral interests in the east? gradually, unless something can be done to check these unfortunate tendencies of our diplomacy, william ii will announce that the time has come for the apotheosis, _à la turque,_ of a protestant emperor. and then, all of a sudden after this gradual preparation, the catholics and the holy places of the orthodox will be delivered over to one of the only forces of christianity, to that which gives absolution for murder and protects the slayer of christians. race, nationality, politics, trade, influence and guarantees, all may be summed up in oriental countries in a single word: religion! must, then, a government seek to advance the cause of its state religion, not from religious conviction, but in the spirit which seeks to retain the privileges and wealth it has acquired and its powers of self-defence? our new minister of foreign affairs understands these things--he has pondered over them long: will he not, therefore, seek and find in the complexities of oriental policy the factor of immediate and personal advantage which is calculated to minister to boundless self-conceit? he will endeavour quietly to untie the least compact of the knots tied at stamboul and berlin; he will replace them by other knots, tied more closely by himself. he will display the cleverness of those who make no effort to be clever, and he will not lack clearness of sight and precision for the simple reason that he loves his country better than himself. july , . [ ] the high approval bestowed by germany upon all the subterfuges of the diplomacy of abdul hamid, the bankruptcy of the european concert, the embarrassment in which each one of the governments that compose this strange concert finds itself when confronted with the machiavelism of the turk, all these have produced a situation intolerable for those statesmen who have any regard for the dignity of their country. our new minister of foreign affairs, upon coming to the quai d'orsay, felt keenly the humiliation inflicted upon france by the persistent weakness of our policy. from the outset he succeeded in foiling the sultan's dangerous scheme for securing a representative of the holy see at constantinople which would have abolished at one stroke the whole french protectorate over christians in the east. cardinal ledochowsky, prefect of propaganda, with the help of the prospective nuncio at constantinople, and in order to emphasise the collapse of french influence in the east, was making his plans in readiness for william ii to assume, solemnly and definitely, a protectorate over the christians. already the kaiser's trusty friend at the vatican had decided to instruct the catholic clergy in palestine to render exceptional honours to the german emperor on the occasion of his journey to the holy places. but the council of the congregation, in plenary session, has opposed the wishes of cardinal ledochowsky, and so there will be no nomination of a representative of the holy see at the court of the grand turk. the german emperor must needs be content with the honours "usually accorded to reigning princes." this is the kind of rebuff that neither abdul hamid nor william ii readily forgives. one of the german emperor's chief joys is to break things. to bewilder people by the suddenness of his resolutions, to court all risks, to proclaim his power, to sow the wind and reap the whirlwind: these are the pleasures of the german emperor, king of prussia. there is no need for me to repeat the strange neronian stories that are whispered in germany concerning certain incidents of william's sea-voyages and journeys in norway. a number of mysterious deaths following one upon the other provide sufficient material for these tales. for those who, like myself, have never ceased to regard william ii as a creature of unbridled pride, it is enough from time to time to note one of his actions, so as to form our judgment of the man and to be able to predict to what heights of complacent admiration for himself and of severity for others he is likely to attain hereafter. august , . [ ] created by force, the unity of germany is maintained by force. on the day that another force arises, germany will collapse, for her cohesion has only been attained and cemented by cunning and contempt for the truth; she has lived by the sword and she shall perish by the sword. it is said that bismarck was the real obstacle to an understanding between england and germany. it is certainly true that neither france nor russia has anything to gain by england's throwing herself into the arms of germany. mr. chamberlain is ready to do all in his power to draw england into the triple alliance, and william ii, no longer dreading the criticisms of varzin, would now accept with pleasure the proposals which he seemed to disdain. nevertheless, the real rival that threatens england's future is germany. the german peril, industrial and commercial, inspires england with fear, and we should know how to turn this situation to our advantage. let us do all we can to prevent an _entente_ being arranged which would deprive us of a card and add one to the enemy's hand. a war in china between russia and great britain, no matter how it might end, would fulfil germany's dream of being delivered from russia in the east and the balkans. this is precisely what william ii desires and seeks--herein pursuing bismarckian tactics. france and russia must, therefore, exercise all their skill to prevent it, and go exceeding warily amidst the intrigues that are now afoot. what has been the result of the note which the representatives of the powers have handed to the porte, on the initiative of france and russia, stating that they will never permit the landing of new turkish forces in crete? merely to prove that austria and germany refuse to be parties to these proceedings, and to speak plainly, support the sultan. ah, if russia could only be kept busy in china! what a godsend if france could be left alone to play the part of this admirable european concert, the genial notion of our last minister of foreign affairs! germany alone secures her ends, profits by all the disturbances she creates, waxes and grows fat, and william ii smiles at the thought of a world-wide kingdom ruled by himself alone. once master of the whole earth, he may come to stand face to face with god. september , . [ ] on the occasion of a gala dinner at hanover, william ii, always in a hurry to display his likes and everlastingly parading his dislikes, did not fail to seize the opportunity of being polite to england and uncivil to france. he proposed a toast to the health of the th army corps, recalling to memory the brotherhood of arms between englishmen and germans at waterloo; he glorified the victory of the sirdar, kitchener, in the soudan. a few days later, speaking of peace, the german emperor, king of prussia, let fly his parthian arrow at his august brother, the tzar. at porta, in westphalia, he said: "peace can only be obtained by keeping a trained army ready for battle. may god grant that 'e may always be able to work for the maintenance of peace by the use of this good and sharp-edged weapon." nothing could have been more bluntly expressed; it is now perfectly clear that the reduction of armaments has no place in the dreams of william ii. i know not by what subterfuge he will pretend to approve of a congress "to prepare for universal peace," but i know that, for him, the dominating and absorbing interest of life lies in conquest, in victories, in war. turkey victorious, america victorious, england victorious--these are the lights that lead him on. he excels at gathering in the inheritance won for him by his own people, and he likes to have a share also in the successes of others. he has had his share in turkey and has filed his application in america. he is already beginning with england in china and speculating with great britain in delagoa bay, under the eyes of his greatly distressed friends of the transvaal. amidst a hundred other schemes, the german emperor, king of prussia, is by no means neglecting his apotheosis at jerusalem. we are told even the details of his clothes, which combine the military with the civil, "an open tunic of light cloth, brown coloured; tight trousers, boots and sword-scabbard of yellow leather, the insignia of a german general of the guards, a helmet winged with the prussian eagle." a truly pious rig-out forsooth, in which to go and kneel before the tomb of christ! they say that, in order to judge of the effect of this costume, william ii has posed for his photograph forty times. the german church in palestine certainly never expected to see the _summus episcopus_ adopting an attitude of extreme humility in that country. if any simple-minded lutheran were to address the kaiser in the streets of jerusalem, after the manner of the hungarian workman, who saw the archbishop primate, all glittering with gold in his gala coach, passing over the buda bridge, william ii would answer him in the same style as did the archbishop: "that is just the sort of carriage in which jesus used to drive," exclaimed the workman. the archbishop heard him, and leaning from the carriage door, replied: "jesus, my good fellow, was the son of a carpenter. i am the son of a magnate, and archbishop primate of hungary." william ii undoubtedly believes that he does christ an honour in going to visit him. he goes in the full pride of a personality which sees in itself all the great events of the past, gathered together as in an historic procession. he goes, with all the pomp and circumstance of a glorious omnipotence, he, whose diplomacy has made a protégé of the khalif and a footstool of the crescent--he goes, i say, to manifest himself as the emperor of christianity. was all then to be lost to us at a stroke--the crusades, all the moral and economic interests of france in the east, that secular protectorate of which we, the possessors, make so light whilst william ii devotes to its conquest all the resources of his skill and cunning? not so! our minister of foreign affairs was on the alert. william xi, who is an artistic walking advertisement, designed, like a mucha or a cheret, for the german market, has now had evidence of the fact that, if religion is an article of export for him, anti-clericalism is nothing of the kind for us. our interests in the east have been protected and preserved. the pope of lutheranism has not been able to silence the pope of rome. the radical republic which represents france remains the grand-daughter of saint louis. on hearing the authoritative news of william ii's journey to jerusalem, cardinal langénieux, archbishop of rheims, begged leo xiii for "a reassuring word." up to the present, the holy see has recognised our protectorate in the east as a simple fact; to-day it is recognised as a right. here is the "reassuring word," the answer given by leo xiii to cardinal langénieux:-- "we know that for centuries the french nation's protectorate has been established in eastern countries and that it has been confirmed by treaties between governments. therefore no change whatsoever should be made in this matter. this nation's protectorate, wherever it is exercised, should be religiously maintained and missionaries must be notified accordingly, so that, if they have need of help, they may have recourse to the consuls and other agents of the french nation." at their last congress the german catholics--we know that the catholics constitute a third of the population of germany and that their representatives can hold in check the imperial policy in the reichstag--openly expressed their sympathy for leo xiii, for the "noble exile at rome, who is compelled, from the day of his elevation to the papacy, to pledge himself never to cross the threshold of the vatican alive." when william ii is compelled hereafter to make concessions to the centre in the reichstag, his allies, the italians, will be well advised to give the matter their attention. september , . [ ] all the actions of that modern lohengrin, william ii, derive their inspiration from a wagnerian theory concerning the harmony of discords. this friend of the sultan, soon to be the guest of the khedive, congratulates kitchener, the sirdar, whose deeds are the blood-stained consecration of england's machinations in mussulman territory. almost at the identical moment that he sent his telegram to the sirdar to celebrate a british victory, he said at the opening of the new harbour at stettin: "i rejoice that the ancient spirit of pomerania is still alive in the present generation, urging it from the land towards the sea. _our future lies on the water_." queen of the seas, take warning! we know how william ii is wont to express his pacific ideas and what is his conception of the reduction of armaments--with blustering threats and hosannahs in praise of rifles and cannons. on the subject of peace, the german mind has long since been fixed in its ideas. one cannot sum them up better than in the following quotation from a berlin newspaper. "at the paris salon in there was a great picture by danger entitled 'the great authors of arbitration and peace,' depicting all those, from confucius and buddha down to the tzar alexander iii, who have laboured in the cause of peace. in a note which explained the painter's work, it was said to be impossible to depict all the friends of arbitration and peace. it seems to me that such friends of peace as william ii and prince bismarck should not have been forgotten, for, by the treaty of frankfort, they have brought about a lasting peace and have obtained the power required to maintain it." between this german conception of peace and ours, is there not a gulf that nothing can ever bridge? october , . [ ] william ii is in the seventh heaven. one by one he dons his shining garments, which the eastern sun gladdens with silver and gold. he has made another trip on his swan, that is to say, on the white _hohenzollern_, which carries lohengrin to the four corners of the earth. the german emperor's departure from venice was a master-stroke of scenic effects, one of those subversions of history, to which the eccentric monarch of berlin is so passionately addicted. nothing indeed could have been more original than to make the sons of the ancient venetians, hereditary foes of the turk, welcome a protestant monarch who is the friend of the chief slaughterer of catholics. a christian emperor landing at stamboul accompanied by his empress, obtaining permission from the sultan to hold a review of troops on a _selamlik_ day, acclaimed by the mussulman people and soldiery, exalted amidst all the pomp and splendour of the east, feasting his eyes on magic colours, the hero of unrivalled entertainments, surely it is enough to raise to a frenzy of pride the potentate who has made such things possible. but amidst these pomps and vanities, william is by no means neglectful of his skilful and lucrative business schemes. it is said that he has secured a concession for a commercial harbour at haïdar pasha, near scutari. haïdar pasha is the railhead of the anatolian line, which belongs to a german company. will the great commercial traveller, william ii be able to persuade his sweet friend the slayer, to make him a grant of the coaling station which he covets at haïfa? the sultan will refuse him nothing. will france and russia have time to spare for lodging protests, their attention having been so skilfully diverted to fashoda on the one hand and to china on the other? is it not written that the two nations must unite forces if they would check the schemes of him who aspires to world-wide dominion over religion and commerce? though france and russia have sometimes quarrelled over the question of the holy places, they cannot regard without anxiety the triumphant entry of the third thief upon the scene. england, too, is busy with fashoda and does not seem to be in such a position, diplomatically speaking, at constantinople, as to be able to oppose the cession by turkey to germany of a mediterranean harbour. moreover, the manner in which she has grabbed cyprus leaves her without much voice to talk of the _status quo_ in the mediterranean. william ii in palestine! this man with his mania for glittering pomp and grandeur going to kneel at the stable in bethlehem; the proudest and most conceited of men, the most puffed up with vainglory, treading the paths trodden by the feet of the humblest; the most egotistical and least brotherly, coming to bow before him who is brotherhood personified: could any spectacle be sadder for true christians? november , . [ ] the imperial pilgrim has left the holy city, _el cods_, as the turks themselves have it. amidst the silence of its holy places his turbulent majesty manifested itself in every direction. he prayed, discoursed, telegraphed, wrote and conducted inaugural functions. he made all the stations of the cross and preached to the german colony in jerusalem, telling them that amidst such surroundings "they should be possessed of a perpetual inclination to do good." and forthwith he proceeded to speak of his great friendship for the sultan, for the individual who methodically suppresses christians in his empire by killing them. william has seen the tomb of david, which infidels may not approach, and whose stones only mussulmans may lawfully tread. the very dear friend of abdul hamid, he whom the turkish troops salute with the same words as they use for the sultan, has written to the holy see, announcing his gift of a plot of land to the german catholic association in the holy land and adding "that he was happy to have been able to prove to catholics that their religious interests lie very near to his heart." leo xiii might have replied: "sire--let your majesty do even more for catholics; persuade your friend the sultan to cease from killing them." november , . [ ] william ii's journey to palestine has completely proved the thorough understanding which he has established with abdul hamid--that he should take possession of the holy places, as head of the lutheran religion and as representative of the catholics of his empire. france is, therefore, no longer _de facto_ protector of christians in the east, since she is not required to protect the german catholics, now directly protected by their emperor. in the far east, william ii had already refused to allow france to protect his catholic subjects. the advantages which he derived from this decision were too great for him to abandon them elsewhere, since the murder of a single missionary had brought him kiao-ohao. thus, then, ended this journey, accomplished in pomp and splendour, applauded at the same time by german christians and by the slayers of christians. william ii has attained his object in the matter of religious influence and of the emigration of german colonists, whom the sultan will be pleased to receive with open arms. the kaiser paid his reckoning liberally by proposing the health of the sultan at damascus and by declaring his intention to help and sustain the master and the khalif of million mussulmans. the seed of the words thus spoken will sprout and will inspire encouragement for every kind of revolt in the mussulman subjects of france--and, for that matter, of england also. whilst william ii was paying his devotions at the holy places, giving all the impression of a pious benevolent head of the church, a number of horrible evictions were being carried out in schleswig in his name and by his orders. hundreds of families, dragged from their native soil, from their homes and kindred, were led away to the frontier on the pretext that they still clung to their belief in a "southern jutland." day after day, for the last thirty-four years, on one pretext or another--and sometimes without any--the danes have been discouraged from living in schleswig. either life has gradually been made impossible for them, or else they have been suddenly compelled to leave the house where they were born, where their elders hoped to die in peace, and their places have been filled by german colonists. a terrible exodus, shameful cruelty! but "germany for the germans" is an axiom before which all must bow, big and little, rich and poor. december , . [ ] mr. chamberlain's coquetting with germany has ceased for the time being. _the times_, in contrast with its former hymns of praise, now contents itself with asking william ii not to make difficulties for england in europe or beyond the seas, and it adds that a friendly attitude would serve the interests of german subjects in the colonies much better than one of hostility. the passage in the german emperor's speech from the throne which refers to china is not calculated, it would seem, to appease great britain's irritation. "germany's colonies," said the kaiser, "are in a state of prosperous development. at kiao-chao steps have already been taken to improve the economic conditions of the protectorate. the frontier has been definitely settled by agreement with the chinese government. a free port has been opened and work upon it has begun. the construction of the railway which will link up the protectorate with the hinterland, will be commenced in the near future. relying on the old treaties still in force, and on the new rights acquired under the treaty concluded with china on march , , my government will also endeavour in future, whilst carefully respecting the lawful rights acquired by other powers, _to develop economic relations with china, which, year by year, will become more important, and to secure to german subjects their full share in the activities directed towards opening the far east to europe, from the economic point of view_." nor is the influence acquired by william ii and his subjects in the ottoman empire, emphasised by this same speech from the throne, of a nature to reassure england with regard to her projects in the east. in the near, as in the far, east she sees herself being supplanted by germany, and this by methods identical with her own, against which, therefore, she fights more disadvantageously than against france and russia, more foolishly chivalrous. william ii, who had replied with insolent sharpness to a legitimate claim advanced by a certain princeling of the confederated states--the regent of lippe-detmold, count ernest von lippe-biesterfeld, has had occasion to see that public opinion severely condemns his unjustifiable action. the confederated sovereigns and princes perceive therein a menace to themselves, and have rallied energetically in defence of one of their number. the masses, seeing an insignificant princeling oppressed and threatened by the biggest of them, have sided with the weaker. on his return from jerusalem, william found the situation extremely strained, and he endeavoured to relieve it by concessions of various kinds. none of them, however, were regarded as adequate. thereupon, with the suppleness which costs him so little when it is a question of sacrificing his most devoted and valuable servant, the emperor, king of prussia, sacrificed herr von lucanus, the head of his private household, an almost legendary personage who had had a hand in every important act of william's life. it was he who carried the imperial ultimatum to von bismarck and escaped unhurt from the hands of the infuriated giant. herr von lucanus had not been sacrificed to the violent sarcasms of the chancellor after his reconciliation with william ii; he seemed to be unassailable until, simply for having addressed a few improper lines, at the emperor's dictation, to a minor prince, he is removed from the anonymous post which was one of the occult powers of potsdam. the august confederates may consider themselves satisfied. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, january , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, february , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, march , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, march , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, april , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, june , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, july , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, august , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, august , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, september , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, october , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, november , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, november , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, december , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, december , , "letters on foreign policy." chapter vii our diplomatic situation in --william ii visits the _iphigénie_--the hague conference--germany the only obstacle to the fulfilment of the humanitarian plans of the tzar. january , . [ ] impelled by a simplicity of mind that suggests vacuity, a great many french patriots imagine that our country cannot be equally hated by two nations at once. seeing england threatening france every day in every way and by all the means at her disposal, these hypnotised patriots with fixed and staring eyes, see only england and nothing else! no matter what misdeeds germany may commit, they scarcely trouble to turn towards her their inattentive gaze. some of them, even, whose lips are tightened with anger when they think of london, smile with a vague feeling of good-will at the thought of berlin. and yet the other enemy, the german, emboldened by our absorption, is more ready to oppress the weak, reveals himself as bolder and greedier, more cynical and exclusive, more violent in denying to others their rights. german influence may spread all over the world, but refuses to allow any other influence whatsoever to penetrate germany. prussia introduced the law of force because she was strong; she is now inaugurating a new system of human rights to the exclusive advantage of germany. one newspaper, the _vossische zeitung_, has dared to say: "this system is unworthy of a civilised state and must lead to our being morally humiliated before the whole world." but that is all. when germany perpetrates some particularly monstrous act, she is only "a civilising power spreading the greatest of all languages." moreover, germany is the only nation that possesses a secular history; other nations have nothing more than a succession of irregular proceedings, tolerated by german generosity or indifference. the german emperor, king of prussia, wages a victorious war against everything that is not german. he has just put to the sword the french terms in the prussian military vocabulary. in vain these poor words pleaded the authority of the great frederick, who introduced them into prussia. in spite of his fondness for imitating frederick the great, william ii has slaughtered the french expressions "_officier aspirant_," "_porte épée_," "_premier lieutenant_," "_général_," etc., etc. the massacre is complete, their exclusion wholesale; he leaves no trace of the enemy's tongue. william ii follows with marked satisfaction the anti-french movement of opinion in england. "england will chastise france," he said to his officers' club, "and then she will come and beg me to protect her." germany hates us with all her own hatred, added to that of england. she hopes for our defeat, but if we should win, she would come hypocritically to claim from us her vulture share of the spoil for her so-called neutrality. february , . bismarck's interest in things was never keenly aroused unless they were worth lying about. when he said "the eastern question is not worth the bones of a single pomeranian grenadier," he was formulating in his mind the programme of the "drang nach osten," the great push towards the east. the russo-turkish war; the humbling of the victorious slav colossus by the congress of berlin; the diabolical treachery contained in the resolutions of the said congress (not one of which but contains the germ of some revolt or movement on the part of the races of the turkish empire); the separation of bulgaria and roumelia, united by the treaty of san stefano; the subsequent reunion, directed against russia, of these two countries; the handing over of bulgaria to a coburg, bound by ties to austria--all these things were brought about by the treachery and guile of the super-liar who ruled at berlin. and since then, william ii has done everything possible to advance this "drang nach osten," prussia's favourite scheme. and whilst the menace of this "push towards the east" is steadily growing, whilst he who directs it from berlin holds in his hand all the strings of the puppets who can help to advance it or pretend (as part of the conspiracy) to oppose it, what is great russia doing, the mighty tzar, and france? they tell us that russia is abandoning her interests in the east and that the tzar is dreaming of giving europe a lasting peace--a peace chiefly favourable to the economic and commercial development of germany and to the increase of her influence. russia and france seem scarcely to realise that the only force which can drive back the tide of germanic invasion is the slav power, organised and firmly established in europe. a balkan league including bulgaria, serbia and montenegro, a southern slav kingdom, a bohemia-moravia, these might hold the german power in check and give to europe the necessary equilibrium. france has an interest as great as russia's in the organisation of this opposing force, but she does not realise the fact. just as the athenians stretched out their hands towards the power of rome, deadly in its fascination, even so there are culpably blind patriots among us who dream the monstrous dream of an _entente_ with germanism. as well might one, to escape the flood, throw oneself into the rising ravening torrent. before long, germany will be the ruler of austria, of hungary, turkey and holland, and we shall have prepared no counterpoise to this encroachment, we, the allies of the great russian people, who, even though they may eventually succumb to the fatal attraction of asia, might first help us to secure our racial psychology and to establish bonds between our gallo-latin soul and the soul of the slavs. the germans are establishing themselves comfortably and permanently in china. there lies before me an extract from the first number of a newspaper published by the germans in china under the title of _the german asiatic sentinel_. this official organ of the kiao-chao territory appears every week with six pages of articles and advertisements. it is strange to find in it advertisements of the most diverse description, from that which commends brown kulmback beer, to that in which two young german merchants seek to correspond, with a view to marriage, with good-looking young german girls of good family. when one remembers the solemn investiture at kiel of prince henry of prussia, as leader of the crusade which was to spread the sacred words of christianity amongst the barbarian followers of confucius, and when one sees this investiture finding its expression in the initiation of the chinese into the mysteries of kulmback beer and the search for exportable gretchens, the association of the two pictures reminds one somehow of tight-rope dancing. but ridicule is unknown in germany. it seems to me that the kaiser's latest speech, at the banquet of the provincial landtag of brandenburg, is in somewhat doubtful taste. on this occasion, he spoke first of the divine right and responsabilities of the hohenzollerns on a footing of familiarity with god, and next he compared the functions of a sovereign with those of a gardener, who stirs up the earth, smokes the roots and hunts out noxious insects. true, the german emperor has got to cultivate the tree of - and to destroy "hostile animals," which i take to mean our good simple-minded frenchmen! the campaign in favour of a _rapprochement_ between france and germany continues to be cleverly managed and directed in our midst. there is talk of a visit of the tzar, who would come to antibes and who would there receive william ii at the same time as m. félix faure. the formula with which this arrangement is commended to us is "we have sulked long enough." in other words, they would convert a great, strengthening and enduring hatred into a trivial grudge. that, since fashoda they should regard sedan as a peccadillo is strange, to say the least of it. the _kolnische zeitung_, which opened the discussion with regard to a _rapprochement_ with france, now closes it by observing-- "that if ever the french should feel impelled to seek a reconciliation with germany, it could only be sincerely effected on the condition that they abandon once and for all the idea of a reckoning to be settled between the two countries for the war of - ." when we have estimated the nature and extent of germany's greed, calculated the number of her demands and ambitions, reflected by the light of history and german exaggerations, on the character of the german race and its unbridled lust of domination, then the national, colonial and continental interests of france (considered dispassionately and without hatred for the conqueror or resentment for the cruel and humiliating past) do not lie in the direction of a _rapprochement_ with germany. they lie in the establishment and combination of the slav states in europe, in a more effective alliance with russia, and a _rapprochement_ between the latin nations. march , . [ ] by our resistance, since the national defeat of , we have pledged ourselves not to accept it. our moral position and the dignity of our claims to restitution have been worthy of our history because we inveterate frenchmen have never ceased to maintain that our power over alsace-lorraine has been overthrown by force, but that our rights remain undiminished. austria, to germany, and italy, to austria, have sacrificed this moral position and the dignity of their respective claims, in return for an alliance which, besides being treacherously false, has brought them neither wealth nor honour. but alas! even whilst our rights became strengthened by our very faithfulness and constancy, our rulers were yielding to the insidious counsels of the enemy. m. ferry listened to bismarck and slowly, drop by drop, we wasted the blood with which we should have reconquered alsace-lorraine. bismarck, seeing us regaining our strength too quickly for his liking, and becoming a danger to germany, and prevented by the tzar from stopping our recovery by striking at us again, played his hand so as to throw us headlong into a policy of colonial adventures. but the great iron chancellor, the would-be genial fellow, had not foreseen that his pupil william ii would be inspired by ambitions entirely different from his own: that of a relentless colonial policy, that of commercial and industrial development, on broad lines of encroachment, and that of a navy. all these things however, followed logically, one from the other; for profitable colonisation one must have a market for one's produce, and to protect a mercantile marine one must have a navy. therefore, under these conditions, which bismarck did not foresee, the danger to france became an immediate and equal danger to germany, for england would be free to sweep the seas of germany's merchantmen as well as those of france. certain misguided people, moved by their extravagant feelings either of hatred towards england or of fear, seized the opportunity of the hour of danger under cover of the well-worn word (which leads so many worthy folk to lose their heads, even when it represents just the opposite of what it means) pleading our _interests_, i say, seized the opportunity to lower france by making overtures to the kaiser and to prussia. our interest, our twofold interest, was not to have a war with england, and to let germany see that it was to her interest that we should not be deprived of our maritime power which _protects_ the free development of german expansion. we possess at this moment a third of africa, a portion of asia and madagascar; before trying to add to these possessions, let us endeavour to make the most of their wealth. to sum up: our position has never been better, if we _know how to wait_ and not to make ourselves cheap. as the faithful allies of russia, either england or germany will have need of us. * * * * * * and so, the german emperor, king of prussia, has added another chapter, and not the least astounding, to the volume of his swift changes and contradictions. the author of the telegram to president krüger has received at berlin mr. cecil rhodes, the instigator of jameson, invader of the transvaal! william ii has been negotiating with him in the matter of the telegraph line and the railway. if any one had foretold, on the day that he sent his famous telegram concerning the rights of the south african republic, that the paladin who signed this chivalrous message would come to discuss "business" with sir [_sic_] cecil rhodes, or that the latter would have dared to present himself, in a check suit, before the kaiser wearing his winged helmet--such a prophet would have been regarded as a dangerous lunatic. nevertheless, so it is. mr. rhodes entered the imperial palace quite simply and naturally, conveying to the emperor the affectionate regards of queen victoria. i do not know whether they shook hands. between business men, shopkeepers ready for a deal, etiquette is superfluous and a ready understanding easy. shake! herr von bülow, secretary of state for foreign affairs communicated the news to the reichstag, promising further information on the subject before long. and now, what becomes of the hope of a rupture with england, anticipated by our worthy apostles of the franco-german alliance against perfidious albion? not only does william ii flirt with old england and give her pledges, but he opens his arms to the most dangerous, the most enterprising, the most compromised of englishmen, the napoleon of the cape! april , . [ ] were it not for alsace-lorraine, we should be the ally of colonial germany. were it not for alsace-lorraine, we should be the most ardent disciples of the noble, truly humane, and admirable work of disarmament undertaken by the emperor nicholas ii. alsace-lorraine has made us the irreconcilable enemies of germanism and at the same time the faithful, devoted and ever loyal friends of every slav cause. familiar with the work of these causes, attached to the greatness of our allies, those of us who were the first to seek that mighty alliance, will ever labour to strengthen and extend it by all the resources which can add to its glory, but at the same time we are anxious that nothing should be said or done to diminish our own first claims to restitution. an article in the _novae vremya_ contains a protest against the idea (disseminated by the german press) that russia is working to bring about a reconciliation between germany and france. the russian organ declares that such a _rapprochement_ would deprive france of all the advantages of her alliance with russia. the st. petersburg newspaper adds a sentence which appeals to us, because we can adapt it to our own case. "a franco-german _entente_," says the _novae vremya_, "would erect a cross on the franco-russian _entente_." a russo-german _entente_ would erect a cross on the franco-russian _entente_. needless to say, the _kolnische zeitung_ informs us that the _novae vremya_ only represents middle-class opinion in russia. well, that isn't so bad, considering that we are sure of the antipathy of the whole russian people for the germans. the _kleine zeitung_, already reckoning on the conclusion of the _rapprochement_ between germany and france, adds that it will be received with sympathy throughout the whole german empire. i believe you, _o kleine zeitung_! and the more so when, with a mixture of haughtiness and careless indifference, you add "with the exception of the question of alsace-lorraine, _which for us does not exist_, there is no difference which should separate germany from france!" o most generous _kleine zeitung_! it is sweet to differ. on condition that we do not ask you to give us back the flesh that you have torn from our side, you are willing to extend to us your mild greetings of disinterested friendship, and i have no doubt that you are ready to forgive us the crime you have committed against us! may , . [ ] amongst the most definite impressions produced by the general proceedings of the peace conference there are two which stand out: one, that the diplomats invariably assert that it will not lead to any practical result, either as regards disarmament or the creation of an arbitration tribunal; the other, that all patriots who are enemies of germany are filled with anguish at the sight of germany endeavouring to direct its discussions. in its practical results, the conference will not go further than the splendidly magnanimous proposal of nicholas ii, having for its object the humanising of war, the development of arbitration as a remedial measure, and the possibility of conditional and partial disarmament. all that will be accomplished might have been attained by the tzar alone in case of war, in the event of proposals for arbitration, or by way of leading the powers to recognise the economic dangers to which they expose their peoples by ever-increasing armaments. june , . [ ] we know what a struggle william ii had to face on the subject of the canal from the elbe to the rhine, and what concessions he was compelled to make to the prussian chamber. moreover he had a stiff fight in the parliament of the empire with regard to the new relations with [transcriber's note: which?] he proposes to establish between germany and england and her colonies. the agrarians of the right and the socialists found themselves united in violent opposition. herr von bülow required genuine skill to avert the storm. the kaiser met with a very decided rebuff in the matter of what is called in germany the "convicts' law." it will be remembered that last autumn, in westphalia, the emperor had threatened the socialists that those who incited to strikes would be condemned to hard labour. such a threat is easily uttered, but difficult to enforce by process of law. under the conditions existing nowadays it does not do to speak of forced labour in connection with trades unions and strikes; nevertheless, in order to make good the word of the german emperor, his ministers tried to snatch a vote for a fight with the workers. baron stumm, a factory king possessed of great influence with the kaiser, had inspired him with hatred against industrial workers, just as others had inspired him with love for them at the beginning of his reign. with all his swagger and bluster, william ii is more a creature of impulse than of constancy. all parties united to oppose his scheme, except those who are known in every parliament as mamelukes. the former "father" of the working classes, suddenly become their enemy, has experienced a personal defeat in this matter which is all the greater for the fact that the socialists, while they rejoice at seeing it inflicted upon him by the reichstag, will not forgive him for his "convicts' law." july , . [ ] the wretched policy, which sent french ships to kiel to salute the flag of the king of prussia, continues to be honoured--no, dishonoured--by the government of the republic of to-day. for this government, the least of william's wishes is an order. so the emperor william ii has set foot upon the soil of france by paying a visit aboard of the _iphigénie_ (for every one of our ships is a bit of the mother-country). the waldeck-rousseau cabinet, the ideal of m. urbain gohier, has allowed this monstrous thing to be done almost immediately after william ii had laid the first stone of his fortresses on the moselle, fortresses intended (to use his own aggressive words) to hold _the enemy_ under germany's guns. so we are the enemy for germany and yet, oh shame! even while she slashes us with this word, we seek to show her that she is our friend. * * * * * * it certainly looks as if the present prussian ministry has neither the prestige nor the strength of will to control successfully the conduct of the ex-mamelukes. its failure at the last session of parliament was complete. it is amongst the strongest supporters of the monarchy that the most determined opposition was offered to the proposed law for the construction of the canal from the elbe to the rhine, an enterprise dear to the heart of the emperor, once the father of his working men and now the father of german manufacturers. where the political impediments block his path william ii cuts and hacks away as it may please him. there is proof of this in the feverish haste with which he is lowering the age of officers in the army. on the th of june, six prussian generals were allowed to retire; on the th, ten more were placed on the unattached list, and a further movement in the same direction is expected to take place after the great imperial manoeuvres. july , . [ ] the hague conference i desire to convince my readers by indisputable facts-- ( ) that the pacifist agitation in europe, in all its various forms, is inspired and sustained by the most uncompromising military power on this continent, that is to say, by germany; ( ) that if the magnanimous humanitarian idea, so sincerely conceived by nicholas ii, has not been fulfilled, its failure is entirely due to the treachery of germany. for that matter, germany has been providentially punished for her machiavellian ways. firstly, because she has been unable to conceal the fact that she is primarily responsible for this failure; and secondly (the fact is important in other ways and has proved in a most striking manner), because the hague conference has clearly demonstrated, that which the initiated have long suspected, that germany is completely isolated in europe! as a matter of fact neither austria nor italy were with her, only one power voted solidly with germany--the power which is not content with war and supplements it by massacres--the turkey of abdul hamid. this isolation (an indirect result of the franco-russian alliance, which has compelled austria to come to a complete understanding with russia in regard to affairs in the balkans, and led italy to draw closer to france), this isolation is a great and inestimable victory, whose benefit must be frankly recognised by every honest mind in the two allied countries, a victory for those who, like myself, have worked heart and soul for the franco-russian alliance. and it is now, now that these things are clearly proved, now, when germany finds but one servile nation in europe--turkey--that the french government thinks fit to seek to draw closer to germany! the thing is unthinkable, unbelievable! _for years, acting upon an evil policy which i propose to elucidate hereafter, the government of the republic first set itself to oppose the alliance with russia, preferring an alliance with germany; later, this government saw in the russian alliance nothing but a means to gain public applause, to acquire popularity. now that the strength and worth of this alliance have been revealed in all their truth by the isolation of germany, this same government of the republic compels our sailors to suffer the courtesy of william ii and prepares us, by diplomatic communiqués, for an entente with germany_. only super-simpletons can believe in william ii's sham bluster against england on behalf of the transvaal and of that africa concerning which he has just concluded a binding treaty with albion. one must either be hopelessly ignorant or wilfully blind not to see through the game of william ii and to be fooled by his ingratiating ways. his only object is to compel england to throw herself into his arms and to bring about a great common alliance of the anglo-saxon races. will not the cynical supporters of the "policy of interest" experience a revulsion of conscience if they know whither they are leading us, or a sudden enlightenment, if they do not know? if not, then to those who, through cowardice or treachery, have lightly ruined the noblest of all causes, i shall say, "i wash my hands" of this crime of ignorance or base surrender. weary, sick at heart and indignant i shall say it, in my own name and in the name of those who have died, suddenly or mysteriously, for the franco-russian cause. any one who followed carefully the successive events of the performance given under the direction of m. de staal, any one familiar with the secret manoeuvres that led to the convening of the peace conference, could have had no difficulty in predicting what its end would be. from some of these secret manoeuvres in the wings, i propose to lift the veil; my readers will then be in a position to understand more clearly why it is that the truly christian act of the tzar (apart from certain unimportant improvements of the brussels convention) did not attain the result which might have been expected from the initiative of a powerful and generous sovereign. for the past year we have repeatedly been told, in more or less sensational revelations, that the influence which chiefly determined nicholas ii in his action, was his reading of a famous book on war by m. de bloch. this is no doubt true and the fact may be admitted. much moved by the eloquent description, given by the great financial writer of warsaw, of the heavy burdens imposed on the nations by the extravagant armaments of the continent, and terrified at the thought of the calamities which the next war would let loose upon all europe, nicholas ii, full of christian pity for the sufferings of humanity, directed count mouravieff to send the famous circular to the powers, which resulted in the convening of the hague conference. but i would ask, how are we to reconcile the hostile attitude of william ii's delegates to the russian proposals with his solemn declaration that he was absolutely in agreement with his friend nicholas ii? why did the german emperor first give his approval to de bloch's campaign in favour of disarmament and then make von schwartzkopf publicly repudiate the most important arguments of that writer's book? was it that william ii was in the first instance seduced by the lamentable picture which de bloch gives of france and the organisation of her army, or (and this seems far more likely) did he simply approve of the intrigue set on foot by the author of this work on war, an intrigue which aimed at casting a shadow over the patriotic hopes that france placed on the russian alliance, by inciting nicholas ii to call for a general disarmament? it must be confessed that the franco-russian alliance struck a bitter blow at the hopes of polish patriots. the contempt and hostility towards france which inspire m. de bloch's book are proof sufficient of the grudge its author bears us. it is perfectly evident that they must have been delighted in berlin at the chief object of his work. but there were other objects in view. for years william ii has unceasingly laboured to persuade england that she has every interest to join the triple alliance. his perseverance in this direction is quite natural. but if germany succeeded last year in concluding an agreement with england on a few special questions, the hague conference has proved that it does not involve an agreement in matters of general policy. nevertheless, william ii counted on this congress to produce closer relations with great britain. he hoped that the congress would result in sharp antagonism between england and russia and he reckoned on this antagonism to help him to inflict a severe defeat on russia, which in its turn would have enabled him to draw one or other of these two powers into the orbit of his policy. great then was the disappointment of the german emperor _when, from the very outset of the conference, england, performing a most unexpected volte-face, made proposals on the subject of arbitration, which went a great deal farther than the russian proposals laid before, the congress. this master-stroke of british diplomacy compelled germany to come out into the open and to reveal herself in her true light: that is to say, as the only obstacle to the fulfilment of the tzar's humanitarian designs_. the stengels, zorns and schwartzkopfs completed the success of british diplomacy by the brutal violence of their opposition and the cynicism of their proposals. it was not only on the two committees that dealt with arbitration and disarmament that german opposition (always supported by turkey alone) wrecked the magnanimous attempt of nicholas ii to minimise the horrors of war. the committee presided over by m. de martens succeeded in effecting certain improvements in the terms of the brussels convention; if the labours of its president and members were not successful in doing more to lessen the evils of war upon land, the fact is again due to the opposition of the german representatives. thus, for instance, the humane measures proposed in forbidding the bombardment of open towns and private dwellings unoccupied by troops, or the destruction of unfortified villages, were not adopted because the german delegate insisted on the impossibility of limiting the powers of a commander-in-chief, who must remain the sole judge of the utility of such destruction in the general interest of military operations. it was the same in the case of the article whereby it was proposed that provinces occupied by enemy forces should be guaranteed in the maintenance of their autonomous administration and in certain rights against the demands of invasions, germany declared her unwillingness to fetter in any way the decision of her army commanders. i would ask those amongst us who rejoice at the idea of seeing william ii take part in the exhibition of , to let their thoughts dwell a little on the attitude of the prussian delegates at the peace conference. william i took part in the exhibition of and we know what that visit cost france three years later. now that all the perfidious plans inspired by berlin have come to nought, now that the defenders of german policy at st. petersburg, warsaw and elsewhere have come to grief, and that the peace congress--even though it may not have fulfilled the generous hopes of nicholas ii--has nevertheless led to a great advance in the opinion of the public as in that of governments, on the subjects of arbitration and disarmament, william ii shifts his rifle on to the other shoulder. in order to clear germany of the blame for the failure of the conference in the eyes of the tzar, the same individuals who constituted themselves the protectors and sponsors of m. de bloch at the russian court and who had assured the tzar of the absolute support of william ii, have now started a campaign of intrigue against count mouravieff. that faithful minister and servant of the tzar, who undertook with great skill to carry out the initiative of his sovereign, and who has devoted himself whole-heartedly to the task of winning over to the tzar's ideas not only the sympathy of the entire civilised world, but even the vast majority of the sceptical diplomats, who are leaving the conference with the conviction that they have done useful work--well, it is this same count mouravieff that the german press is now trying to hold responsible for the misdeeds of the stengels, the zorns and the schwartzkopfs. by way of a first attempt at abolishing the horrors of war by means of international agreements, the hague conference has given very satisfactory results, and the honour for these is due to m. de staal, count mouravieff and m. de martens. the tzar has reason to be equally satisfied in that he has compelled his very good friend william ii to throw off his mask and to reveal all his hostility towards russia. it is now for those who had pledged themselves to guarantee the unconditional support of germany for the tzar, to bear the load of responsibility which is properly theirs for having unworthily deceived their sovereign. many other hopes, bearing on internal affairs in russia, had been created by the authors of the intrigue which i have endeavoured to expose. we know how deeply rooted is the religious and pacific character of the russian masses. no initiative could stir their hearts so profoundly as that which seeks to lessen the horrors of war and to relieve the people of the crushing burden of armaments. one has only to remember the sects which exist in russia which are opposed to military service and duties. such an initiative coming from their adored tzar was bound to produce far-reaching results. after our experiences of and --and even --how can we be guilty of running the same risks again? was not william i, king of prussia, amiable enough? did he not do everything to lull the suspicions of napoleon whilst he himself was arming to the teeth? we all allowed ourselves to be sufficiently fooled by bismarck's agents and spies in to be able to recognise the secret agents of william ii to-day. it is not only a shameful thing, that the _iphigénie_ should have hoisted at her mainmasthead the imperial flag, bearing the insulting device of , it is also an encouragement to william ii in the treachery which he is plotting against us. one's heart is heavy with the grief of hopelessness when one thinks of our easy-going short memories, and the suffering courage of the people of alsace-lorraine. during the past few days, whilst our parisian newspapers have been discussing the probability of the obnoxious presence of the kaiser in paris for the exhibition, the _strasburger post_ has been heaping bitter reproaches on the inhabitants of alsace-lorraine for their lack of enthusiasm and meagre contributions towards the proposed statue in honour of the late emperor william. in spite of all the pressure applied, the subscriptions have hardly produced a few hundred marks. the german press describes the alsatians as ungrateful and short-sighted. august , . [ ] the mania for autocracy dominates the mind of the german emperor, king of prussia, and leaves no room therein for anything but exactions of a disturbing kind. we know how numerous are the crimes of _lèse-majesté_; also that william ii wishes the reichstag to pass a law punishing with hard labour those who incite strikes. a lecturer at the university of berlin, m. arons, having dared to proclaim himself a socialist--needless to say, from the theoretical point of view--the emperor required his minister of public education to have m. arons brought for trial before the council of the university, consisting of forty-five professors. these acquitted the accused, who, in their opinion, had not indulged in any propaganda and was within his strict rights in expressing his personal opinions. the emperor had their judgment heard on appeal before a court consisting of officials of the public education department. to make such an appeal possible, the reichstag was required to pass a new law in june , known as the arons law. whenever the occasion offered, i have shown how deep is the hatred which william ii bears towards the old liberalism of the german universities. yet it is for this same william that certain germanophils amongst our french universities entertain such a disgraceful weakness. whilst french newspapers are continually discussing, with evident sympathy, the possibility of the kaiser's paying a visit to france during the exhibition, it brings the tears to our eyes to read the following in the _journal de colmar_:-- "the possibility of a _rapprochement_ between frenchmen and germans should not lead the latter to suppose that the alsatians are likely to forget their country in order to be reconciled with the conquerors. the alsatian will never give up his own individual character, he will never lightly consent to be merged in a homogeneous whole. the alsatian remains french, and such is the rigour of his nationality that it has resisted every attempt to destroy it." in order to make us believe the more easily that a reconciliation with germany is possible, and that we may come to forget and the loss of alsace-lorraine, they are continually telling us that germany has never been on better terms with russia. i showed in my last letter what were the steps taken by the germans to minimise the great, imperishable, humanitarian success of tzar nicholas ii in bringing about the hague conference. i showed that his efforts resulted in leading all the diplomats accredited to the peace congress to recognise that the foundation had been laid, not only of the possibility of eliminating needless horrors from the wars of the future, but also of action by the powers in common, to be brought to bear, in the form of advice and arbitration proposals, on the minds of rivals, adversaries and enemies preparing to settle their quarrels by the arbitrament of war. germany realises the defeat at the hague so completely that now she thinks only of new armaments and of arming turkey, her only ally, to the teeth. herein she finds numerous advantages; such as supplying rifles and guns, sending out new military instructors, and threatening russia with a formidable army commanded by german generals. germany knows every inch of russia, by land and by water, and has calculated her resources to a nicety. german spies are legion in russia as they are in france. she may hope to make easy-going people like us believe that she is on the best of terms with our ally, but she will find it far more difficult to make russia herself believe it. one has only to study the russian press to be convinced of this, and particularly a long article in the _novae vremya_, which proves that, as a matter of policy and of material facts, it is absolutely impossible for russia and france to admit germany into their alliance without risking the destruction of that alliance, inasmuch as its fundamental objects are diametrically opposed to those of germany. [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, january , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, april , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, may , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, june , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _ibid._, july , . [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, july , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, august , , "letters on foreign policy." [ ] _la nouvelle revue_, aug. , , "letters on foreign policy." transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). the kaiser's memoirs [illustration: wilhelm ii] the kaiser's memoirs by wilhelm ii emperor of germany - english translation by thomas r. ybarra harper & brothers publishers new york and london the kaiser's memoirs copyright, by mcclure newspaper syndicate copyright, by harper & brothers printed in the u. s. a. _first edition_ k-w contents chap. page i. bismarck ii. caprivi iii. hohenlohe iv. bÜlow v. bethmann vi. my co-workers in the administration vii. science and art viii. my relations with the church ix. army and navy x. the outbreak of war xi. the pope and peace xii. end of the war and my abdication xiii. the enemy tribunal and the neutral tribunal xiv. the question of guilt xv. the revolution and germany's future the kaiser's memoirs chapter i bismarck prince bismarck's greatness as a statesman and his imperishable services to prussia and germany are historical facts of such tremendous significance that there is doubtless no man in existence, whatever his party affiliations, who would dare to place them in question. for this very reason alone it is stupid to accuse me of not having recognized the greatness of prince bismarck. the opposite is the truth. i revered and idolized him. nor could it be otherwise. it should be borne in mind with what generation i grew up--the generation of the devotees of bismarck. he was the creator of the german empire, the paladin of my grandfather, and all of us considered him the greatest statesman of his day and were proud that he was a german. bismarck was the idol in my temple, whom i worshiped. but monarchs also are human beings of flesh and blood, hence they, too, are exposed to the influences emanating from the conduct of others; therefore, looking at the matter from a human point of view, one will understand how prince bismarck, by his fight against me, himself destroyed, with heavy blows, the idol of which i have spoken. but my reverence for bismarck, the great statesman, remained unaltered. while i was still prince of prussia i often thought to myself: "i hope that the great chancellor will live for many years yet, since i should be safe if i could govern with him." but my reverence for the great statesman was not such as to make me take upon my own shoulders, when i became emperor, political plans or actions of the prince which i considered mistakes. even the congress of berlin in was, to my way of thinking, a mistake, likewise the "kulturkampf." moreover, the constitution of the empire was drawn up so as to fit in with bismarck's extraordinary preponderance as a statesman; the big cuirassier boots did not fit every man. then came the labor-protective legislation. i most deeply deplored the dispute which grew out of this, but, at that time, it was necessary for me _to take the road to compromise, which has generally been my road both on domestic and foreign politics_. for this reason i could not wage the open warfare against the social democrats which the prince desired. nevertheless, this quarrel about political measures cannot lessen my admiration for the greatness of bismarck as a statesman; he remains the creator of the german empire, and surely no _one_ man need have done more for his country than that. owing to the fact that the great matter of unifying the empire was always before my eyes, i did not allow myself to be influenced by the agitations which were the commonplaces of those days. in like manner, the fact that bismarck was called the majordomo of the hohenzollerns could not shake my trust in the prince, although he, perhaps, had thoughts of a political tradition for his family. as evidence of this, he felt unhappy, for instance, that his son bill felt no interest in politics and wished to pass on his power to herbert. his grandfather's successor the tragic element for me, in the bismarck case, lay in the fact that i became the successor of my grandfather--in other words, that i skipped one generation, to a certain extent. and that is a serious thing. in such a case one is forced to deal constantly with old deserving men, who live more in the past than in the present, and cannot grow into the future. when the grandson succeeds his grandfather and finds a revered but old statesman of the stature of bismarck, it is not a piece of good luck for him, as one might suppose, and i, in fact, supposed. bismarck himself points that out in the third volume of his memoirs (p. ), when he speaks, in the chapter about bötticher, of the oldish caution of the chancellor, and of the young emperor. and when ballin had the prince cast a glance over the new harbor of hamburg, bismarck himself felt that a new era had begun which he no longer thoroughly understood. on that occasion the prince remarked, in astonishment, "another world, a new world!" this point of view also showed itself on the occasion of the visit of admiral von tirpitz at friedrichsruh, at the time when he wished to win the old imperial chancellor over to favoring the first navy bill. as for me personally, i have the satisfaction of recalling that bismarck intrusted to me in the very delicate brest mission, and said of me: "some day that man will be his own chancellor." this shows that bismarck must have had some belief in me. i feel no grudge against him for the third volume of his reminiscences. i released this volume after i had sought and obtained my rights. to withhold the volume any longer would have been pointless, since the main contents had become known already through indiscretions; were this not true, there might have been varying opinions as to the advisability in the choice of the time for publication. bismarck would turn over in his grave if he could know at what time the third volume appeared, and what consequences it had. i should be honestly grieved if the third volume had damaged the memory of the great chancellor, because bismarck is one of the heroic figures whom the german people need for their regeneration. my gratitude and reverence for the great chancellor cannot be impaired or extinguished by the third volume nor by anything else whatever. in the first half of the 'eighties i had been summoned to the foreign office at the behest of prince bismarck; it was then presided over by count herbert bismarck. upon reporting myself to the prince he gave me a short sketch of the personages employed at the foreign office, and when he named herr von holstein, who was then one of the most prominent collaborators of the prince, it seemed to me that a slight warning against this man ran through the prince's words. i got a room all to myself, and all the documents concerning the preliminary history, origin, and conclusion of the alliance with austria (andrassy) were laid before me in order that i might study them. i went often to the home of the prince and to that of count herbert. the man with the hyena's eyes when i had thus become more intimate in the bismarck circle i heard more open talk about herr von holstein. i heard that he was very clever, a good worker, inordinately proud, an odd sort of man, who never showed himself anywhere and had no social relations, full of distrust, much influenced by whims, and, besides all this, a good hater, and, therefore, dangerous. prince bismarck called him "the man with the hyena's eyes," and told me that it would be well for me to keep away from him. it was quite apparent that the bitter attitude which the prince showed later toward holstein, his former collaborator, was forming even at that time. the foreign office was conducted with the strictest discipline by count herbert, whose rudeness toward his employees particularly struck me. the gentlemen there simply flew when they were summoned or dismissed by the count, so much so that a joking saying arose at the time that "their coat tails stood straight out behind them." the foreign policy was conducted and dictated by prince bismarck alone, after consultation with count herbert, who passed on the commands of the chancellor and had them transformed into instructions. hence _the foreign office was nothing but an office of the great chancellor_, where work was done according to his directions. able men, with independent ideas, were not schooled and trained there. this was in contrast to the general staff under moltke. there new officers were carefully developed and trained to independent thinking and action, in accordance with approved principles, and by dint of preserving old traditions and taking into account all that modern times had taught. at the foreign office there were only executive instruments of a will, who were not informed as to the important interrelationship of the questions turned over to them for treatment, and could not, therefore, collaborate independently. the prince loomed up like a huge block of granite in a meadow; were he to be dragged away, what would be found beneath would be mostly worms and dead roots. i won the confidence of the prince, who consulted me about many things. for instance, when the prince brought about the first german colonial acquisitions (gross and klein popo, togo, etc.), i informed him, at his wish, concerning the state of mind created in the public and the navy by this move, and described to him the enthusiasm with which the german people had hailed the new road. the prince remarked that the matter hardly deserved this. later on i spoke often with the prince about the colonial question and always found in him the intention to utilize the colonies as commercial objects, or objects for swapping purposes, other than to make them useful to the fatherland or utilize them as sources of raw materials. as was my duty, i called the prince's attention to the fact that merchants and capitalists were beginning energetically to develop the colonies and that, therefore--as i had learned from hanseatic circles--they counted upon protection from a navy. for this reason, i pointed out that steps must be taken for _getting a fleet constructed_ in time, in order that german assets in foreign lands should not be without protection; that, since the prince had unfurled the german flag in foreign parts, and the people stood behind it, there must also be a navy behind it. bismarck's continental prepossessions but the prince turned a deaf ear to my statements and made use of his pet motto: "if the english should land on our soil i should have them arrested." his idea was that the colonies would be defended by us at home. the prince attached no importance to the fact that the very assumption that the english could land without opposition in germany--since heligoland was english--was unbearable for germany, and that we, in order to make a landing impossible from the start, needed a sufficiently strong navy, and, likewise, heligoland. the political interest of the prince was, in fact, concentrated essentially upon continental europe; england lay somewhat to one side among the cares that burdened him daily, all the more so since salisbury stood well with him and had, in the name of england, hailed with satisfaction the double (_i. e._, triple) alliance, at the time of its formation. the prince worked primarily with russia, austria, italy, and rumania, whose relations toward germany and one another he constantly watched over. as to the prudence and skill with which he acted, emperor william the great once made a pointed remark to von albedyll, his chief of cabinet. the general found his majesty much excited after a talk with bismarck, to such an extent that he feared for the health of the old emperor. he remarked, therefore, that his majesty should avoid similar worry in future; that, if bismarck was unwilling to do as his majesty wished, his majesty should dismiss him. whereupon the emperor replied that, despite his admiration and gratitude toward the great chancellor, he had already thought of dismissing him, since the self-conscious attitude of the prince became at times too oppressive. but both he and the country needed bismarck too badly. bismarck was the one man who could juggle five balls of which at least two were always in the air. that trick, added the emperor, was beyond his own powers. prince bismarck did not realize that, through the acquisition of colonies for germany, he would be obliged to look beyond europe and be automatically forced to act, politically, on a large scale--with england especially. england, to be sure, was one of the five balls in his diplomatic-statesmanly game, but she was merely one of the five, and he did not grant her the special importance which was her due. for this reason it was that the foreign office likewise was involved entirely in the continental interplay of politics, had not the requisite interest in colonies, navy, or england, and possessed no experience in world politics. the english psychology and mentality, as shown in the pursuit--constant, though concealed by all sorts of little cloaks--of world hegemony, was to the german foreign office a book sealed with seven seals. source of russian enmity once prince bismarck remarked to me that his main object was to not let russia and england come to an understanding. i took the liberty of observing that the opportunity to postpone such an understanding for a long time lay ready to hand in - , when the russians might have been allowed to occupy constantinople--had this been done, the english fleet would have sailed in without further ado to defend constantinople and the russo-english conflict would have been on. instead, i continued, the treaty of san stefano was forced upon the russians and they were compelled to turn about at the very gates of the city which they had reached and saw before them, after frightful battles and hardships. this, i went on, had created an inextinguishable hatred in the russian army against us (as had been reported by prussian officers who had accompanied the russian army on the turkish campaign, especially count pfeil); moreover, the above-mentioned treaty had been cast aside and the berlin treaty substituted for it, which had burdened us even more with the hostility of the russians, who looked upon us as the enemy of their "just interests in the east." thus the conflict between russia and england, which the prince desired, had been relegated far into the future. prince bismarck did not agree with this judgment of "his" congress, concerning the results of which he, as the "honest broker," was so proud; he remarked earnestly that he had wished to prevent a general conflagration and had been compelled to offer his services as a mediator. when i, later on, told a gentleman at the foreign office about this conversation, he replied that he had been present when the prince, after signing the berlin treaty, came into the foreign office and received the congratulations of the officials assembled there. after he had listened to them the prince stood up and replied: "now i am driving europe four-in-hand!" in the opinion of the said gentleman the prince was mistaken in this, since, even at that time, there was the threat of a russo-french friendship in place of the russo-prussian--in other words, two horses were already to be counted out of the four-in-hand. as russia saw it, disraeli's statecraft had turned bismarck's work as "honest broker" into the negotiation of an anglo-austrian victory over russia. despite considerable differences in our opinions, prince bismarck remained friendly and kindly disposed to me, and, despite the great difference in our ages, a pleasant relationship grew up between us, since i, in common with all those of my generation, was an ardent admirer of the prince and had won his trust by my zeal and frankness--nor have i ever betrayed that trust. during the time of my assignment at the foreign office, privy councilor raschdau, among others, discoursed with me on commercial policy, colonies, etc. in these matters, even at that early date, my attention was called to our dependence upon england, due to the fact that we had no navy and that heligoland was in english hands. to be sure, there was a project to extend our colonial possessions under the pressure of necessity, but all this could happen only with england's permission. this was a serious matter, and certainly an unworthy position for germany. intercourt politics my assignment at the foreign office brought a very unpleasant happening in its wake. my parents were not very friendly toward prince bismarck and looked with disfavor upon the fact that their son had entered into the prince's circle. there was fear of my becoming influenced against my parents, of superconservatism, of all sorts of perils, which all sorts of tale bearers from england and "liberal circles," who rallied around my father, imputed against me. i never bothered my head with all this nonsense, but my position in the house of my parents was rendered much more difficult for me and, at times, painful. through my work under prince bismarck and the confidence reposed in me--often subjected to the severest tests--i have had to suffer much in silence for the sake of the chancellor; he, however, apparently took this quite as a matter of course. i was on good terms with count herbert bismarck. he could be a very gay companion and knew how to assemble interesting men around his table, partly from the foreign office, partly from other circles. however, true friendship never ripened between us two. this was shown particularly when the count asked to go at the same time that his father retired. my request that he stay by me and help me to maintain tradition in our political policy elicited the sharp reply that he had become accustomed to report to his father and serve him, wherefore it was out of the question to demand that he come, with his dispatch case under his arm, to report to anybody else than his father. when tsar nicholas ii, he who has been murdered, came of age, i was assigned at the instigation of prince bismarck to confer upon the heir-apparent at st. petersburg the order of the black eagle. both the emperor and prince bismarck instructed me concerning the relationship of the two countries and the two reigning dynasties with each other, as well as concerning customs, personages, etc. the emperor remarked in conclusion that he would give his grandson the same piece of advice that was given him, on the occasion of his first visit as a young man to russia, by count adlerberg, _viz._, "in general, there as well as elsewhere, people prefer praise to criticism." prince bismarck closed his remarks with these words: "in the east, all those who wear their shirts outside their trousers are decent people, but as soon as they tuck their shirts inside their trousers and hang a medal around their necks, they become pig-dogs." from st. petersburg i repeatedly reported to my grandfather and to prince bismarck. naturally, i described, to the best of my knowledge, the impressions which i got. i noticed especially that the old russo-prussian relations and sentiments had cooled to a marked extent and were no longer such as the emperor and prince bismarck in their talks with me had assumed. after my return, both my grandfather and the prince praised me for my plain, clear report, which was all the pleasanter for me since i was oppressed by the feeling that, in a number of things, i had been forced to disillusion these high personages. to offer dardanelles to russia in , at the end of august and beginning of september, after the last meeting at gastein of emperor william the great and prince bismarck with emperor franz josef, where i also was present at the command of my grandfather, i was commissioned to report personally to tsar alexander ii concerning the decisions made there and to take up with him the questions relating to the mediterranean and turkey. prince bismarck gave me his instructions, sanctioned by emperor william; they dealt most especially with russia's desire to reach constantinople, to which the prince meant to raise no obstacles. on the contrary, i received direct instructions to offer russia constantinople and the dardanelles (in other words, san stefano and the berlin treaty had been dropped!). there was a plan to persuade turkey in a friendly way that an understanding with russia was desirable for her also. the tsar received me cordially at brest-litovsk and i was present there at reviews of troops and fortress and defensive maneuvers, which, even then, unquestionably bore an anti-german look. to sum up my conversations with the tsar, the following remark by him is of importance: "if i wish to have constantinople, i shall take it whenever i feel like it, without need of permission or approval from prince bismarck." after this rude refusal of the bismarck offer of constantinople, i looked upon my mission as a failure and made my report to the prince accordingly. when the prince decided to make his offer to the tsar, he must have altered his political conceptions which had led to san stefano and the congress of berlin; or else, on account of the development of the general political situation in europe, he considered that the moment had come for shuffling the political cards in another way or, as my grandfather had put it, to "juggle" differently. only a man of the world importance and diplomatic ability of prince bismarck could embark on such a course. whether the prince had planned his big political game with russia in such a way that he might, first, by means of the congress of berlin, prevent a general war and cajole england, and then, after having thus hindered russia's eastern aspirations, cater to these aspirations later, by a stroke of genius, in an even more striking manner, it is impossible for me to say--prince bismarck never told anyone about his great political projects. if the above is true, bismarck, trusting absolutely to his statesmanlike skill, must have reckoned upon bringing germany all the more into russian favor because russian aspirations were brought to fulfillment by germany alone--and that at a moment when the general european political situation was less strained than in - . in this case, nobody except prince bismarck could have played the tremendous game to a successful end. and therein lies the weakness in the superiority of great men. had he also informed england of his offer to the tsar? england must have been opposed to it, as in . in any event, the prince now adopted the policy which i had already noted when i realized the disillusion of the russians at having stood before the gates of constantinople without being allowed to enter. prophecy of russian downfall at brest-litovsk, in the course of the constant military preparations of all kinds, i could easily see that the conduct of the russian officers toward me was essentially cooler and haughtier than on the occasion of my first visit to st. petersburg. only the small group of old generals, especially those at the russian court, who dated from the days of alexander ii, and who knew and esteemed emperor william the great, still showed their reverence for him and their friendly feeling toward germany. in the course of a talk with one of them concerning the relations between the two courts, armies, and countries, which i had found undergoing a change in comparison with former times, the old general said: "c'est ce vilain congrès de berlin. une grave faute du chancelier. il a détruit l'ancienne amitié entre nous, planté la méfiance dans les coeurs de la cour et du gouvernement, et fourni le sentiment d'un grave tort fait à l'armée russe après sa campagne sanglante de , pour lequel elle veut sa revanche. et nous voilà ensemble avec cette maudite république française, pleins de haine contre vous et rempli d'idées subversives, qui en cas de guerre avec vous, nous coûteront notre dynastie."[ ] a prophetic foreshadowing of the downfall of the reigning russian dynasty! from brest i went to strassburg, where my grandfather was attending the imperial maneuvers. in spite of the failure of my mission i found calm judgments of the political situation. my grandfather was pleased at the cordial greetings from the tsar, which, in so far as the personal relationship of the two rulers was concerned, showed no change of heart. also, to my surprise, i received a letter from prince bismarck wherein he expressed gratitude and appreciation to me for my actions and my report. this meant all the more since my statements could not have been agreeable to my grandfather and the chancellor. the congress of berlin had, especially in russian military circles, done away with the remnants of the brotherhood in arms still fostered among us and had engendered a hatred against everything prussian and german, stirred up by association with french officers, which was increased by the french until it developed into the desire of vengeance by means of arms. that was the soil in which, later, the world war ambitions of our foes found nourishment. "revanche pour sedan," combined with "revanche pour san stefano." the words of the old general at brest have remained unforgettably engraved upon my memory; they induced me to bring about my many meetings with alexander iii and nicholas ii, at which my grandfather's wish, impressed upon me on his deathbed, that i watch over our relations with russia, has always been my guiding motive. relief at chancellor's dismissal in , at the narva maneuvers, i was obliged to describe minutely to the tsar the retirement of prince bismarck. the tsar listened very attentively. when i had finished, the usually very cool and reserved sovereign, who seldom spoke about politics, spontaneously seized my hand, thanked me for this token of my confidence, regretted that i had been brought into such a situation and added, in exactly these words: "je comprends parfaitement ta ligne d'action; le prince avec toute sa grandeur n'était après tout rien d'autre que ton employé ou fonctionnaire. le moment où il réfusait d'agir selon tes ordres, il fallait le renvoyer. moi pour ma part je me suis toujours méfié de lui, et je ne lui ai jamais cru un mot de ce qu'il faisait savoir ou me disait lui-même, car j'étais sûr et savais qu'il me blaguait tout le temps. pour les rapports entre nous deux, mon cher guillaume [this was the first time that the tsar so addressed me], la chute du prince aura les meilleures conséquences, la méfiance disparaîtra. j'ai confiance en toi. tu peux te fier à moi."[ ] i immediately wrote down this important talk at the time it occurred. i am objective enough to ask myself to what extent the courtesy of one ruler to another and possibly, in addition, the satisfaction at the elimination of a statesman of bismarck's importance, can have influenced the tsar, consciously or unconsciously, in making the above-mentioned statement. prince bismarck's belief in the tsar's trust in him was, subjectively, undoubtedly genuine; and, moreover, there can be no doubt as to the esteem in which alexander iii held bismarck's ability as a statesman. in any event, the tsar remained true to his word up to the day of his death. this, to be sure, did little to change russia's general policy, but germany, at least, was safe from an attack from that quarter. the straightforward character of alexander iii guaranteed this--it became otherwise under his weak son. whatever one's attitude may be toward bismarck's russian policy, one thing must be acknowledged: the prince, despite the congress of berlin and the rapprochement of france to russia, was able to avoid serious friction. that is equivalent to saying that, reckoning from the time of the berlin congress, he played a superior diplomatic and statesmanlike game for twelve years ( - ). germany as peacemaker one must also lay stress upon the fact that it was a german statesman who, in , prevented a general war, even at the cost of weakening the relations of germany to russia, in the justified belief that he would succeed, being a statesman of genius who knew exactly what he was aiming at, in strengthening these relations once more, or, at least, in avoiding conflicts after he had overcome the crisis threatening all europe. he succeeded in doing that for twelve years and his successors at the helm of the ship of state succeeded in doing likewise for twenty-four more years. when i was a prince i purposely held aloof from party politics, concentrating my entire attention upon my duties in the different army branches to which i was assigned. this afforded me satisfaction and filled up my whole life. for this reason i avoided, while i was prince of prussia, all attempts to drag me into party activities. often enough endeavors were made, under the cloak of harmless functions, teas and the like, to ensnare me into political circles or for electioneering purposes. but i always held aloof. the outcome of the treacherous malady which killed emperor frederick iii was frankly told me in advance by german physicians called into consultation as experts by the english physician, sir morell mackenzie. my deep grief and sorrow were all the greater because it was almost impossible for me to speak alone with my beloved father. he was guarded like a prisoner by the english physicians and, though reporters from all countries could look upon the poor sick man from the physicians' room, every kind of obstacle was placed in my path to keep me from my father's side and even to prevent me from keeping in constant touch with him by writing; my letters were often intercepted and not delivered. moreover, from among the group of watchers, an infamous, organized campaign of slander was conducted in the newspapers against me. two journalists were especially active in this: one herr schnidrowitz and m. jacques st. cère, of the _figaro_--a german jew--who slandered him who was later emperor in the most poisonous way in france, until the "petit sucrier" trial put an end to his activities. i gave the dying emperor his last joy on earth when i had the second infantry brigade march past him, led by me in person. these were the first and last troops seen by frederick iii as emperor. he delighted his son by writing on this occasion, on a little card, that he was grateful for having had the pleasure of seeing these troops and proud to call them his own. this event was a ray of light during the gloomy ninety-nine days, which brought upon me also, as crown prince, much grief, humiliation, and suspicion. in fulfillment of my duty during this crisis, i kept a watchful eye upon all happenings in military, official, and social circles, and was inwardly outraged at the signs of slackness which i noted everywhere, most especially at the hostility against my mother, which was becoming more and more noticeable. moreover, i was naturally deeply hurt at the constant campaign of slander directed against me which depicted me as living in discord with my father. he becomes emperor after emperor frederick iii had closed his eyes forever, the heavy burden of governing the empire fell upon my youthful shoulders. first of all i was confronted with the necessity of making changes in the government personnel in various quarters. the military entourage of the two emperors, as well as the body of officialdom, had grown too old. the so-called "maison militaire" (military household of emperor william the great) had been retained in its entirety by emperor frederick iii, without being required to discharge military duties. in addition, there was the entourage of emperor frederick iii. i proceeded to dismiss, in the friendliest way, all those gentlemen who wished to go into retirement; some of them received positions in the army, a few of the younger remained in my service for the transition period. during the ninety-nine days, while i was still crown prince, i had silently concerned myself with those personages to whom i proposed later to give appointments, since the physicians had left me no doubt that my father had only a short time to live. i ignored court or external considerations; nothing but previous achievements and character moved me to my choice. i did away with the term "maison militaire" and transformed it into "main headquarters of his majesty." in choosing my entourage i took the advice of only one man in whom i reposed special confidence, my former chief and brigade commander, general--afterward adjutant general--von versen, a man of straightforward, knightly, rather harsh character, an officer of the old prussian school, a typical chip of the old block. during his military service in line and guard regiments he had noted with an observing eye the court influences and tendencies which had often worked to the disadvantage of the officer corps in the old "maison militaire." in this direction the circle of ladies of high position, jokingly known among the officers as "trente et quarante" on account of their age, also played a certain part. i wished to eliminate such influences. i appointed general von wittich my first adjutant general and general von hahnke, commander of the second infantry guard division, chief of my military cabinet. the latter was a friend of emperor frederick iii and, while i was still serving with the first infantry guard regiment, he was my brigade commander. these two were men of military experience and iron principles, who shared absolutely the sentiments of their master, and remained bound to me to the end of their lives by the most exemplary fidelity. as the head of my court i appointed a man known to me from his youth, the former court marshal of my father, count august eulenburg, who remained at the head of the ministry of the royal house until his death in june, , at the age of eighty-two years. he was a man of fine tact, uncommon ability, clear insight in court as well as political matters, sincere character, and golden fidelity to his king and his king's family. his manifold abilities would have enabled him, to the same degree that they had made him known as court marshal throughout europe, to act with equal success as ambassador or as imperial chancellor. working with unswerving zeal, endowed with winning politeness, he stood by me with helpful counsel in many matters--dynastic, family, court, public life. he had to do with many men, in all social strata and all walks of life, by all of whom he was revered and esteemed, and he was treated by me likewise with friendship and gratitude. victoria's hand is felt after consultation with prince bismarck, herr von lucanus from the ministry of public worship and instruction, was appointed chief of the civil cabinet. prince bismarck observed jokingly that he was pleased with this choice, since herr von lucanus was known to him as an able and enthusiastic huntsman, which was always a good recommendation for a civilian official; he added that a good huntsman was a regular good fellow. herr von lucanus took over his post from his excellency von wilmowski. he discharged his duties admirably and, being well endowed in all pertaining to art, technical matters, science, and politics, he was to me a counselor, untiring collaborator, and friend. he combined with a healthy knowledge of men a strong dash of refined humor, which is so often lacking in men of the germanic race. with prince bismarck i had stood on very good and trustful terms ever since my assignment at the foreign office. then, as well as before, i revered the powerful chancellor with all the ardor of my youth and was proud to have served under him and to have the opportunity now to work with him as my chancellor. the prince, who was present during the last hours of the old emperor and had listened with me to the latter's political testament to his grandson--_i. e._, his wish as to the special care to be lavished upon relations with russia--brought about my summer trip to st. petersburg as my first political act before the eyes of the world, in order to emphasize our relationship to russia in accordance with the last wish of my dying grandfather. he also had "travel arrangements" drawn up for me. an obstacle was placed in the way of carrying out this plan by a letter from queen victoria of england, who, upon hearing of the projected visit to st. petersburg, expressed to her eldest grandson, in a good-humored but authoritative tone, her disapproval of the contemplated journey. she said that a year of mourning must first elapse, after which my first visit was due to her, since she was my grandmother, and to england, it being the native country of my mother, before other lands should be considered. when i placed this letter before the prince, he gave way to a violent fit of anger. he spoke about "family dictation in england," of interference from that quarter which must cease; the tone of the letter showed, he said, how the crown prince and emperor frederick had been ordered about and influenced by his mother-in-law, wife, etc. thereupon the prince wished to draw up the text of a reply to the queen. i remarked that i would prepare the appropriate answer, steering the proper middle course between the grandson and the emperor, and that i would show it to the prince before dispatching it. the answer paid heed in its outward form to the close relationship between a grandson and his grandmother, who had carried him in her arms when he was a baby and, in view of her age alone, commanded great respect--but, in its essentials, it laid stress upon the position and duty of the german emperor, compelled to carry out unconditionally a command of his dying father affecting germany's most vital interests. it stated that the grandson was obliged to respect this command of his grandfather in the interest of the country, the representation of which interests had now devolved upon him by the will of god, and that his royal grandmother must leave to him the question of deciding in what manner this was to be done. i added that, otherwise, i was her loving grandson, who would always be grateful for any advice from his grandmother, who had derived so much experience from her long reign; but that i was, nevertheless, in matters affecting germany, compelled to retain my freedom of action; the visit to st. petersburg, i said, was politically necessary, and the command of my imperial grandfather was consonant with the close family relations between me and the russian imperial house; therefore it would be carried out. the prince approved of the letter. the answer, which arrived after a while, was surprising. the queen agreed that her grandson was in the right; he must act in accordance with the interests of his country; she would be glad to see him, even if it were later on, at her own home. from that day onward my relations with the queen, who was feared even by her own children, were of the best imaginable; from that day onward she never treated her grandson except as a sovereign of equal rank with herself! on my first journeys i was accompanied by count herbert, as the representative of the foreign office. he drew up the speeches and conducted the political conferences, in so far as they were of an official nature, in accordance with the instructions of his father. conflict on turkish policy upon my return from constantinople in i described to the prince at his request my impressions of greece, where my sister sophie was married to the heir-apparent, crown prince constantine, and also my constantinople impressions. in doing this, it struck me that prince bismarck spoke quite disdainfully of turkey, of the men in high position there, and of conditions in that land. i thought i might inspire him in part with essentially more favorable opinions, but my efforts were of little avail. upon asking the prince the reason why he held such an unfavorable opinion, he answered that count herbert had reported very disapprovingly on turkey. prince bismarck and count herbert were never favorably inclined toward turkey and they never agreed with me in my turkish policy--the old policy of frederick the great. during the last period of his tenure of office as chancellor, bismarck declared that the maintenance of friendly relations with russia, whose tsar reposed special trust in him, was the most important reason for his remaining at his post. in this connection it was that he gave me the first hints concerning the secret reinsurance treaty with russia. up to then i had heard nothing about it, either from the prince or the foreign office, although it happened that i had concerned myself especially with russian matters. when i assumed the reins of government owing to the early death of my father, the generation of the grandson, as i have already remarked, followed upon the generation of the grandfather, which meant that the entire generation of emperor frederick was overleaped. this generation, through its dealings with crown prince frederick william, was imbued with many liberal ideas and projects of reform which were to be carried out under the direction of the emperor frederick. upon his death, this entire generation, especially the politicians, found itself deceived in its hopes of exerting influence, and felt itself, to a certain extent, in the position of an orphan. those belonging to it, despite the fact that they did not know my inner thoughts and aims, adopted a distrustful and reserved attitude toward me, instead of transferring their interest from the father to the son, for the purpose of furthering the welfare of the fatherland. there was one exception to this--a representative of the national liberals, herr von benda--a man still in the full bloom of youth. while i was still prince i had made his acquaintance at the great hare hunts got up by councilor dietze at barby. there herr von benda had won my affection and confidence when i, surrounded by older men, had listened to discussions on political, agricultural, and national-economic questions. in the course of these, herr von benda held my attention by means of his independent, interesting judgment. i accepted with pleasure an invitation to benda's country seat, rudow, near berlin, and from this arose the custom of a regular yearly visit. the hours spent in the family circle at rudow stand out pleasantly in my memory. his talented daughters used to regale us with music. the political conversations there proved herr von benda to be a man of great foresight, which, free from partisan considerations, gave him an open mind as to the general needs of the state to an extent seldom found among members of political parties. he gave me many a helpful piece of advice for the future, drawn from the depths of his faithful, genuinely prussian heart, by which he was attached firmly to the family of his sovereign; yet he was able to feel broad tolerance for other parties. his attitude toward parties the later periods of my reign proved that i was not hostile to any party, with the exception of the ultra-socialists; also, that i was not anti-liberal. my most important finance minister was the liberal, miquel; my minister of commerce was the liberal, möller; the leader of the liberals, herr von bennigsen, was chief president of hanover. i stood very close, especially in the second half of my reign, to an elderly liberal deputy, whose acquaintance i made through herr von miquel. this man was herr seydel (celchen), owner of an estate in eastern germany--a man with two clever eyes, which gazed forth from a clean-shaven face. he worked with miquel in railway and canal questions, and was a thoroughly able, simple, practical man--a liberal with a streak of conservatism. naturally, i had numerous dealings and points of contact with the conservative party, since the gentlemen of the country nobility often met me at court hunts and other hunts, or else came to court and served in court positions. through them i could become thoroughly informed on all agrarian questions and learn where the farmer's shoe pinched him. the free thinkers, under the "unswerving" leader, entered into no relations with me; they limited themselves to opposition. in my conversations with benda and bennigsen we often spoke of the future of liberalism, and, on one occasion, benda made this interesting observation: "it is not necessary and also not advisable to have the prussian heir-apparent dabble in liberalism--we have no use for that sort of thing. he must be essentially conservative, though he must, at the same time, combine this with breadth, and avoid narrowness and prejudice against other parties." bennigsen agreed with me when i spoke to him of the necessity of having the national liberals revise their program, which--originally bearing the motto: "maintenance of the german empire and freedom of the press"--had long since rallied the members around the liberal banner--in order that, by such revision, the proselytizing power of the old brand of prussian liberalism should not be lost among the people. both the prussian liberals and the conservatives, i continued, made the mistake of remembering too well the old period of conflict of - ; and, at elections and other political fights, they were prone to fall back into the habits of those days. that period, i said, had already passed into history and come to an end so far as our generation was concerned; the present had begun for us with the year and the new empire; our generation had drawn a line under the year ; we must build anew upon the foundations of the empire; political parties must shape their course also in this direction and not take over from the past stuff that was outworn and, moreover, calculated to create discord. unfortunately, all this has not come to pass. bennigsen made a very telling point when he said: "woe to the north german liberals if they come under the leadership of the south german democrats, for that will mean the end of real, genuine liberalism! then we shall get the masked democracy arising from below, for which we have no use hereabout." the conservative party, honorable and faithful to its king, unfortunately has not always produced leaders of superior endowments who were at the same time skillful, tactically trained politicians. the agrarian wing was at times too strongly marked and was a burden to the party. moreover, memories of the period of conflict were still too lively. i counseled union with the liberals, but found little support. i often pointed out that the national liberals in the empire were true to the empire and to the emperor, for which reason they should be thoroughly welcome to the conservatives as allies; that i could not and did not wish to govern without them in the empire, and was absolutely unwilling to govern against them; that north german conservatism was misunderstood in some parts of the empire because of differences in historical development; and that, therefore, the national liberals were the natural allies. it was owing to these views of mine, for instance, that i removed court preacher stöcker, a man of brilliant achievement as a social missionary, from his post, since he made a demagogical provocative speech in south germany, aimed against the liberals there. the center party was welded together by the "kulturkampf" and was strongly anti-protestant and hostile to the empire. notwithstanding this, i had dealings with many important men of the party and managed to interest them in practical collaboration for the good of all. in this schorlemer (the father) was especially helpful to me. he never made a secret of his prussian loyalty to his king. his son, the well-known minister of agriculture, even joined the conservative party. in many matters the center co-operated; at one period it possessed in its old leader, windthorst, the keenest politician in the legislature. nevertheless, in spite of all this, one could not help being aware of the underlying centerist conviction that the interests of the roman church must always be maintained and never relegated to a secondary place. the break with bismarck when i was prince william i was placed for a long time under the chief president of the province of brandenburg, von achenbach, in order that i might learn about home administration, get experience in economic questions, and, moreover, take an active part in the work. spurred on by the captivating discourses of achenbach, i derived from this period of my life a special interest in the economic side of the inner development of the country, whereas the purely judicial side of the administration interested me to a lesser degree. improvements, canal construction, highway building, forestry, improvement in all kinds of transportation facilities, betterment of dwellings, introduction of machines into agriculture and their co-operative development--all of these were matters with which i busied myself later on; this being especially true of hydraulic work and the development of the network of railways, particularly in the badly neglected territory of eastern germany. i discussed all these matters with the ministers of state after i had ascended the throne. in order to spur them on, i allowed them free rein in their various domains. but it turned out that this was hardly possible so long as prince bismarck remained in office, since he reserved for himself the main deciding voice in everything, thereby impairing the independence of those working with him. i soon saw that the ministers, being entirely under bismarck's thumb, could not come out in favor of "innovations" or ideas of the "young master" of which bismarck disapproved. the ministry, in short, was nothing but a tool in the hands of bismarck, acting solely in accordance with his wishes. this state of things was, in itself, natural enough, since a premier of such overwhelming importance, who had won for prussia and germany such great political victories, naturally dominated his ministers completely and led them despotically. nevertheless, i found myself in a difficult position; the typical answer with which my suggestions were met was: "prince bismarck does not want that done; we cannot get him to consent to that; emperor william i would not have asked such a thing; that is not in accordance with tradition, etc." i understood more and more that, in reality, i had no ministry of state at my disposal; that the gentlemen composing it, from long force of habit, considered themselves officials of prince bismarck. here is an example to show the attitude of the cabinet toward me in those bismarck days: the question came up of renewing the socialist law, a political measure devised by prince bismarck for fighting socialism. a certain paragraph therein was to be toned down, in order to save the law. bismarck opposed the change. there were sharp differences of opinion. i summoned a crown council. bismarck spoke in the antechamber with my adjutant; he declared that his majesty completely forgot that he was an officer and wore a sword belt; that he must fall back upon the army and lead it against the socialists, in case the socialists should resort to revolutionary measures; that the emperor should leave him a free hand, which would restore quiet once for all. at the crown council bismarck stuck to his opinion. the individual ministers, when asked to express their views, were lukewarm. a vote was taken--the entire ministry voted against me. this vote showed me once more the absolute domination exerted by the chancellor over his ministers. deeply dissatisfied, i talked over the matter with his excellency lucanus, who was as much struck as i was by the situation. lucanus looked up some of the gentlemen and took them to task for their attitude, whereupon they made it clear that they were "not in a position" to oppose the prince and declared that it was quite impossible for anybody to expect them to vote against the wishes of the prince. handling a coal strike the great westphalian coal workers' strike in the spring of took the civil administration by surprise, causing great confusion and bewilderment, especially among members of the westphalian provincial administration. from all sides came calls for troops; every mine owner wanted, if possible, to have sentries posted outside his room. the commanders of the troops which were summoned immediately made reports on the situation as they had found it. among these was one of my former barrack comrades, belonging to the hussar guard regiment, von michaelis by name, who was famous as a wit. he rode, alone and unarmed, among the striking crowds of workers, who--the early spring being remarkably warm--were camped upon the hillsides, and soon managed, by his confidence-inspiring, jovial ways, to set up a harmless intercourse with the strikers. by questioning them he obtained much valuable information about the grievances--real and imaginary--of the workers, as well as about their plans, hopes, and wishes for the future. he soon won for himself general appreciation and affection among the workers and handled them so well that complete quiet reigned in his territory. when i, on account of nervous and worried telegrams from the big industrial leaders and officials received at the office of the imperial chancellor, inquired of michaelis how the situation stood, the following telegraphed answer came from him: "everything quiet excepting the government officials." a mass of material was collected, during the spring and summer, from the announcements and reports received which showed clearly that all was not well in industrial circles; that many a wish of the workers was justified and, to say the least, entitled to sympathetic investigation on the part both of the employers and of the officials. the realization of this, which was confirmed in me when i questioned my former private teacher, privy councilor dr. hinzpeter--a man particularly well informed on social phenomena, especially those in his own province--caused the resolve to ripen in me to summon the state council, include employers and employees in its deliberations, and bring about, under my personal direction, a thorough investigation of the labor question. i decided that in so doing guiding principles and material were to be acquired which would serve the chancellor and the prussian government as a basis for working out appropriate projects for new laws. inspired by such thought i went to his excellency von bötticher, who at once prophesied opposition on the part of the chancellor to such action, and advised strongly against it. i stuck to my ideas, adducing in support of them the maxim of frederick the great: "je veux être un roi des gueux" ("i wish to be king of the rabble"). i said that it was my duty to take care of those germans who were used up by industry, to protect their strength and better their chances of existence. further conflict with chancellor the predicted opposition from prince bismarck was not long in coming. there was much trouble and fighting before i put through what i wanted, owing to the fact that some of the big industrial interests ranged themselves on the side of the chancellor. the state council met, presided over by me. at the opening session the chancellor unexpectedly appeared. he made a speech in which he ironically criticized and disapproved the whole undertaking set in motion by me, and refused his co-operation. thereupon he walked out of the room. after his departure the strange scene had its effect on the assemblage. the fury and ruthlessness which the great chancellor brought to the support of his own policy and against mine, based upon his absolute belief in the correctness of his own judgment, made a tremendous impression upon me and all those present. nevertheless, it stood to reason that i was deeply hurt by what had occurred. the assemblage proceeded to take up its work again and turned out a wealth of material for the extension of that social legislation called into being by emperor william the great, which is the pride of germany, evincing, as it does, a protective attitude toward the laboring classes such as is not to be found in any other land on earth. thereupon i decided to summon a general social congress. prince bismarck opposed this also. switzerland was contemplating something similar, and had thought of convening a congress at berne. roth, the swiss ambassador, hearing of my scheme, advised canceling the invitations to berne and accepting an invitation to berlin. what he wished occurred. thanks to the generosity of herr roth, it was possible to convene the congress at berlin. the material collected as a result of it was worked out and applied in the form of laws--only in germany, however. later on i talked with bismarck concerning his project of fighting the socialists, in case they resorted to revolutionary acts, with cannon and bayonets. i sought to convince him that it was out of the question for me, almost immediately after william the great had closed his eyes after a blessed reign, to stain the first years of my government with the blood of my own people. bismarck was unmoved; he declared that he would assume responsibility for his actions; that all i need do was to leave the thing to him. i answered that i could not square such a course with my conscience and my responsibility before god, particularly as i knew perfectly well that conditions among the laboring classes were bad and must be bettered at all costs. the conflict between the views of the emperor and the chancellor relative to the social question--_i. e._, the furtherance of the welfare of the laboring classes of the population, with participation therein by the state--was the real cause of the break between us, and caused a hostility toward me, lasting for years, on the part of bismarck and a large part of the german nation that was devoted to him, especially of the official class. this conflict between the chancellor and me arose because of his belief that the social problem could be solved by severe measures and, if the worst came to the worst, by means of soldiers; not by following principles of general love for mankind or humanitarian nonsense which, he believed, he would have to adopt in conformity to my views. bismarck's labor views bismarck was not a foe to the laboring classes--on that i wish to lay stress, in view of what i have previously said. on the contrary! he was far too great a statesman to mistake the importance of the labor question to the state. but he considered the whole matter from the standpoint of pure expediency for the state. the state, he believed, should care for the laborer, as much and in whatever manner it deemed proper; he would not admit of any co-operation of the workers in this. agitation and rebellion, he believed, should be severely suppressed; by force of arms, if necessary. government protection on the one hand, the mailed fist on the other--that was bismarck's social policy. i, however, wished to win over the soul of the german workingman, and i fought zealously to attain this goal. i was filled with the consciousness of a plain duty and responsibility toward my entire people--also, therefore, toward the laboring classes. what was theirs by right and justice should become theirs, i thought; moreover, i believed that this should be brought about, wherever the will or power of the employers ceased, by the lord of the land and his government, in so far as justice or necessity demanded. as soon as i had recognized the necessity for reforms, to some of which the industrial elements would not consent, i took up the cudgels for the laboring classes, impelled by a sense of justice. i had studied history sufficiently to guard myself against the delusion of believing in the possibility of making an entire people happy. i realized clearly that it was impossible for one human being to make a nation happy. the truth is that the only nation which is happy is the one that is contented, or at least is willing to be contented; a willingness which implies a certain degree of realization of what is possible--a sense of the practical, in short. unfortunately, there is often a lack of this. i was well aware that, in the unbounded demands of the socialist leaders, unjustified greed would be constantly developed anew. but, for the very reason that i wished to be able to combat unjustified aspirations with a clear conscience and in a convincing way, it behooved me not to deny recognition and aid to justified aspirations. german social problems the policy that kept in view the welfare of the workers unquestionably imposed a heavy burden upon all the industrial elements of germany in the matter of competition in the world market, through the well-known laws for the protection of workingmen. this was especially true in relation to an industrial system like the belgian, which could, without hindrance, squeeze the last drop out of the human reserves of belgium and pay low wages, without feeling any pangs of conscience or compassion for the sinking morale of the exhausted, unprotected people. by means of my social legislation i made such conditions impossible in germany, and i caused it to be introduced also in belgium, during the war, by general von bissing, in order to promote the welfare of the belgian workers. first of all, however, this legislation is--to use a sporting term--a handicap upon german industry in the battle of world competition: it alienated many big leaders of industry, which, from their point of view, was quite natural. but the lord of the land must always bear in mind the welfare of the whole nation; therefore, i went my way unswervingly. those workers, on the other hand, who blindly followed the socialist leaders, gave me no word of thanks for the protection created for them nor for the work i had done. between them and me lies the motto of the hohenzollerns, "suum cuique." that means, "to each his own"--not, as the social democrats would have it, "to everyone the same!" i also harbored the idea of preventing to some extent competitive warfare, at least in the industrial world of the european continent, by bringing about a sort of quota-fixing in foreign lands, thereby facilitating production and making possible a healthier mode of life among the working classes. there is great significance in the impression which foreign workers get in studying germany's social legislation. a few years before the war people in england, under the pressure of labor troubles, awoke to the conviction that better care must be taken of the workers. as a result of this, commissions visited germany, some of them composed of workingmen. guided by representative germans, among them socialists, they visited the industrial regions, factories, benevolent institutions, sanatoria of insurance companies, etc., and were astonished at all the things they saw. at the farewell dinner given them the english leader of the workingmen's deputation turned to bebel and made this concluding remark: "after all we have seen of what is done in germany for the workers, i ask you: are you people still socialists?" and the englishmen remarked to a german that they would be quite satisfied if they could succeed, after long fights in parliament, in putting through one tenth of what had already been accomplished years before in germany toward bettering the condition of the laboring classes. i had observed with interest these visits of the english deputations and marveled at their ignorance of german conditions. but i marveled even more at a question asked by the english government, through the channel of the english embassy, on the same subject, which betrayed an absolutely amazing lack of knowledge of the progress made in germany in the province of social reform. i questioned the english ambassador, remarking that england, having been represented in at the berlin social congress, must certainly have been informed, at least through the embassy, of the reichstag debates, which had dealt in a detailed way with the various social measures. the ambassador replied that the same thing had also occurred to him and caused him to have the earlier records of the embassy investigated, whereupon it had transpired that the embassy had sent the fullest reports on the subject to london and that thorough reports had been forwarded home concerning every important stage in the progress of social reform; but, "because they came from germany, nobody ever read them; they were simply pigeon-holed and remained there ever since; it is a downright shame; germany does not interest people at home." thus the briton, with a shrug of his shoulders. neither the british king nor parliament had enough conscience or time or desire to work for the betterment of the working class. the "policy of encirclement" for the annihilation of germany, especially of its industry, and, thereby, of its working population, was, in their eyes, far more important and rewarding. on the th of november ( ) the german radical socialist leaders, with their like-minded followers, joined forces with this british policy of annihilation. "welfare work" at the court in a small way, in places where i had influence, as, for instance, in the administration of my court and in the imperial automobile club, i laid stress upon the social point of view. for instance, i caused a fund to be established, out of the tips paid for visiting palaces, which was destined solely to the benefit of the domestic staff, and which, in the course of time, reached a magnificent total. from this fund the domestics and their families received money for trips to bathing resorts, cost of taking cures, burial expenses, dowries for their children, confirmation expenses, and similar payments. when i, at the request of the newly founded imperial automobile club, took it under my protection, i accepted an invitation to a luncheon in the beautiful rooms of the clubhouse, built by ihne. in addition to magnates like the duke of ratibor, the duke of ujest, etc., i found there a number of gentlemen from berlin's high financial circles, some of whom behaved rather wildly. when the conversation turned to the subject of drivers, i suggested establishing a fund which, in case of accident, illness, or death befalling these men, should provide means of livelihood for those whom they left behind. the suggestion met with unanimous approval, and the fund has had most excellent results. later on i brought about the establishment of something similar for the skippers and pilots attached to the imperial yacht club at kiel. special pleasure was afforded me by the kaiser wilhelm children's home, founded by me at ahlbeck, at which, in peace times, between may and the end of september in each year, a large number of children from the most poverty-stricken working people's districts in berlin were accommodated in successive detachments, each lot staying four weeks. this home is still under the tried direction of the admirable superintendent, miss kirschner, daughter of the former chief burgomaster of berlin, and it has achieved most brilliant results, both in the physical and the psychical domain. weakened, pale, needy children were transformed there into fresh, blooming, happy little beings, concerning whose welfare i often joyfully convinced myself by personal visits. for the very reason that i have spoken of my quarrel with bismarck as a result of labor questions, i wish to add to what i have already said about his basic position in the matter--an example showing how brilliantly the prince behaved in something that concerned the workers. in this, to be sure, he was impelled by nationalistic motives, but he also realized at once that it was necessary to protect a large element against unemployment, which caused him to intervene with the full weight of his authority. sometime around , while i was still prince wilhelm, i had learned that the great vulcan shipping concern at stettin was confronted, owing to lack of orders, with bankruptcy, and its entire force of workmen, numbering many thousands, with starvation, which would mean a catastrophe for the city of stettin. only by an order for the building of a big ship could the vulcan shipyards be saved. spurred on some time before by admiral von stosch, who wished to free us once and for all from the english shipbuilders, the vulcan people had set to work courageously to build the first german armored ship, christened by my mother in on her birthday, on which occasion i was present. ever since that time the warships built at the vulcan yards had always satisfied naval experts--the concern, however, seldom built warships. the chancellor in action the german merchant marine, on the other hand, had not dared to follow the path courageously blazed by admiral von stosch. and now the brave german shipyard company was faced with ruin, since the north german lloyd had refused its offer to build a passenger steamer, alleging that the english, because of their years of shipbuilding traditions, could build it better. it was a serious emergency. i hastened to prince bismarck and laid before him the matter as i have described it above. the chancellor was furious; his eyes flashed, his fist came crashing down on the table. "what! do you mean to say that these shopkeepers would rather have their boats built in england than in germany? why, that is unheard of! and is a good german shipyard to fail for such a reason? the devil take this gang of traders!" he rang the bell and a servant entered. "have privy councilor x come here immediately from the foreign office!" in a few minutes--during which the prince stamped up and down the room--the man summoned appeared. "telegram to hamburg, to our envoy--the lloyd in bremen is to have its new ship built by the vulcan company in stettin!" the privy councilor vanished in hot haste, "with his coat tails sticking straight out behind him." the prince turned to me and said: "i am greatly obliged to you. you have done the fatherland, and also myself, an important service. henceforth ships will be built only in our yards--i'll take care to make this clear to the hanseatic crowd. you may telegraph to the vulcan people that the chancellor will guarantee that the ship will be built in the vulcan yards. may this be the first of a whole lot of such ships! as for the workers whom you have thus saved from unemployment, i hope that they will express their thanks to you!" i passed on the news to privy councilor schlutow at stettin and great was the joy caused thereby. this was the first step upon the road destined to lead to the construction of the magnificent german express steamers. when i went, after i had ascended the throne in , to stettin, in order to place honorary insignia on the flags of my pomeranian grenadiers, i also visited the vulcan shipyards, at the invitation of the directors. after my reception by the directors outside the yards, the great doors were flung open and i walked inside. but, instead of work and pounding hammers, i found deep silence. the entire body of workmen was standing in a half circle, with bared heads; in the middle stood the oldest workman of all, a man with a snow-white beard, bearing a laurel wreath in his hand. i was deeply moved. schlutow whispered to me: "a little pleasure for you, which the workmen themselves have thought up." the old workman stepped forward and, in pithy, plain words, expressed to me the gratitude of the workmen to me for having saved them, and, above all, their wives and children, from hardship and hunger, by my appeal to bismarck about the building of the ship. as a token of their gratitude, he asked my permission to hand over the laurel wreath. most deeply moved, i took the wreath and expressed my pleasure at receiving my first laurels, without the shedding of a drop of blood, from the hands of honest german workmen. that was in the year ! in those days, the german laboring classes knew how to appreciate the blessing of labor. [ ] "it is that confounded congress of berlin. a serious mistake on the part of the chancellor. he has destroyed the old friendship between us, sown distrust in the hearts of the court and the government, and engendered the idea of a great injustice done the russian army after its bloody campaign, for which it wishes revenge. and here we are by the side of that damned french republic, full of hate for you and of subversive ideas, which, in case of a war against you, will cost us our dynasty." [ ] "i understand perfectly your line of action; the prince, with all his greatness, was, after all, merely your employee or official. as soon as he refused to follow your orders, it was necessary to dismiss him. as for me, i always distrusted him, and i never believed a word of what he had told me or said to me himself, for i was sure and knew that he was hoaxing me all the time. as to the relations between us two, my dear william, the downfall of the prince will have the best of results; distrust will disappear. i have confidence in you. you can trust me." chapter ii caprivi when i began my reign, general von caprivi was chief of the admiralty. he was the last general to hold this post. i at once took energetically in hand the development and reform--in fact, one may say the foundation anew--of the imperial german navy, based on my preliminary studies in england and at home. that was not to the liking of the general, who was able, but rather self-willed, and not entirely devoid of pride. unquestionably he had rendered valuable services in mobilization, improvement of the officer corps, and the improvement and development of the torpedo-boat organization. on the other hand, the building of ships and the replacement of worn-out material were in a deplorable state, to the detriment of the fleet and to the dissatisfaction of the shipbuilding industry, which was growing and looking about for employment. being an old prussian general, caprivi's way of thinking was that of his day--that of his comrades of , , , --in his eyes, the army had always done everything and would continue to do so in the future; therefore, no great demands for money to be devoted to the navy should be imposed upon the country, since, should this be done, there was danger that the sums destined to the army might be decreased and its development thereby hampered. this idea, from which he was not to be dissuaded, is false. the amounts granted did not flow into a reservoir from which they might be directed, by the mere turning of a valve, now into army, now into navy, channels. whenever caprivi was unwilling to demand anything for naval construction, in order, by so doing, to turn more money toward the army, things did not happen as he foresaw. by his action the army received not one penny more, but merely whatever the minister of war asked for and received in accordance with his budget. there was need of creating a secretaryship of state for the navy which, entirely independent of the ministry of war, should have as its duty to demand and obtain for the navy as much as was required for the protection of our commerce and colonies. and that is what came to pass later on. caprivi soon came to me with the request that i relieve him from his post. he stated that he was not satisfied with it in itself; that, moreover, i had all sorts of plans for the future affecting the navy which he considered impossible of realization, in the first place, because there existed no means of replacement for the officer corps--at that time the yearly influx of cadets was between sixty and eighty--and a large navy without a large officer corps was unthinkable. in addition to this, he informed me, he had soon seen in the course of the inspection tours of his majesty that the emperor knew more about naval matters than he, the general, which placed him in an impossible situation in relation to his subordinates. in view of these circumstances, i parted with him, placing him in command of an army corps. following the motto, "the navy for the seamen!" i chose, for the first time, an admiral as its chief, a step which was received in maritime circles with great joy. the man chosen was admiral count monts. bismarck's successor when i was soon afterward confronted with the rather unexpected retirement of prince bismarck, i found the choice of his successor a difficult one. whoever it might be was sure to have a hard task, without any prospect of appreciation for what he might achieve; he would be looked upon as the usurper of a post to which he was not entitled, and which he was not qualified to fill. criticism, criticism, nothing but criticism--that was sure to be the daily bread upon which the new chancellor must reckon; and he was also certain of becoming the target for the hostility of all those who favored prince bismarck as well as with that of the many who previously could not do enough in opposition to him. there was bound to be a strong current of enmity toward the new chancellor, in which the old prince himself would not be the least serious factor. after taking all this into consideration, it was decided to choose a man belonging to prince bismarck's generation, who had held a leading position in the wars and had already filled a government position under him. hence caprivi was chosen. his age was a guarantee that he would be a careful and calm adviser for the "orphaned" young emperor. very soon the question arose of the extension of the reinsurance treaty with russia. caprivi declared that, out of consideration for austria, he was unable to renew it, since the threat against austria contained therein, when it became known in vienna--as it almost unavoidably would--was such as to lead to very disagreeable consequences. for this reason the treaty lapsed. to my way of thinking, it had already lost its main value from the fact that the russians no longer stood whole-heartedly behind it. i was confirmed in this view by a memorial written by count berchem, under secretary of state, who had worked with prince bismarck. the agrarian conservatives opposed caprivi as a man without landed property and a violent fight raged around the commercial treaties. these difficulties were greatly enhanced because prince bismarck, ignoring his former maxims, took part in the fight against his successor with all his characteristic energy. thus arose the opposition of the conservatives against the government and the crown, and the prince in person sowed the seed from which later grew the "misunderstood bismarck" and that "reichsverdrossenheit" (unfriendliness to the empire) so often taken up in the newspapers. the "misunderstood bismarck" created permanent opposition throughout my reign against my suggestions and aims by means of quotations, speeches, and writings, as well as by passive resistance and thoughtless criticism. everything that was done was painted in black colors, made ridiculous, and criticized from top to bottom, by a press that placed itself quite willingly at the disposal of the prince and often out-bismarcked bismarck in its behavior. this phenomenon became most apparent at the time of the acquisition of heligoland. this island, lying close in front of the great waterways leading to the principal hanseatic commercial ports, was, in the hands of the british, a constant menace to hamburg and bremen and rendered impossible any project for building up a navy. owing to this, i had firmly resolved to win back this formerly german island to its fatherland. the deal for heligoland the way to cause england to give up the red rock of heligoland was found in the colonial domain. lord salisbury proved inclined to exchange the "barren rock" for zanzibar and witu in east africa. from commercial sources and the reports of the commanders of german cruisers and gunboats which were stationed there and cruised along the coast of the recently acquired german east african colonies, i knew that, as soon as togo, dar-es-salaam, etc., rose to prosperity, the importance of zanzibar on the coast of africa as the principal port of transshipment would be a thing of the past, since, as soon as the above-mentioned harbors were made deep enough and provided with sufficient cargo-loading equipment for trading steamers, there would no longer be any need of ferrying goods coming from the interior in dhows to zanzibar, in order to have them again loaded on vessels there, since they could be loaded direct at the new harbors along the coast. therefore, i was convinced that we had, first, an acceptable asset for swapping purposes, and, secondly, a good opportunity to avoid colonial friction with england and come to a friendly understanding with her. caprivi agreed, the negotiations were concluded, and one evening, shortly before dinner, i was able to tell the empress and a few intimates the exceedingly joyful tidings that heligoland had become german. a first and very important extension of the empire had been achieved--without bloodshed--the first condition for the upbuilding of the fleet was fulfilled, something which the natives of the hanseatic towns and the rest of the north germans had wished for centuries had come to pass. in silence, an important event had occurred. had heligoland been acquired in the chancellorship of prince bismarck, it would probably have been valued very highly. having happened under caprivi, it loosed a lot of criticism. it was merely caprivi, the usurper, who had had the audacity to sit in the prince's chair, and the "irresponsible," "ungrateful," "impulsive" young master who had done such a thing! had bismarck only wished, he could have had the old rock any day, but he never would have been so unskillful as to give up to the english for it the very promising african possessions, and he never would have allowed himself to be thus worsted. that was the sort of thing heard almost everywhere. the newspapers of the prince joined loudly in this sort of criticism, to the great grief of the people of the hanseatic cities. curious indeed were the criticisms occasioned by the swapping of zanzibar and witu, which appeared in the bismarckian press, although previously, when i worked under him, these newspapers had always explained that he had not much belief in the value of colonies in themselves and looked upon them merely as objects to be exchanged, possibly, for something else, in deals with the british. his successor acted according to these ideas in the heligoland question, and was most violently criticized and attacked. not until the world war was on did i see articles in the german press which unreservedly admitted the acquisition of heligoland to be an act of far-sighted politics and added reflections as to what would doubtless have happened if heligoland had not become german. the german nation has every reason to be thankful to count caprivi for this achievement, since thereby the building of its navy and its victory at the skagerrak were made possible. as for the german navy, it long ago acknowledged this. the school law of count zedlitz aroused violent new conflicts. when they led to zedlitz's retirement, the cry arose among his adherents: "if the count goes, so must the chancellor." caprivi left his post, in a calm, dignified manner. he tried honestly, within the measure of his powers and abilities, to continue the traditions of prince bismarck. in this he found little support among the political parties, and, for this reason, all the more criticism and hostility in the public and among those who, had they acted for the right and the interests of the state, should have stood by him. without one word of apology, caprivi, in noble silence, lived all the rest of his life in almost solitary retirement. chapter iii hohenlohe again i was confronted with the difficult task of choosing a chancellor. his position and activities were to be under somewhat about the same auspices and subject to the same conditions as in the case of his predecessor. but now there was more of a desire that he should be a statesman, an older man, of course, qualified to inspire prince bismarck with more confidence than a mere general could do. it was assumed that a statesman would know better how to walk in the footsteps of the prince, politically speaking; and provide bismarck with less opportunity for criticism and attacks. these latter had tended to create gradually among all government officials, who dated mostly from the period of bismarck, an unmistakable nervousness and dissatisfaction, by which the work of the entire governmental system was impaired to an extent by no means inconsiderable. moreover, it lent to the opposition in the reichstag a constantly renewed strength drawn from elements previously faithful to the government, and made itself felt in a detrimental manner. especially in the foreign office, the spirit of holstein, the supposed representative of the "old, tried bismarckian traditions," began to assert itself, so that the unwillingness to collaborate with the emperor became particularly strong and the belief grew up that it was necessary to carry on, independently, the policy of bismarck. after mature deliberation, i decided to intrust the post of chancellor to prince hohenlohe, who was then governor of alsace-lorraine. at the outbreak of the war of he had succeeded, as bavarian minister, in getting bavaria to enter the war on the side of prussia. ever since he had been highly esteemed by prince bismarck on account of his fidelity to the empire. it was natural to expect that bismarck's opposition would cool off when confronted with such a successor. thus, the choice of hohenlohe as chancellor was strongly influenced by consideration for prince bismarck and for the public opinion inspired by him. prince hohenlohe was the typical old-style grand seigneur. he was thoroughly urbane by nature and in his dealings with others: a man of refined mind, with a slight touch of playful irony sometimes glinting through, keen on account of his years, a level-headed observer and judge of men. despite the great difference in age between him and me he got along very well with me, which was shown on the surface by the fact that he was treated both by the empress and by myself as our uncle, and addressed as such, which brought about a certain atmosphere of intimate confidence in our intercourse. in his talks with me, especially in giving his opinion as to appointments of officials, he offered very characteristic descriptions of the gentlemen being discussed, often combined with philosophical observations which proved that he had reflected deeply on life and humanity, and which were evidence of a maturity and wisdom grounded on experience. something happened during the first period of hohenlohe's régime as chancellor which throws an interesting light upon the relations between france and russia. having, at the time of the fraternization between russia and france, received reliable information from the general staff as well as from our embassy at paris to the effect that france contemplated withdrawing a portion of her troops from algeria, in order to shift them to southern france either against italy or against alsace, i apprised tsar nicholas ii of this news, adding the remark that i should be obliged to adopt counter-measures unless the tsar could dissuade his ally from so provocative a step. some diplomatic fencing at that time the russian minister of foreign affairs was prince lobanoff, formerly ambassador at vienna, well known for his pro-french proclivities. during the summer of he had visited france and been very cordially entertained. during the autumn, just as i was staying for the hunting at hubertusstock on the schorfheide near eberswalde, prince lobanoff, on his return journey from paris, requested to be received in audience, at the behest of the tsar. upon being received by me he described the calm and sensible frame of mind which he had found in paris and sought to quiet me, too, with regard to the above-mentioned troop movements, which, according to him, were mere empty rumor and chatter without any real basis. he added that he was bringing to me the most quieting assurances, that there was no reason for my feeling the slightest alarm. i thanked him heartily for his report, remarking that the word "alarm" was not to be found in the dictionary of a german officer; and i added that, if france and russia wished to make war, i could not prevent it. whereupon the prince, piously casting up his eyes toward heaven, made the sign of the cross and said: "oh, la guerre! quelle idée; qui y pense?--cela ne doit pas être" ("oh, war! what an idea; who thinks of such a thing? it must not be"). to that i replied that i, in any event, was not thinking about it, but that an observer--and he need not be very keen eyed--must assuredly consider the constant celebrations and speeches, as well as the official and unofficial visits exchanged between paris and st. petersburg, as significant symptoms which could not be ignored, and which were calculated to arouse great dissatisfaction in germany; that, should it come to war, against my own will and that of my people, i felt that, trusting in god and in my army and people, it would be possible for germany to get the better of both opponents. to this i added still another statement, reported to me from paris, which had been made by a russian officer who was in france as a member of an officers' deputation. having been asked by a french comrade whether the russians believed that they could beat the germans, the gallant slav replied: "non, mon ami, nous serons battus à plate couture, mais qu'est-ce que ça fait? nous aurons la république" ("no, my friend, we shall be thoroughly beaten, but what does that matter? we shall get a republic"). at first the prince eyed me, speechless, then, shrugging his shoulders, he remarked: "oh, la guerre, il ne faut pas même y penser" ("oh, war, one must not even think about it"). the officer had merely expressed the general opinion of the russian intelligentsia and social circles. as far back as my first visit to st. petersburg, in the early 'eighties, a grand duchess said to me at dinner, quite calmly: "here we sit all the time on a volcano. we expect the revolution any day! the slavs are not faithful, they are not at all monarchical, all of them are republicans at heart; they disguise their sentiments, and they lie, every one of them, all the time." three important events, related to foreign politics, came within the period of prince hohenlohe's incumbency of the chancellorship: the opening, in , of the emperor william canal (north sea-baltic canal), begun under emperor william the great, to which squadrons or individual ships representing countries all over the world were invited; the annexation, in , of tsing-tao; and, third, the much-discussed kruger dispatch. the seizure of tsing-tao prince hohenlohe played an especially important rôle in the annexation of tsing-tao. he, too, was of the opinion that germany needed some coaling stations for her ships, and that the demands of commercial elements that the opportunity for opening up china to international trade be not allowed to pass were justified. it was resolved that, under unimpaired chinese sovereignty and after payment of the likin (octroi, or internal revenue tax), a trading port, with a marine coaling station as protection, was to be founded, wherein it was contemplated to allow china to co-operate to the utmost possible extent. the station was to serve the ends of commerce, before all else, the military measures being limited solely to the protection of the trading center as it developed; they did not constitute an end in themselves or a basis for further military enterprises. already several places had been considered, but these had proved, upon more careful investigation, to be unfitted, mostly because they had either bad connections or none at all with the interior regions, were not promising from a commercial-political standpoint, or were encumbered by privileges already granted to other foreign countries. finally it was agreed--because of the reports of admiral tirpitz, who was, at that time, chief of the east asiatic cruiser squadron, and because of the opinion of the geographical expert, freiherr von richthofen, who, having been questioned on the subject, had drawn a most promising picture of the possibilities of development in shantung--to found a settlement on the bay of kiao-chau. the chancellor proceeded to collect data on the political questions which arose as a result of this and which must be taken into consideration. it was particularly necessary not to interfere with russia's designs, nor to disturb her. further information was obtained, some of it from our east asiatic division; from this source favorable reports came in as to anchorages and the ice-free nature of the bay of kiao-chau, and as to the prospects, if a port were to be founded there. from conversations among the officers of the russian china division, which had come to our ears in our intercourse with them, it was learned that the russian admiral, in accordance with orders from his government, had anchored one winter in the bay, but had found it so desolate and so atrociously lonesome--there were no tea houses with japanese geisha girls, which the russians deemed absolutely indispensable to winter quarters--that the russian squadron would never go back there any more. it was also reported that the russian admiral had advised his government most earnestly against prosecuting any further its intention of founding a settlement on this bay, since there was absolutely no advantage to be derived from it. hence, the russians had no intention of gaining a foothold there. this last piece of news arrived at about the same time as the answer from the russian foreign minister, count muravieff, sent through the german ambassador, relative to the sounding of russian opinion, which had been made pursuant to instructions from the chancellor. muravieff set forth that russia, to be sure, had no direct claims, based on treaty with china, to the bay, but that she, nevertheless, laid claim to it on the basis of the "droit du premier mouillage" ("right of first anchorage"), since the russian ships had anchored there before those of any other fleet. this answer, it will be seen, ran counter to the report of our east asiatic division relative to the statements made by the russian admiral. when i, with hollmann, met the chancellor, in order to discuss the russian claim to kiao-chau, the prince listened to the reading of it with his little ironical smile, and remarked that he had been unable to find any jurist at the foreign office who could tell him anything about this wonderful claim. was the navy in a position to do so? admiral hollmann declared that he, in all his experience on foreign service, had never heard of it; that it was nonsense and an invention of muravieff, whose only motive was unwillingness to have some other nation settle on the shores of the bay. i advised that privy councilor of the admiralty perels, one of the most famous living experts on international maritime law and an acknowledged authority in this domain, be asked to deliver an opinion, in order to clarify the question. this was done. the opinion tore muravieff's contention to pieces, corroborated that of hollmann, and completely did away with the legend about the "right of first anchorage." months elapsed; my august, , visit to peterhof was imminent. in agreement with the prince, my uncle, i decided to discuss the entire matter in person and frankly with the tsar, and, if possible, put an end to muravieff's notes and evasions. the talk took place at peterhof. the tsar stated that he had no interest in the territory south of the tientsin-peking line, which meant that there was no reason why he should place obstacles in our path in shantung: that his interest was concentrated upon the territory on the yalu, around port arthur, etc., now that the english had made difficulties for him at mokpo; that he would, in fact, be pleased if germany should locate herself in future on the other side of the gulf of chih-li as russia's welcome neighbor. afterward i had a talk with muravieff. he employed all his arts, wriggled back and forth in his statements, and finally brought up his famous "right of first anchorage." that was all i wanted. i now passed to the offensive myself, striking out at him squarely with the opinion delivered by perels. when i had told him, finally, as the tsar desired, the result of the conversations between us two sovereigns, the diplomat was even more embarrassed, lost his assumed calm, and capitulated. thus was the soil prepared, politically speaking. in the autumn came the news from bishop anzer of the murder of the two german catholic missionaries in shantung. the entire german catholic world, particularly the "colonials" in the centerist party, demanded energetic measures. the chancellor proposed to me immediate intervention. while i was engaged in the winter hunting at lotalingen, i consulted with him, in one of the little towers of the castle there, as to what steps were to be taken. the prince proposed to intrust prince henry of prussia, who was present, with the command of the squadron that was to be sent out to reinforce the east asiatic division. i informed my brother of this in the presence of the chancellor, whereat the prince and the other gentlemen present were highly pleased. the chancellor sent the news to the foreign office and to the new secretary of state for foreign affairs, herr von bülow, who was away on a journey. kiao-chau was occupied in november, . in december of that year prince henry sailed, on board the _deutschland_, with his squadron to eastern asia, where he later took over the command of the entire east asiatic division. on the th of march, , the agreement with china concerning kiao-chau was signed. at the same time, mr. chamberlain in london brought up before the japanese ambassador, baron kato, the idea of the conclusion of an anglo-japanese alliance, in order to bar russia's advance in the east. quest for coaling stations one will naturally inquire why, in the discussion of our audacious move, there is no mention of england, since she was certainly deeply interested therein. preliminaries, however, had already been gone into with england. in order to meet the necessity for german coaling stations, i had intended to found, lease, or buy some in agreement with england, so far as might be possible. in view of the fact that my uncle, the chancellor, was, as a member of the hohenlohe family, related to queen victoria, known to her personally for years and highly esteemed by her, i hoped that this might tend to facilitate the negotiations which were entered into with the english government for the above-noted purpose. my hope was disappointed. the negotiations dragged along without any prospect of successful termination. i took occasion, therefore, at the behest of the chancellor, to discuss the matter with the english ambassador at berlin. i complained of the treatment received from the english government, which everywhere opposed german wishes, even such as were justified. the ambassador agreed frankly with this, and expressed his astonishment at england's failure to meet germany halfway, and at english shortsightedness, since, when a young, rising nation like germany, whose development, after all, was not to be prevented, turned directly to england in order to acquire territory with her consent, instead of going straight ahead or allying itself with other nations, it was certainly more than england could reasonably ask. moreover, he added that, since england already owned almost all the world, she could certainly find a place where she might permit germany to establish a station; that he was unable to understand the gentlemen in downing street; that in case germany should not succeed in obtaining england's approval, she would probably occupy, on her own account, such places as were suited to her ends, since, after all, there was no law against it. i laid stress upon the fact that this agreed entirely with my own view and, in conclusion, i summed up my standpoint once more for the ambassador: i told him that germany was the only country in the world which, despite its colonial possessions and its rapidly growing commerce, possessed no coaling stations; that we were quite willing to acquire these with england's consent; that, should she refuse to show a realization of our situation and fail to meet us halfway, we should be compelled to turn to some other great power, in order, with its help, to found settlements. this talk, likewise, was fruitless. finally, the negotiations with england were broken off, without result, in a rather impolite manner. thereupon the chancellor and i decided to appeal to russia. the occupation of kiao-chau aroused surprise and anger in the english government. having refused us her support, england had definitely reckoned on the belief that nobody would help germany in attaining her goal. now things had turned out differently, and there was no lack of recriminations from london. when the english ambassador took up this tone he was referred to the conversation with me, and it was made clear to him that it was solely the fault of his government that it had come to no understanding with germany. england's attitude of aloofness surprised us at that time. an occurrence which, then, was unknown to me, may serve to throw light on the matter. finds seed of world war[ ] in a book (_the problem of japan_) which appeared anonymously at the hague in and was said to have been written by an "ex-diplomat from the far east," an excerpt was published from a work of the american, professor usher of washington university at st. louis. usher, like his former colleague, prof. john bassett moore of columbia university, new york, has often been called into consultation as an adviser on foreign relations by the state department at washington, since he had a knowledge possessed by few other americans on international questions affecting the united states. professor usher, in his book published in , made known, for the first time, the existence and contents of an "agreement" or "secret treaty" between _england_, _america_, and _france_, dating from the spring of . in this it was agreed that, in case germany or austria, or both of them, should begin a war for the sake of "pan-germanism," the united states should at once declare in favor of england and france and go to the support of these powers with all its resources. professor usher cites at length all the reasons, including those of a colonial character, which inevitably imposed upon the united states the necessity of taking part, on the side of england and france, in a war against germany, which professor usher, in , prophesied as _imminent_!! the unknown author of _the problem of japan_ went to the trouble of publishing in tabulated form the agreements between england, france, and america in , in order thereby to show, in a way easily understood, the extent of the reciprocal obligations. this chapter is extraordinarily worth reading; it gives a good glimpse into the preliminary history and _preparation of the world war_ on the part of the _entente_, which even at that time was uniting _against germany_, although not yet appearing under the name of entente cordiale. the ex-diplomat remarks in this connection: here is a treaty that professor usher alleges to have been entered into as long ago as , in which every phase of activity and participation in future events by england, france, and the united states is provided for, including the conquest of the spanish dependencies, control over mexico and central america, the opening of china, and the annexation of coaling stations. and all these measures professor usher wishes us to believe were taken to defend the world against pan-germanism. it is unnecessary to remind professor usher, or anybody else, for that matter, that pan-germanism, if we go so far as to assume that such a thing actually exists, had certainly never been heard of in , at which time germany had not yet adopted her program for naval construction on a large scale, the same having been bruited for the first time in . if, therefore, it is true that england, france, and the united states harbored the mutual designs imputed to them by professor usher, and entered into an alliance to accomplish them, it will scarcely do to attribute the conception of the idea and the stimulus to its consummation to so feeble a pretext as the rise of a pan-germanism.[ ] thus the ex-diplomat. this is truly amazing. a definite treaty of partition directed against spain, germany, etc., arranged even to minute details, was planned between gauls and anglo-saxons, in a time of the profoundest peace, and concluded without the slightest twinge of conscience, in order to annihilate germany and austria and eliminate their competition from the world market! _seventeen years_ before the beginning of the world war _this_ treaty was made by the united anglo-saxons and its goal was systematically envisaged throughout this entire period! now one can understand the ease with which king edward vii could pursue his policy of encirclement; for years the principal actors had been united and in readiness. when he christened the compact "entente cordiale," its appearance was for the world, especially for germany, an unpleasant novelty, but in the countries on the other side it was merely the official acknowledgment of facts long known there. in view of this agreement, one can understand also the opposition of england in to an agreement with germany regarding coaling stations, and the anger aroused because germany managed, in agreement with russia, to gain a firm foothold in china, concerning the exploitation of which land _without_ german participation a tripartite treaty had already been made. usher talked out of school and conclusively proved _at whose door lies the guilt for the world war_. the treaty directed against germany--sometimes called the "gentleman's agreement"--of the spring of , is the basis, the point of departure, for this war, which was systematically developed by the entente countries for seventeen years. when they had succeeded in winning over russia and japan likewise for their purposes, they struck the blow, after serbia had staged the sarajevo murder and had thus touched the match to the carefully filled powder barrel. professor usher's statements are likewise a complete refutation of all those who were impelled, during the war, to find the reason for the entry of the united states in certain military acts on the part of germany, as, for instance, the _lusitania_ case, the expansion of u-boat warfare, etc. none of that is right. the recently published, excellent book of john kenneth turner, _shall it be again?_ points out, on the basis of convincing proofs, that wilson's alleged reasons for going to war and war aims were not the real ones. america--or rather president wilson--was resolved probably from the start, certainly from , to range herself against germany and to fight. she did the latter, alleging the u-boat warfare as a pretext, in reality under the influence of powerful financial groups, and yielding to the pressure and prayers of her partner, france, whose resources in man power were becoming more and more exhausted. america did not wish to leave a weakened france along with england, whose annexation designs on calais, dunkirk, etc., were well known to her. it was a fateful thing for germany--let this be stated here, in a general way--that our foreign office was unable to meet the broad policy of encirclement of england and the cunning of russia and france with an equal degree of diplomatic skill. this was partly because it had not really been trained under prince bismarck; and therefore when, after the retirement of the prince and count herbert, the all-dominating will and spirit were lacking, it was not up to the task of conducting foreign affairs on its own independent initiative. moreover, it is difficult in germany to train up good diplomats, since our people lack the taste and endowment for diplomacy which have shone forth brilliantly only from a few german minds, like frederick the great and bismarck. unfavorable also to the foreign office were the very frequent changes of secretaries of state. imperial chancellors, following the example of bismarck, maintained their influence upon the foreign office and suggested the secretaries of state who should direct its affairs. i acquiesced in the proposals of the imperial chancellors as to these posts, since i admitted their right to choose themselves their leading collaborators in the domain of foreign affairs. that these frequent changes were not calculated to work toward the continuity of political policy was a disadvantage that had to be taken into account. the foreign office was largely influenced by the axiom: "no disagreeable quarrels with other powers"--"surtout pas d'histoires" ("above all, no yarns"), as the french general said to a company of soldiers which, he had heard, wished to mutiny. one of the secretaries of state told me once when, in placing some matter before me, i had called his attention to the apparently serious situation in connection with some foreign question, that this simply must be righted, that the foreign office based its acts primarily upon the maxim: "let us have quiet." given this attitude, one can also understand the answer which the german representative gave to a german merchant in a south american republic who had asked him for help and intercession with the authorities, since his shop had been plundered and his property stolen: "oh, don't bother me with these things! we have established such pleasant relations with this republic; any action undertaken in your behalf would only serve to upset them." i need scarcely add that whenever such a conception of duty came to my attention i removed the official concerned from his post. the foreign office enjoyed general unpopularity both among the people and in the army. i worked continuously, during the tenure of office of various chancellors, for thorough reform, but in vain. every new chancellor, especially if he himself did not come from the ranks of the foreign service, needed the foreign office in order to work himself into foreign affairs, and this took time. but once he had worked himself in he was under obligation to the officials, and was reluctant to make extensive changes, burdened as he was by other matters and lacking detailed knowledge regarding the foreign office personnel, particularly as he still believed that he needed the advice of those who were "orientated." development of tsing-tao but let us return to tsing-tao. here everything was done to promote commerce and industry, and done jointly with the chinese; the flag of the chinese empire, moreover, was hoisted over the custom house at tsing-tao. the development there was such that the port, during the years immediately preceding the war, ranked sixth among all chinese trading centers in the commercial register of the great chinese merchants and of the merchants' guild coming just after tientsin. tsing-tao was a prospering german commercial colony, where many chinese worked side by side with germans; it was, so to speak, a great sample warehouse of german abilities and german achievements, to which the chinese, who formerly had not known germany, her capabilities of achievement, or her products, could repair for selection and emulation; it was a contrast to the naval stations of russia and england, which were purely military, directed solely toward domination and conquest. the rapid rise of tsing-tao as a trading center aroused the envy of the japanese and english, but this did not prevent swarms of the latter from journeying, with their families, to the splendid beach, enjoying its cool air and the beautiful strand hotel, and devoting themselves to playing polo and lawn tennis after they had escaped from the heat of hongkong, canton, and shanghai. envy prompted england in to demand that japan should take tsing-tao, although it was _de facto_ chinese. japan did this joyfully, promising to return it to china, but it was not returned until the beginning of , after much pressure, although japan had agreed with america that she was not to be allowed to make any territorial changes in china without previous consultation with washington. thus a great german cultural work in foreign lands, which stood as a model of the method and manner which a cultured nation should employ in extending the advantages of its culture to another nation, was annihilated by english commercial envy. some day, when hongkong has gone the same way, england will repent of her act and bitterly reproach herself for having abandoned her old maxim, in accordance with which she has acted for so many years: "white men together against colored men." when once japan has made a reality out of her watchword, "asia for the asiatics," and brought china and india under her sway, england will cast her eyes about in search of germany and the german fleet. as to the "yellow peril," i had the following interview with the tsar later, after the russo-japanese war, at a meeting between us. the tsar was, at that time, visibly impressed by the growing power of japan and its constant menace to russia and europe, and requested my opinion concerning this. i answered that if the russians counted themselves among the cultured nations of europe they must be ready to rally to the defense of these nations against the "yellow peril" and to fight for and by the side of europe for their own and europe's existence and culture; but that if the russians, on the other hand, considered themselves asiatics they would unite with the "yellow peril," and, joining forces with it, would assail europe. the tsar, said i, must bear this in mind in providing for the defense of his land and organizing his army. when the tsar asked me what course i thought the russians would take, i replied: "the second." the tsar was outraged and wished to know at once on what i based this opinion. i answered that my opinion was based on russia's construction of railways and on the arraying of the russian army along the prussian-austrian frontier. thereupon the tsar protested that he and his house were europeans, that his country and his russians would certainly cleave to europe, that he would look upon it as a matter of honor to protect europe from the "yellow men." to this i replied that if this was the tsar's attitude he must make his military preparations conform to it without delay. the tsar said nothing. at all events, i sought to utilize tsar nicholas ii's worry at the growing power of japan to the advantage of germany and general european culture. russia, despite siding with japan, was the first nation to collapse among all those participating in the war. reproaches for japan the able statesmen of japan, of whom there are quite a number, must be in some doubt as to whether they ranged their country on the right side in the war. yes, they will perhaps ask themselves whether it would not have been more advantageous for japan to have prevented the world war. this would have been within her powers, had she ranged herself firmly and unequivocally on the side of the central powers, from which in former times she had learned so willingly and so much. had japan adopted soon enough such an orientation in her foreign policy, and, like germany, fought by peaceful means for her share in world trade and activity, i should have put the "yellow peril" away in a corner and joyfully welcomed into the circle of peacefully inclined nations the progressive japanese nation, the "prussians of the east." nobody regrets more than i that the "yellow peril" had not already lost its meaning when the crisis of arose. the experience derived from the world war may yet bring this about. germany's joint action with france and russia at shimonoseki was based upon germany's situation in europe. wedged in between on-marching russia, threatening prussia's frontier, and france, fortifying her borders anew with forts and groups of fortresses, confronted with a friendship between these two nations resembling an alliance, berlin looked with anxiety into the future. the warlike preparations of the two powers were far ahead of ours, their navies far more modern and powerful than the german navy, which consisted of a few old ships almost without fighting value. therefore it seemed to us wise to acquiesce in the suggestion of this strong group, in order that it might not--should we decline--turn immediately to england and cause the entry of the latter into the combination. this would have meant the formation, at that time, of the combination of , which would have been a serious matter for germany. japan, on the other hand, was about to go over anyhow to england, in her sympathies. moreover, germany's making common cause with the franco-russian group offered the possibility of achieving gradually a more trusting and less strained relationship in europe and of living side by side with our two neighbors there in more friendliness, as a result of the common policy, adopted in the far east. the policy adopted by us at this juncture was also consistently based on the maintenance of world peace. in the entire kiao-chau question, prince hohenlohe, despite his age, evinced a capacity for sticking steadily to his purpose and a degree of resolution which must be reckoned as greatly to his credit. unfortunately in the matter of the kruger dispatch his prudence and his vision, so clear on other occasions, abandoned him: only by so assuming is his obstinate insistence on the sending of this dispatch to be understood. the influence of such an energetic and eloquent personage as herr von marschall, former state attorney, may have been so powerful, the siren song of herr von holstein so convincing, that the prince yielded to them. in any event, he did his country an ill turn in this matter, and damaged me seriously both in england and at home. the kruger telegram[ ] since the so-called kruger dispatch made a big stir and had serious political consequences, i shall tell the story of it in detail. the jameson raid caused great and increasing excitement in germany. the german nation was outraged at this attempt to overpower a little nation, which was dutch--and, hence, lower saxon-german in origin--and to which we were sympathetic because of racial relationship. i was much worried at this violent excitement, which also seized upon the higher classes of society, foreseeing possible complications with england. i believed that there was no way to prevent england from conquering the boer countries, should she so desire, although i also was convinced that such a conquest would be unjust. but i was unable to overcome the reigning excitement, and was even harshly judged by my intimates on account of the attitude i adopted. one day when i had gone to my uncle, the imperial chancellor, for a conference, at which the secretary of state for the navy, admiral hollmann, was present, freiherr marschall, one of the secretaries of state, suddenly appeared in high excitement, with a sheet of paper in his hand. he declared that the excitement among the people--in the reichstag, even--had grown to such proportions that it was absolutely necessary to give it outward expression, and that this could best be done by a telegram to kruger, a rough draft of which he had in his hand. i objected to this, being supported by admiral hollmann. at first the imperial chancellor remained passive in the debate. in view of the fact that i knew how ignorant freiherr marschall and the foreign office were of english national psychology, i sought to make clear to freiherr marschall the consequences which such a step would have among the english; in this, likewise, admiral hollmann seconded me. but marschall was not to be dissuaded. then, finally, the imperial chancellor took a hand. he remarked that i, as a constitutional ruler, must not stand out against the national consciousness and against my constitutional advisers; otherwise, there was danger that the excited attitude of the german people, deeply outraged in its sense of justice and also in its sympathy for the dutch, might cause it to break down the barriers and turn against me personally. already, he said, statements were flying about among the people; it was being said that the emperor was, after all, half an englishman, with secret english sympathies; that he was entirely under the influence of his grandmother, queen victoria; that the dictation emanating from england must cease once for all; that the emperor must be freed from english tutelage, etc. says he signed against his will in view of all this, he continued, it was his duty as imperial chancellor, notwithstanding he admitted the justification of my objections, to insist that i sign the telegram in the general political interest, and, above all else, in the interest of my relationship to my people. he and also herr von marschall, he went on, in their capacity of my constitutional advisers, would assume full responsibility for the telegram and its consequences. sir valentine chirol, at that time correspondent of the _times_, wrote, in the _times_ of september th, that herr von marschall, directly after the sending of the dispatch, had stated to him that the dispatch did not give the personal opinion of the emperor, but was a governmental act, for which the chancellor and he himself assumed full responsibility. admiral hollmann, when the imperial chancellor appealed to him for corroboration of this point of view and was asked by him to uphold it to me, declined to do so with the remark that the anglo-saxon world would unquestionably attribute the telegram to the kaiser, since nobody would believe that such a provocative thing could come from his majesty's elderly advisers, and all would consider it an "impulsive" act of the "youthful" emperor. then i again tried to dissuade the gentlemen from their project. but the imperial chancellor and marschall insisted that i sign, reiterating that they would be responsible for consequences. it seemed to me that i ought not to refuse after their presentation of the case. i signed. not long before his death admiral hollmann recalled the occurrence to me in full detail, as it is described here. after the kruger dispatch was made public the storm broke in england, as i had prophesied. i received from all circles of english society, especially from aristocratic ladies unknown to me, a veritable flood of letters containing every possible kind of reproach, some of the writers not hesitating even at slandering me personally and insulting me. attacks and calumnies began to appear in the press, so that soon the legend of the origin of the dispatch was as firmly established as the amen at church. if marschall had also announced in the reichstag what he stated to chirol, i personally would not have been drawn into the matter to such an extent. in february, , while the boer war was in progress and while i was with the fleet at heligoland attending the maneuvers of ships of the line, after having been present at the swearing in of recruits at wilhelmshafen i received news by telegraph from the wilhelmstrasse, _via_ heligoland, that russia and france had proposed to germany to make a joint attack on england, now that she was involved elsewhere, and cripple her sea traffic. i objected and ordered that the proposal be declined. since i assumed that paris and st. petersburg would present the matter at london in such a way as to make it appear that berlin had made the above proposal to both of them, i immediately telegraphed from heligoland to queen victoria and to the prince of wales (edward) the fact of the russo-french proposal, and its refusal by me. the queen answered expressing her hearty thanks, the prince of wales with an expression of astonishment. later, her majesty let me know secretly that, shortly before the receipt of my telegram from heligoland concerning the proposal from paris and st. petersburg, the false version of the matter foreseen by me had indeed been told, and that she was glad to have been able, thanks to my dispatch, to expose the intrigue to her government and quiet it as to the loyal attitude of germany; she added that she would not forget the service i had done england in troublous times. deal with cecil rhodes when cecil rhodes came to me, in order to bring about the construction of the cape-to-cairo railway and telegraph line through the interior regions of german east africa, his wishes were approved by me, in agreement with the foreign office and the imperial chancellor; with the proviso that a branch railway should be built _via_ tabora, and that german material should be used in the construction work on german territory. both conditions were acquiesced in by rhodes most willingly. he was grateful at the fulfillment of his pet ambition by germany, only a short time after king leopold of belgium had refused his request. rhodes was full of admiration for berlin and the tremendous german industrial plants, which he visited daily. he said that he regretted not having been in berlin before, in order to have learned about the power and efficiency of germany, and to have got into touch with the german government and prominent germans in commercial circles. he said he had wished, even before the jameson raid, to visit berlin, but had been prevented in london at that time from so doing; that, had he been able to inform us before of his plan to get permission to build the cape-to-cairo line through the boer countries, as well as through our colonies, the german government would probably have been able to help him by bringing persuasion to bear upon kruger, who was unwilling to grant this permission; that "the stupid jameson raid" would never have been made, in that case, and the kruger dispatch never written--as to that dispatch, he had never borne me a grudge on account of it. he added that as we, in germany, could not be correctly informed as to aim and actual purposes, the said raid must have looked to us like "an act of piracy," which naturally and quite rightly had excited the germans; that all he had wanted was to have such stretches of land as were needed for his rail lines--such, in fact, as germany had just granted to him in the interior of her colonies--a demand which was not unjust and would certainly have met with german support. i was not to worry, he added, about the dispatch and not bother myself any more about the uproar in the english press. rhodes did not know about the origin of the kruger dispatch and wanted to console me, imagining that i was its originator. rhodes went on to advise me to build the bagdad railway and open up mesopotamia, after having had irrigation simultaneously introduced there. he said that this was germany's task, just as his was the cape-to-cairo line. in view of the fact that the building of this line through our territory was also made dependent upon the cession to us of the samoan islands, rhodes worked actively in london toward having them turned over to us. in home politics, prince hohenlohe, as chancellor, showed a mildness which was not generally favorable. owing to his long acquaintanceship with herr von hertling, he was able to establish friendly relations with the vatican. his mildness and indulgence were also exercised toward alsace-lorraine, in which, as an expert of long standing, he showed particular interest. but he got little thanks for this, since the french element, indirectly benefited thereby, behaved with ever-increasing arrogance. pen sketch of hohenlohe prince hohenlohe loved to employ mediation, compromise, and conciliation--toward the socialists likewise--and he employed them on some occasions when energetic measures would have been more fitting. he hailed with much joy my far east trip to constantinople and jerusalem. he was pleased at the strengthening of our relations with turkey and considered the plan for the bagdad railway arising from them as a great cultural work worthy of germany. he also gave his most enthusiastic approval to my visit to england in , made by me with my wife and two sons at the desire of my royal grandmother, who, growing steadily weaker on account of her years, wished to see her oldest grandson once more. he hoped that this journey might serve to efface somewhat the consequences of the kruger dispatch sent by him, and also to clarify some important questions by means of conferences between me and english statesmen. in order to avoid any unpleasantness from the english press, which, angered by the boer war and the partly unjustified attacks of certain german newspapers, had been answering in like tone, the queen had commissioned the author of _the life of the prince consort_, sir theodore martin, to inform the english press of her majesty's desire that a friendly reception be accorded to her imperial grandson. and that is what indeed came to pass. the visit ran its course harmoniously and caused satisfaction on all sides. i held important conferences with various leading men. not once in the entire visit was the kruger dispatch mentioned. on the other hand, my royal grandmother did not conceal from her grandson how unwelcome the whole boer war was to her; she made no secret of her disapproval and aversion for mr. chamberlain and all that he represented, and thanked me again for my prompt and sharp refusal of the russo-french proposal to interfere and for my immediate announcement of this proposal. one could easily see how much the queen loved her splendid army and how deeply she had been grieved by the heavy reverses suffered by it at the outset of the war, which had caused by no means negligible losses. referring to these, the aged field marshal duke of cambridge coined the fine phrase: "the british nobleman and officer have shown that they can die bravely as gentlemen." on my departure, the queen bade me farewell with cordial and grateful greetings to her "much-cherished cousin," the imperial chancellor, whose ability and experience, she hoped, would continue to maintain good relations between our two countries. my report entirely satisfied prince hohenlohe as to the success of my journey; at the same time, however, i was the object of the most violent attacks from a certain section of the press and from many excited "friends of the boers." the german lacks the very thing with which the english people has been inoculated, and to which it has been trained by long political self-discipline: when a fight is on, even though it be merely upon the field of diplomacy, the englishman unquestioningly follows the flag, in accordance with the proverb: "you can't change the jockey while running." in the autumn of prince hohenlohe retired from the chancellorship, since the work had become too arduous for a man of his advanced age. moreover, the constant quarrels and disputes of the political parties with one another were disagreeable to him, and it went against the grain with him to make speeches before them in the reichstag. equally disagreeable to him was the press, part of which had taken the bit between its teeth and imagined that it could conserve the bismarckian tradition by quoting sayings by bismarck, and had greatly jeopardized relations with england, especially during the boer war. chancellor's retirement the hope, aroused by the choice of prince hohenlohe as chancellor and his assumption of the office, that prince bismarck would place less obstacles in his path, had been only partly fulfilled. the atmosphere had been much relieved and prince bismarck brought to a much milder frame of mind by my reconciliation with him, which had received outward expression in his solemn entry into berlin and his staying at the old hohenzollern palace, but his adherents and those rallying around him for the sake of opposition were not to be dissuaded from their activities. moreover, the political representatives of the people succeeded, while i was on my way to friedrichsruh to celebrate bismarck's eightieth birthday, in refusing to pay homage to the old imperial chancellor, a thing which naturally deeply hurt the sensitive prince hohenlohe and filled him with indignation. he, like myself, was deeply moved by the death of his great predecessor, and we, together with the german people, sincerely mourned prince bismarck as one of the greatest of the sons of prussia and germany, in spite of the fact that he had not always made our task easy. i insisted upon hurrying back from my trip to norway in order to pay honor to him who, as a faithful servant of his old master, had helped the german nation to unity, and under whom i, when i was prince, had had the proud privilege of working. it is said that one of the reasons why prince hohenlohe retired from his post was the advice of his son alexander, who was much at his father's house; he was known in society as "the crown prince," and was essentially different from his lovable father. prince hohenlohe could look back upon a series of successes during his term as chancellor: the overcoming of the disputes concerning the "citizens' book of laws," the reform of the military punishment procedure, the naval law, the appointment of waldersee to the command in china at the time of the boxer war, tsing-tao, and the yangtse treaty. he bade me farewell on the th of october, . both of us were greatly moved, for not only was the chancellor and faithful co-worker parting from his emperor, but also the uncle from his nephew, who looked up with grateful esteem to the old man. at the age of seventy-five years--an age when others have long since retired to rest and contemplation--he had not hesitated to obey the summons of the emperor to subject himself to even more exacting labors and devote his time and strength to the german fatherland. when about to leave my room, he grasped my hand once again with the request that i might grant him, during the years of life still remaining to him (which he meant to spend in berlin), the same plain, faithful friendship which he had so long noted and admired between me and admiral von hollmann. i shall always preserve him faithfully in my memory. [ ] "once the magnitude of pan-germanism dawned on the english and french diplomats, once they became aware of the lengths to which germany was willing to go, they realized the necessity of strengthening their position, and therefore made overtures to the united states, which resulted, probably before the summer of the year , in an understanding between the three countries. there seems to be no doubt whatever that no papers of any sort were signed, that no pledges were given which circumstances would not justify any one of the contracting parties in denying or possibly repudiating. nevertheless, an understanding was reached that in case of a war begun by germany or austria for the purpose of executing pan-germanism, the united states would promptly declare in favor of england and france and would do her utmost to assist them."--roland g. usher, _pan-germanism_, chap. x, p. . [ ] _the problem of japan_, by an ex-counselor of legation in the far east, chap. viii, p. , note. published by c. l. langenhuysen, amsterdam and rotterdam. . [ ] tremendous excitement was caused in england when the incident of the kruger message became known. on january , , the german emperor telegraphed as follows to the president of the south african republic: "i congratulate you most sincerely on having succeeded, with your people, without calling on the help of foreign powers, by opposing your own force to an armed band which broke into your country to disturb the peace, in restoring quiet and in maintaining the independence of your country against external attack." on january th, in conversation with sir frank lascelles, baron von marschall protested against the view of the english press that it was an act of hostility against england and an encroachment on english rights for the german emperor to congratulate the head of a friendly state on his victory over an armed band that had invaded his land in defiance of international law, and had been declared to be outside the pale of the law by the english government itself. but it was not recorded that he disavowed the kaiser's responsibility for it. chapter iv bülow on the day after prince hohenlohe's farewell, the man summoned by me as his successor--count bülow, secretary of state for foreign affairs, arrived. his choice for the post was eminently fitting, because he was thoroughly cognizant of our foreign policy and, especially, of our relations with england--which policy was becoming constantly livelier and more complicated--and because he had already proved himself a skillful orator and ready debater in the reichstag. the fact that the second of these qualities was lacking in his predecessor had often been painfully noticeable. when prince hohenlohe's intention to retire became known in the imperial council, the bavarian ambassador at berlin, count lerchenfeld, very pointedly remarked to me that for heaven's sake i was not to choose another south german, since south germans were not fitted for the leading post at berlin; north germans were naturally better able to fill it and, therefore, it would be better for the empire to select a north german. i had been acquainted personally with bülow for a long time, ever since the period of his ambassadorship at rome and his work as secretary of state. then i had often visited him at his home and had held many a conference with him in his garden. he came into closer relationship with me when he accompanied me on my journey to the far east, where, in co-operation with the ambassador, freiherr marschall, he assisted me in getting into personal touch with the leading men of the turkish government. hence, the relations of the new chancellor with me were already begun and, to a certain extent, established, since we had for years discussed all political problems and spheres. moreover, he stood much nearer to me in age than his predecessors, most of whom could have been my grandfather. he was the first "young chancellor" of germany. and this made our common task easier for both of us. when i was in berlin, scarcely a day went by without my taking a long morning walk with the chancellor in the garden of the imperial chancellor's palace, during which outstanding business was cleared up and problems of actuality discussed. i often had a meal with him and always found at his table, where i was most hospitably received by the count, his amiable wife and a group of the most interesting men, in choosing whom the count was a master. he was likewise unsurpassed in skillfully conducting conversation and in the witty handling of the various topics that arose. to me it was always a pleasure to be in the company of the chancellor and enjoy his bubbling wit, to exchange views at his table with many professors, savants, and artists, as well as government officials of all sorts, in informal, unofficial intercourse and stimulating exchange of ideas. the count was an excellent narrator of anecdotes, drawn both from books and his own personal experience, which he told in several languages. he liked to tell stories of the days when he was a diplomat, especially about his stay at st. petersburg. bÜlow a disciple of bismarck the count's father was an intimate friend of prince bismarck and had been one of his closest co-workers. young bülow also had begun his career under the great chancellor; he had been brought up on bismarckian ideas and traditions and strongly influenced by them, but, nevertheless, had not adhered to them to such an extent as to lose his independence. in the course of one of the first talks which i had with bülow as imperial chancellor he informed himself concerning my ideas of how best to handle the english and have dealings with them. i told him that i considered absolute frankness the most important thing in dealing with england and englishmen; that the englishman, in presenting his point of view and working for his interests, was inconsiderate to the point of brutality, for which reason he thoroughly understood anybody who acted similarly toward him; that there must be no playing the diplomatic game, or "finessing," with an englishman, because it made him distrust those with whom he was dealing and suspect that they were not honest and wished secretly to cheat him; that such devious methods could be successful only in dealing with latin and slavic nations; that, once the englishman had become suspicious, there was nothing more to be done with him, despite the most honeyed words and most obliging concessions; that the only advice, therefore, which i could give the chancellor was that he confine himself entirely to straightforwardness in his english policy. i said this with particular emphasis, since "finessing" was especially dear to the diplomatic character of count bülow and had become second nature to him. i also took occasion, during this talk, to warn the chancellor against holstein. in spite of my warning--which was merely a repetition of that given me before by bismarck--bülow worked a great deal, or was obliged to work, with holstein. this remarkable man had been able gradually, especially since the time that the foreign office had been, so to speak, orphaned by bismarck's retirement, to create for himself a position that became steadily more influential and to maintain it under three chancellors with such skill that he was considered indispensable. holstein was unquestionably possessed of great shrewdness, seconded by a phenomenal memory and a certain talent for political combinations, which, to be sure, often became a hobby in his case. his position was also based largely on the fact that he was looked upon in many quarters, especially among the older officials, as the "bearer of the bismarckian traditions," the man who upheld these in the teeth of "the young master." his importance rested, above all, on his wide personal knowledge in the entire domain of the foreign service. since he wielded, on account of this, an authoritative influence on all proposals relative to the appointment of officials and hence, also, on the careers of the younger officials, it may be easily understood why he, little by little, had obtained for himself a dominating position at the foreign office. but he sought more and more to obtain, at the same time, a decisive influence upon the conduct of foreign policy; he had, in fact, become the guiding spirit both of the foreign office and of german foreign policy. holstein's secret power the serious thing about this was that he exerted his far-reaching influence entirely from under cover and avoided all official responsibility as an adviser. he preferred to remain in the dark and exert his influence from there. he refused every responsible post--many stood open to him--every honorary title, every promotion. he lived in complete seclusion. for a long time i tried in vain to become personally acquainted with him, for which purpose i used to invite him to meals, but holstein declined every time. only once, in the course of many years, did he consent to dine with me at the foreign office, and it was characteristic of him that, whereas on this occasion all the other gentlemen present wore full evening dress, he appeared in a frock coat and excused himself on the plea that he had no dress coat. the secrecy with which he surrounded himself in his work, so as not to be held responsible for it, became apparent also at times in the character of the memorials drawn up by him; they were unquestionably ingenious and attractive, but often as involved and ambiguous as the oracle of delphi; there were occasions when, after a decision had been made based on the contents of one of these documents, herr von holstein would prove to a nicety that he meant exactly the opposite of what had been thought. i considered it a serious matter that an irresponsible counselor should bring to bear such powerful influence, especially as he did so from under cover and, hence, in doing it, eluded the officials who were in duty bound to exert influence, and who were the responsible parties. often, especially in the von richthofen era, it happened that i would advise a foreign ambassador to discuss some political question, which he had taken up with me, with the secretary of state, and he would reply: "j'en parlerai avec mon ami holstein" ("i shall speak about it with my friend holstein"). the fact alone that an official of the foreign office dealt with foreign ambassadors, going over the head of his superior, did not seem right to me; but that he should be dubbed by these foreigners "friend" seemed to me to go beyond what i deemed advisable. matters had, in fact, developed gradually to such a stage that holstein conducted a good part of our foreign affairs. to be sure, he still listened to the chancellor in connection with them, but what the emperor thought or said about foreign affairs was rather unimportant. if things turned out successfully, the foreign office reaped the reward; if things went wrong, then it was the fault of the "impulsive young master." in spite of all this, bülow, too, apparently thought herr von holstein indispensable at first; he worked together with him for a long time, until at last he, too, found unbearable the pressure which this strange man exerted on everybody. to herr von tschirschky, during his tenure of office as secretary of state, belongs the merit of finally bringing the unendurable situation to a head. on being questioned by me, he declared that he considered it impossible that herr von holstein remain at his post any longer, since he was embroiling the whole foreign office, seeking to eliminate him, the secretary of state, entirely, and creating all kinds of obstacles, likewise, for the chancellor. dismissal--and an enemy thereupon i ordered herr von tschirschky to prepare the way for the dismissal of herr von holstein, which afterward took place, with the approval of the chancellor, after the latter had recovered from the serious break-down in health which he had suffered meanwhile. herr von holstein himself showed what manner of man he was by going at once after his dismissal to herr harden and placing himself at the latter's disposal for the campaign against the emperor. the year gave count bülow plentiful opportunities to show and assert himself in dealings with england. count bülow still believed strongly in the bismarckian theory of having "two irons in the fire"--_i. e._, in making friendly agreements with another country while always remaining on good terms with russia--in which he received support from the many pretended adherents of bismarck. from the midst of the jubilee celebration of the two hundredth coronation anniversary, i was called to the deathbed of my grandmother, queen victoria, by a dispatch announcing to me the serious condition of the queen. i hurriedly made the journey with my uncle, the duke of connaught, who was at berlin as the queen's representative at the festivities--he was the favorite son of the queen and my particular friend, and a son-in-law of prince frederick charles--and i was cordially received in london by the then prince of wales and the royal family. as my carriage drove out at a trot from the railway station a plainly dressed man stepped forward from the closely packed crowd standing there in absolute silence, to the side of the carriage, bared his head, and said: "thank you, kaiser." the prince of wales, later edward vii, added: "that is what they all think, and they will never forget this coming of yours." nevertheless, they did forget it, and quickly. after the queen had quietly breathed her last in my arms, the curtain fell for me upon many memories of childhood. her death signified the close of an epoch in english history and in germany's relations with england. i now got into touch, as far as possible, with prominent personages, and noted everywhere a thoroughly sympathetic, friendly spirit, which made no secret of the wish for good relations with germany. at the farewell banquet impromptu speeches were made by king edward vii and myself, which were cordial in tone and content, and did not fail to make an impression on their hearers. after the meal the english ambassador at berlin clasped my hand and said that my speech had touched all his fellow countrymen's hearts, because what i said was sincere and simple, as was fitting for englishmen; that the speech must at once be made public, since it would have an effect throughout the country, which was grateful for my coming; and that this would be useful to the relations between the two countries. i answered that it was a matter for the british government and the king to decide, that personally i had no objections to having the speech made public. nevertheless, it was not made public, and the british people never learned of my words, which were the sincere expression of my sentiments and thoughts. in another talk later on with me at berlin the same ambassador deeply regretted this, but was unable to say what the reason was for this omission. in concluding my remarks on my stay in england i cannot pass over the fact that a portion of the german press was unfortunately lacking both in tactful appreciation of the grief of the english royal family and people, as well as of the obligations which my family relationship and political considerations imposed upon me. after my return home from england i was able to report to the chancellor on the good impressions i had received, and particularly that opinion in england was apparently in favor of an understanding and of closer relations. bülow expressed himself as satisfied with the results of the journey, after we had talked at length about it at homburg, and consulted as to how the situation created by the journey should be put to use. i suggested that we should unquestionably come to a good agreement, if an alliance--which i preferred--could not be brought about. in any event, a firm agreement would suffice, i said, and would suit the english; in the long run an alliance might always develop from it. the opportunity for such an alliance came with unexpected promptness. while i was at homburg von der höhe in the spring of , count metternich, who was with me as representative of the foreign office, brought me a notification from berlin that _mr. chamberlain_ had inquired there as to whether germany was ready for an _alliance with england_. i immediately asked: "against whom?"--since, if england so suddenly offered to make an alliance in the midst of peace, it was plain that she needed the german army, which made it worth while to find out against whom the army was needed and for what reason german troops were to fight, at england's behest, by her side. thereupon the answer came from london that they were needed against russia, since russia was a menace both to india and to constantinople. the first thing i did was to call london's attention to the old traditional brotherhood-in-arms between the german and russian armies, and the close family ties between the reigning dynasties of the two countries; in addition, i pointed out the dangers of a war on two fronts, in case france came in on the side of russia, and also the fact that we had acted jointly with france and russia in the far east (shimonoseki, ) and that there was no reason to unloose a conflict with russia at this time, when we were in the midst of peace; that the superiority in number of the russian army on a peace footing was very great and the eastern frontiers of prussia seriously threatened by the grouping of the russian forces; that england would not be in a position to protect our eastern province from a russian attack, since her fleet could accomplish little in the baltic and would be unable to sail into the black sea; that, in case of our making common cause against russia, germany would be the only one who would be in great danger, quite independently of the possibility of the entry of france into the fight. chamberlain then informed us that a firm alliance should be made, by which england would naturally bind herself to come to our aid. british alliance fails i had also pointed out that the validity of an alliance could only be assured when the english parliament had placed its approval upon it, since the ministry might be driven from office by the will of the nation as expressed in parliament, whereby signature of the ministry might be rendered null and void and the alliance invalidated, and that we could look upon the chamberlain suggestion, for the time being, merely as a purely personal project of his own. to this chamberlain replied that he would get backing from parliament in due time and would find the way of winning the unionists over to his idea; that all needed now was the signature of berlin. matters did not progress as far as that, because parliament was not to be won over to chamberlain's plan; therefore the "plan" came to nothing. soon afterward england concluded her alliance with japan (hayashi). the russo-japanese war broke out, in which japan--owing to the fact that it fitted in with her schemes--played the rôle of pawn for england's interests, which rôle had originally been reserved for germany. by this war russia was thrown from the east back to the west, where she might concern herself again with the balkans, constantinople, and india--which was to japan's advantage--leaving to japan a free hand in korea and china. in came my journey to tangier, undertaken much against my will. it came about as follows: toward the end of march i intended, as in the previous year, to take a mediterranean trip for the sake of my health, for which i proposed to avail myself of some ship running empty from cuxhaven to naples. the _hamburg_ was destined by ballin for this purpose. at his request that i take along some other guests, since the steamer was quite empty, i invited a number of gentlemen, among them privy councilor althoc, admiral mensing, count pückler, ambassador von varnbuhler, professor schiemann, admiral hollmann, etc. soon after the proposed trip became known bülow informed me that there was a strong desire at lisbon to have me stop there and pay the portuguese court a visit. to this i agreed. as the date of departure approached, bülow expressed the additional wish that i also stop at tangier and, by visiting that moroccan port, strengthen the position of the sultan of morocco in relation to the french. this i declined, since it seemed to me that the morocco question was too full of explosive matter and i feared that such a visit would work out disadvantageously rather than beneficially. bülow returned to the attack, without, however, persuading me of the necessity or advisability of the visit. again kaiser "gives in" during the journey i had several talks with freiherr von schoen, who accompanied me as representative of the foreign office, as to the advisability of the visit. we agreed that it would be better to drop it. i telegraphed this decision to the chancellor from lisbon. bülow replied emphatically that i must take into consideration the view of the german people and of the reichstag, which had become interested in the project, and that it was necessary that i stop at tangier. i gave in, with a heavy heart, for i feared that this visit, in view of the situation at paris, might be construed as a provocation and cause an inclination in london to support france in case of war. since i suspected that delcassé wished to make morocco a pretext for war, i feared that he might make use of the tangier visit for this purpose. the visit took place, after much difficulty had been experienced in the open roadstead of tangier, and it met with a certain amount of friendly participation by italian and southern french anarchists, rogues, and adventurers. a lot of spaniards stood upon a small square, amid waving banners and loud cries; these, according to a police official who accompanied us, were an assembly of spanish anarchists. the first i learned about the consequences of my tangier visit was when i got to gibraltar and was formally and frigidly received by the english, in marked contrast to my cordial reception the year before. what i had foreseen was justified by the facts. embitterment and anger reigned in paris, and delcassé tried to rouse the nation to war; the only reason that he did not succeed was that both the minister of war and the minister of the navy declared france not yet ready. the fact that my fears were justified was also corroborated later by the conversation between delcassé and the editor of _le gaulois_, in which the minister informed an astonished world that, in case of war, england would have sided with france. thus, even as far back as that, i ran the risk, through the tangier visit forced upon me, of getting blamed for the unchaining of a world war. to think and act constitutionally is often a hard task for a ruler upon whom in every case responsibility is finally saddled. in october, , the paris _matin_ reported that delcassé had declared in the council of ministers that england had offered, in case of war, to land , men in holstein and seize the kaiser wilhelm canal. this english offer was repeated once more later on, with the suggestion that it be affirmed in writing. and the well-known jaurès, who was murdered in accordance with the political ideas of isvolsky upon the outbreak of war in , knew beforehand about the statements by delcassé published in the _matin_. the downfall of delcassé and the accession of rouvier to his post are to be ascribed partly to the influence of the prince of monaco. during the regatta week at kiel the prince had assured himself, by talks with me, the imperial chancellor, and government officials, of the sincerity of our desire to compromise with france for the purpose of enabling us to live at peace with each other. he stood well with the ambassador, prince radolin, and worked actively toward a rapprochement between the two countries. the prince of monaco himself was of the opinion that delcassé was a menace to the maintenance of peace and hoped that he would soon fall and be replaced by rouvier, who was a prudent politician thoroughly inclined to coming to an understanding with germany. the prince said that he was on good terms with rouvier personally and would willingly place himself at the disposal of the german ambassador as a go-between. negotiations fruitless then came delcassé's fall, and rouvier became minister. at once i caused the initiation of the measures wherein i could count upon the support of the prince of monaco. the chancellor was instructed to prepare a rapprochement with france. and i particularly told prince radolin, who personally received his instructions in berlin, to make good use of the rouvier régime for the purpose of eliminating all possibilities of conflict between the two countries. i added that the reports of the prince of monaco, with whom he was well acquainted, would be useful to him in relations with rouvier. prince radolin proceeded with zeal and pleasure to the accomplishment of this worth-while task. at first the negotiations went well, so much so that i began to hope that the important goal would be attained and the evil impression caused by the tangier visit effaced by an understanding. in the meantime, the negotiations concerning morocco were continued; they were concluded, after endless trouble, by the summoning of the algeciras conference, based upon the circular note of prince bülow, which pointed out that the most-favored-nation clause no. of the madrid convention should remain in force and that the reforms in morocco, for which france alone was working, should be carried out, in so far as necessary, only in agreement with the signatory powers of the madrid conference. these events, which riveted general attention upon themselves, relegated the special negotiations with rouvier to the background. with regard to domestic policy, i had agreed with the chancellor that his main task was to be the restoration of order in the relations between the parties in the reichstag, which had got into a bad way under hohenlohe, and, above all, to rally the conservatives, who had been won over to the opposition by the post-bismarckians, once more to the support of the government. the chancellor accomplished this task with great patience and tenacity. he finally formed the famous "bloc," which arose from the great electoral defeat of the socialists. the conservative party had many members who had direct relations with the court, and also with me personally, so that it was easier for this party than for any other to become informed as to my plans in political and other matters and to discuss my ideas with me before they took shape in projects for laws. i have not the impression that this was done to the extent that was possible; i might perhaps have come into agreement with the gentlemen, through informal conversations, in the question of the building of the central canal--opposed, as is well known, by the conservatives--as well as in the less important matters of the construction of the cathedral and the berlin opera house, in which i was deeply interested for the sake of the church and of art. i am saying nothing new if i remark that it was by no means easy to deal with the gentlemen of the conservative party. through their traditional services to the state they had acquired great experience and independence of judgment, and had thus formed firm political convictions, to which they held faithfully and in a genuinely conservative manner. from their ranks great statesmen, eminent ministers, a brilliant officer corps, a model body of officials, had largely been produced. therefore, the consciousness of their own merit was not without justification; in addition, their loyalty to their king was unshakable. the king and the country both owed them gratitude. finds fault with conservatives their weakness lay in the fact that they were at times too conservative--that is, they recognized too late the demands of the time and began by opposing progress, although it might be progress advantageous to themselves. one may understand this in view of their past, but the fact remains that it worked to the detriment of their relations with me, especially during my reign, when the development of the empire, particularly of industry and commerce, pushed rapidly forward; and i desired--and was obliged--to place no obstacles in the way of that development, but to promote it. when i said that it was not always easy, for the reasons adduced, to deal with the conservatives, i am well aware that the same thing is maintained about me. perhaps this is because i stood close to the conservatives on account of my traditions, but was not a conservative for party reasons. i was and am, indeed, in favor of progressive conservatism, which preserves what is vital, rejects what is outworn, and accepts that portion of the new which is useful. let me add that in discussions i was able to endure the truth, even when it was uncomfortable and bitter, better than people are aware, provided it was told to me tactfully. so that, when it is maintained that i and the conservatives did not get along in dealings with each other, the same reason was at the root of the difficulty on both sides. it would have been better to arrive oftener at an understanding with me in private conversations, for which i was always ready. and in the canal question, on which we could not agree, who was better qualified than the conservative to understand and appreciate the fact that i have never subscribed to the pretty couplet, "unser könig absolut, wenn er unseren willen tut" ("absolute our king may be, if he does what we decree")? for, had i acted according to that principle--a very comfortable one for me--the conservatives, in view of their belief in a strong king who really governs, would logically have been forced to oppose me. surely the conservatives must have respected me for having matched their honorable axiom of manly pride before the thrones of kings with mine of kingly pride before the conservative party's throne, just as i did with regard to all other parties. in any event, the occasional differences with the conservative party and with individual conservatives cannot make me forget the services rendered by men of this very party to the house of hohenzollern, the prussian state, and the german empire. bülow finally did the great trick of bringing conservatives and liberals together in germany, thus getting a big majority for the parties siding with the government. in doing so, the great abilities of the chancellor, his skill, statecraft, and shrewd knowledge of men, shone forth most brilliantly. the great service rendered by him in achieving this success won him thorough appreciation and gratitude from his country and from myself; and, in addition, an increase of my trust in him. the boundless delight of the people of berlin in the defeat of the social democrats at the polls led to the nocturnal demonstration, which i shall never forget, in front of my palace, in the course of which my automobile had to force a way for itself, little by little, amid a cheering crowd of many thousands surrounding it. the lustgarten was packed with great multitudes of people, at whose tumultuous request the empress and i had to appear on the balcony in order to receive their homage. the chancellor was present at the visit of king edward vii to kiel. among the many guests was the former chief court marshal of the empress, frederick, count seckendorff, long acquainted with edward vii through his many visits to england, who reposed great trust in the count. this gentleman, at the behest of bülow, with whom he was friendly, arranged an interview between the king and the chancellor. it took place on board the royal english yacht after a breakfast to which i and the chancellor were invited. both gentlemen sat for a long time alone over their cigars. afterward bülow reported to me what had transpired at the interview. in discussing the possible conclusion of an alliance between germany and england, the king, he told me, had stated that such a thing was not at all necessary in the case of our two countries, since there was no real cause for enmity or strife between them. this refusal to make an alliance was a plain sign of the english "policy of encirclement," which soon made itself felt clearly and disagreeably at the algeciras conference. the pro-french and anti-german attitude of england, which there came out into the open, was due to special orders from king edward vii, who had sent sir d. mackenzie wallace to algeciras as his "supervising representative," equipped with personal instructions. from hints given by the latter to his friends it turned out that it was the king's wish to oppose germany strongly and support france at every opportunity. when it was pointed out to him that it might be possible, after all, to take up later with germany this or that question and perhaps come to an understanding, he replied that, first of all came the anglo-russian agreement; that, once that was assured, an "arrangement" might be made with germany also. the english "arrangement" consisted in the encirclement of germany. his friendship with bÜlow the relations between me and the chancellor remained trustful and friendly throughout this period. he was present repeatedly at the kiel regatta. here, he found occasion, among other matters, to confer with the prince of monaco and a number of influential frenchmen, who were guests aboard the prince's yacht, among whom doubtless the most eminent was m. jules roche, the leading expert on european budgets, and a great admirer of goethe. he always carried a copy of _faust_ in his pocket. in april, , came the unfortunate collapse in the reichstag of the overworked chancellor. as soon as i received the news, i hurried there and was glad that privy councilor renvers could give me encouraging news about bülow's condition. while the prince was recuperating during the summer at norderney, i went from heligoland, which i had been inspecting, on a torpedo boat to the island and surprised the chancellor and his wife at their villa. i spent the day in chatting with the chancellor, who had already recovered his health to an encouraging degree and was browned by the sea air and sunlight. in the late autumn of the empress and i paid a visit to windsor, at the invitation of king edward vii. we were most cordially received by the english royal family and the visit went off harmoniously. after this visit i went for a rest to the castle of highcliffe, belonging to general stewart worthley, situated on the south coast of england, opposite the needles. before my departure for england, the chancellor, who was much pleased at the english invitation, had long talks with me as to the best way for getting on a better footing with england, and had suggested to me a number of his desires and projects, to serve me as guides in my conversations with englishmen. during my visit i had frequent occasion to discuss the subjects agreed upon and conduct conversations as desired by the chancellor. cipher telegrams containing my reports on these conversations went regularly to berlin and i repeatedly received from the chancellor approving telegrams. i used to show these after the evening meal to my intimates who accompanied me on my visit; these men, among them the chief court marshal count eulenburg and prince max egon fürstenberg, read them and rejoiced with me at the harmonious understanding between me and the chancellor. after my return from england i made a general report to the chancellor, whereupon he expressed to me his thanks for my having personally troubled myself so much and worked so hard toward improving the relations between the two countries. defends famous interview[ ] a year later came the incident about the so-called "interview," published in the _daily telegraph_. its object was the improvement of german-english relations. i had sent the draft submitted to me to the chancellor for examination through the representative of the foreign office, herr von jenisch. i had called attention, by means of notes, to certain portions which, to my way of thinking, did not belong therein and should be eliminated. through a series of mistakes on the part of the foreign office, when the matter was taken up at my request, this was not done. a storm broke loose in the press. the chancellor spoke in the reichstag, but did not defend the kaiser, who was the object of attack, to the extent that i expected, declaring, on the other hand, that he wished to prevent in future the tendency toward "personal politics" which had become apparent in the last few years. the conservative party took upon itself to address an open letter to the king through the newspapers, the contents of which are known. during these proceedings, i was staying first at eckartsau, with franz ferdinand, heir to the austrian throne, and later with kaiser franz joseph at vienna, both of whom disapproved of the chancellor's conduct. from vienna i went to donaueschingen to visit prince fürstenberg, to whom the press saw fit to address the demand that he should, being an honest, upright man, tell the emperor the truth for once. when we talked over the whole matter, the prince advised me to get together, at the foreign office, the dispatches from highcliffe in , and the answers to them, and have these laid before the reichstag. during this whole affair i underwent great mental anguish, which was heightened by the sudden death before my eyes of the intimate friend of my youth, count hülsen-haeseler, chief of the military cabinet. the faithful, self-sacrificing friendship and care of the prince and his family were most welcome to me in these bitter days. and letters and demonstrations from the empire, part of which sided with me and severely censured the chancellor, were a consolation to me during that period. after my return, the chancellor appeared, lectured me on my political sins, and asked that i sign the document that is already known, which was afterward communicated to the press. i signed it in silence and in silence i endured the attacks of the press against myself and the crown. the chancellor struck a serious blow, by his conduct, at the firm confidence and sincere friendship which had bound me before to him. undoubtedly prince bülow thought that, handling the matter as he did both in the reichstag and with me personally, he could best serve me and the cause, especially as public excitement was running very high at that time. in this i could not agree with him, all the more so since his actions toward me in the _daily telegraph_ affair stood out in too sharp contrast to the complaisance and recognition which bülow had previously manifested toward me. i had become so accustomed to the amiability of the prince that i found the treatment now accorded me incomprehensible. a break with bÜlow the relationship between emperor and chancellor, excellent and amicable up to that time, was, at all events, disturbed. i gave up personal relations with the chancellor and confined myself to official dealings. after consultation with the minister of the royal household and the chief of the cabinet, i resolved to follow prince fürstenberg's advice as to getting together the highcliffe dispatches, and charged the foreign office with this task. it failed of accomplishment because the dispatches in question were not to be found. toward the end of the winter the chancellor requested an audience with me. i walked up and down with him in the picture gallery of the palace, between the pictures of my ancestors, of the battles of the seven years' war, of the proclamation of the empire at versailles, and was amazed when the chancellor harked back to the events of the autumn of and undertook to explain his attitude. thereupon i took occasion to talk with him about the entire past. the frank talk and the explanations of the prince satisfied me. the result was that he remained in office. the chancellor requested that i dine with him that evening, as i had so often done before, in order to show the outer world that all was again well. i did so. a pleasant evening, enlivened by the visibly delighted princess with charming amiability, and by the prince with his usual lively, witty talk, closed that memorable day. alluding to the prince's audience with me, a wag wrote later in a newspaper, parodying a famous line: "the tear flows, germania has me again." by this reconciliation i also wished to show that i was in the habit of sacrificing my own sensitiveness to the good of the cause. despite prince bülow's attitude toward me in the reichstag, which was calculated to pain me, i naturally never forgot his eminent gifts as a statesman and his distinguished services to the fatherland. he succeeded, by his skill, in avoiding a world war at several moments of crisis, during the period indeed, when i, together with tirpitz, was building our protecting fleet. that was a great achievement. a serious epilogue to the above-mentioned audience was provided by the conservatives. the civil cabinet informed the party leaders of the chancellor's audience and what happened there, with the request that the party might now take back its "open letter." this request--which was made solely in the interest of the crown, not of myself personally--was declined by the party. not until , when the war was under way, did we get into touch again, through a delegate of the party, at great general headquarters. just as the conservatives did not do enough out of respect for the crown to satisfy me, so also the liberals of the left, the democrats and the socialists, distinguished themselves by an outburst of fury, which became, in their partisan press, a veritable orgy, in which loud demands were made for the limitation of autocratic, despotic inclinations, etc. this agitation lasted the whole winter, without hindrance or objection from high government circles. only after the chancellor's audience did it stop. later, a coolness gradually arose between the chancellor and the political parties. the conservatives drew away from the liberals--rifts appeared in the bloc. centrists and socialists--but, above all, the chancellor himself--brought about its downfall, as count hertling repeatedly explained to me later--for the last time at spa. he was proud to have worked energetically toward causing bülow's downfall. when matters had reached an impossible pass, the chancellor drew the proper conclusions and recommended to me the choice of herr von bethmann as the fifth chancellor of the empire. after careful consultations, i decided to acquiesce in the wish of prince bülow, to accept his request for retirement, and to summon the man recommended by him as his successor. [ ] one of the most startling incidents of the kaiser's reign was the interview with him printed in the london _daily telegraph_ of oct. , . in it he said that "englishmen, in giving rein to suspicions unworthy of a great nation," were "mad as march hares"; and that "the prevailing sentiment among large sections of the middle and lower classes of my own people is not friendly to england. i am, therefore, so to speak, in a minority in my own land, but it is a minority of the best elements, just as it is in england with respect to germany." german opinion was, he admitted, "bitterly hostile" to england during the boer war, and, that the german people, if he had permitted boer delegates in berlin, "would have crowned them with flowers." he asserted that he had formulated a plan of campaign in south africa which lord roberts adopted in substance. the kaiser was quoted in this interview as declaring germany needed a large fleet chiefly on account of the far eastern situation. the interview was republished in official german organs, and caused as great a stir in germany as in england. there were many debates on it in the reichstag and one or two "investigations." chapter v bethmann i had been well acquainted since my youth with herr von bethmann hollweg. when i was in active service for the first time in , as lieutenant in the sixth company of the first infantry guard regiment, it was quartered once at hohenfinow, the home of old herr von bethmann, father of the chancellor. i was attracted by the pleasant family circle there, which was presided over by frau von bethmann, a most worthy lady, born of swiss nationality, amiable and refined. often, as prince and later as emperor, i went to hohenfinow to visit the old gentleman, and i was received on every occasion by the young head of the rural district administration; at that time neither of us imagined that he would become imperial chancellor under me. from these visits an intimate relationship sprang up little by little, which served to increase steadily my esteem for the diligence, ability, and noble character of bethmann, which were much to my liking. these qualities clung to him throughout his career. as chief president and as imperial secretary of state for the interior bethmann gave a good account of himself, and, while occupying the last-named post, made his appearance successfully before the reichstag. co-operation with the chancellor was easy for me. with bethmann i kept up my custom of daily visits whenever possible, and of discussing fully with him, while walking in the garden of the chancellor's palace, on politics, events of the day, special bills, and occurrences and of hearing reports from him. it was also a pleasure for me to visit the chancellor's home, since bethmann's spouse was the very model of a genuine german wife, one whose simple distinction earned the esteem of every visitor, while her winning kindness of heart spread around her an atmosphere of cordiality. during the bethmann régime the custom of holding small evening receptions, instituted by prince bülow and most enjoyable to me, was continued, and this enabled me to keep on associating informally with men of all circles and walks of life. in the journeys which the chancellor had to make in order to introduce himself, he won esteem everywhere by his distinguished calm and sincere methods of expression. such foreign countries as were not hostile to us considered him a factor making for political stability and peace, to the maintenance and strengthening of which he devoted his most zealous efforts. this was entirely to my liking. in foreign politics he busied himself from the start with the position of england in relation to germany and with the "policy of encirclement" of king edward vii, which had made itself felt more and more since reval, and was a source of worry to bethmann. this was likewise true of the growing desire for revenge and enmity of france, and the unreliability of russia. during his régime as chancellor it became clear that italy was no longer to be reckoned with militarily; the work of barrère in that country made "extra tours" chronic. upon assuming office, herr von bethmann found the situation with regard to france cleared up to such an extent that the german-french morocco agreement had been signed on february , . by recognizing thereby the political predominance of france in morocco prince bülow had put the finishing touch to the german political retreat from morocco. the standpoint which had determined the trip to tangier and, in addition, the algeciras conference, was thereby definitely abandoned. the great satisfaction of the french government over this victory was expressed in a manner unwelcome to us by the conferring of the cross of the legion of honor upon prince radolin and herr von schoen. receives british royalty on the same day king edward vii, with queen alexandra, made his first official visit to the german emperor and his wife at their capital city of berlin--eight years after his accession to the throne! berlin received the exalted gentleman with rejoicing (!!) and showed no signs of dissatisfaction at his unfriendly policy. the king did not look well; he was tired and aged, and suffered, moreover, from a severe attack of catarrh. nevertheless, he accepted the invitation of the municipal authorities of berlin to informal tea at the city hall. from his description, which was corroborated by berlin gentlemen, the function must have been satisfactory to both parties. i informed my uncle of the signing of the german-french morocco agreement and the news seemed to please him. when i added, "i hope this agreement will be a stepping stone to a better understanding between the two countries," the king nodded his head approvingly and said, "may that be so!" if the king had co-operated toward this, my project would probably not have failed. nevertheless, the visit of their english majesties engendered a more friendly atmosphere for the time being, which greeted herr von bethmann upon his assuming office. during his term of office herr von bethmann had plenty of foreign matters to handle, connected with the well-known events of - . concerning this period a mass of material has been published in different quarters, for instance, in the book, _causes of the world war_, by secretary of state von jagow. in the _belgian documents_ the attitude of the german government in the various complications is described from a neutral standpoint. i had based this attitude on the following: caution on the one hand, on the other, support of our austro-hungarian allies whenever there is a plain threat against their position as a world power, combined with counsels of moderation in action. efforts in the rôle of "honest broker" everywhere, activity as a go-between wherever peace seems endangered. firm assertion of our own interests. in view of the "encirclement" ambitions of our opponents, we were in duty bound, for the sake of self-preservation, to work steadily at the same time toward building up our army and navy for purposes of defense, because of the central location of germany and her open, unprotected frontiers. this period of history is also well described in stegemann's book, and helfferich and friedjung also depict the prewar days interestingly. "edward the encircler" the death of the "encircler," edward vii--of whom it was said once, in a report of the belgian embassy at berlin, that "the peace of europe was never in such danger as when the king of england concerned himself with maintaining it"--called me to london, where i shared with my close relations, the members of the english royal family, the mourning into which the passing of the king had thrown the dynasty and the nation. the entire royal family received me at the railway station as a token of their gratitude for the deference to family ties shown by my coming. king george drove with me to westminster hall, where the gorgeously decorated coffin reposed upon a towering catafalque, guarded by household troops, troops of the line, and detachments from the indian and colonial contingents, all in the traditional attitude of mourning--heads bowed, hands crossed over the butts and hilts of their reversed arms. the old, gray hall, covered by its great gothic wooden ceiling, towered imposingly over the catafalque, lighted merely by a few rays of the sun filtering through narrow windows. one ray flooded the magnificent coffin of the king, surmounted by the english crown, and made marvelous play with the colors of the precious stones adorning it. past the catafalque countless throngs of men, women, and children of all classes and strata in the nation passed in silence, many with hands folded to bid a reverent farewell to him who had been so popular as a ruler. a most impressive picture, in its marvelous mediæval setting. i went up to the catafalque, with king george, placed a cross upon it, and spoke a silent prayer, after which my right hand and that of my royal cousin found each other, quite unconsciously on our part, and met in a firm clasp. this made a deep impression on those who witnessed it, to such an extent that, in the evening, one of my relations said to me: "your handshake with our king is all over london: the people are deeply impressed by it, and take it as a good omen for the future." "that is the sincerest wish of my heart," i replied. as i rode through london behind the coffin of my uncle i was a witness of the tremendous and impressive demonstration of grief on the part of the vast multitude--estimated at several millions--on streets, balconies, and roofs, every one of whom was clad in black, every man of whom stood with bared head, among all of whom reigned perfect order and absolute stillness. upon this somber, solemn background the files of british soldiers stood out all the more gorgeously. in splendid array marched the battalions of the english guards: grenadiers, scots guards, coldstreams, irish guards--in their perfectly-fitting coats, white leather facings, and heavy bearskin headgear; all picked troops of superb appearance and admirable martial bearing, a joy to any man with the heart of a soldier. and all the troops lining the path of the funeral cortège stood in the attitude of mourning already described. during my stay i resided, at the special desire of king george, in buckingham palace. the widow of the dead king, queen alexandra, received me with moving and charming kindness, and talked much with me about bygone days; my recollections stretched back to my childhood, since i, while still a little boy, had been present at the wedding of my dead uncle. the pichon conversation the king gave a banquet to the many princely guests and their suites, as well as for the representatives of foreign nations, at which m. pichon was also present. he was introduced to me and, in conversation with him, i told him of the wishes which the imperial chancellor had communicated to me regarding our interests in morocco and some other political matters, which m. pichon readily agreed to carry out. all other combinations connected in various quarters with this talk, belong in the domain of fancy. although the period between and demanded extraordinary attention to foreign events, interior development was, nevertheless, promoted zealously, and efforts made to meet the demands of commerce, transportation, agriculture, and industry, which were growing rapidly. unfortunately endeavors in this direction were made much more difficult by the discord among political parties. the chancellor wished to accomplish everything possible of accomplishment. but his inclination to get to the bottom of problems and his desire to deal only with what was, from his meticulous critical standpoint, thoroughly matured, tended, in the course of time, to hamper progress. it was difficult to bring him to make decisions before he was thoroughly convinced of their being absolutely free from objection. this made working with him tiresome and aroused in those not close to him the impression of vacillation, whereas, in reality, it was merely overconscientiousness carried too far. in addition, the chancellor eventually developed a strong and growing inclination toward domination; in discussions this tended to make him obstinate and caused him to lay down the law to those thinking otherwise as dogmatically as a school teacher. this brought him many enemies and often made things hard for me. a boyhood friend of the chancellor, to whom i spoke once about this, replied, with a smile, that it had been so with him even in school; there herr von bethmann had constantly taught and school-mastered his fellow students, of whom my informant was one, so that finally his classmates had nicknamed him "the governess." he added that this trait was a misfortune for bethmann, but that it had so grown into his very being that he would never be able to get rid of it. an example of this is bethmann's relationship to herr von kiderlen, whom he desired to have as secretary of state, despite my emphatic objections. herr von kiderlen was an able worker and a man of strong character, who always sought to assert his independence. he had been about one year in office when herr von bethmann came to me one day, complained of kiderlen's obstinacy and insubordination, and asked me to appeal to his conscience. i declined, with the observation that the chancellor had chosen kiderlen against my wishes and must now manage to get along with him; that the maintenance of discipline at the foreign office was a duty devolving upon the chancellor, in which i had no desire to interfere. finds fault with bethmann meanwhile, bethmann's inadequacy to the post of chancellor became evident. deep down in his heart he was a pacifist and was obsessed with the aberration of coming to an understanding with england. i can perfectly well understand that a man of pacifist inclinations should act thus in the hope of avoiding a war thereby. his object was entirely in accord with my policy. the ways and means whereby bethmann sought to achieve it were, in my opinion, unsuitable. nevertheless, i backed his endeavors. but i certainly did not believe that real success would result. it became ever more apparent, while he was chancellor, that he was remote from political realities. yet he always knew everything better than anybody else. owing to this overestimation of his own powers he stuck unswervingly to his ideas, even when things all turned out differently from what he had expected. his reports were always admirably prepared, brilliant in form, and, hence, impressive and attractive. and in this there was an element of danger. in his opinion there was always but one solution, the one which he proposed! the apparent solidity and thoroughness of his reports and suggestions, the illuminating treatment of the matters reported upon from every angle, the references to experts, to foreign and native statesmen and diplomats, etc., easily led to the impression that solely the bethmann solution was worthy of consideration. in spite of these thorough preparations, he made mistake after mistake. thus he had an actual share in our misfortune. when i returned from my norwegian trip in he did not place his resignation in my hands, to be sure, but he admitted that his political calculations had gone wrong. nevertheless, i left him in office, even after his reichstag speech and the english declaration of war of august , , because i considered it most serious to change the highest official in the empire at the most critical moment in german history. the unanimous attitude of the nation in the face of the challenge from the entente might have been impaired by such action. moreover, both the chancellor and the chief of the civil cabinet maintained that they had the working classes behind them. i was loath to deprive the working classes, which behaved in an exemplary manner in , of the statesman whom, i had been told, they trusted. the theory, constantly repeated to me in by the chief of the civil cabinet and the representative of the foreign office, that only bethmann had the support of the working classes, was finally supplemented further by reports to me that the chancellor enjoyed the confidence in foreign countries which was necessary to the conclusion of peace. thus it came about that bethmann always stayed in office, until, finally, the crown prince made the well-known investigation among the party leaders which showed that the above-mentioned theory was mistaken. this mistake was made all the clearer to me when i read, at the time of bethmann's dismissal--to which other factors also contributed--the most unfavorable opinions of him, especially in the social democratic and democratic press. i do not wish to blame bethmann with these frank remarks, nor to exonerate others; but, when such important matters are discussed, personal considerations must be ignored. i never doubted the nobility of bethmann's sentiments. may i be allowed to say a few words here concerning the reform in the prussian franchise, since the handling of this by herr von bethmann is characteristic of his policy of vacillation. during the winter of - , when, following the brilliant summer campaign, the hard, severe winter trench-fighting had brought military movements to a standstill, the extraordinary achievements of all the troops and the spirit which i had found among officers and men, both at the front and in the hospitals, made such a profound impression on me that i resolved to provide, for the tried, magnificent "nation in arms," something in the political domain, when it returned home, which should prove that i recognized what it had done and wished to give the nation joy. i often touched upon this theme in conversations and suggested reforms in the prussian franchise; the man, said i, who returned home, after a struggle like this, with the iron cross--perhaps of both classes--must no longer be "classified" at the polls. at this juncture a memorial was submitted to me by herr von loebell which proposed a reform in the prussian franchise on similar grounds. the concise, clear, and convincing treatment of the subject pleased me so much that i had a number of gentlemen read the memorial, which took up, in its original form, only general points of view, without going into detail, and i was pleased to see that it found approval with all whom i questioned concerning it. i had my thanks expressed to herr von loebell through the chief of the cabinet, von valentini, and caused loebell to work out the matter in detail and make suggestions. this was done in the spring of . the memorial was very thorough and dealt with a number of possibilities for the franchise, without advising any one system. it was approved by me, and sent by the chief of the cabinet to the chancellor, with the command that it be discussed, in the course of the year, by the ministers, and that their vote on it--possibly, also, some suggestions from them--be laid before me. the franchise law, of course, was not to be proposed until after the conclusion of peace. early german victories immediately after that i went to pless. the battle of gorlice-tarnow, with its smashing victory over the enemy, brought on the galician-polish campaign, leading to the reconquest of lemberg, przemysl and the capture of warsaw, ivangorod, modlin, brest-litovsk, etc., and completely engaged my attention. the _lusitania_ case, too, cast its shadow over events, and italy severed her alliance with us. so it is not to be wondered at if the franchise memorial was pushed into the background. the next winter, and the summer of , likewise, with their fighting on all fronts, the terrible battle of the somme, and the brilliant rumanian autumn and winter campaign, took me to all sorts of places on the western and eastern fronts, even as far as nisch--where the first memorable meeting with the bulgarian tsar took place--and to orsova, so that i had no opportunity to take up the matter of franchise reform with the care that its importance demanded. in the spring of i asked the chancellor to draw up an announcement of the reform, to be made to the nation at easter, since i assumed that the ministers had long since discussed it. the chancellor drew up the text of the proclamation at hamburg, in agreement with the chief of the cabinet and myself; he proposed that the method of voting be left open for the time being, since he was not yet quite sure about this. the easter proclamation appeared; it was based, like previous treatments of the matter, on the idea that the reform was not to be introduced until after the conclusion of peace, because most of the voters were away facing the enemy. party and press did what they could to postpone the accomplishment of my purpose by recriminations and strife, by bringing up the question of the prussian reichstag franchise, and by the demand for the introduction of the franchise bill while the war was still in progress. thus the question embarked upon its well-known and not very pleasant course, which dragged itself out on account of the interminable negotiations in the landtag. it was not until after the retirement of herr von bethmann that i learned through loebell that the memorial of had never been submitted to the ministers, but had lain untouched for a year and a half in a desk drawer; that the chancellor, influenced by the desires expressed in the country, had dropped the various systems proposed and concentrated upon the general (reichstag) franchise, of the eventual introduction of which he was, doubtless, inwardly convinced. in any event, the original basic idea was thoroughly bungled by bethmann's dilatoriness and the strife among the parties. what i wanted was to present a gift of honor, of my own free will, on its triumphal return home, to my victorious army, to my "nation in arms," my brave prussians, with whom i had stood before the enemy. chancellor's diplomatic power one of the results of bethmann's marked inclination toward control was that the secretary of state for foreign affairs was, under him, a mere helper, so much so that the foreign office was almost affiliated with the office of the chancellor, a state of affairs that made itself felt most especially in the use made of the press department. bethmann likewise asserted his independence decidedly in his relations with me. basing himself upon the fact that, constitutionally, the chancellor alone is responsible for foreign policy, he ruled as he pleased. the foreign office was allowed to tell me only what the chancellor wished, so that it happened sometimes that i was not informed concerning important occurrences. the fact that this was possible is to be laid at the door of the constitution of the empire. and this is the right place for saying a word concerning the relations between the emperor and the chancellor. in what follows i do not refer to my relationship to herr von bethmann, but, quite impersonally, to the difficulties in the relationship of the german emperor to the imperial chancellors, which are caused by the imperial constitution. i wish to call attention to the following points: . according to the constitution of the empire, the chancellor is the director and representative of the foreign policy of the empire, for which he assumes full responsibility; he has this policy carried out by the foreign office, which is subordinated to him, after he has reported on it to the emperor. . the emperor has influence on foreign policy only in so far as the chancellor grants it to him. . the emperor can bring his influence to bear through discussions, information, suggestion, proposals, reports, and impressions received by him on his travels, which then take rank as a supplement to the political reports of the ambassadors or ministers to the countries which he has personally visited. . the chancellor _may_ act pursuant to such action by the emperor, and may make it the basis of his decisions, whenever he is in agreement with the emperor's point of view. otherwise he is supposed to maintain _his own_ point of view and carry it out (kruger dispatch). . according to the constitution, the emperor has no means of compelling the chancellor or the foreign office to accept his views. he cannot cause the chancellor to adopt a policy for which the latter feels that he cannot assume responsibility. should the emperor stick to his view, the chancellor can offer his resignation or demand that he be relieved of his post. . on the other hand, the emperor has no constitutional means of hindering the chancellor or the foreign office from carrying out a policy which he thinks doubtful or mistaken. all he can do, if the chancellor insists, is to make a change in the chancellorship. . every change of chancellors, however, is a serious matter, deeply affecting the life of the nation, and hence, at a time of political complications and high tension, an extremely serious step, an ultima ratio (last resort) which is all the more daring in that the number of men qualified to fill this abnormally difficult post is very small. the position of the imperial chancellor, which was based on the towering personality of prince bismarck, had assumed a serious preponderance through the constantly growing number of posts under the empire, over all of which the chancellor was placed as chief and responsible head. disclaims responsibility if this is borne in mind, it is absolutely impossible that anybody should still hold the emperor alone responsible for everything, as was done formerly, especially toward the end of the war and after the war, by critical know-it-alls and carping revolutionists, both at home and in the entente countries. that, quite apart from everything personal, is a proof of complete ignorance of the earlier constitution of the german empire. the visit of the tsar to potsdam in november, , went off to the satisfaction of all concerned, and was utilized by the chancellor and herr von kiderlen to get into touch with the newly appointed foreign minister, sazonoff, whom the tsar had brought with him. apparently, the russian ruler enjoyed himself among us, and he took an active part in the hunt arranged in his honor, at which he proved himself an enthusiastic huntsman. the result of the conferences between the two statesmen seemed to promise well for the future; both, after they had felt each other out, harbored the hope of favorable relations between the two countries. during my spring visit to corfu, the melissori troubles began, which riveted greek attention upon themselves. corfu was well informed of the constant smuggling of arms from italy by way of valona into albania, and there was a feeling in greek circles that machinations from across the adriatic, as well as from montenegro, were not without responsibility for what was happening. it was also felt that the new turkish government had not been wise in its handling of the albanians, who were very sensitive and suspicious; the former sultan abdul-hamid had realized this very well and understood admirably how to get along with the albanians and to keep them quiet. nevertheless, there was no fear that more serious complications would ensue. at the beginning of i received a most cordial invitation from king george of england to be present at the unveiling of the statue of queen victoria, the grandmother of both of us. therefore i went in the middle of may to london with the empress and our daughter. the reception on the part of the english royal family and the people of london was cordial. the unveiling festivities were well arranged and very magnificent. the big, round space in front of buckingham palace was surrounded by grandstands, which were filled to overflowing by invited guests. in front of them were files of soldiers of all arms and all regiments of the british army, in full parade uniform, the cavalry and artillery being on foot. all the banners of the troops were arrayed at the foot of the statue. the royal family, with their guests and their suites, was grouped around the statue. king george made a dedication speech which had a good effect, in which he made mention also of the german imperial couple. then, amid salutes and greetings, the statue was unveiled; the queen, in marble, seated upon a throne, became visible, surmounted by a golden figure of victory. it was an impressive moment. afterward the troops marched past, the guards in the van, then the highlanders--who, with their gayly colored, becoming costume, gave an especially picturesque touch to the military spectacle--then the rest of the soldiers. the march past was carried out on the circular space, with all the troops constantly wheeling: the outer wings had to step out, the inner to hold back--a most difficult task for troops. the evolution was carried out brilliantly; not one man made a mistake. the duke of connaught, who had made all the military arrangements, deservedly won unanimous applause. festivities in england the remainder of our stay in england was devoted to excursions; we also enjoyed the hospitality of noble english families, at whose homes there was an opportunity to hold intercourse with many members of english nobility. special enjoyment in the domain of art was provided by the king to his guests by a theatrical performance at drury lane theater. a well-known english play, "money," was performed, by a company especially assembled for the occasion, consisting of the leading actors and actresses of london. as a surprise, a curtain fell between the acts, painted especially for the occasion by a lady, which depicted king george and me, life size, on horseback, riding toward each other and saluting militarily. the picture was executed with much dash and was enthusiastically acclaimed by the audience. the performance of the actors and actresses in "money" was veritably masterly, since all concerned played their rôles, even the smallest, to perfection. in fact, it was a classic performance. another day i attended, at the olympia track, the sports of the british army and navy, which included admirable individual feats on foot and horseback, as well as evolutions by bodies of troops in close formation. in describing the unveiling of the statue, as well as the funeral of king edward vii, i have concerned myself purposely with the externals and pomp that are characteristic of such occasions in england. they show that, in a land under parliamentary rule, a so-called democratic land, more importance is attached to well-nigh mediæval magnificence than in the young german empire. the french actions in morocco, which were no longer such as could be reconciled with the algeciras agreement, had once more engaged the attention of the diplomats. for this reason the chancellor had requested me to find out, as soon as opportunity should arise, what king george thought about the situation. i asked him if he thought that the french methods were still in accordance with the algeciras agreement. the king remarked that the agreement, to tell the truth, no longer was in force, and that the best thing to do would be to forget it; that the french, fundamentally, were doing nothing different in morocco from what the english had previously done in egypt; that, therefore, england would place no obstacles in the path of the french, but would let them alone; that the thing to do was to recognize the "fait accompli" of the occupation of morocco and make arrangements, for commercial protection, with france. to the very end the visit went off well, and the inhabitants of london, of all social strata, expressed their good will every time the guests of their king showed themselves. thus the german imperial couple was enabled to return home with the best of impressions. when i informed the chancellor of these, he expressed great satisfaction. from the remarks of king george he drew the inference that england considered the algeciras agreement no longer valid and would not place any obstacles in the way of the french occupation of morocco. from this the policy followed by him and the foreign office arose which led to the agadir case, the last and equally unsuccessful attempt to maintain our influence in morocco. the situation became more serious during the kiel regatta week. the foreign office informed me of its intention to send the _panther_ to agadir. i gave expression to strong misgivings as to this step, but had to drop them in view of the urgent representations of the foreign office. in the first half of came the sending of sir ernest cassel with a verbal note in which england offered to remain neutral in case of an "unprovoked" attack upon germany, provided germany agreed to limit her naval construction program and to drop her new naval bill, the latter being darkly hinted at. owing to our favorable answer to this lord haldane was intrusted with the negotiations and sent to berlin. the negotiations finally fell through, owing to the constantly more uncompromising attitude of england (sir e. grey), who finally disavowed lord haldane and withdrew his own verbal note, because grey was afraid to offend the french by a german-english agreement and jeopardize the anglo-french-russian understanding. here are the details of the case: on the morning of january , , herr ballin had himself announced to me at the palace in berlin and asked for an audience. i assumed that it was a case of a belated birthday greeting, therefore i was not a little astonished when ballin, after a short speech of congratulation, said that he had come as an emissary of sir ernest cassel, who had just arrived in berlin on a special mission and wished to be received. i asked whether it was a political matter, and why, if so, the meeting had not been arranged through the english ambassador. ballin's answer was to the effect that, from hints dropped by cassel, he knew the matter to be of great importance, and the explanation for cassel's acting without the intervention of the ambassador was because the earnest desire had been expressed in london that the official diplomatic representatives, both the english and the german, should not be apprised of the affair. i declared that i was ready to receive cassel at once, but added that, should his mission have to do with political questions, i should immediately summon the chancellor, since i was a constitutional monarch and not in a position to deal with the representative of a foreign power alone without the chancellor. ballin fetched cassel, who handed me a document which, he stated, had been prepared with the "approval and knowledge of the english government." i read the short note through and was not a little surprised to see that i was holding in my hand a formal offer of neutrality in case germany became involved in future warlike complications, conditioned upon certain limitations in the carrying out of our program of naval construction, which were to be the subject of mutual conferences and agreements. walking with ballin into the next room, i handed over the document for him to read. after he had done so both of us exclaimed in the same breath: "a verbal note!" it was plainly apparent that this "verbal note" was aimed at the forthcoming addition to our naval law and designed in some way to delay or frustrate it. no matter how the matter was interpreted, i found myself confronted with a peculiar situation, which also amazed ballin. it reminded me of the situation at cronberg-friedrichshof in , when i was obliged to decline the demand, made to me personally by the english under secretary, hardinge, that we should forego our naval construction. surprise at british note now, an intimate business friend of edward vii appears, without previous announcement through official diplomatic channels, before the german emperor with a "verbal note" inspired by the english government, with explicit instructions to evade all the diplomatic officials of both countries. he hands over an offer from the english government to maintain neutrality in future warlike complications provided certain agreements regarding limitation of naval construction are made. and this is done by england, the mother of "constitutionalism"! when i pointed this out to ballin, he exclaimed: "holy constitutionalism! what has become of you? that is 'personal politics' with a vengeance!" i agreed with ballin to send at once for herr von bethmann, in order that he might learn what was transpiring and decide what to do in this peculiar situation. bethmann was called up on the telephone and soon appeared. at first the situation aroused in him likewise a certain degree of astonishment; it was interesting to watch the play of expression on his face as he was told about the matter. the chancellor suggested that grand admiral von tirpitz also be summoned, for the proper dispatching of the business, and recommended that an answer be drawn up in english, in the same manner and form as the note delivered by cassel, and that it be handed to sir ernest, who wished to return home that night. (english was chosen because there was fear of obscurity and misunderstanding if the note were translated in london.) the chancellor asked me to draw up the note, since i knew english best. after some objection i had to make up my mind to be myself the writer of the answer. and now the following scene took place: i sat at the writing table in the adjutant's room; the other gentlemen stood around me. i would read a sentence from the note aloud and sketch out an answer, which was, in turn, read aloud. then criticisms were made from right and left: one thought the sentence too complaisant, another too abrupt; it was thereupon remodeled, recast, improved, and polished. the chancellor particularly subjected my grammar and style to much torture, owing to his habit of probing things philosophically, to his methods of profound thoroughness, which caused him to be most particular with every word, in order that it, having been studied from every angle, should later on afford nobody cause for criticism. after hours of work the note was finally finished and, having been passed a couple of times from hand to hand and then read aloud by me half a dozen times more, it was signed. when our group broke up, the chancellor asked sir ernest who was to be expected from england to conduct the negotiations. cassel replied that it would certainly be a minister, which one he did not know--perhaps mr. winston churchill, minister of the navy, since the question was a naval one. then the chancellor arranged further with him that the unofficial method should be retained and that ballin should undertake to transmit all the news regarding the matter which should emanate from england. sir ernest expressed his lively gratitude for his cordial reception and his satisfaction at the tenor of our reply. later ballin informed me from his hotel that cassel had expressed himself as completely satisfied over the successful outcome of his mission, and that he would report to his government the good impression made upon him. when i thereupon conferred on the matter with admiral von tirpitz we both agreed that the naval bill was in danger and, therefore, that we must be very careful. diplomatic preparedness in perfect secrecy the material was collected which admiral von tirpitz was to present at the negotiations; it consisted of a short historical sketch of the development of the fleet and of the increasingly difficult tasks devolving upon it; the naval law and its aims, nature, enactment, and extension; finally, the contemplated naval bill, its meaning and the method of putting it through. the chancellor asked that the main negotiations should be conducted at the palace in my presence. in addition, i agreed with admiral von tirpitz that he should speak english, as far as possible, and that i, in case of difficult technical expressions, would interpret. until england made known the name of the negotiator, our time was spent in suppositions, and ballin informed us of combinations in connection with which a number of names, even that of grey, came up. at last the news arrived, through ballin, that haldane--the minister of war, previously a lawyer--had been intrusted with the conduct of the negotiations and would soon arrive. general amazement! just imagine, "mutatis mutandis," that germany had sent her minister of war (at that time von heeringen) to london, instead of admiral von tirpitz, for the discussion of a naval matter! when this point was discussed with bethmann and tirpitz a number of suppositions were advanced; the chancellor said that haldane was known in england as a student of goethe and as a man versed in german philosophy and knowing the german language, so that his choice was a piece of politeness toward us. tirpitz observed that haldane had formerly spent some time in berlin and worked with general von einem at the war ministry, and hence knew the state of affairs in germany. i suggested that all that was very well, but that the choice of haldane showed that england looked upon the question as purely political, since he knew only superficially about naval affairs; that the whole thing was probably directed against germany's naval policy in general and the new naval bill in particular; that it would be well, therefore, not to forget this, in order that the whole thing might not develop into a foreign assault upon our right of self-determination as to the strength of our defensive measures. haldane arrived and was received as an imperial guest. ballin, who accompanied him, solved the riddle of haldane's choice on the basis of information received by him from england. he said that when cassel had got back to london, reported on his reception, and handed over the german reply, the impression made was so favorable that no further doubt was entertained there as to the satisfactory course of the negotiations and their conclusion in the form of an agreement; that, thereupon a keen dispute had arisen among the ministers, especially between churchill and grey, as to who should go to berlin and affix his name to this great historical document, in case the object should be achieved of making germany completely give up the further development of her fleet; that churchill thought himself the right man for the job, since he was at the head of the navy. but grey and asquith would not let their colleague reap the glory, and, for this reason, grey stood for a while in the foreground--another proof that it was politics rather than the number of ships which was to play the leading rôle. selection of churchill after a while, however, it was decided that it was more fitting to grey's personal and official importance to appear only at the termination of the negotiations, to affix his name to the agreement, and--as it was put in the information transmitted from england to ballin--"to get his dinner from the emperor and to come in for his part of the festivities and fireworks"--which, in good german, means to enjoy the "bengal light illumination." as it had been decided that churchill was not to get this in any event, it was necessary to choose somebody for the negotiations who was close to asquith and grey and who, possessing their complete confidence, was willing to conduct the negotiations as far as the beginning of the "fireworks"; one who, moreover, was already known at berlin and not a stranger in germany. churchill, to be sure, qualified in this, for he had been present a few times at the imperial maneuvers in silesia and württemberg as a guest of the emperor. ballin guaranteed the reliability of his london source of information. before the negotiations began i once more pointed out to secretary of state von tirpitz that haldane, in spite of being just then minister of war, probably had prepared himself for his task, and had surely received careful instructions from the english admiralty, in which the spirit of fisher was paramount. in his _handbook for english naval officers_, fisher had stated, among other precepts well worthy of being remembered, one which is characteristic of the admiral, his department and its spirit, which runs, word for word, as follows: "if you tell a lie, stick to it." moreover, i said to tirpitz, we must not forget what an amazing adaptability the anglo-saxons had, which fitted them for occupying positions which had no relation to their previous life and training. furthermore, the interest in england in the navy was generally so intense that almost every educated man was an expert up to a certain point on naval questions. in the course of the negotiations haldane proved himself admirably well informed and a skillful, tenacious debater, and his brilliant qualities as a lawyer came to the fore. the conversation lasted several hours, and brought about a general clarifying, as well as a preliminary agreement as to postponement of time limits of ship construction, etc. the details concerning it are deposited in documents at the imperial naval office. tirpitz was splendid. after some more conferences--at which, likewise, ballin was present--haldane returned to england. ballin informed me that haldane had expressed himself to him as entirely satisfied with the outcome of his mission, and had stated that in about a week or two the first draft of the agreement could be sent to us. time passed--the date set for the introduction of the naval bill approached. tirpitz suggested, in case the agreement were concluded previously, that the naval bill be altered accordingly; otherwise, that it be introduced without alteration. suspects english purposes at last we received, not the draft of the agreement, but a document asking all sorts of questions and expressing a desire for all sorts of data, a reply to which required many consultations and much reflection. little by little the suspicion grew in me that the english were not in earnest with regard to the agreement, since question followed question and details were sought which had nothing directly to do with the agreement. england withdrew more and more from her promises, and no draft of the agreement came to hand. in berlin a big agitation set in against the naval bill, tirpitz and myself on the part of the foreign office, and from other quarters, both qualified and unqualified. the chancellor also, who hoped to achieve the agreement and affix his name to a document which would free germany from "encirclement" and bring her into a regular and better relationship with england, came out in favor of dropping the naval bill. but that would simply have meant allowing a foreign power enormous influence in matters of german national defense and jeopardizing thereby the national right of self-determination and our readiness for battle in case of a war being forced upon us. had we allowed this it would have amounted to our consenting to permit england, germany's principal foe, to grant us whatever she wished, after consulting her own interests, without receiving ourselves the guaranty of any equivalent concession. in this confused state of affairs differences of opinion and violent disputes arose, which, especially in those circles which really knew little about the navy, were conducted with much violence and not always in a practical manner. admiral von tirpitz, all through that winter, which was so hard a one for him and me, fought his fight like a genuine, patriotic officer, realizing the situation and seeing through his opponents with clear vision and supporting me with complete conviction to the limit of his ability. all the government officials agreed that no foreign country could be allowed any voice in helping decide what we had or had not to do toward insuring our protection. the hope of bringing about the agreement grew ever fainter; england continually showed lessening interest and kept eliminating important parts of her original verbal note. and so it came about that admiral von tirpitz and i realized that the whole proposal was merely a "maneuver." the fight over the german naval bill grew steadily hotter. i happened at this time to meet at cuxhaven doctor von burchard, president of the hamburg senate, whom i respected greatly, as he was the very model of an aristocratic citizen of a hanseatic city, and who had often been consulted by me in political matters. i described to him the entire course of the affair and the disputes in berlin as to the introduction or nonintroduction of the bill, and asked him then to tell me, with his usual complete frankness, what he thought the right thing to do in the interest of the national welfare, since i greatly desired to hear an objective opinion, uninfluenced by the rival camps of berlin. doctor burchard replied in his clear, keen, pointed, convincing manner that it was my duty toward the people and the fatherland to stick to the bill; that whosoever spoke against its introduction was committing a sin against them; that whatever we thought necessary to our defense must be unconditionally brought into being; that, above all else, we must never permit a foreign country to have the presumption to interfere with us; that the english offer was a feint to make us drop the naval bill; that this must, in no circumstances, be allowed; that the german nation would not understand why its right of self-determination had been sacrificed; that the bill must unquestionably be introduced; that he would work in its favor in the federal council (as indeed he did in a brilliant, compelling speech) and also otherwise press its acceptance in berlin; that the english would naturally resort to abuse, but that this made no difference, since they had been doing so for a long time; that they certainly would not get into a war for such a cause; that admiral von tirpitz was merely doing his duty and fulfilling his obligations, and that i should support him in every way; that the chancellor must give up opposing the measure, otherwise he would run the risk of finally forfeiting public esteem on account of being "pro-english." thus spoke the representative of the great commercial city, which was threatened before all others in case of war with england. the genuine hanseatic spirit inspired his words. strangely enough, this opinion of doctor burchard concerning the english offer has recently been corroborated to me in holland by a dutchman who heard from englishmen at that time the english point of view. i and tirpitz guessed right--the offer of neutrality, in case naval expansion was curbed, was a political maneuver. countercharges of cheating soon news also came from ballin that the matter was not going well in england: that, according to information received, a dispute had arisen about the agreement; that there was dissatisfaction with haldane, who, it was said, had let himself be cheated by tirpitz! this was plain evidence of the indignation felt because tirpitz had not walked into the trap and simply let the bill drop, and that haldane had been unable to serve up the bill to the english cabinet on a platter at tea time. it is useless to say that there was any "cheating" on germany's part, but the reproach leveled at haldane justifies the suspicion that his instructions were that _he_ should seek to "cheat" the germans. since his fellow countrymen thought that the reverse was true, one can but thank admiral von tirpitz most sincerely for having correctly asserted the german standpoint to the benefit of our fatherland. toward the end of march the fight about the bill took on such violence that finally the chancellor, on the d, asked me for his dismissal as i stepped out of the vault in the charlottenburg park. after long consultation and after i had told him doctor burchard's view, the chancellor withdrew his request. when, some time afterward, i paid a visit to herr von bethmann in his garden, i found him quite overcome and holding in his hand a message from london. it contained the entire disavowal of the verbal note delivered by cassel, the withdrawal of the offer of neutrality, as well as of every other offer, and at the end the advice that i dismiss herr von bethmann from the imperial chancellorship, since he enjoyed to a marked degree the confidence of the british government! tears of anger shone in the eyes of the chancellor, thus badly deceived in his hopes; the praise accorded to him by a foreign government with which germany and he had just had such painful experiences hurt him deeply. for the second time he offered me his resignation; i did not accept it, but sought to console him. i then ordered that the ambassador in london be asked how he could have accepted and forwarded such a message under any conditions. now the chancellor was in favor of the bill, but it was honorably proposed with the limitation which it had been decided to impose upon it in case of the conclusion of the agreement. in england, on the other hand, the full naval construction program was carried out. this "haldane episode" is characteristic of england's policy. this whole maneuver, conceived on a large scale, was engineered for the sole purpose of hampering the development of the german fleet, while, simultaneously, in america, which had an almost negligible merchant fleet; in france, whose navy was superior in numbers to the german; in italy, in russia, which also had ships built abroad--vast construction programs were carried out without eliciting one word of protest from england. and germany, wedged in between france and russia, certainly had to be at least prepared to defend herself on the water against those nations. defends naval program for this our naval construction program was absolutely necessary; it was never aimed against the english fleet, four or five times as strong as ours, and assuring england's superiority and security, to equal the strength of which no sensible man in germany ever dreamed. we needed our fleet for coast defense and the protection of our commerce; for this purpose the lesser means of defense, like u-boats, torpedo boats, and mines, were not sufficient. in addition the coast batteries on the baltic were so antiquated and miserably equipped that they would have been razed within forty-eight hours by the massed fire of the heavy guns of modern battleships. thus, our baltic coast was practically defenseless. to protect it the fleet was necessary. the skagerrak (jutland) battle has proved what the fleet meant and what it was worth. that battle would have meant annihilation for england if the reichstag had not refused up to all proposals for strengthening the navy. those twelve lost years were destined never to be retrieved. before we take our leave of haldane i wish to touch upon another episode in his activities. in he came, with the permission of the german government, to berlin, to inform himself concerning the prussian defense conditions, recruiting, general staff, etc. he busied himself at the ministry of war, where the minister, general von einem, personally gave him information. after about two or three weeks' work there he returned, well satisfied, to england. when, after the outbreak of the world war, the "pro-german" haldane, the friend of goethe, was boycotted and treated with such hostility that he could no longer show himself in public, he had a defense written of his term of office as minister of war by the well-known littérateur and journalist, mr. begbie, entitled _vindication of great britain_. therein his services toward forming a regular general staff and preparing the british army for the world war are placed in a bright light and emphasis is laid on the skill with which he utilized the permission obtained from the prussian war ministry in order to learn in germany about military matters and to reorganize the british army and general staff, to the minutest detail and on the german model, for the coming war against the erstwhile german hosts. here we see the sly, adroit lawyer, who, sheltered under the hospitality of a foreign country, studies its military arrangements in order to forge weapons against it out of the material and knowledge thus acquired. quite characteristically the book is dedicated to king edward vii, whose intimate, emissary, and tool haldane was. in those days berlin saw in haldane's mission a "rapprochement" with england, toward which germans were always bending their efforts; in reality, however, it was a "reconnoitering expedition" under the very roof of the german cousin. england showed her gratitude by the world war, which haldane helped to prepare; in this case haldane "cheated" the germans! that is the history of the haldane mission. later it was summarily maintained by all sorts of ignorant dabblers in politics, belonging to the press and the general public, that the promising "rapprochement" with england through haldane had been wrecked by the obstinacy of the emperor and admiral von tirpitz and by their clinging to the naval bill against the wishes of all "sensible counselors!" kingship of albania at that time [in ] the question of the establishment of an independent albanian state and the choice by the powers of a head for it, was brought to my attention also. a number of candidates lusting for a crown had already presented themselves before the tribunal of the powers, without getting themselves accepted; a number of candidates, considered by the powers, were declined by the albanians. i looked upon the matter in itself with indifference, and was of the opinion that--as in the case of every "creation of a nation"--the greatest possible attention should be paid to historical development, also to geographical peculiarities and the customs of the inhabitants. in this peculiar land there has never been any united nation under one ruler and one dynasty. in valleys, encircled and cut off by high mountain ranges, the albanian tribes live separated to a considerable degree from one another. their political system is not unlike the clan system of the scotch. christians and mohammedans are represented in equal numbers. the custom of "vendetta" is an ancient one, sanctified by tradition, which is no less true of robbery and cattle stealing. agriculture is still in a backward stage of development, farming is in its infancy, the implements used therein date from before the flood. the head man of the clan dispenses justice in the open, under the village tree, as it used to be done once upon a time among the ancient germans. every man is armed and most are excellent shots. whenever the head man of the clan turns up while on a horseback tour through his territory in some hamlet, the inhabitants expect a blessing from him in the form of jingling coins, which sometimes are scattered about by him from the saddle. this, of course, is particularly customary at the outset of a new government's term, and great is the dissatisfaction when it does not happen. up to the time of the balkan war many albanians entered the turkish service, where they rose to high importance, being greatly prized on account of their diligence and keen intelligence, as well as their tenacious energy. they supplied the turkish administration with a large number of officials, also with a certain percentage in the diplomatic corps and the army. the young albanian nobles were proud to serve in a splendid company of palace guards of the sultan, which scarcely had an equal for size, martial appearance, and manly beauty. these were partly relatives of the sultan, since the latter used to have noble albanian women of the principal clans in his harem in order that he--protected by blood brotherhood--might be safe from the "vendettas" of the clans, and, also, that he might find out everything that might serve to influence the feelings of the albanian chieftains. the desires of the albanians which reached him by this road--for instance, as to supplies of arms and ammunition, school houses, building of highways, etc.--were thereupon granted in an inconspicuous manner. thus the sultan was enabled to keep the usually turbulent albanians quiet and loyal by means of "family ties." with this knowledge of the state of affairs as a foundation, i sought to bring my influence to bear toward having a mohammedan prince chosen, if possible--perhaps an egyptian prince--not forgetting that he should have a well-lined purse, which is an absolute necessity in albania. my advice was not heeded by the "areopagus of the powers," whose members were not bothering themselves with the interests of the albanians, but seeking, first of all, for pretexts and opportunities for fishing in the troubled albanian waters in such a way as to benefit their own countries. opposed choice of german therefore, i was not at all pleased when the choice fell upon prince william of wied. i esteemed him as a distinguished, knightly man of lofty sentiments, but considered him unfitted for the post. the prince knew altogether too little about balkan affairs to be able to undertake this thorny task with hope of success. it was particularly unpleasant to me that a german prince should make a fool of himself there, since it was apparent from the start that the entente would place all sorts of obstacles in his path. upon being questioned by the prince, i told my cousin all my doubts, laying stress upon the difficulties awaiting him, and advised him urgently to decline. i could not command him, since the prince of wied, as head of the family, had the final word in the matter. after the prince's acceptance of the candidacy offered him by the powers, i received him in the presence of the chancellor. a certain irresolution in the bearing of the prince, who contemplated his new task with anything but enthusiasm, strengthened the resolve in me and the chancellor to try hard once more to dissuade the young candidate from ascending the recently invented albanian "throne." but in vain. the ambitious, mystically excited wife of the prince saw in albania the fulfillment of her wishes. and "ce que femme veut, dieu le veut" ("what woman wishes, god wishes"). carmen sylva [the queen of rumania] also worked toward having him accept; she went so far, in fact, as to publish an article in the newspapers beginning "fairyland wants its prince." so even the best meant warnings were useless. i had also strongly advised the prince not to go to albania before the settlement of the financial question, since the reasons which had led me to suggest the selection of a rich ruler now came to the fore. the prince was not very wealthy and the powers had to supply him with a "donation," concerning the amount of which, and the method of paying it by installments, an unpleasant quarrel arose. at last a part payment was made. danger lurked for the prince and his eventual government in the person of essad pasha, an unreliable, intriguing, greedy soldier of fortune, who himself had designs on the albanian throne and held sway over a certain number of armed adherents. from the start he was an opponent of the new prince and he plotted secretly with italy, which was not favorably inclined toward the prince of wied. now, it would have been quite natural and a matter of course if the new ruler had taken with him in his suite men from germany whom he knew and who were faithful to him. but he did not. an englishman and an italian were attached to his person as "secretaries" and they had nothing better to do than to work against his interests, to give him bad advice and to intrigue against him. requirements of a ruler during the time that the prince of wied was making his preparations the excellently written pamphlet of an austrian general staff officer, dealing with his travels in albania, appeared. the officer described, in a lively and clear style, the geographical and climatic drawbacks, the population and customs, the general poverty and backwardness of the land. he pointed out that a future ruler of the land must in no circumstances reside on the coast, but must show himself to the inhabitants and travel about in the country. owing to the primitive means of transportation, he went on, the lord of the land must sit all day on horseback and ride through his domain, having at his saddle bow the famous "bag of sequins" mentioned in all oriental tales and legends, in order to sway public opinion in his favor in the places visited by the expected shower of gold. the ruler must be sure, the author continued, to bind some of the clans of the region closely to himself, so as to have at his beck and call an armed force for asserting his will and overcoming any opponents wishing to rebel, since this was the only way to maintain his power, in view of the utter lack of "troops" or an "army" in the european sense of the word. this meant that the ruler of albania must lead at first a nomadic, horseback life, and, in addition, provide himself with a wandering camp, with tents and other accessories and the necessary horses. plenty of men adapted to this sort of life might have been found in his squadron of the third guard uhlan regiment, since many of his uhlans, who were very fond of the prince, had declared that they were ready to accompany him as volunteers. surely, they would have served him better and been more useful to him than what he did in preparing to take over the overlordship of albania, without knowledge of the country. i advised my cousin urgently to study this pamphlet and to follow its recommendations, especially with regard to his residence, which should be fixed at some point as far as possible from the warships of the powers, in order that he might not be forced to act under their pressure and arouse suspicion among the albanians that their ruler needed these ships for protection against his subjects. did the prince ever read the pamphlet? in any event, the course adopted by him subsequently was contrary to its advice and the advice given him by me. the prince and his wife journeyed to albania, and things turned out as i had foreseen. according to reports describing the arrival of the sovereign couple, the princess, although she was a german, addressed the assembled albanians from her balcony in french, since they understood no german! the "court" remained at durazzo under the guns of the foreign ships. the prince did not travel on horseback through the land, nor did he scatter gold sequins about--not even from his balcony on the day of his arrival--nor did he push essad out of the way. so the adventure ended as one might imagine. i have gone into some detail in describing my opinion and attitude toward the question of the choice of the ruler of albania because, from every possible quarter, false rumors have been circulated for the purpose of imputing to me motives which were utterly foreign to me. in this matter, also, i gave honest advice when questioned, based on sound knowledge of mankind. the year also witnessed the meeting with the tsar at baltisch-port, whither i repaired on board my yacht at the invitation of nicholas ii. our two yachts anchored side by side, so that visiting from ship to ship was easy. the tsar, his children, and his entire entourage vied with one another in evidences of good will and hospitality. the russian and german escorting squadrons were inspected, turn and turn about, by the tsar and myself together, and we took our meals either at the tsar's table or mine. we spent one morning on land near baltisch-port. the eighty-fifth "viborg" infantry regiment, whose commander i was, had been drawn up in a field and was inspected first in parade formation, then in company and battalion exercises, which were carried out in as satisfactory a manner as was the parade with which the evolutions were brought to a close. the regiment, composed of four battalions, made an excellent impression. it was in field equipment--brown-gray blouses and caps--and the latter, worn jauntily cocked over one ear by all, gave to the sun-browned, martial faces of the strong young soldiers a bold air which brought joy to the heart of every soldier who gazed upon them. in the course of the brilliant and uncommonly amiable reception which i met with on this occasion i received no hint of the balkan alliance, concluded a short time before. it was my last visit in russia before the outbreak of the war. chapter vi my co-workers in the administration it behooves me to remark that i found particular pleasure in working with his excellency von stephan and in dealing with him. he was a man of the old school, who fitted in so well with me that he always grasped my ideas and suggestions and afterward carried them out with energy and power, owing to his firm belief in them. a man of iron energy and unflagging capacity for work and joyousness; endowed, moreover, with refreshing humor, quick to perceive new possibilities, never at a loss for expedients, well versed in political and technical matters, he seemed to have been born especially for creative co-operation. i trusted him implicitly, and my trust in him was never betrayed. i learned much from my association with this stimulating, shrewd counselor. the post-office department reached an unimagined degree of excellence and aroused the admiration of the whole world. the great invention of the telephone was utilized to the limit, was applied extensively to the public service, and was developed so as to facilitate it. likewise in the domain of building stephan brought about a decided improvement, which received my approval and support. all great state building projects depended on the vote of the investigating "academy of building," which, at that time, was a slow-moving, cumbrous, and backward body. i had already had experiences of my own with it. the "white drawing room," originally merely provisional, had been put up without much attention to style--it had been intended at first for an indian masquerade, a "lalla rookh" festival, in honor of the grand duchess charlotte, daughter of frederick william iii, and her husband, later tsar nicholas i. an investigation instituted at my order showed the material to be spurious and inferior; the structure was in the worst possible state of decay and in danger of collapse; a new one was needed. with the co-operation and collaboration of the empress frederick, projects and plans were made, and, finally, a big model was provided by building councilor ihne--the "modern schlüter," as the empress frederick used to call him--which won unanimous approval. only the building academy opposed wearisome objections, stating that the "white drawing room" ought to be preserved "in its old historical beauty," and required no alterations. when the new structure was completed, however, it also met with the approval of the gentlemen who had been formerly so critical. herr von stephan also was at loggerheads with the academy of building. he wanted to alter many post offices, or build entirely new ones, especially in the big cities, but, in view of the fearful slowness and devotion to red tape of the aforesaid official body, he used to receive no answers at all, or else refusals, when he brought these matters to its attention. the rule of thumb was supreme there. herr von stephan was of the opinion that, in its buildings as well as in other directions, the youthful german empire must give an impression of power, and that the imperial post offices must be built accordingly; he believed that they should harmonize with the general style of the towns where they were located, or, at least, conform to the style of the oldest and most important buildings there. nor could i do otherwise than agree with such a view. academy's shackles broken at last there came a rupture with the aforementioned academy. his excellency von stephan lost patience and informed me that he had freed his office, and the buildings erected by it, from the supervision of the academy; that he had even formed a committee from among his own architects and officials for supervising purposes; and that all he asked of me was to subject the more important plans for buildings to a final inspection. i did so willingly. stephan was an enthusiastic huntsman, so that i had additional opportunities, while on the court hunts, to enjoy association with this refreshing, unchanging, faithful official and counselor. among the ministers whom i particularly esteemed his excellency miquel took first place. he it was who, as my finance minister, put through for prussia the great reform which placed the land on a sound basis and helped it toward prosperity. intercourse with this astute political expert gave me great pleasure, and a wealth of teaching and stimulus. the degree to which miquel was versed in all possible matters was astounding. in conversation he was brisk, humorous, and keen in elucidating and arguing on a subject, in addition to which a strong historical bent ran, like a red thread, through his quotations. in history and ancient languages he was marvelously well equipped, so that, in his reports, he was able often to hark back to the times of the romans and quote from his store of knowledge--not out of büchmann[ ]--pieces of latin in support of his arguments. even when he was instructing he was never tiresome on account of his brilliant dialectics, but used to hold his hearers spellbound to the very end. it was his excellency miquel likewise who incited me to favor the great canal projects and supported me when the prussian conservatives opposed the central [rhine-weser-elbe] canal, and caused the failure of the plan to build it. he lent strength to the king and made the latter decide not to let up in this fight until victory was won. he knew, as i did, what blessings the canals in holland and the splendid canal network of france had brought to those lands and what a relief they were to the ever more hard-pressed railways. in the world war we might have had a splendid east-to-west artery of transportation for ammunition, wounded, siege material, supplies, and the like, which would have made it possible, by thus relieving the railways, for the latter to transport troops on an even greater scale--moreover, this would have lessened the shortage of coal. in time of peace also, for which the canal was destined, it would have been most beneficial. minister von miquel was a most ardent enthusiast for the imperial german idea and the german empire of the hohenzollerns: i lent an attentive ear to his spirited handling of this theme. he was a man who, clinging to the old tradition, thought in a great german, imperial way; he was fully adequate to the requirements and demands of the new era, rightly appreciating when these were of value. from the start i concerned myself with the completion of the railway system. from the reports relating to national defense and the complaints of the general staff, as well as from personal observation, i knew of the absolutely incredible neglect suffered by east prussia in the matter of railways. the state of affairs was absolutely dangerous, in view of the steady, though gradual, reinforcing of the russian troops facing our frontier, and the development of the russian railway system. during the last years of his reign emperor william the great had commanded field marshal moltke to report on the situation, since the russian armies, under the influence of france, were being posted ever more conspicuously on the eastern frontier of prussia, arousing apprehension as to the possibility of irruptions of great masses of russian cavalry into prussia, posen, and silesia. quartermaster-general count waldersee and i were present at the reading of this report. from it came the resolve to shift prussian troops eastward and to push toward completion the neglected railway system. the measures ordained by emperor william i and begun by him required time, particularly as the new railway bridges over the vistula and nogat had to be built by the military authorities in the teeth of strong official opposition (maybach). since the railways were considered a "national pocketbook," there was a desire to build only "paying" lines, which caused prejudice against outlays for military lines designed for the defense of the fatherland, since it diminished the fine surplus funds by which such great store was laid. not until my reign were the plans of emperor william i brought to realization. anyone taking up a railway map of will be amazed at the lack of railway connection in the east, particularly in east prussia, especially if he compares it with a map showing the development in the intervening years. if we had had the old network, we should have lost our eastern territory in . unquestionably, minister von maybach rendered valuable services in the promotion and development of the railway system. he had to take into account the wishes and demands of the rapidly developing industrial sections of western germany, in doing which he naturally considered military desires also, as far as he could. but during his régime eastern germany was very badly treated with regard to railway lines, bridges, and rolling stock. had there been mobilization at that time, it would have been necessary to transfer hundreds of locomotives to the east in order to maintain schedules capable of meeting even part of the requirements of the general staff. the only means of communication with the east were the two antiquated trestle bridges at dirschau and marienburg. the general staff became insistent, which brought quarrels between it and maybach. not until minister thielen came into office was there a change, occasioned by his self-sacrificing work, for which thanks are due him. realizing correctly what the military requirements were, he pushed forward the completion of the eastern railways. thielen was an able, diligent, thoroughly reliable official of the old prussian type, faithful to me and enjoying my high esteem. in common with miquel, he stood faithfully by the side of his sovereign in the fight for the central canal. characteristic of him were the words which he said in my presence, before a big assembly of people, at the opening of the elbe-trave canal: "the central canal must and will be built." relations between him and me remained harmonious until his retirement. despite the railway construction work in the western part of germany, there were in that region likewise serious gaps in the network of railways, from the point of view of mobilization and deployment of troops, which had long since needed remedying. the rhine, as far up as mainz, was crossed by one railway bridge only; the main could be crossed only at frankfort. for a long time the general staff had been demanding the remedying of these conditions. fortunately, general traffic moved in the same direction--for instance, if a traveler coming from the west wished to reach one of the watering places in the taunus mountains, or some place on the railway along the right bank of the rhine, he had to go as far as frankfort, and then return in the same direction whence he had come, although at mainz he had almost been opposite wiesbaden. minister budde was the man chosen for the accomplishment of this work. as chief of the railway department of the general staff he had long since attracted my attention by his extraordinary capacity for work, his energy, and his promptness in making decisions. he had often reported to me on the gaps in our railway system, which would hamper quick deployment of troops on two fronts, and always pointed out the preparations being made by russia and france, which we were in duty bound to meet with preparations of equal scope, in the interests of the national defense. the first consideration, of course, in railway construction had been the improvement and facilitation of industry and commerce, but it had not been able to meet the immeasurably increased demands of these, since the great network of canals, designed to relieve the railways, was not in existence. the war on two fronts, which threatened us more and more--and for which our railways were, technically speaking, not yet ready, partly from financial-technical reasons--made necessary that more careful attention should be paid to military requirements. russia was building, with french billions, an enormous network of railways against us, while in france the railways destined to facilitate the deployment of forces against germany were being indefatigably extended by the completion of three-track lines--something as yet totally unknown in germany. minister budde set to work without delay. the second great railway bridge over the rhine at mainz was constructed, likewise the bridge over the main at costheim, and the necessary switches and loops for establishing communication with the line along the right bank of the rhine, and with wiesbaden; also the triangle at biebrich-mosbach was completed. budde's talents found brilliant scope in the organization and training of the railway employees, whose numbers had grown until they formed a large army, and in his far-sighted care for his subordinates. i respected this vigorous, active man with all my heart, and deeply regretted that a treacherous ailment put an end to his career in the very midst of his work. in his excellency von breitenbach i acquired a new and valuable aid and co-worker in my plans regarding the railways. in the course of years he developed into a personage of high eminence. distinguished and obliging, of comprehensive attainments, keen political insight, great capacity for work and untiring industry, he stood in close relationship to me. his co-operation with the general staff in military matters was due to his thorough belief in the necessity of strengthening our means of defense against possible hostile attacks. plans were made for the construction of three new rhine bridges, at rüdesheim, neuwied, and the loreley, which were not completed until during the war--they were named, respectively, after the crown prince, hindenburg, and ludendorff. in the east, great extensions of railway stations, bridges, and new railway lines were built, some of them while the war was in progress. other important works carried out by breitenbach in the west were the great railway bridge at cologne, to replace the old trestle bridge; a new bridge, by the beyen tower, for freight traffic; and new railways in the eiffel mountains. moreover, at my special suggestion, a through line was built from giessen to wiesbaden, which included reconstruction of the stations at homburg and wiesbaden and the building of a loop around frankfort and höchst. in addition, trains were provided with through cars from flushing to the taunus. to show that it is impossible to please everybody, i wish to observe in passing that we were violently attacked by the hotel proprietors of frankfort, who were naturally not at all pleased at this elimination of frankfort and of the necessity, existing previously, for passengers to change trains there, since they lost thereby many customers formerly obliged to spend a night in some frankfort hotel. this element brought particularly strong opposition to bear against the loop line around höchst. the battle concerning the central canal was decided at last in favor of my plans. under breitenbach, construction on it was pushed forward by sections with great energy. those portions of this canal which it had been possible to place in operation have fully met expectations. during this period, also, the extraordinarily difficult extension and deepening of the kaiser wilhelm canal, almost equivalent to building an entirely new waterway, was brought to completion, likewise the great emden sea lock. these were remarkable achievements in the domain of bridge and lock construction, which aroused the admiration of the world; in the matter of locks, for instance, those built at this time far surpassed the locks of the panama canal in size. the difficult tasks were brilliantly and thoroughly completed by the officials in charge; in so far as the construction work was in the hands of the empire, it was carried out mostly with the supervising co-operation of the prussian ministry of transportation. i often went to breitenbach's home, where i had an opportunity, thanks to him, of having interesting talks on commercial-political and economic subjects with a highly intelligent circle, of meeting a lot of eminent men and discussing important questions. the plans and sketches of all the larger railway stations, locks, and bridges were submitted to me before the work of building or rebuilding them was begun, and reports concerning them were made to me. i have intentionally gone into detail in this matter in order to show the following: first, how a monarch can and must influence the development of his realm by personal participation; second, how, if he makes his selections quite independently of party reasons, he can place able men at the head of the various departments; third, how, by the honest co-operation of these men with the sovereign, whose complete confidence they enjoy, brilliant results can be achieved. everything that we did together was aboveboard and honest; nothing mattered but the welfare and development of the fatherland, its strengthening and equipment for competition in the world market. as was natural, i had close and lasting relations in the regular course of events with the ministry of public worship and instruction. herr von gossler and herr von trott may surely be considered the most important and prominent occupants of this post. in this ministry a co-worker almost without equal arose in the person of ministry director althoff, a man of genius. i had been made acquainted with the dark side of the high-school system of education by my own school experiences. the predominantly philological character of the training led, in the whole educational system as well, to a certain one-sidedness. when i was at the cassel high school in - i had observed that, although there was great enthusiasm for - and the new empire among the boys, there was, nevertheless, a distinct lack of the right conception of the german idea, of the feeling "civis germanus sum" ("i am a german citizen")--which i impressed later upon my people at the laying of the foundation-stone of the saalburg. to create such sentiments and awaken them in the rising generation and to lay the foundations for them firmly in the young hearts was a task somewhat beyond the powers of the teaching staff, in view of the fossilized, antiquated philological curriculum. there was great neglect in the department of german history, which is exactly the study through which young hearts may be made to glow, through which the love of one's native country, its future and greatness, may be aroused. but little was taught of more recent history, covering the years since . young philologists were produced, but no german citizens qualified for practical co-operation toward building up the flourishing young empire. in other words, no _youths who were consciously germans_ were being turned out. in a small reading club composed of my classmates i often tried to inculcate the idea of the greater germany, in order to eliminate parochial and similar conceptions which hampered the german idea. admiral werner's _book of the german fleet_ was one of the few works by means of which the living feeling for the german empire could be fanned into flame. another thing that struck me, in addition to the one-sidedness of the education in the schools, was the tendency, among youths planning their careers in those days, to turn their attention to becoming government officials, and always consider the profession of lawyer or judge the most worthy goal. this was doubtless due to the fact that the conditions obtaining in the prussia of olden days still had their effect in the youthful german empire. as long as the state consisted, so to speak, of government and administration, this tendency among german youths in the shaping of their lives was understandable and justified; since we were living in a country of officials, the right road for a young man to select was the service of the state. british youths of that time, self-reliant and made robust by sports, were already talking, to be sure, of colonial conquests, of expeditions to explore new regions of the earth, of extending british commerce; and they were trying, in the guise of pioneers of their country, to make great britain still stronger and greater, by practical, free action, not as paid hirelings of the state. but england had long been a world empire when we were still a land of officials; therefore, the youth of britain could seek more remote and important goals than the german. now that germany had entered into world economics and world politics, however, as a by no means negligible factor, the aspirations of german youth should have undergone a more prompt transformation. for this reason it was that i, during the later years of my reign, used to compare, with a heavy heart, the proud young britons, who had learned much less latin and greek than was required among us, with the children of germany, pale from overstudy. to be sure, there were even then enterprising men in germany--brilliant names can be cited among them--but the conception of serving the fatherland, not by traveling along a definite, officially certified road, but by independent competition, had not yet become sufficiently generalized. therefore i held up the english as an example, for it seems to me better to take the good where one finds it, without prejudice, than to go through the world wearing blinkers. with these considerations as a basis i won for my german youths the _school reform_ against desperate opposition from the philologists, inside and outside the ministry and school circles. unfortunately, the reform did not take the shape which i hoped, and did not lead to the results which i had expected. the germanic idea in all its splendor was first revealed and preached to the astonished german people by chamberlain in his _foundations of the nineteenth century_. but, as is proved by the collapse of the german people, this was in vain. to be sure, there was much singing of "deutschland über alles," but germans, obeying the commands of their enemies, allowed the emperor to fall and the empire to be broken to pieces; and, placing themselves under the orders of russian criminals vastly inferior to them in culture, they stabbed their own army in the back while it was still fighting valiantly. had germans of all classes and conditions been educated to feel joy and pride in their fatherland, such a degradation of a great nation would have been unimaginable. this degradation--which, it must be admitted, occurred under remarkable, extremely difficult circumstances--is all the more difficult to understand in view of the fact that the youth of germany, although it was impaired in health by overstudy, and not so toughened by sports as the english, achieved brilliant feats in the world war, such as were nowhere equaled before. the years - showed what might have been made out of the german people had it only developed its admirable qualities in the right direction. the th of august, , the heroes of langemark, countless splendid figures from all classes, rise up from the chaos of the long war to show what the german can do when he throws away philistinism and devotes himself, with the enthusiasm which so seldom reveals itself completely in him, to a great cause. may the german people never forget these incarnations of its better self; may it emulate them with its full strength by inculcating in itself the true german spirit! in the post of minister of justice i found his excellency friedberg, the intimate, faithful friend of my father, whom i had known ever since my youth, when he was a welcome guest in the home of my parents. this simple, affable man enjoyed with me the same consideration which had been shown him by my parents. in later years i had frequent and welcome dealings with his excellency beseler, who also enabled me to hear informal discussion at his house of many an interesting legal problem by prominent lawyers, and to come into touch with legal luminaries. i felt no particular inclination toward the lawyers in themselves--since pedantry, remoteness from actualities and doctrinaire leanings often assert themselves in the domain of the law altogether too much for my taste--but the compilation of the _citizens' law book_ interested me greatly. i was present at sessions dealing with it, and was proud that this fundamental german work should have been brought to completion in my reign. when i met the lord chief justice of england, while i was on a visit to that country, at the home of lord haldane, i asked that great jurist what he thought of the administration and interpretation of the law in germany. his answer ran thus: "you pronounce judgment too much according to the letter of the law; we according to the spirit and content of the law." i have often pointed out how unfortunate it was that we have not been able to introduce, in police cases--connected with traffic, streets, etc.--the prompt procedure of the english "police court." for, in england, punishment in such cases is meted out on the very next day, whereas in germany months often elapse, what with gathering of evidence and examination of witnesses, until, finally, some insignificant sentence is pronounced long after the case has been forgotten. i should also have liked to introduce into germany the heavy penalties for libels published in the press which are customary in england. i have often pointed out how unfortunate it was prince, with minister of finance scholz, and had taken part in sessions wherein that famous man, his excellency meinecke, figured. meinecke was under secretary of state in the finance ministry and had, therefore, much to do with other ministers, since finances were an important thing everywhere. he had achieved a certain degree of fame because he--as he thought--was always able smilingly to find the best way out of tight places. scholz was faithful to his duty and able, but he did not succeed in making the dry substance of taxes and the like particularly interesting and pleasant to me, nor was there any change in this state of affairs until the versatile miquel took charge of the finance ministry. when miquel reported to me concerning the prussian financial reform, he suggested three plans: one modest, one medium, one ambitious. to the delight of the minister i decided, without hesitation, for the third. both the monarch and the minister were filled with satisfaction when the reform was carried out. the minister of the interior, herr von puttkamer, had been forced to retire during the ninety-nine days, to the great sorrow of him who was then crown prince. he was an able, tried old prussian official; one of those pomeranians of the old school, filled with loyalty to the king--a nobleman through and through. rumor had it that the empress frederick had driven him from office by a plot, but this is not true. the empress, with her inclination to english liberalism, doubtless did not like the old-time prussian conservative, yet she was not at all to blame for his going. prince bismarck pushed him aside, perhaps out of consideration for the empress frederick. i was deeply interested in forestry and its improvement along practical lines, especially as new gold reserves could be created for the state by reforestation. next to herr von podbielski, the ablest minister of agriculture and forests was freiherr von schorlemer. just as herr von podbielski bent his efforts toward creating great stretches of forests in the east, in order to keep off the east wind by a compact forest zone and thus improve our climate, and, at the same time, provide a natural protection against russian attacks, so herr von schorlemer opened up the eastern forest reservations by extensive construction of roads, and by thus facilitating the transportation of wood helped germany greatly in making headway in competition against wood from russia. both ministers sought, in co-operation with me, to improve our splendid prussian forestry personnel and better living conditions among them, and to help toward promotions in their ranks--all of which these officials, zealous in their work and faithful to their king, fully deserved. the influx of large sums into the state's pocketbook depended indeed on the honesty, industry, and reliability of these men. i expected much toward the restoration of the fatherland from the statesmanlike shrewdness and ability of herr von schorlemer, who was always quite conscious of the goal at which he was aiming.[ ] i learned much about forestry from head foresters freiherr von hövel (joachimsthal, schorfheide) and freiherr speck von sternburg (szittkohnen, rominten) on my many hunting expeditions with these excellent huntsmen and administrators. let me say a word here regarding a russian curiosity in the domain of preserving wild game. the tsar, who had heard a great deal about the fine antlers of the stags at rominten, wished to have some of the same sort at spala, in poland. freiherr von sternburg was sent to the spala hunting lodge one summer in order to give advice regarding this project. he was received very cordially by a general, who had charge of the hunting there and lived at the lodge. sternburg noticed that all the apartments, even those not inhabited, were always kept heated. when he spoke of the enormous waste of wood occasioned by this, the general shrugged his shoulders and remarked that one never could tell, the tsar might put in an appearance some day, after all. a gamekeeper, who was a german, was assigned to sternburg, since the general did not know his way about on the reservation and was quite ignorant of game feeding. in the course of his tours about the place sternburg observed a number of places where meadows could be turned into pastures or good feeding places could be installed. he drew attention to the need of such arrangements, having noticed that the deer had already begun to shed their horns to a considerable extent, thereby causing much damage to the trees. but the gamekeeper shook his head sadly and remarked that he had already reported all that, but in vain, since the hay for the deer had to be brought by rail from the black sea and the shipments sometimes either did not arrive at all or were greatly delayed and arrived spoiled. but nothing would be done to alter this, continued the gamekeeper, since too many people made a good thing out of this transporting of the hay, which was paid for at huge prices. he also told how--after he had called attention to the many splinters of wood found in the intestines of the deer, in order to prove that they were insufficiently fed and that feeding places must be provided--a committee of animal doctors had been brought from st. petersburg to investigate the matter. the said committee lived and ate for weeks in spala at the tsar's expense, shot many deer, examined them, and held sessions; and the upshot of all this was a report that the animals had wood in their stomachs, which proved that they could live on wood, for which reason feeding places would be superfluous and the hay from the black sea would suffice to supplement the wood. and there the matter remained, in spite of sternburg's visit! when i heard this yarn, i involuntarily thought of an anecdote which prince bülow especially delighted to tell in connection with his sojourn at st. petersburg. while there, he had attended the salon of madame durnovo, where society used often to gather. one day a prominent general was complaining to the hostess that he had been trapped in a money matter, which had brought him much unpleasantness from "above." apparently he wished, by his mournful description, to arouse sympathy for his bad luck, but madame durnovo retorted, in her rough way: "mon cher général, quand on fait des sâletés, il faut qu'elles réussissent!" ("my dear general, when you play dirty tricks it is necessary that they be successful!") as secretary of state in the imperial postal department likewise, herr von podbielski, after i had chosen him and declined a number of other candidates, did excellent work, treading worthily in the footsteps of stephan. very practical; endowed with the business sense and a great knowledge of business; well versed and clever in financial matters; of innate administrative talent, and, at the same time, quick to fight; caustically witty; a good speaker and debater--he worked with zeal and skill, often as a pioneer, particularly in matters of world postal service, wireless telegraphy, etc. this former colonel in the ziethen hussars made a name for himself in the service of his fatherland which will never be forgotten. an amusing contrast to his career is that of a russian hussar officer under nicholas i. this tsar, being full of anger against the holy synod, had driven away the man at the head of it. shortly afterward he inspected the hussar body guard regiment, commanded by colonel count protassoff. the immense satisfaction of the tsar at the splendid appearance and maneuvering of the fine regiment found expression in the words, amazing alike to the commander and his men: "thou hast maneuvered thy regiment magnificently, and, as a token of my satisfaction, i name thee procurator of the holy synod, which thou must put into good shape for me!" mention must be made here of another excellent and worthy man, minister möller. he came from bielefeld, like hinzpeter, and was bound to my old teacher by lasting ties of friendship. in the legislature he was one of the leaders of the national liberals, by whom he was highly esteemed, as he was in the reichstag, on account of his upright, distinguished westphalian characteristics and his great experience in the commercial-political domain. when imperial chancellor bülow suggested möller to me as minister i remarked that he was a party man and member of the reichstag. the chancellor said that the national liberals would be pleased at möller's appointment. i observed that the state ministry of the prussian king could not and must not be a party ministry, but must stand above the parties in entire independence of them; that i esteemed möller personally very much, but, should he become minister, every member of the legislature would have the ambition to become one likewise; that, through möller's appointment, the ambitions of the other parties to obtain ministerial chairs would also be aroused and nobody could foresee the consequences; that, moreover, möller would be greatly missed in the reichstag, from which i did not wish to take him on account of his influence with all parties. despite these objections and my advice against it, bülow stuck to his idea. möller became minister, and, as such, stood very well with me. but what i had prophesied occurred comparatively soon: minister möller was obliged to retire by circumstances partially connected with the inner workings of his party. [ ] a german philologist who compiled a well-known book of quotations. [ ] his recent death, which snatched him away in the midst of beneficial labors, is a serious loss to the fatherland. chapter vii science and art the broad and many-sided field whose care devolved upon the ministry of public worship and instruction--embracing art, science, research, medical matters, etc.--always aroused my lively interest and enlisted my efforts in its behalf. special pleasure was afforded me by the development of the technical high school. the increasing importance of technical matters drew ever larger numbers of the ablest youths to institutions of learning of this description, and the achievements of the teachers there and of the young engineers who were graduated constantly brought new laurels to the german name. among the teachers at charlottenburg one of the most prominent and best known all over the world was professor doctor slaby. until his death he had constant dealings with me and kept me informed concerning the newest inventions by means of captivating discourses. these were given not only in his laboratory, but also in the quiet hunting lodge in the forests of brandenburg, where i, together with the empress, surrounded by a few intimates, used to listen eagerly to slaby's words. slaby was also dear to me as an individual and caused me much mental enjoyment by his simple, clear views on every possible sort of thing in this world, which he could always express in the most stimulating and enthralling manner. slaby meant much to me, and i felt grateful affection for him up to the time of his death. influenced by the achievements of the technical high schools and of such men as slaby, intze, and so on, i resolved to grant the high schools the same privilege of representation in the prussian upper house as was enjoyed by the universities. but the universities protested vehemently against this to the minister of public worship and instruction, and there ensued a violent fight against the classical-scientific arrogance of the savants, until i finally enforced my will by a decree. slaby received the news from me by telegraph in his laboratory while he was delivering a lecture, and gave it to the students, who burst into wild cheers. the technical high schools have shown themselves worthy of the honor conferred upon them. in view of the constantly more violent fight for the markets of the world and its outlets, it became necessary, in order to utilize the wisdom of the leaders of german science in this direction, to provide them with more freedom, quiet, possibility for working, and materials. many savants of importance were hampered in research work by their activities as teachers, so that the only time they had left over for research was their vacation. this state of affairs resulted in overwork and overburdening, which had to be stopped. chemical research attention was turned first to improvements in the domain of chemistry. minister von trott and director of the ministry althoff, having grasped the state of affairs with clear understanding, made possible for me the establishment of the kaiser wilhelm society and drew up the statutes governing it. in the short time of its existence it has achieved brilliant results and given me an opportunity, at its general meetings, to become acquainted with eminent men in all branches of knowledge with whom i thereafter entered into regular intercourse. i also visited their laboratories, where i could follow the progress of their labors. new laboratories were founded, others subsidized from the contributions of the senate and members of the organization. i was proud of this creation of mine, since it proved a boon to the fatherland. the inventions due to the research of its members benefited the entire nation. it was a peace-time achievement with a great and most promising future, which, under the guidance of herr von trott, was in most excellent hands; unfortunately, the war robbed me of this joy, along with all others. nowadays i must do without the intercourse with my men of learning of my association, and that is a cruel blow to me. may it continue to live and labor for the benefit of research and the good of the fatherland! i had to face a severe fight in getting professor harnack summoned to berlin. the theologians of the right and the orthodox element protested vehemently. after i had again obtained full information from hinzpeter and he had closed his opinion with the words that it would be most regrettable for berlin and prussia if i backed down, i insisted upon the summoning of harnack, and summoned he was. nowadays it is impossible to understand the opposition to him. what a man harnack is! what an authoritative position he has won for himself in the world of the mind! what benefit, what knowledge, intercourse with this fiery intellect has brought to me! what wonders he has achieved, as head of the royal library and dean of the senate of the kaiser wilhelm society, where he, the theologian, delivered the most learned and most substantial talks on exact sciences, research, inventions, and chemistry. i shall always look back with pleasure on the personality of harnack and on his labors. professor erich schmidt of the university of berlin was also a friend of mine and was often at my home; i owe many an enjoyable evening to the learned discourses of this savant. professor schiemann enjoyed my particular confidence. an upright man, a native of the baltic provinces, a champion of the germanic idea against slavic arrogance, a clear-sighted politician and brilliant historian and writer, schiemann was constantly asked by me for advice on political and historical questions. to him i owe much good counsel, especially regarding the east. he was often at my home and often accompanied me on journeys--as, for instance, to tangier--and he heard from me in our talks much important confidential matter not yet known to others on political questions. his unshakable capacity for keeping his mouth shut justified my trust in him. it was a source of satisfaction to me to appoint this tried man curator of the university of dorpat, after the liberation of the baltic provinces. kaiser's russian foresight how well he and i agreed in our political views regarding russia is illustrated by the following incident: after the peace of portsmouth, between russia and japan, brought about by me in conjunction with president roosevelt in , there was much official (foreign office) and unofficial puzzling of heads at berlin as to what political line russia would take. in general it was thought that russia, angered at her defeat, would lean toward the west--and hence toward germany--in order to find there new connections and strength to help her in striking a blow for revenge against japan and reconquest of her lost territory and prestige. my opinion was quite different--but i could not make the official world share it. i emphasized the following points: that the russians were asiatics and slavs; being the first, they would be inclined to favor japan, in spite of their defeat; being the second, they would like to ally themselves with those who had proved themselves strong. hence i thought that, after a while, russia, despite the björkö agreement, would join japan, not germany, and turn later against germany. on account of these "fantastic" ideas, i was actually ridiculed, officially and unofficially. i summoned schiemann and questioned him on this subject, without revealing to him what i thought about it. i was much pleased when his answer agreed absolutely with the views held by me. for a long time schiemann and i stood almost alone when this weighty matter of foreign politics came up in discussions. the event justified us. the so-called "russian experts" of berlin, as well as the official world, were mistaken. during the very first years of my reign there was occasion for much important building work. first, there was the question of erecting a worthy monument over the tomb of my grandparents. since the old mausoleum at charlottenburg was inadequate, it was necessary to erect an addition. unfortunately, the funds left by emperor william the great for such "extra construction"--the so-called extra construction fund--had been used up during the ninety-nine days on something else. hence i was obliged to burden the crown revenues with unforeseen building expenses. the mausoleum of my parents at marly was erected by the empress frederick, according to her own sketches and designs, and for this, too, i had to provide the funds. a thorough examination of the royal palaces--including those in the provinces--had revealed, particularly at the palace in berlin, such deplorable conditions in sanitation, comfort, and so on, that there could be no more delay in remedying them. in the course of my thirty years' reign i restored these palaces to good condition--working in accordance with carefully prepared budgets, examined, corrected, and supervised by myself with the help of architects (such as ihne), and of artists, with due regard for the traditions of my ancestors--all of which gave me much trouble and tried my patience, but also provided me with a great deal of enjoyment. architectural interests in restoring the berlin palace, the empress frederick, with her sure, keen eye for the proper style and her sound judgment, helped materially in offsetting the harm and neglect dating from bygone days. my mother's expression of her view ought surely to be of general interest: "any style is good so long as it is pure." ihne used to call the eclecticism of the 'nineties "à peu près style" (the "almost style"). the restoration of the picture gallery, the last work of herr ihne--who died, unfortunately, all too soon--was not completed until during the first half of the war. the palace of my forefathers, erected at much pains and a source of pride to me, was later bombarded, stormed, sacked, and devastated by revolutionary hordes. these artistic building enterprises, as well as the already-mentioned restoration of the white drawing room, belong among the duties of representation devolving upon every government, be it absolute, constitutional, or democratic in form. they afford a criterion of the national culture and are a means of encouraging artists and, through them, the development of art. during my vacations i busied myself with archæology and was active in excavation work. here i kept in view one basic idea: to discover the roots from which ancient greek art developed and to erect or find a bridge in the endeavor to establish the cultural influence of the east on the west. it appeared to me that assyriology was important, since from it might be expected an elucidation and vitalizing of the old testament, and, hence, of the holy scriptures. therefore, i accepted with pleasure the offer of the presidency of the german orient society and devoted myself to the study of its work, which i promoted to the best of my ability, never missing one of its public lectures on the results of its explorations. i had much to do with those at the head of it, and caused detailed reports to be made to me of the excavations at nineveh, assur, and babylon, in egypt and in syria, for the protection and facilitation of which i often personally brought influence to bear on the turkish government. professor delitzsch, a member of the society gave his well-known and much-attacked lecture on "babel and bible," which, unfortunately, fell upon the ears of a public as yet too ignorant and unprepared, and led to all sorts of misinterpretations, some of them in church circles. i strove hard to clear up the matter. since i realized that the importance of assyriology, then enlisting the efforts of many prominent men, including clergymen of both religions, was not yet understood and appreciated by the general public, i had my trusted friend and brilliant theater director, count hülsen-haeseler, produce the play "assurbanipal," after long preparation, under the auspices of the german orient society. assyriologists of all countries were invited to the dress rehearsal; in the boxes, all mixed up together, were professors, protestant and catholic clergymen, jews and christians. many expressed to me their thanks for having shown, by this performance, how far research work had already progressed and for having, at the same time, revealed more clearly to the general public the importance of assyriology. my sojourn at corfu likewise afforded me the pleasure of serving archæology and of busying myself personally with excavation. the accidental discovery of a relief head of a gorgon near the town of corfu led me to take charge of the work myself. i called to my aid the experienced excavator and expert in greek antiques, professor dörpfeld, who took over the direction of the excavation work. this savant, who was as enthusiastic as i for the ancient hellenic world, became in the course of time a faithful friend of mine and an invaluable source of instruction in questions relating to architecture, styles, and so on among the ancient greeks and achæans. "iliad" as a guide book it was a joy to hear dörpfeld read and elucidate the old homeric poems, and establish, by means of a map and following the hints and descriptions of the poet, the location of the old achæan settlements destroyed later by the doric migration. it appeared that the names of the old places had often been transferred by the dispossessed inhabitants to the new places. this made the identification of the location more difficult. nevertheless, dörpfeld had rediscovered the location of a whole series of them, with the help of his homer, which he carried in his hand like a baedeker, hitting upon it by following the minute geographical descriptions given by homer. this interested me so much that i took a trip by water, with the empress, in the company of dörpfeld, in order to put the matter to the test. we went to leukas (ithaca) and visited, one after another, the places made famous by the "odyssey," while dörpfeld read from his homer the descriptive text referring to each. i was amazed and had to admit that the region and the description tallied exactly. the excavations begun by me in corfu under dörpfeld's direction had valuable archæological results, since they produced evidence of an extremely remote epoch of the earliest doric art. the relief of the gorgon has given rise already to many theories--probable and improbable--combined, unfortunately, with a lot of superfluous acrimonious discussion. from all this, it seems to me, one of the piers for the bridge sought by me between asia and europe is assuming shape. i sent reports regularly to the archæological society, and i also brought the well-known professor caro from athens to work with me. i was busy with preparations for lectures to be delivered before the society during the winter of - , and with searching discussions on many disputed questions, which i hoped to bring toward a solution "sine ira et studio." it was a pleasure to me to be visited almost regularly, at corfu, by english and american archæologists, former pupils of dörpfeld, who helped zealously in throwing light on the difficult problems which often came up. since they were at work in asia minor, i was deeply interested in hearing what importance they attached to the asiatic influence on early greek art--as a result of their discoveries--and how readily they recognized a connection with the east in the finds made at corfu. in , professor duhn of heidelberg visited the excavations at corfu and, after thorough investigation, gave his support to the views held by dörpfeld and me. i shall tell in a separate piece of writing about the result of my corfu excavations. that was the sort of thing which, in the spring of , occupied the thoughts of the german emperor, who, lusting for robbery and conquest, is accused of having bloodthirstily brought on the world war. while i was exploring and discussing gorgons, doric columns, and homer, they were already mobilizing against us in the caucasus and russia. and the tsar, at the beginning of the year, when asked about his travel plans, had replied: "je resterai chez moi cette année, car nous aurons la guerre!" ("i shall stay at home this year, for we are going to have war!") chapter viii my relations with the church much has been written and said about my relations with the church. even when i was still a prince and a student at bonn, i realized the harmful influence of the "kulturkampf" in its last phase. the religious rift did so much toward antagonism that once, for example, i was directly boycotted, while on a hunting expedition, by members of leading noble rhenish-westphalian families of the rhineland belonging to the ultra-montane party. even as far back as that i resolved, in the interests of the national welfare, to work toward creating a modus vivendi such as would make it possible for people professing the two creeds to live peacefully with each other. the "kulturkampf," as such, had come to an end before the beginning of my reign. i strove patiently and earnestly to be on good terms with the bishops, and i was on very friendly terms with several, especially cardinal kopp, archbishop simar, doctor schulte, prince-bishop bertram, bishop thiel, and, last but not least, archbishop faulhaber and cardinal von hartmann. all of these were men far above the average and an ornament to the episcopate, who gave proof during the war of their patriotic devotion to emperor and empire. this shows that i had succeeded in clearing away the mists of the "kulturkampf" and enabling my catholic subjects, like others, to rejoice in the empire, in accordance with the motto, "suum cuique" ("to each his own"). i was bound particularly closely all my life to cardinal kopp, prince-bishop of breslau. he always served me loyally, so that my relationship to him was most trusting. of much value to me was his mediation in dealings with the vatican, where he stood in high honor, although he championed absolutely the german point of view. friendship for pope leo xiii probably little is known by the general public of the friendly, trusting relationship that existed between me and pope leo xiii. a prelate who was close to him told me later that i had won the confidence of the pope on my first visit by the absolute frankness which i showed toward him and with which i told him things which others intentionally kept from his ears. receptions by the pope were conducted with tremendous pomp. swiss and noble guards, in brilliant uniforms, servants, chamberlains, and ecclesiastical dignitaries, were present in large numbers--a miniature representation of the might of the roman catholic church. after i had traversed the courts, halls, and drawing-rooms, in which all these men had arrayed themselves, i seated myself opposite the pope himself, in his little, one-windowed study. the distinguished gentleman, with the fine, noble-featured old face, whose eyes gazed piercingly at his visitor, made a deep impression upon me. we discussed many timely subjects. i was greatly pleased that the pope spoke appreciatively and gratefully of the position occupied in germany by the catholic religion and its adherents, adding the assurance that he, for his part, would contribute toward having the german catholics yield to no other germans in love for their fatherland and in loyalty. pope leo xiii gave evidences of friendliness toward me whenever he could. for instance, on the occasion of one of my visits to rome, he accorded my suite and servants the honor of a special audience; he sent prince-bishop kopp as papal delegate on the occasion of the consecration by me of the portal which i had had added to the cathedral at metz, and was so kind as to inform me of the naming of archbishop fischer of cologne as cardinal, which was done to celebrate that day. on the occasion of the papal jubilee in to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of his accession to the papacy, i sent a special mission to convey my congratulations to the pope, at the head of which was freiherr von loë, for many years intimately acquainted with him. not long after that--and only a few months before his death--i paid my third and last visit to the pope. though he was very weak, this ninety-three-year-old man came up to me, holding both his hands outstretched. concerning this visit, which was characterized by great cordiality on both sides, i immediately jotted down some notes, which recently came into my possession again. the pope said, among other things, that he could not but give his full approval to the principles according to which i governed; that he had followed with interest my methods of governing and recognized with pleasure that i had built up my rule on a foundation of firm christianity; that such lofty religious principles underlay it that it behooved him to ask the blessing of heaven upon myself, my dynasty, and the german empire, and to grant me his apostolic benediction. "sword of catholic church" it was of interest to me that the pope said to me on this occasion that germany must become the sword of the catholic church. i remarked that the old roman empire of the german nation no longer existed and that conditions had changed. but he stuck to his words. then the pope went on to say that he must thank me once more for my unflagging attention to the welfare of my catholic subjects; that he had heard about this from so many sources that he was glad to tell me personally how grateful both he and the german catholics were for this attention to their interests; that he could assure me that my catholic subjects would stand by me, in good and bad times, with absolute fidelity. "ils resteront absolument et infailliblement fidèles" ("they will remain absolutely and infallibly faithful"). i rejoiced greatly at these words of appreciation from such an exalted source. i answered that i considered it the duty of a christian sovereign to care for his subjects to the best of his ability, irrespective of creed; that i could assure him that, during my reign, everybody could profess his religion without interference and fulfill his duties toward his ecclesiastical overlord; that this was a fundamental principle of my life, from which i could not be swerved. because i showed my catholic fellow countrymen from the very beginning that i wished to allow them complete freedom in the exercise of their religion, a quieter spirit was engendered in the land and the aftermath of the "kulturkampf" disappeared more and more. but i did not conceal from myself the fact that, despite all politeness and friendliness, the prelates, with the sole exception of cardinal kopp, still continued to look upon me as the emperor, and i was compelled to take into account that, in the catholic south and west, this idea would never quite vanish. grateful acknowledgment has repeatedly been made to me of the fact that the catholics were as well off, during my reign, as they could possibly desire; but the constantly more uncompromising attitude of the church on mixed marriages, and that of the centrist party in politics, were certainly a sign that the antiheretical tendency still lived beneath the peaceful surface. this made all the more intense my desire for the firm union of the _protestant churches_--first, in prussia, then in germany, finally, in all europe. my endeavors, in conjunction with the chief ecclesiastical councilor, the general superintendent, and so on, to find means of effecting this union, were most earnest. i hailed the eisenach conference with joy and followed its proceedings with interest. i assembled all the general superintendents for the consecration of the church at jerusalem and also was able to greet invited deputations from sweden, norway, and so forth; and i did likewise on the occasion of the consecration of the berlin cathedral, where, among many other deputations, the church of england was represented by the bishop of ripon (w. boyd-carpenter), the pastor of queen victoria of england, equally prominent as a writer and preacher. whenever possible, i worked toward compromise, closer relations and union, yet nothing definite resulted. though church union in prussia has been a success, lutherans and reformists kept apart in other sections of the fatherland. many local rulers kept sharp watch over their rights in relation to religions and, owing to this, were hostile to a closer union of the different creeds within their territory. therefore, despite my endeavors, the german protestant church was not able to unite and make common cause against the elements hostile to it. only through the emergency brought on by the revolution was this made possible. on ascension day, , to my great joy, the "german evangelical church union" was solemnly formed at the schloss church at wittenberg. doctor dryander's influence during the first years of my military service at potsdam i had felt deeply the inadequacy of the sermons, which often dealt only with dry dogmatic matter and paid too little attention to the person of christ. in bonn i became acquainted with doctor dryander, who made an impression on me lasting throughout my life. his sermons were free from dogma, the person of christ was their pivotal point, and "practical christianity" was brought into the foreground. later i brought him to berlin and soon had him appointed to a post at the cathedral and in my palace. dryander was by my side for years, until long after the th of november, standing close to me spiritually, and bringing to me spiritual consolation. we often talked on religious matters and thrashed out thoroughly the tasks and the future of the protestant church. the views of dryander--mild, yet powerful, clear, and of truly evangelical strength--made of him a pillar and an ornament of his church, and a faithful co-worker with the emperor, to whom he was closely bound, in the interests of the church and its development. since the th of november, doctor dryander also has been exposed to persecutions, but he has stood his ground courageously; the hopes, beliefs, and trust of his king are with him and the evangelical church! the church must again raise up the broken nation inwardly according to the gospel of "ein'feste burg ist unser gott." i cannot allow to pass without remark the influence exerted by the work--translated at my instigation--of the english missionary bernard lucas, entitled _conversations with christ_; as well as the sermons on jesus by pastor schneller (jerusalem), and the collections of sermons called _the old god still lives_ and _from deep trouble_, by consistorial councilor conrad. these brought us much inspiration and comfort by their vital ability to absorb and hold readers and hearers. the fact that i could deal with religious and church questions with complete objectivity "sine ira et studio" is due to my excellent teacher, professor doctor hinzpeter, a westphalian calvinist. he caused his pupil to grow up and live with the bible, eliminating, at the same time, all dogmatic and polemical questions; owing to this, polemics in religion have remained alien to me, and expressions like that autocratic one, "orthodox," are repulsive to me. as to my own religious convictions, i set forth what they were years ago, in a letter to my friend, admiral hollmann, made public at the time, part of which is reproduced at the end of this chapter. i was enabled to bring joy to the hearts of my catholic subjects when i presented the plot of ground known as the "dormition," acquired by me from the sultan in as a result of my sojourn in jerusalem, to the german catholics there. the worthy, faithful father peter schmitz, representative of the catholic society in jerusalem, expressed to me the heartfelt thanks of the german catholics on the spot in eloquent words at the ceremony of taking possession. the church in jerusalem when i conferred with him as to future building operations and as to the selection of persons to occupy the place, the old expert on jerusalem advised me to select none of the order of monks there, since all were more or less mixed up in the intrigues and quarrels concerning the "loci sacri" (sacred spots). after my return a delegation of the german knights of malta, under count praschma, appeared before me to express their gratitude. the design for the church, made by a very talented cologne architect and skillfully adapted to the local style, was submitted to me. after the completion of the church i decided that the benedictine monks of beuron should take over the "dormition"; they did so in , also taking over the monastery built next the new st. mary's church. i was on friendly terms for many years with the benedictine monks of the beuron congregation, with whose archabbot, wolter, i had become acquainted at sigmaringen. in mediæval times the order always stood well with the german emperors, of whom scarcely one failed to visit, in connection with his journeys to rome, the magnificently situated monte cassino. when the benedictine monks asked permission to establish a settlement on the rhine i had the splendid romanesque abbey of maria laach--unused at the time--turned over to them. the order, which counts among its members excellent artists, including father desiderius, has brought new glory to the abbey, which had fallen into neglect and decay, by magnificent interior decorations. often have i visited maria laach and rejoiced in the progress of its restoration, as well as in conversations with the intelligent abbots and in the hearty, simple reception on the part of the faithful brethren. when i visited the monastery of monte cassino i became acquainted, in the person of archabbot monsignor krug, with a man of extraordinary mental gifts and comprehensive culture, who had traveled a great deal about the world. he could express himself with equal fluency in italian, english, and french, and his mother tongue, german. in his address to king victor emmanuel of italy and me, he pointed out that nearly all the german emperors, as well as the lombard kings before them, had paid visits to monte cassino. he presented me with a magnificent collection of copies of documents of the time of the emperor frederick ii, taken from the library of the order, and i reciprocated by presenting him with the works of frederick the great. agriculture flourishes in the environs of the monasteries maintained by the benedictine order, being carried on by the lay brothers with all the latest improvements, to the benefit of the backward peasantry of the region; and in the country and town communities of the order church singing and organ playing are zealously cultivated by the monks, who have attained a high degree of artistic skill. the art of the goldsmith also flourishes among the monks, likewise art embroidery among the benedictine nuns. i caused to be reproduced in its full size the labarum (standard) of the emperor constantine the great, designed in accordance with the researches made by monsignor wilpert: one copy i presented to the pope, another to my palace chapel at berlin. the latter was stolen from the chapel by the mob during the days of the revolution. the metal work was done entirely by monks, the embroidery by nuns of the order, both excellently. one of the places inhabited by nuns of this order is the convent of saint hildegard, above rüdesheim, which i visited in . my letter to admiral hollmann was due to the excitement aroused by a lecture entitled "babel and bible," delivered by professor delitzsch before the german orient society, of which admiral hollmann was one of the board of managers. scholarship and religion the first part of the letter, which deals primarily with professor delitzsch's statements, has been omitted from the reproduction of the letter printed below: _feb. , ._ my dear hollmann: i should now like to return once again to my own standpoint regarding the doctrine or view of revelation, as i have often set it forth to you, my dear hollmann, and other gentlemen. i distinguish between two different kinds of revelation: a progressive, to a certain extent historical revelation, and a purely religious one, paving the way to the future coming of the messiah. of the first, this is to be said: there is not the smallest doubt in my mind that god constantly reveals himself through the human race created by him. he has "breathed his breath into mankind," or, in other words, given it a piece of himself, a soul. he follows the development of the human race with a father's love and interest; for the purpose of leading it forward and benefiting it, he "reveals" himself in some great savant or priest or king, whether among the heathens, jews, or christians. hammurabi was one of these, likewise moses, abraham, homer, charlemagne, luther, shakespeare, goethe, kant, emperor william the great. these men were selected by him and made worthy of his grace; of achieving for their people, both in the spiritual and the physical domain, splendid and imperishable things, in accordance with his will. how often did my grandfather clearly emphasize that he was but an instrument in the hand of the lord. the works of great minds are gifts of god to the peoples of the earth, in order that they may improve themselves on these models and grope forward, by means of them, through the confusion of that which is still unexplored here below. god has certainly revealed himself in different ways to different peoples, according to their standing and degree of culture, and he is still doing it now. for, just as we are overcome most by the greatness and majesty of the splendor of creation when we contemplate it, and are amazed at the greatness of god as revealed therein, so also may we, in contemplating whatever is great or splendid in the works of a man or a people, recognize therein with gratitude the splendor of the revelation of god. he works directly upon us and among us! the second kind of revelation, the more religious kind, is that which leads to the coming of the lord. it is introduced from abraham onward, slowly but with foresight, all-wise and all-knowing; for without it mankind would have been doomed. and now begins the most astounding influence, the revelation of god. the tribe of abraham, and the people descended from it, consider the holiest thing of all, unescapable in its logical consequences, the belief in one god. this belief they must have and cultivate. scattered by the captivity in egypt, the separate parts are welded together by moses for the second time, and still they try to maintain their "monotheism." the direct intervention of god is what brings regeneration to this people. kaiser's theology and thus it goes through the centuries, until the messiah announced and foreshadowed by the prophets and psalmists shall at last appear. the greatest revelation of god in the world! for he himself appeared in the body of his son; christ is god, god in human form. he saved us. he inspires us, we are led to follow him, we feel his fire burning within us, his pity strengthening us, his dissatisfaction destroying us, but also his intercession saving us. sure of victory, building solely upon his word, we go through work, scorn, grief, misery, and death, for in him we have the revealed word of god, and god never lies. that is my view of this question. the word, especially for us of the evangelical faith, has become everything on account of luther; and delitzsch, as a good theologian, should not forget that our great luther taught us to sing and believe: "das wort sie sollen lassen stehn" ("the word they must allow to stand"). it is self-evident that the old testament contains a large number of parts which are of purely human-historical character and not "god's revealed word." these are purely historical descriptions of events of all sorts, which occur in the life of the people of israel in the domain of politics, religion, morals, and spiritual life. for instance, the giving out of the law on mount sinai can be looked upon only symbolically as having been inspired by god, since moses had to turn to a revival of laws perhaps known of old (possibly drawn from the code of hammurabi), in order to bring coherence and solidarity to the framework of his people, which was loose and little capable of resistance. here the historian may perhaps find a connection, either in sense or words, with the laws of hammurabi, the friend of abraham, which may be logically right; but this can never affect the fact that god had inspired moses to act thus, and, to that extent, had revealed himself to the people of israel. therefore, my view is that our good professor should rather avoid introducing and treating of religion as such in his lectures before our association, but that he may continue, unhindered, to describe whatever brings the religion, customs, and so on of the babylonians, and so on, into relation with the old testament. as far as i am concerned, i am led by the above to the following conclusion: (a) i believe in one only god. (b) we men need, in order to teach him, a _form_, especially for our children. (c) this _form_ has been, up to now, the old testament, as we now know it. this _form_ will be essentially changed by research, inscriptions, and excavations; but that will cause no harm, nor will the fact that, thereby, much of the halo of the chosen people will disappear, cause any harm. the kernel and content remain always the same: god and his influence. religion was never a result of science, but something flowing from the heart and being of man, through his relations with god. with heartiest thanks and many greetings, i remain always your sincere friend, (signed) wilhelm i. r. chapter ix army and navy my close relations with the army are a matter of common knowledge. in this direction i conformed to the tradition of my family. prussia's kings did not chase cosmopolitan mirages, but realized that the welfare of their land could only be assured by means of a real power protecting industry and commerce. if, in a number of utterances, i admonished my people to "keep their powder dry" and "their swords sharp," the warning was addressed alike to foe and friend. i wished our foes to pause and think a long time before they dared to engage with us. i wished to cultivate a manly spirit in the german people; i wished to make sure that, when the hour struck for us to defend the fruits of our industry against an enemy's lust of conquest, it should find a strong race. in view of this i attached high value to the educational duty of the army. general compulsory military service has a social influence upon men in the mass equaled by nothing else. it brings together rich and poor, sons of the soil and of the city; it brings acquaintanceship and mutual understanding among young people whose roads, otherwise, would lead them far apart; the feeling that they are serving one idea unites them. and think what we made out of our young men! pale town boys were transformed into erect, healthy, sport-hardened men; limbs grown stiff through labor were made adroit and pliable. i stepped direct from brigade commander to king--to repeat the well-known words of king frederick william iii. up to then i had climbed the steps of an officer's career. i still think with pleasure of my pride when, on the d of may, , during the spring parade, i first stood in the ranks before my grandfather. relations with the individual man have always seemed valuable to me, and, therefore, i particularly treasured the assignments, during my military service, where i could cultivate such relations. my activities as commander of a company, a squadron, and a battery, likewise as head of a regiment, are unforgettable to me. i felt at home among my soldiers. in them i placed unlimited trust. the painful experiences of the autumn of have not diminished this trust. i do not forget that a part of the german people, after four years of unprecedented achievements and privations, had become too ill to withstand being corrupted by foes within and without. moreover, the best of the germans lay under the green sod; the others were thrown into such consternation by the events of the revolution which had been held to be impossible that they could not spur themselves to act. compulsory military service was the best school for the physical and moral toughening of our people. it created for us free men who knew their own value. from these an excellent corps of noncommissioned officers was formed; from the latter, in turn, we drew our government officials, the like of whom, in ability, incorruptibility and fidelity to duty no other nation on earth can show. believes officers still loyal and it is from these very elements that i receive nowadays signs of loyalty, every one of which does me good. my old second company of the first infantry guard regiment has shared, through good and evil days, the vicissitudes of its old captain. i saw them for the last time in , in close formation--still one hundred twenty-five strong--under that excellent sergeant, hartmann, on the occasion of the celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of my accession to the throne. in view of its proud duty as an educator and leader of the nation in arms, the officer corps occupied a particularly important position in the german empire. the method of replacement, which, by adoption of the officers' vote, had been lodged in the hands of the various bodies of officers themselves, guaranteed the needed homogeneity. harmful outcroppings of the idea of caste were merely sporadic; wherever they made themselves felt they were instantly rooted out. i entered much and willingly into relations with the various officer corps and felt like a comrade among them. the materialistic spirit of our age, to be sure, had not passed over the officer corps without leaving traces; but, on the whole, it must be admitted that nowhere else were self-discipline, fidelity to duty, and simplicity cultivated to such an extent as among the officers. a process of weeding out such as existed in no other profession allowed only the ablest and best to reach positions of influence. the commanding generals were men of a high degree of attainment and ability and--what is even more important--men of character. it is a difficult matter to single out individuals from among them. though the man in the ranks at the front was always particularly close to my heart, i must, nevertheless, give special prominence to the general staff as a school for the officer corps. i have already remarked that field marshal count moltke had known how by careful training to build up men who were not only up to requirements, technically speaking, but also qualified for action demanding willingness to assume responsibility, independence of judgment, and far-sightedness. "to be more than you seem" is written in the preface to the _pocket manual for the general staff officer_. field marshal count moltke laid the foundations for this training; and his successors--count waldersee, that great genius, count schlieffen, and general von moltke--built upon them. the result was the general staff, which accomplished unprecedented feats in the world war, and aroused admiration throughout the world. i soon realized that the greatest possible improvement of our highly developed technical department was absolutely necessary and would save precious blood. wherever possible, i worked toward the perfection of our armament and sought to place machinery in the service of our army. among new creations, the very first place is taken by the heavy artillery of the army in the field. in bringing this into being i was obliged to overcome much opposition--particularly, strange to relate, in the ranks of the artillery itself. it is a source of great satisfaction to me that i put this matter through. it laid the foundation for the carrying out of operations on a large scale, and it was long before our foes could catch up with us in this direction. better military equipment mention must also be made of the machine gun, which developed from modest beginnings to being the backbone of the infantry's fighting powers; the replacement of the rifle by the machine gun multiplied the firing power of the infantry while, at the same time, diminishing its losses. nor can i pass over without mention the introduction of the movable field kitchen, which i had seen for the first time at some maneuvers of the russian army. it was of the greatest value in maintaining the fighting efficiency of the army, since the possibility of getting sufficient nourishment kept our troops fresh and healthy. all human work remains unfinished. nevertheless, it may be said, without exaggeration, that the german army which marched to battle in was an instrument of warfare without an equal. whereas, at my accession to the throne, i had found the army in a condition which merely required development upon the foundations already laid, the navy, on the other hand, was in the first stage of development. after the failure of all the attempts of admiral hollmann to move the recalcitrant reichstag to adopt a slowly progressing, systematic strengthening of german sea power--largely due to the cheap catchwords of deputy richter and the lack of understanding of the liberals of the left, who were fooled by them--the admiral requested me to retire him. deeply moved, i acceded to his request; this plain, loyal man, the son of a genuine berlin bourgeois family, had become dear to me through his upright character, his devotion to duty, and his attachment to me. my friendship with him, based upon this estimate, lasted for many years up to the moment of the admiral's sudden death; it often caused me to visit this faithful man, endowed with fine berlin wit, at his home, and there to associate with him as head of the german orient society, as well as to see him, in a small circle of intimates, at my own home, or to take him with me as a treasured traveling companion. he was one of the most faithful of my faithful friends, always remaining the same in his disinterestedness, never asking anything for himself. happy the city which can produce such citizens! i preserve a grateful memory of this tried and trusted friend. admiral tirpitz succeeded hollmann. in his very first reports, which laid the foundation of the first naval law, he showed himself thoroughly in accord with me in the belief that the sanction of the reichstag for the building of warships was not to be gained by the old form of procedure. as i have already pointed out, the opposition was not to be convinced; the tone of the debates conducted by richter was unworthy of the importance of the subject; for instance, the gunboat obtained in the reichstag by the poles, under herr von koscielsky, was jokingly dubbed _koscielska_. ridicule was the weapon used, though the future of the fatherland was in question. it was necessary that the representative of the navy should have a solid phalanx behind him, both among the ministers of state and in the reichstag, and that it should, from absolute conviction, energetically support him and the cause. therefore, there was need of communicating to the reichstag members, still rather ignorant in naval matters, the details of the great work; moreover, a great movement must be engineered among the people, among the "general public," indifferent as yet, to arouse its interest and enthusiasm for the navy, in order that pressure from the people itself might be brought to bear upon the reichstag members. to this end, an energetic propaganda was needed, through a well-organized and well-directed press, as well as through eminent men of science at the universities and technical high schools. fight in the reichstag there was need of a complete change in the whole method of handling the matter in the reichstag. there must be no more bickerings about individual ships and docks. in making up the military budget, no arguments arose over the strength of the army, unless it was a matter of new formations. the makeup of the navy, like that of the army, must be settled by law once for all, its right of existence recognized and protected. the units composing it must no longer be a matter for debate. moreover, not only the officer corps but that of noncommissioned officers must be strengthened and trained, in order to be ready for service on the new ships. at the beginning of my reign, sixty to eighty cadets, at the most, were enrolled every year; in the last few years before the war several hundred asked admission. twelve precious years, never to be retrieved, were lost by the failure of the reichstag; it is even harder to create a navy overnight than an army. the goal to be striven for was implied in the law, which expressed the "idea of risk"; the aim was to cause even the strongest hostile fleet to think seriously before it came to blows with the german fleet, in view of the heavy losses that were to be feared in a battle, which put the foe in danger of becoming too weak for other tasks. the "idea of risk" was brilliantly vindicated in the skager-rak (jutland) battle; the enemy, in spite of his immense superiority, dared not risk a second battle. trafalgar was already dim; its laurels must not be completely lost. the total number of units (ships) on hand--it was principally a matter of ships of the line--was taken as a basis for the naval law, although these, with the exception of the four ships of the _brandenburg_ class, were little better than old iron. the naval law was looked upon by many laymen, in view of the numbers involved, as a naval increase. in reality, however, this was a false view, since the so-called existing fleet was absolutely no longer a fleet. it was slowly dying of old age--as hollmann said when he retired; included in it were almost the oldest ships still in service in all europe. now that the naval law was gradually coming into force, lively building operations set in, launchings were reported in the press, and there was joy among those under the dominion of the "rage du nombre" at the growing number of ships. but when it was made clear to them that as soon as the new ships were ready the old ones must be eliminated, so that, as a matter of fact, the total number of ships of fighting value would, at first, not be increased, they were greatly disillusioned. had the necessary ships been built in time during the wasted twelve years the naval law would have found a quite different, usable basis already in existence. but as matters now stood it was really a question of the complete rebuilding of the entire german fleet. the large number of ships, to which those which had to be eliminated were added, was a fallacy. therefore the english made a mistake when they merely took account of the number of ships--since that fitted in well with the propaganda against germany--but paid no attention to age or type, arriving thus at a total that was far too high, and, by such misleading methods, artificially nourishing the so-called apprehension at the growth of the german navy. admiral tirpitz now went ahead with the program approved by me. with iron energy and merciless sacrifice of his health and strength he soon was able to inject efficiency and power into the handling of the naval question. at my command he went, after the drafting of the naval law, to friedrichsruh, the residence of prince bismarck, in order to convince the latter of the necessity for having a german navy. the press worked zealously toward the introduction of the naval law, and political economists, experts on commerce and politics and so forth, placed their pens at the service of the great national cause, the necessity for a navy having been by now widely realized. in the meantime the english, too, helped--though quite unconsciously--toward bettering the naval law's chance of being passed. the boer war had broken out, and had aroused among the german people much sympathy for the little country and much indignation on account of england's violent assault upon it. thereupon the news came of the utterly unjustified capture of two german steamers on the east african coast by english warships. indignation was general. the news of the stopping of the second steamer happened to be received by the secretary of state, von bülow, at the very moment when tirpitz and i were with him. as soon as bülow had read the dispatch aloud, i quoted the old english proverb, "it's an ill wind that blows nobody good," and tirpitz exclaimed, "now we have the wind we need for bringing our ship into port. the naval law will go through. your majesty must present a medal to the captain of the english ship in gratitude for having put it through." the imperial chancellor ordered up champagne and the three of us drank joyously to the new law, its acceptance, and the future german fleet, not forgetting to express our thanks to the english navy, which had proved so helpful to us. many years later, on my return from lowther castle, where i had been hunting with lord lonsdale, i was invited to dine with lord rosebery, the great liberal statesman and former minister of foreign affairs, also known through his researches in the history of napoleon, at his beautiful country estate of dalmeny castle, situated close to the sea, not far from the great forth bridge. among the guests was general sir ian hamilton, a scotchman, well known on account of his part in the boer war, with whom i had become acquainted when he was a guest at the imperial german maneuvers, the lord provost of edinburgh, and a captain of the english navy, who was commander of the naval station there. the last sat next admiral freiherr von senden, directly across the table from me, and attracted my attention by the obvious embarrassment which he manifested in his talk with the admiral, which he conducted in a low voice. after dinner admiral von senden introduced the captain to me, whereat the englishman's embarrassment caused him to behave even more awkwardly than before, and aroused my attention because of the worried look of his eyes and his pale face. after the conversation, which turned on various maritime topics, had come to an end, i asked freiherr von senden what the matter was with the man; the admiral laughed and replied that he had elicited from his neighbor, during the meal, that he had been the commander of the ship which had captured the two german steamers in the boer war, and that he had been afraid that i might find this out. senden had thereupon told him that he was entirely mistaken about this; that had his majesty learned who he was he could rest assured that he would have been very well treated and thanked into the bargain. "thanked? what for?" queried the englishman. "for having made the passage of the naval law so much easier for the emperor!" one of the prime considerations in the passage of the naval law--as also for all later additions, and, in general, for the whole question of warship construction--was the question whether the german shipbuilding industry would be in a position to keep pace with the naval program; whether, in fact, it would be able to carry it out at all. here, too, admiral von tirpitz worked with tireless energy. encouraged and fired with enthusiasm by him, the german shipbuilding yards went at the great problem, filled with german audacity, and solved it with positively brilliant results, greatly distancing their foreign competitors. the admirable technical endowment of the german engineers, as well as the better education of the german working classes, contributed in full measure toward this achievement. feverish haste for navy consultations, conferences, reports to me, service trips to all shipbuilding yards, were the daily bread of the indefatigable tirpitz. but the tremendous trouble and work were richly rewarded. the people woke up, began to have a thought for the value of the colonies (raw materials provided by ourselves without foreign middlemen!) and for commercial relations, and to feel interest in commerce, navigation, shipping, etc. and, at last, the derisive opposition stopped cracking its jokes. tirpitz, always ready for battle, wielded a sharp blade in fighting, never joked and allowed nobody to joke with him, so that his opponents no longer felt like laughing. things went particularly badly with deputy richter when tirpitz brilliantly snubbed and silenced him by quoting a patriotic saying, dating from the 'forties, of old harkort--whose district richter represented--concerning the need for a german fleet. now it was the turn of the other side of the reichstag to laugh. and so the great day dawned. the law was passed, after much fighting and talking, by a great majority. the strength of the german navy was assured; naval construction was to be accomplished. by means of construction and keeping an increased number of ships in service a fleet soon sprang into being. in order to maneuver, lead, and train its personnel a new book of regulations and signal code were needed--at the beginning of my reign these had been worked out merely for one division--four ships--since at that time a larger number of units never navigated together in the german navy--_i. e._, a larger number were not kept in service. and even these were out of service in the autumn, so that, in winter, there was (with the exception of cruisers in foreign waters) absolutely no german navy. all the care expended during the summer season on training of crews, officers, noncommissioned officers, engine-room crews, and stokers, as well as on rigging and upkeep of ships, was as good as wasted when the ships were retired from service in the autumn; and when spring came and they were put back into commission things had to be started at the beginning again. the result was that any degree of continuity in training and of coherence among the crews with relation to each other and their ships--of "ship spirit," in short--could not be maintained. this was maintained only on board the ships stationed in foreign waters. therefore, after the necessary heating equipment, etc., had been put in, i ordered that ships be kept in service also through the winter, which was a veritable boon to the development of the fleet. in order to obtain the necessary number of units needed by the new regulations, admiral von tirpitz, in view of the shortage of ships of the line, had already formed into divisions all the sorts of vessels available, including gunboats and dispatch boats, and carried out evolutions with them, so that when the replacement of line ships began to take place the foundations for the new regulations had already been laid. the latter were then constantly developed with the greatest energy by all the officials concerned and kept pace with the growth of the fleet. hard work was done on the development of that important weapon, the torpedo boat. at that time we were filled with joyful pride that a german torpedo-boat division was the first united torpedo squadron ever to cross the north sea. it sailed, under the command of my brother, prince henry, to take part in the celebration of queen victoria's golden jubilee ( ). colonel goethal's visit the development of heligoland and its fortifications as a point of support for small cruisers and torpedo boats--also, later on, for u-boats--was also taken in hand, after the necessary protective work for preserving the island had been constructed by the state--in connection with which work the empire and prussia fought like cat and dog. on account of the growth of the fleet it became necessary to widen the kaiser wilhelm canal. after a hard struggle we caused the new locks to be built of the largest possible size, capable of meeting the development of dreadnaughts for a long time to come. there the far-sighted policy of the admiral was brilliantly vindicated. this found unexpected corroboration by a foreigner. colonel goethals, the builder of the panama canal, requested through the united states government permission to inspect the kaiser wilhelm canal and its new locks. permission was most willingly granted. after a meal with me, at which admiral von tirpitz was present, the admiral questioned the american engineer (who was enthusiastic over our construction work) concerning the measurements of the panama locks, whereupon it transpired that the measurements of the locks of the panama canal were much smaller than those of the kaiser wilhelm canal. to my astonished question as to how that could be possible, goethals replied that the navy department, upon inquiry by him, had given those measurements for ships of the line. admiral von tirpitz then remarked that this size would be far from adequate for the future, and that the newer type of dreadnaughts and superdreadnaughts would not be able to go through the locks, consequently the canal would soon be useless for american and other big battleships. the colonel agreed, and remarked that this was already true of the newest ships under construction, and he congratulated his excellency upon having had the courage to demand and put through the big locks of the kaiser wilhelm canal, which he had looked upon with admiration and envy. in like manner the very backward and antiquated imperial docks [the old tinker's shops, as tirpitz called them] were rebuilt and developed into model modern plants and the arrangements for the workers were developed so as to further the welfare of the latter along the most approved lines. only those who, like myself, have followed and seen with their own eyes from the very beginning the origin and development of all these factors necessary to the building up--nay, the creation anew--of the fleet can form anything like a proper idea of the enormous achievement of admiral von tirpitz and his entire corps of assistants. the office of the imperial naval department was also a new creation; the old "oberkommando" was eliminated when it was divided into the two main branches of admiralty staff and imperial naval department. both of these (as in the army) were directly under the supreme war commander in chief--this meant that there was no longer any official between the emperor and his navy. coming of the dreadnaught when admiral fisher evolved an entirely new type of ship for england in the shape of the "dreadnaught"--thereby surprising the world as if he had launched a sudden assault upon it--and thought that he had thus given england, once for all, an unapproachable naval superiority which the rest of the powers could never meet, there was naturally great excitement in all naval circles. the idea, to be sure, did not originate with fisher, but came--in the form of an appeal to shipbuilders of the whole world--from the famous italian engineer cuniberti, who had made public a sketch in fred jane's _illustrated naval atlas_. at the first conference regarding the introduction of the "dreadnaught" type of big fighting ship by england i at once agreed with admiral von tirpitz that it had robbed all pre-dreadnaughts of their value and consigned them to the scrap heap, especially the german ships, which it had been necessary to keep considerably smaller, on account of the measurements of our old locks, than the ships of other navies, particularly the english. thereupon admiral von tirpitz remarked that this would also apply to the english fleet itself as soon as the other nations had followed fisher's example; that england had robbed her enormous pre-dreadnaught force, upon which her great superiority lasted, of its fighting value, which would necessitate her building an entirely new fleet of big fighting ships, in competition with the entire world, which would do likewise; that this would be exceedingly costly; that england, in order to maintain her notorious "two-power standard," would have to exert herself to such an extent that she would look with more disfavor than ever on new warships built by other nations, toward whom she was unfriendly, and begin to make objections; then this would be especially true if we started building, but would be in vain, since, with the existing types of ships in our fleet, we could not expect to fight against big battleships, but were forced, "nolens volens," to follow england along this road. the war fully confirmed admiral tirpitz's opinion. every one of our ships not in the big fighting-ship class had to be retired from service. when the first german big fighting ship was placed in service there was a loud outcry in the land of the british. the conviction gradually dawned that fisher and his shipbuilders had counted absolutely on the belief that germany would not be able to build any big fighting ships. therefore the disappointment was all the greater. why such an assumption was made is beyond comprehension, since, even at that time, german shipbuilders had already built the great ocean greyhounds, far surpassing our warships of the line in tonnage, which had occasioned painfully noticeable competition to the english steamship lines. our big fighting ships, despite their small number, showed themselves, at the skager-rak (jutland) battle, not only equal to their english opponents, but superior to them both in seaworthiness and in standing up under gunfire. impatient for u-boats the building of u-boats, unfortunately, could not be pushed forward before the war to an extent commensurate with my desires. on the one hand, it was necessary not to overburden the naval budget during the carrying out of the naval law; moreover, most important of all, it was necessary to collect further data from experiments. tirpitz believed that the types with which other nations were experimenting were too small and fit only for coast defense; that germany must build "seagoing" submarines capable of navigating in the open sea; that this necessitated a larger type--which, however, must first be systematically developed. this took a long time and required careful experiments with models. the result was that, at first, in , there were only a small number of seaworthy submarines in readiness. even then more pressure might have been brought to bear upon england with the available submarines had not the chancellor been so concerned lest england be provoked thereby. the number and efficiency of the submarines rose rapidly in the course of the war; in considering numbers, however, one must always remember that in wartime, u-boats are to be reckoned as follows: one third of the total in active service, one third on the outward or return journey, one third undergoing repairs. the achievements of the u-boats aroused the admiration of the entire world and won the ardent gratitude of the fatherland. admiral von tirpitz's tremendous success in creating the commercial colony of tsing-tao must never be forgotten. here he gave proof once more of his brilliant talent for administration and organization in all directions. those talents of his created, out of a place that was previously almost unknown and entirely without importance, a commercial center which, within a few years, showed a turnover of between fifty and sixty millions. the dealings with reichstag members, the press, and big industrial and world-commercial elements gradually increased the admiral's interest in political matters, particularly in foreign affairs, which were always bound up with the utilization of ships. the clear world-vision acquired by him as a traveled sailor, well acquainted with foreign parts, qualified tirpitz to make quick decisions, which his fiery temperament wished to see translated promptly into action. the opposition and slowness of officialdom irritated him greatly. a certain tendency to distrust, perhaps strengthened by many an experience, often misled him to harbor suspicion--sometimes justified, sometimes not--against individuals. this caused a strong tinge of reserve in tirpitz's character and "hampered the joyful workings of the heart" in others. he was also capable of bringing to bear new views on a matter with great decision, when, after renewed reflection or study of new facts, he had altered his previous view. this made working with him not always exactly agreeable or easy. the tremendous results of his achievements, of which he was justly proud, gave him a consciousness of the power of his personality, which sometimes made itself apparent even to his friends. during the war tirpitz's tendency to mix in politics got the upper hand with him so much that it eventually led to differences of opinion which finally caused his retirement, since von bethmann, the imperial chancellor, demanded the dismissal of the admiral-in-chief with the observation that the imperial secretaries of state were his subordinates and that the political policy must be conducted by himself alone. it was with a heavy heart that i acquiesced in the departure of this energetic, strong-willed man, who had carried out my plans with genius and who was indefatigable as a co-worker. tirpitz may always rest assured of my imperial gratitude. if only this source of strength might stand soon again by the side of the unfortunate german fatherland in its misery and distress! tirpitz can do and dares to do what many others do not dare. the saying of the poet most certainly applies to admiral von tirpitz: "the greatest blessing to the children of earth is, after all, personality!" the criticisms which the admiral felt constrained to make of me, in his book--which is well worth reading--cannot change, in the slightest, my opinion of him. chapter x the outbreak of war after the arrival of the news of the assassination of my friend, the archduke franz ferdinand, i gave up going to kiel for the regatta week and went back home, since i intended to go to vienna for his funeral. but i was asked from there to give up this plan. later i heard that one of the reasons for this was consideration for my personal safety; to this i naturally would have paid no attention. greatly worried on account of the turn which matters might now take, i decided to give up my intended journey to norway and remain at home. the imperial chancellor and the foreign office held a view contrary to mine and wished me to undertake the journey, as they considered that it would have a quieting effect on all europe. for a long time i argued against going away from my country at a time when the future was so unsettled, but imperial chancellor von bethmann told me, in short and concise terms, that if i were now to give up my travel plans, which were already widely known, this would make the situation appear more serious than it had been up to that moment and possibly lead to the outbreak of war, for which i might be held responsible; that the whole world was merely waiting to be put out of suspense by the news that i, in spite of the situation, had quietly gone on my trip. thereupon i consulted the chief of the general staff, and, when he also proved to be calm and unworried regarding the state of affairs and himself asked for a summer leave of absence to go to carlsbad, i decided, though with a heavy heart, upon my departure. the much-discussed so-called potsdam crown council of july th in reality never took place. it is an invention of malevolent persons. naturally, before my departure, i received, as was my custom, some of the ministers individually, in order to hear from them reports concerning their departments. neither was there any council of ministers and there was no talk about war preparations at a single one of the conferences. my fleet was cruising in the norwegian fjords, as usual, while i was on my summer vacation trip. during my stay at balholm i received only meager news from the foreign office and was obliged to rely principally on the norwegian newspapers, from which i got the impression that the situation was growing worse. i telegraphed repeatedly to the chancellor and the foreign office that i considered it advisable to return home, but was asked each time not to interrupt my journey. when i learned that the english fleet had not dispersed after the review at spithead, but had remained concentrated, i telegraphed again to berlin that i considered my return necessary. my opinion was not shared there. but when, after that, i learned from the norwegian newspapers--not from berlin--about the austrian ultimatum to serbia, and, immediately thereafter, about the serbian note to austria, i started without further ado upon my return journey and commanded the fleet to repair to wilhelmshaven. upon my departure i learned from a norwegian source that it was said that a part of the english fleet had left secretly for norway in order to capture me (though peace still reigned!). it is significant that sir edward goschen, the english ambassador, was informed on july th at the foreign office that my return journey, undertaken on my own initiative, was to be regretted, since agitating rumors might be caused by it. says war was not foreseen upon my arrival at potsdam i found the chancellor and the foreign office in conflict with the chief of the general staff, since general von moltke was of the opinion that war was sure to break out, whereas the other two stuck firmly to their view that things would not get to such a bad pass, that there would be some way of avoiding war, provided i did not order mobilization. this dispute kept up steadily. not until general von moltke announced that the russians had set fire to their frontier posts, torn up the frontier railway tracks, and posted red mobilization notices did a light break upon the diplomats in the wilhelmstrasse and bring about both their own collapse and that of their powers of resistance. they had not _wished_ to _believe_ in the war. this shows plainly how little we had expected--much less prepared for--war in july, . when, in the spring of , tsar nicholas ii was questioned by his court marshal as to his spring and summer plans, he replied: "je resterai chez moi cette année parceque nous aurons la guerre" ("i shall stay at home this year because we shall have war"). (this fact, it is said, was reported to imperial chancellor von bethmann; i heard nothing about it then and learned about it for the first time in november, .) this was the same tsar who gave me, on two separate occasions--at björkö and baltisch-port--entirely without being pressed by me and in a way that surprised me, his word of honor as a sovereign, to which he added weight by a clasp of the hand and an embrace, that he would never draw his sword against the german emperor--least of all as an ally of england--in case a war should break out in europe, owing to his gratitude to the german emperor for his attitude in the russo-japanese war, in which england alone had involved russia, adding that he hated england, since she had done him and russia a great wrong by inciting japan against them. at the very time that the tsar was announcing his summer war program i was busy at corfu excavating antiquities; then i went to wiesbaden, and, finally, to norway. a monarch who wishes war and prepares it in such a way that he can suddenly fall upon his neighbors--a task requiring long secret mobilization preparations and concentration of troops--does not spend months outside his own country and does not allow his chief of the general staff to go to carlsbad on leave of absence. my enemies, in the meantime, planned their preparations for an attack. our entire diplomatic machine failed. the menace of war was not seen because the foreign office was so hypnotized with its idea of "surtout pas d'histoires" ("above all, no stories"), its belief in peace at any cost, that it had completely eliminated war as a possible instrument of entente statesmanship from its calculations, and, therefore, did not rightly estimate the importance of the signs of war. herein also is proof of germany's peaceful inclinations. the above-mentioned standpoint of the foreign office brought it to a certain extent into conflict with the general staff and the admiralty staff, who uttered warnings, as was their duty, and wished to make preparations for defense. this conflict in views showed its effect for a long time; the army could not forget that, by the fault of the foreign office, it had been taken by surprise, and the diplomats were piqued because, in spite of their stratagems, war had ensued, after all. innumerable are the pieces of evidence that as early as the spring and summer of , when nobody in germany believed as yet in the entente's attack, war had been prepared for in russia, france, belgium, and england. i included the most important proofs of this, in so far as they are known to me, in the _comparative historical tables_ compiled by me. on account of their great number, i shall cite only a few here. if in so doing i do not mention all names, this is done for reasons easily understood. let me remark furthermore that this whole mass of material became known to me only little by little, partly during the war, mostly after the war. . as far back as april, , the accumulation of gold reserves in the english banks began. on the other hand, germany, as late as july, was still exporting gold and grain; to the entente countries, among others. . in april, , the german naval attaché in tokyo, captain von knorr, reported that he was greatly struck by the certainty with which everyone there foresaw a war of the triple alliance against germany in the near future ... that there was a something in the air as if, so to speak, people were expressing their condolences over a death sentence not yet pronounced. . at the end of march, , general sherbatsheff, director of the st. petersburg war academy, made an address to his officers, wherein, among other things, he said: that war with the powers forming the triple alliance had become unavoidable on account of austria's anti-russian balkan policy; that there existed the strongest sort of probability that it would break out as early as that same summer; that, for russia, it was a point of honor to assume the offensive immediately. . in the report of the belgian ambassador at berlin regarding a japanese military mission which had arrived from st. petersburg in april, , it was stated, among other things: at the regimental messes the japanese officers had heard quite open talk of an imminent war against austria-hungary and germany; it was stated, however, that the army was ready to take the field, and that the moment was as auspicious for the russians as for their allies, the french. . according to the memoirs of the then french ambassador at st. petersburg, m. paléologue, published in , in the _revue des deux mondes_, the grand duchesses anastasia and militza told him on july , , at tsarskoe selo, that their father, the king of montenegro, had informed them, in a cipher telegram, that "we shall have war before the end of the month [that is, before the th of august, russian style]; ... nothing will be left of austria.... you will take back alsace-lorraine.... our armies will meet in berlin.... germany will be annihilated." . the former serbian chargé d'affaires at berlin, bogitshevich, tells in his book, _causes of the war_, published in , of the following statement which cambon, the then french ambassador at berlin, made to him on the th or th of july, : "if germany wishes matters to come to a war, she will have england also against her. the english fleet will take hamburg. we shall thoroughly beat the germans." bogitshevich states that this talk made him sure that the war had been decided upon at the time of the meeting of poincaré with the russian tsar at st. petersburg, if not sooner. russian crown council . another russian of high rank, a member of the duma and a good friend of sazonoff, told me later about the secret crown council held, with the tsar presiding, in february, ; moreover, i obtained corroboration, from other russian sources mentioned in my _historical tables_, of the following: at this crown council sazonoff made an address wherein he suggested to the tsar to seize constantinople, which, since the triple alliance would not acquiesce in it, would cause a war against germany and austria. he added that italy would break away from these two, in the natural course of events; that france was to be trusted absolutely and england probably. the tsar had agreed, it was said, and given orders to take the necessary preliminary steps. the russian finance minister, count kokovzeff, wrote to the tsar advising against this course--i was informed of this by count mirbach after the peace of brest-litovsk--recommending a firm union with germany and warning against war, which, he said, would be unfavorable to russia and lead to revolution and the fall of the dynasty. the tsar did not follow this advice, but pushed on toward war. the same gentleman told me this: _two_ days after the outbreak of war he had been invited by sazonoff to breakfast. the latter came up to him, beaming with joy, and, rubbing his hands together, asked: "come now, my dear baron, you must admit that i have chosen the moment for war excellently, haven't i?" when the baron, rather worried, asked him what stand england would take, the minister smote his pocket, and, with a sly wink, whispered: "i have something in my pocket which, within the next few weeks, will bring joy to all russia and astound the entire world; i have received the english promise that england will go with russia against germany!" . russian prisoners belonging to the _siberian_ corps, who were taken in east prussia, said that they had been transported by rail in the summer of , to the vicinity of moscow, since maneuvers were to be held there by the tsar. the maneuvers did not take place, but the troops were not taken back. they were stationed for the winter in the vicinity of moscow. in the summer of they were brought forward to the vicinity of vilna, since big maneuvers were to be held there by the tsar; at and near vilna they were deployed and then, suddenly, the sharp cartridges (war ammunition) were distributed and they were informed that there was a war against germany; they were unable to say why and wherefore. . in a report, made public in the press, during the winter of - ; by an american, concerning his trip through the caucasus in the spring of , the following was stated: when he arrived in the caucasus, at the beginning of _may_, , he met, while on his way to tiflis, long columns of troops of all arms, in war equipment. he had feared that a revolt had broken out in the caucasus. when he made inquiries of the authorities at tiflis, while having his passport inspected, he received the quieting news that the caucasus was quite peaceful, that he might travel wheresoever he wished, that what he had seen had to do only with practice marching and maneuvers. at the close of his trip at the end of may, , he wished to embark at a caucasian port, but all the vessels there were so filled with troops that only after much trouble could he manage to get a cabin for himself and his wife. the russian officers told him that they were to land at odessa and march from there to take part in some great maneuvers. the cossack's testimony . prince tundutoff, hetman of the calmuck cossacks living between tsaritsin and astrakhan, who was, before and during the war, personal aid of the grand duke nicholas nicholaievitch, came to general headquarters at bosmont in , seeking to establish connection with germany, since the cossacks were not slavs at all and thoroughly hostile to the bolsheviki. he stated that he had been sent by nicholas nicholaievitch, before the outbreak of war, to the general staff, in order to keep the grand duke posted on happenings there and that he had been a witness of the notorious telephone talks between the tsar and the chief of the general staff, general januskevitch; that the tsar, deeply impressed by the earnest telegram of the german emperor, had resolved to forbid mobilization and had ordered januskevitch by telephone not to carry out mobilization, _i. e._, to break it off; that the latter had not obeyed the unmistakable order, but had inquired by telephone of sazonoff, minister of foreign affairs--with whom, for weeks, he had kept in touch, intrigued and incited to war--what he was to do now; that sazonoff had answered that the tsar's order was nonsense, that all the general need do was to carry out mobilization, that he [sazonoff] would bring the tsar around again next day and talk him out of heeding the stupid telegram from the german emperor; that, thereupon, januskevitch had informed the tsar that mobilization was already under way and could no longer be broken off. prince tundutoff added: "this was a lie, for i myself saw the mobilization order lying beside januskevitch on his writing table, which shows that it had not as yet been given out at all." the psychologically interesting point about the above is that tsar nicholas, who helped prepare the world war and had already ordered mobilization, wished to recede at the last moment. my earnest, warning telegram, it seems, made him realize clearly for the first time the colossal responsibility which he was bringing upon himself by his warlike preparations. therefore, he wished to stop the war machine, the murderer of entire peoples, which he had just set in motion. this would have been possible and peace might have been preserved if sazonoff had not frustrated his wish. when i asked whether the grand duke, who was known as a german-hater, had incited much to war, the cossack chief replied that the grand duke had certainly worked zealously for war, but that incitement on his part would have been superfluous, since there was already a strong sentiment against germany all through the russian officer corps; that this spirit was transmitted, principally, from the french army to the russian officers; that there had been a desire, in fact, to go to war in - (bosnian question), but france was not then ready; that, in , russia, likewise, was not quite ready; that januskevitch and sukhomlinoff had really planned the war for , but sazonoff and isvolsky, as well as the french, could not be restrained any longer; that the former two were afraid of revolution in russia and of the influence of the german emperor on the tsar, which might dissuade the tsar from the idea of waging war; and that the french, who were sure, for the time being, of england's help, were afraid that england might come to an understanding later on with germany at the expense of france. when i asked whether the tsar had been aware of the warlike spirit in russia and had tolerated it, the cossack prince answered that it was worthy of note that the tsar had forbidden once for all, as a matter of precaution, the inviting of german diplomats or military attachés to luncheons or evening meals given by russian officers at which he himself was to be present. stores of english coats . when our troops advanced in they found, in northern france and along the belgian frontier, great stores of english soldiers' greatcoats. according to statements by the inhabitants, these were placed there during the _last years of peace_. most of the english infantrymen who were made prisoners by us in the summer of had no greatcoats; when asked why, they answered, quite naïvely: "we are to find our greatcoats in the stores at maubeuge, le quesnoy, etc., in the north of france and in belgium." it was the same regarding maps. in maubeuge great quantities of english military maps of northern france and belgium were found by our men; copies of these have been shown to me. the names of places were printed in french and english, and all sorts of words were translated in the margin for the convenience of soldiers; for instance: moulin=mill, pont=bridge, maison=house, ville=town, bois=wood, etc. these maps date from and were engraved at southampton. the stores were established by england, with the permission of the french and belgian governments, _before_ the war, in the midst of peace. what a tempest of horror would have broken out in belgium, the "neutral country," and what a rumpus england and france would have kicked up, if we had wished to establish stores of german soldiers' greatcoats and maps in spa, liège, and namur! among the statesmen who, besides poincaré, particularly helped unleash the world war, the sazonoff-isvolsky group probably should take first rank. isvolsky, it is said, when at paris, proudly placed his hand upon his breast and declared: "i made the war. je suis le père de cette guerre" ("i am the father of this war"). delcassé also has a large share in the guilt for the world war, and grey an even larger share, since he was the spiritual leader of the "encirclement policy," which he faithfully pushed forward and brought to completion, as the "legacy" of his dead sovereign. i have been informed that an important rôle was played in the preparation of the world war directed against the monarchical central powers by the policy of the international "great orient lodge"; a policy extending over many years and always envisaging the goal at which it aimed. but the german great lodges, i was furthermore told--with two exceptions wherein non-german financial interests are paramount and which maintain secret connection with the "great orient" in paris--had no relationship to the "great orient." they were entirely loyal and faithful, according to the assurance given me by the distinguished german freemason who explained to me this whole interrelationship, which had, until then, been unknown to me. he said that in an international meeting of the lodges of the "great orient" was held, after which there was a subsequent conference in switzerland; at this the following program was adopted: dismemberment of austria-hungary, democratization of germany, elimination of the house of hapsburg, abdication of the german emperor, restitution of alsace-lorraine to france, union of galicia with poland, elimination of the pope and the catholic church, elimination of every state church in europe. i am not now in a position to investigate the very damaging information which has been transmitted to me, in the best of faith, concerning the organization and activities of the great orient lodges. secret and public political organizations have played important parts in the life of peoples and states, ever since history has existed. some of them have been beneficial: most of them have been destructive, if they had to have secret passwords which shunned the light of day. the most dangerous of these organizations hide under the cloak of some ideal object or other--such as active love of their neighbors, readiness to help the weak, and poor, and so forth--in order that, with such pretexts as a blind, they may work for their real secret ends. it is certainly advisable to study the activities of the great orient lodges, since one cannot adopt a final attitude toward this worldwide organization until it has been thoroughly investigated. i shall not take up the war operations in this work. i shall leave this task all the more readily to my officers and to the historians, since i, writing as i am without a single document, would be able to describe events only in very broad outline. when i look back upon the four arduous war years, with their hopes and fears, their brilliant victories and losses in precious blood, what is uppermost in my mind is the feeling of ardent gratitude and undying admiration for the unequaled achievements of the german nation in arms. proud of german army just as no sacrifice in endurance and privation was too great for those staying at home, so also the army, in defending itself during the war criminally forced upon us, did not merely overcome the crushing superiority of twenty-eight hostile nations, but likewise, on land and water and in the air, won victories whose glory may have paled a bit in the mists of the present day, but, for that very reason, will shine forth all the more brightly in the light of history. nor is that all. wherever there was distress among our allies, german intervention, often with weak forces, always restored the situation and often won noteworthy successes. germans fought on all the battlefields of the far-flung world war. surely the heroic bravery of the german nation deserved a better fate than to fall a victim to the dagger that treacherously stabbed it from behind; it seems to be the german destiny that germans shall always be defeated by germans. recently i read the unfortunately not entirely unjustified words: "in germany every siegfried has his hödur behind him." finally, let me say a word concerning the german "atrocities" and give two instances thereof! after our advance into northern france i immediately ordered that art treasures be protected. art historians and professors were assigned to each army, who traveled about inspecting, photographing, and describing churches, châteaux, and castles. among them professor clemen, curator of the rhine province, especially distinguished himself and reported to me, when i was at the front, on the protection of art treasures. all the collections in towns, museums, and castles were catalogued and numbered; whenever they seemed to be imperiled by the fighting they were taken away and assembled, at valenciennes and maubeuge, in two splendid museums. there they were carefully preserved and the name of the owner marked on each article. the old windows of the cathedral of st. quentin were removed by german soldiers, at the risk of their lives, under english shell-fire. the story of the destruction of the church by the english was told by a german catholic priest, who published it with photographs, and it was sent, by my orders, to the pope. at the château of pinon, which belongs to the princess of poix, who had been a guest of mine and the empress, the headquarters of the general commanding the third army corps was located. i visited the château and lived there. previously the english had been quartered there and had ravaged the place terribly. the commanding general, von lochow, and his staff had a great deal of trouble getting it into some sort of shape again after the devastation wrought by the english. accompanied by the general, i visited the private apartments of the princess, which, up to then, our soldiers had been forbidden to enter. i found that her entire wardrobe had been thrown out of the clothes presses by the english soldiers and, together with her hats, was lying about on the floor. i had every garment carefully cleaned, hung in the presses, and locked up. the writing desk had also been broken into and the princess's correspondence was scattered about. at my command, all the letters were gathered together, sealed in a package, placed in the writing desk, and locked up. afterward, all the silverware was found buried in the garden. according to the villagers this had been ordered as early as the _beginning of july_, so the princess had known about the war long before its outbreak! i at once ordered that the silver be inventoried, deposited in the bank at aix-la-chapelle, and returned to the princess after the war. through neutral channels i caused news to be transmitted to the princess in switzerland, by my court marshal, freiherr von reischach, concerning pinon, her silverware, and my care for her property. no answer was received. instead, the princess had published in the french press a letter to the effect that general von kluck had stolen all her silver. on account of my care and the self-sacrificing work of german art experts and soldiers--partly at the risk of their lives--art treasures worth billions were preserved for their french owners and for french towns. this was done by the huns, the boches! chapter xi the pope and peace in the summer of i received at krueznach a visit from the papal nuncio, pacelli, who was accompanied by a chaplain. pacelli is a distinguished, likable man, of high intelligence and excellent manners, the perfect pattern of an eminent prelate of the catholic church. he knows german well enough to understand it easily when he hears it, but not sufficiently to speak it with fluency. our conversation was conducted in french, but the nuncio now and then employed german expressions of speech. the chaplain spoke german fluently and took part--even when not asked--in the conversation, whenever he feared that the nuncio was becoming too much influenced by what i said. very soon the conversation turned on the possibility of peace mediation and the bringing about of peace, in which connection all sorts of projects and possibilities were touched upon, discussed, and dismissed. finally, i suggested that the pope should make an effort, seeing that my peace offer of december , , had been rejected in such an unprecedented manner. the nuncio remarked that he thought such a step would be attended with great difficulties; that the pope had already been rebuffed when he had made certain advances in this direction; that, aside from this, the pope was absolutely in despair on account of the slaughter and wondered ceaselessly how he might help toward freeing the world and european culture from the scourge of war. any suggestion as to this, he added, would be most valuable to the vatican. i stated that the pope, as the highest in rank among all the priests of the roman catholic christians and church, should, first of all, seek to issue instructions to his priests in all countries to banish hate, once for all, from their minds, since hate was the greatest obstacle in the path of the peace idea; that it was, unfortunately, true that the clergy in the entente countries were, to a positively frightful extent, the standard-bearers and instigators of hate and fighting. i called attention to the numerous reports from soldiers at the beginning of the war concerning abbés and parish priests captured with arms in their hands; to the machinations of cardinal mercier and the belgian clergy, members of which often worked as spies; to the sermon of the protestant bishop of london, who, from the pulpit, glorified the "baralong" murderers; and to other similar cases. i added that it would be, therefore, a great achievement if the pope should succeed in having the roman catholic clergy in all the countries at war condemn hatred and recommend peace, as was already being done by the german clergy, be it from the pulpit or by means of pastoral letters. urges papal intercession pacelli found this idea excellent and worthy of attention, but he remarked that it would be difficult to enlist the efforts of the various prelates in its support. i replied that, in view of the severe discipline of the hierarchy of the roman catholic church, i could not imagine that, if the pope should solemnly call upon the prelates of the church to preach reconciliation and consideration for the foe, those of any country whatsoever should refuse obedience; that the prelates, on account of their eminent rank, were above all parties, and, since reconciliation and love of our neighbor were fundamental principles of the christian religion, they were absolutely in duty bound to work toward making people observe these principles. pacelli agreed to this and promised to give the idea his earnest attention and report upon it to the vatican. in the further course of the conversation, the nuncio asked what form--beyond the purely ecclesiastical step suggested by me--the bringing about of peace possibilities through the intervention of the pope might take. i pointed out that italy and austria were two roman catholic states, upon which the pope could bring influence to bear easily and effectively; that one of these lands was his native country and place of residence, in which he was greatly revered by the people and exerted direct influence upon his fellow countrymen; that austria was ruled by a sovereign who actually bore the title "apostolic"; who, with all his family, had direct relations with the vatican and was among the most faithful adherents of the catholic church; that i was, therefore, of the opinion that it would not be difficult for the pope to try at least to make a beginning with these two countries and cause them to talk peace. i added that the diplomatic skill and wide vision of the vatican were known the world over; that, if once a beginning were made in this way--and it had a good chance of success--the other powers could scarcely refuse an invitation from the vatican later on to an exchange of views, which should be, at first, not binding upon them. the nuncio remarked that it would be difficult for the vatican to make the italian government agree to such a thing, since it had no direct relation with the said government and no influence upon its members; that the italian government would never look with favor upon an invitation, even to mere conferences. here the chaplain interposed that such a step by the pope was absolutely out of the question, since it would entail consequences which might be actually dangerous to the vatican; the government would at once mobilize the "piazza" ("man in the street") against the vatican, and the vatican certainly could not expose itself to that. when i refused to attach importance to this objection, the chaplain grew more and more excited. he said that i did not know the romans; that, when they were incited they were simply terrible; that just as soon as the "piazza" got into action things would get disagreeable; that, if it did, there was even a possibility of an attack on the vatican, which might actually imperil the life of the pope himself. scouts danger from "piazza" i replied that i, too, was well acquainted with the vatican; that no rabble or "piazza" could storm it; that, in addition, the pope had a strong party of adherents in society circles and among the people, which would at once be ready to defend him. the nuncio agreed with me, but the chaplain continued unabashed to expatiate upon the terrors of the "piazza" and paint the risks run by the pope in the blackest of colors. i then remarked that anyone wishing to capture the vatican must first get a battery of heavy mortars and howitzers, as well as pioneers and storm troops, and institute a regular siege; that all this was scarcely possible for the "piazza"; that, therefore, it was highly improbable that the latter would undertake anything. moreover, i mentioned having heard that measures had already been taken in the vatican to guard against such an emergency. at this the priest was silent. the nuncio then remarked that it was difficult for the pope to do anything really practical toward peace without giving offense and arousing opposition in lay italy, which would place him in danger; that it must be borne in mind that he was, unfortunately, not free; that had the pope a country, or at least a district of his own where he could govern autonomously and do as he pleased, the situation would be quite different; that, as matters stood, he was too dependent upon lay rome and not able to act according to his own free will. i remarked that the aim of bringing peace to the world was so holy and great that it was impossible for the pope to be frightened away, by purely worldly considerations, from accomplishing such a task, which seemed created especially for him; that, should he succeed in it, the grateful world would assuredly bring influence to bear upon the italian government in support of his wishes and of his independence. this made an impression on the nuncio; he remarked that i was right, after all; that the pope must do something in the matter. then i called the attention of the nuncio to the following point: he must have noticed, i said, how the socialists of all countries were zealously working in favor of peace efforts. i told him that we had always allowed the german socialists to travel to foreign parts in order to discuss the question of making peace at conferences, because i believed them to be acquainted with the desires and views of the lower classes; that we placed no obstacles in the path of anybody desiring to work honestly and without veiled purpose in the interests of peace; that the same desires for peace also existed among the entente nations and among their socialists, but that the latter were prevented by refusal of passports from attending congresses in neutral lands; that the desire for peace was gaining strength in the world, nations were acquiring it more and more, and if nobody in any government should be found willing to work for peace--i, unfortunately, had failed in my attempt--the peoples would finally take the matter into their own hands. i added that this would not occur without serious shocks and revolutions, as history proved, through which the roman church and the pope would not come unscathed. wins promise of action what must a catholic soldier think, i asked, when he reads always of efforts by socialists only, never of an effort by the pope, to free him from the horrors of war? if the pope did nothing, i continued, there was danger of peace being forced upon the world by the socialists, which would mean the end of the power of the pope and the roman church, even among catholics! this argument struck home to the nuncio. he stated that he would at once report it to the vatican and give it his support; that the pope would have to act. greatly worried, the chaplain again interposed, remarking that the pope would endanger himself by such a course; that the "piazza" would attack him. to this i replied that i was a protestant, and, hence, a heretic in the chaplain's eyes, notwithstanding which i was obliged to point out that the pope was designated the "viceroy of christ upon earth" by the catholic church and world; that i had, in studying the holy scriptures, occupied myself earnestly and carefully with the person of the saviour and sought to immerse myself profoundly therein; that the lord had never feared the "piazza," although no fortresslike building, with guards and weapons, was at his disposal; that the lord had always walked into the midst of the "piazza," spoken to it, and finally gone to his death on the cross for the sake of this hostile "piazza." was i now to believe, i asked, that his "viceroy upon earth" was afraid of the possibility of becoming a martyr, like his lord, in order to bring peace to the bleeding world, all on account of the ragged roman "piazza"? i, the protestant, thought far too highly of a roman priest, particularly of the pope, to believe such a thing. nothing could be more glorious for him, i went on, than to devote himself unreservedly, body and soul, to the great cause of peace, even despite the remote danger of thus becoming a martyr! with shining eyes, the nuncio grasped my hand and said, deeply moved: "vous avez parfaitement raison! c'est le devoir du pape; il faut qu'il agisse; c'est par lui que le monde doit être régagné à la paix. je transmettrai vos paroles à sa sainteté" ("you are absolutely right! it is the duty of the pope; he must act; it is through him that the world must be won back to peace. i shall transmit your words to his holiness"). the chaplain turned away, shaking his head, and murmured to himself: "ah, la piazza, la piazza!" chapter xii end of the war and my abdication a few days after august , , i summoned a crown council, in order to get a clear conception of the situation and to draw therefrom the necessary conclusions upon which to base the policy to be followed by count hertling. the chief military command approved the idea that the imperial chancellor should keep in sight the possibility of getting into closer touch with the enemy, but laid stress on the necessity of first occupying the siegfried line and there thoroughly beating off the foe, and on the fact that negotiations must not begin before this occurred. thereupon i directed that the chancellor get into communication with a neutral power--the netherlands--in order to ascertain whether it was ready to undertake such a step toward mediation. what rendered the contemplated action through dutch channels very difficult was that austria could not be brought to a definite agreement, but continually postponed the declaration which had been requested of her. even a verbal agreement given to me by the emperor charles was afterward broken by him under burian's influence. the dutch government had already been informed by me and had signified its readiness to act. meanwhile, austria, without notifying us, made her first separate peace offer, which set the ball rolling. the emperor charles had indeed got into touch secretly with the entente and had long since resolved to abandon us. he acted according to the plan which he had explained thus to his entourage: "when i go to the germans, i agree to everything they say, and when i return home, i do whatever i please." thus it happened that my government and i were constantly deceived by actions in vienna, without being able to do anything against it, since from there we constantly received the hint: "if you make things hard for us, we shall leave you in the lurch; in other words, our army will no longer fight by your side." in view of our situation, such action on austria's part had to be avoided in any way possible, both on military and political grounds. the defection of hungary and austria brought a crisis upon us. had emperor charles kept control of his nerves for three weeks longer, many things would have turned out differently. but andrassy--as he himself admitted--had been negotiating for a long time in switzerland, behind our backs, with the entente. thus emperor charles believed that he would assure himself of good treatment at the hands of the entente. after our failure of august th, general ludendorff had declared that he could no longer guarantee a military victory. therefore, the preparation of peace negotiations was necessary. since diplomacy had not succeeded in initiating any promising negotiations and the military situation had become even worse in the meantime, on account of revolutionary agitation, ludendorff, on the th of september, demanded that preparations be made for an armistice instead of for peace negotiations. movement for abdication at this critical time a strong movement began at home in favor of setting up a new government for the now necessary termination of the war. i could not ignore this movement, since the old government, during the seven weeks from august th to the end of september, had not managed to initiate peace negotiations offering any hope of success. meanwhile, general von gallwitz and general von mudra, summoned from the front, appeared before me. they gave a picture of the inner situation of the army, laying due emphasis upon the great number of shirkers behind the front, the frequency of insubordination, the displaying of the red flag upon trains filled with soldiers returning from furloughs at home and other similar phenomena. the two generals considered that the principal cause of the bad conditions was to be sought in the unfavorable influence exerted upon the soldiers by the spirit predominating behind the front and in the general desire for ending the fighting and getting peace, which was spreading from the homeland along the lines of communication behind the front and was already becoming noticeable even among some of the troops at the front itself. the generals advanced the opinion that, owing to these reasons, the army must immediately be withdrawn behind the antwerp-meuse line. on that same day i commanded field marshal von hindenburg by telephone to effect as soon as possible the retreat to the antwerp-meuse line. the falling back of the tired, but nowhere decisively beaten, army to this position merely signified occupying an essentially shorter line, possessing far greater natural advantages. it was not yet completed, to be sure, but the fact was to be borne in mind that we had engaged in battle on the somme while occupying positions composed largely of shell craters. what we had to do was to regain operative freedom, which, to my way of thinking, was by no means impossible; in the course of the war, had we not often retreated in order to put ourselves in a situation that was more advantageous from the military point of view? the army, to be sure, was no longer the old army. the new troops particularly were badly tainted with revolutionary propaganda and often took advantage of the darkness at night to sneak away from the firing and vanish to the rear. but the majority of my divisions fought flawlessly to the very end and preserved their discipline and military spirit. to the very end they were always a match for the foe in morale; despite superiority in numbers, cannon, munitions, tanks, and airplanes, the foe invariably succumbed when he ran up against serious resistance. therefore, the associations of our ex-fighters at the front are right in bearing upon their banners the motto: "unbeaten on land and sea!" says army was still strong the achievements of the german fighters at the front and of the german nation in arms, during four and a half years of war, are beyond all praise. one does not know what to admire most: the enthusiasm with which the magnificent youth of , without waiting for our artillery fire to take effect, joyfully charged on the enemy, or the self-sacrificing fidelity to duty and tenacity with which our men in field gray, sparingly fed and seldom relieved, year in, year out, digging by night, living in dugouts and earthholes by day, or crouching in shell holes, defied the hail of steel from the enemy artillery, flyers, and tanks. and this army, which one might have expected was to be rated as utterly fought to a finish, was able, after nearly four years of war, to carry out successful offensive operations such as our foes could nowhere boast of, despite their colossal superiority. in spite of all this, it was not right to believe the german army capable of accomplishing the superhuman; it was necessary for us to fall back, in order to get breath. the field marshal balked at the order to retreat; the army, he thought, should stay where it was, for political reasons (peace negotiations and so on); he also pointed out, among other things, that it was necessary, first, to arrange for the withdrawal to the rear of war materials, etc. i now resolved to go to the front, acquiescing in the desire expressed to me by the army that i might be with my hard-fighting troops and convince myself personally of their spirit and condition. i could carry out this resolve all the sooner in view of the fact that, ever since the new government had been set up, no further claims were made upon my time either by it or by the imperial chancellor, which made my staying at home seem useless. the notes to wilson were discussed and written by solf, the war cabinet, and the reichstag, after sessions lasting hours, without my being informed thereof; until, finally, on the occasion of the last note to wilson, i caused solf to be given to understand very plainly, through my chief of cabinet, that i demanded to know about the note _before_ it was sent. solf appeared and showed the note; he was proud of his antithesis between _laying down_ of arms ("waffenstreckung"), which was demanded by wilson, and _armistice_ ("waffenstillstand"), which was proposed. when i spoke about the rumors of abdication and demanded that the foreign office adopt an attitude, through the press, against what was unworthy in the newspaper polemics, solf replied that already everybody on every street corner was talking about abdication and that, even in the best circles, people were discussing it quite unreservedly. when i expressed my indignation at this, solf sought to console me by observing that, should his majesty go, he also would, since he could serve no longer under such conditions. i went, or--to put it much more correctly--i was overthrown by my own government, and--herr solf remained. when the imperial chancellor, prince max, heard of my resolve to go to the front, he did all he could to prevent it. he asked why i wished to go and received the answer that i considered it my duty, as supreme commander, to return to the front, since i had been separated for almost a month from the hard-fighting army. when the chancellor objected that i was indispensable at home, i retorted that we were at war, that the emperor belonged to his soldiers. finally, i declared, once for all, that i would go; that in case wilson's armistice note arrived, it would have to be discussed, anyhow, at the general headquarters of the army, for which purpose the chancellor and other members of the government would be obliged to go to spa for the conferences. "joyfully received" by army i went to the army in flanders, after having once more given the general staff at spa definite orders to fall back as quickly as possible to the antwerp-meuse line, in order that the troops might finally be taken out of the fighting and given a rest. despite objections that this would demand time, that the position was not yet ready, that the war material must first be taken back, and so forth, i stood by the order. the retreat was begun. in flanders i saw delegations from the different divisions, spoke with the soldiers, distributed decorations, and was everywhere joyfully received by officers and men. particularly ardent enthusiasm reigned among the soldiers of a royal saxon recruit depot, who greeted me with wild cheers at the railway station when i was returning to my train. while i was giving out decorations to members of the reserve guard division, an enemy bombing squadron, followed by heavy fire from anti-aircraft guns and machine guns, flew directly over us and dropped bombs near the special train. the commanders of the army were unanimous in declaring that the spirit of the troops at the front was good and reliable; that, further to the rear, among the supply columns, it was not so good; that the worst of all were the soldiers back from leave, who, it was plain to be seen, had been worked upon and infected at home, whence they had brought back a poor spirit. the young recruits at the depots, it was stated, furthermore, were good. at spa, whither i now went, news came constantly from home about the ever more violent agitation and hostile attitude against the emperor and the growing slackness and helplessness of the government, which, without initiative or strength, was letting itself be pushed around at will. it was alluded to contemptuously in the newspapers as the "debating society" and prince max was called by leading newspapers the "revolution chancellor." as i learned afterward, he lay in bed for ten days, suffering from grippe and incapable of really directing affairs. his excellency von payer and solf, with the so-called war cabinet, which was in permanent session, governed the german empire. at such a critical time, to my way of thinking, the imperiled ship of state should not be steered by representatives of the imperial chancellor, since they certainly cannot have the authority possessed by the responsible head of the government. what was particularly needed at this juncture was authority; yet, so far as i know, no wide powers to act had been conferred upon the vice chancellor. the right solution--_i. e._, the one that those concerned were in duty bound to adopt--would have been to remove prince max actually from the post of chancellor and summon in his place some man of strong personality. since we had the parliamentary form of government it devolved upon the political parties to bring about the change in the chancellorship and present me with a successor to prince max. this did not take place. now the efforts of the government and the imperial chancellor to induce me to abdicate began. drews, the minister of the interior, came to me at the behest of the chancellor, in order to supply me with information concerning the spirit in the country. he described the well-known happenings in press, high finance, and public, and laid emphasis on the fact that the imperial chancellor himself adopted no attitude toward the question of my abdication, but, nevertheless, had sent him to me. drews, in short, was to suggest to me that i myself should decide to abdicate, in order that it might not appear that the government had exerted pressure upon me. i spoke to the minister about the fateful consequences of my abdication and asked how he, as a prussian official, could reconcile such a supposition with his oath as an official to his king. the minister grew embarrassed and excused himself by reference to the command of the imperial chancellor, who had been unable to find any other man for the task. i was informed later that drews was one of the first officials who spoke of the abdication of his master and king. i refused to abdicate and declared that i would gather troops together and return with them in order to help the government to maintain order in the land. after that, drews was received, in my presence, by field marshal von hindenburg and general gröner, whom he informed of the mission intrusted to him by the imperial chancellor and by both of whom he was very sharply rebuked in the name of the army. gröner's characterization of prince max, in particular, was expressed in such plain terms that i had to appease and comfort the minister. the field marshal also called drews's attention to the fact that, in the event of my abdication, the army would not go on fighting, but would disperse, and that the majority of the officers, in particular, would probably resign and thus leave the army without leaders. soon after that i learned from one of my sons that the imperial chancellor had tried to ascertain whether he was prepared to undertake the mission which subsequently was undertaken by drews. my son indignantly declined to suggest abdication to his father. in the meantime i had sent the chief of cabinet, von delbrück, to berlin, in order to lay before the chancellor a general address, also intended for publication, which should take the place of my address to the ministry (not published by the chancellor), deal more broadly with the matters taken up therein, and make clear my attitude toward the government and toward the new direction taken by public opinion. at first the chancellor failed to publish this. not until several days later did he find himself forced to permit publication, owing to a letter written to him, as i learned afterward, by the empress. thereupon herr von delbrück informed me that the address had made a good impression in berlin and in the press, relieved the situation, and tended to quiet the people, so that the idea of abdication had begun to disappear and even the socialists of the right had decided to postpone action concerning it. socialist activity during the next few days there were constant reports that the socialists in berlin were planning trouble and that the chancellor was growing steadily more nervous. the report given by drews to the government, after his return from spa, had not failed to cause an impression; the gentlemen wished to get rid of me, to be sure, but for the time being they were afraid of the consequences. their point of view was as obscure as their conduct. they acted as if they did not want a republic, yet failed completely to realize that their course was bound to lead straight to a republic. many, in fact, explained the actions of the government by maintaining that the creation of a republic was the very end that its members had in view; plenty of people drew the conclusion, from the puzzling conduct of the chancellor toward me, that he was working to eliminate me in order to become himself president of the german republic, after being, in the interim, the administrator of the empire. to believe this is undoubtedly to do the prince an injustice; such a train of thought is impossible in a man belonging to an old german princely family. general gröner, who had gone to berlin to study the situation, reported on his return that he had received very bad impressions regarding the government and the sentiment prevailing in the country; that things were approaching revolution; that the government was merely tearing down without setting up anything positive; that the people wanted peace at last, at any cost, no matter what kind of peace; that the authority of the government was equal to zero, the agitation against the emperor in full swing, my abdication hardly to be avoided longer. he added that the troops at home were unreliable and disagreeable surprises might come in case of a revolt; that the courier chests of the russian bolshevist ambassador, seized by the criminal police, had disclosed some very damaging evidence that the russian embassy, in conjunction with the spartacus group, had long since thoroughly prepared, without being disturbed, a bolshevist revolution on the russian model. (this had gone on with the knowledge of the foreign office--which had received constant warning, but had either laughed at them all or dismissed them with the remark that the bolsheviki must not be angered--likewise under the very eyes of the police, which was continually at loggerheads with the foreign office.) the men back from leave, he went on, infected by propaganda, had already carried the poison to the army, which was already partly affected and would, as soon as it had been made free by an armistice, refuse to fight against the rebels upon its return home. therefore, he declared, it was necessary to accept, immediately and unconditionally, any sort of armistice, no matter how hard its conditions might be; the army was no longer to be trusted and revolution was imminent behind the front. prince max insistent on the morning of the th of november,[ ] the imperial chancellor, prince max of baden, caused me to be informed again--as he had already done on the th--that the social democrats, and also the social democratic secretaries of state, demanded my abdication; that the rest of the members of the government, who had stood out so far against it, were now in favor of it, and that the same was true of the majority parties in the reichstag. for these reasons, he continued, he requested me to abdicate immediately, since, otherwise, extensive street fighting attended by bloodshed would take place in berlin; it had already started on a small scale. i immediately summoned field marshal von hindenburg and the quartermaster general, general gröner. general gröner again announced that the army could fight no longer and wished rest above all else, and that, therefore, any sort of armistice must be unconditionally accepted; that the armistice must be concluded as soon as possible, since the army had supplies for only six to eight days more and was cut off from all further supplies by the rebels, who had occupied all the supply storehouses and rhine bridges; that, for some unexplained reason, the armistice commission sent to france--consisting of erzberger, ambassador count oberndorff, and general von winterfeldt--which had crossed the french lines two evenings before, had sent no report as to the nature of the conditions. the crown prince also appeared, with his chief of staff, count schulenburg, and took part in the conference. during our conversation several telephone inquiries came from the imperial chancellor, which, pointing out that the social democrats had left the government and that delay was dangerous, became most insistent. the minister of war reported uncertainty among part of the troops in berlin-- th jägers, second company of alexander regiment, second battery, jüterbog, gone over to the rebels--no street fighting. i wished to spare my people civil war. if my abdication was indeed the only way to prevent bloodshed, i was willing to _renounce the imperial throne, but not to abdicate as king of prussia_; i would remain, as such, with my troops, since the military leaders had declared that the officers would leave in crowds if i abdicated entirely, and the army would then pour back, without leaders, into the fatherland, damage it, and place it in peril. a reply had been sent to the imperial chancellor to the effect that my decision must first be carefully weighed and formulated, after which it would be transmitted to the chancellor. when, a little later, this was done, there came the surprising answer that my decision had arrived late! the imperial chancellor, on his own initiative, had summarily announced my abdication--which had not occurred yet at all!--as well as renunciation of the throne by the crown prince, who had not even been questioned. he had turned over the government to the social democrats and summoned herr ebert as imperial chancellor. all this had been spread simultaneously by wireless, so the entire army could read it. denies he forsook followers thus the decision as to my going or staying, as to my renunciation of the imperial crown and retention of the royal crown of prussia, was summarily snatched from me. the army was shaken to the core by the erroneous belief that its king had abandoned it at the most critical moment of all. if the conduct of the imperial chancellor, prince max of baden, is considered as a whole, it appears as follows: first, solemn declaration that he will place himself, together with the new government, before the emperor's throne, to protect it; then, suppression of the address, which might have impressed public opinion favorably, elimination of the emperor from all co-operation in the government, sacrifice of the respect due the emperor by suppression of the censorship, failure to come to the support of the monarchy in the matter of abdication; then, attempts to persuade the emperor to abdicate voluntarily; and, finally, announcement of my abdication by wireless, in which the chancellor went over my head. this sequence of events shows the course--a perilous one to the nation--adopted by scheidemann, who held the chancellor in the hollow of his hand. scheidemann left the ministers, his colleagues, in the dark as to his real purposes, drove the prince from one step to another, and finally summoned ebert, declaring that the leaders no longer had the masses under control. thus he caused the prince to sacrifice the emperor, the princes, and the empire, and made him the destroyer of the empire. after that, scheidemann overthrew the weak princely "statesman." following the arrival of the wireless message, the situation was difficult. to be sure, troops were being transported to spa for the purpose of going on undisturbed with the work at great general headquarters, but the field marshal now thought it no longer possible to reckon absolutely on their reliability in case rebellious forces should advance from aix-la-chapelle and cologne and confront our troops with the dilemma of whether or not to fight against their own comrades. in view of this, he advised me to leave the army and go to some neutral country, for the purpose of avoiding such a "civil war." i went through a fearful internal struggle. on the one hand, i, as a soldier, was outraged at the idea of abandoning my still faithful, brave troops. on the other hand, there was the declaration of our foes that they were unwilling to conclude with me any peace endurable to germany, as well as the statement of my own government that only by my departure for foreign parts was civil war to be prevented. in this struggle i set aside all that was personal. i consciously sacrificed myself and my throne in the belief that, by so doing, i was best serving the interests of my beloved fatherland. the sacrifice was in vain. my departure brought us neither better armistice conditions nor better peace terms; nor did it prevent civil war--on the contrary, it hastened and intensified, in the most pernicious manner, the disintegration in the army and the nation. proud of the army for thirty years the army was my pride. for it i lived, upon it i labored. and now, after four and a half brilliant years of war with unprecedented victories, it was forced to collapse by the stab in the back from the dagger of the revolutionists, at the very moment when peace was within reach! and the fact that it was in my proud navy, my creation, that there was first open rebellion, cut me most deeply to the heart. there has been much talk about my having abandoned the army and gone to neutral foreign parts. some say the emperor should have gone to some regiment at the front, hurled himself with it upon the enemy, and sought death in one last attack. that, however, would not only have rendered impossible the armistice, ardently desired by the nation, concerning which the commission sent from berlin to general foch was already negotiating, but would also have meant the useless sacrifice of the lives of many soldiers--of some of the very best and most faithful, in fact. others say the emperor should have returned home at the head of the army. but a peaceful return was no longer possible; the rebels had already seized the rhine bridges and other important points in the rear of the army. i could, to be sure, have forced my way back at the head of loyal troops taken from the fighting front; but, by so doing, i should have put the finishing touch to germany's collapse, since, in addition to the struggle with the enemy, who would certainly have pressed forward in pursuit, civil war would also have ensued. still others say the emperor should have killed himself. that was made impossible by my firm christian beliefs. and would not people have exclaimed: "how cowardly! now he shirks all responsibility by committing suicide!" this alternative was also eliminated because i had to consider how to be of help and use to my people and my country in the evil time that was to be foreseen. i knew also that i was particularly called upon to champion the cause of my people in the clearing up of the question of war guilt--which was disclosing itself more and more as the pivotal point in our future destiny--since i better than anyone else could bear witness to germany's desire for peace and to our clean conscience. after unspeakably arduous soul struggles, and following the most urgent advice of my counselors of the highest rank who were present at the moment, i decided to leave the country, since, in view of the reports made to me, i must needs believe that, by so doing, i should most faithfully serve germany, make possible better armistice and peace terms for her, and spare her further loss of human lives, distress, and misery. [ ] concerning the course of events up to the fateful th of november and this day itself there are authentic statements by an eyewitness in the book (well worth reading) of major niemann, who was sent by the chief army command to me, entitled _war and revolution (krieg und revolution)_, berlin, . chapter xiii the enemy tribunal and the neutral tribunal when the entente's demand that i and the german army leaders should be surrendered for trial before entente tribunals became known, i immediately asked myself whether i could be of use to my fatherland by giving myself up before the german people and the german government had expressed themselves regarding this demand. it was clear to me that, in the opinion of the entente, such a surrender would so seriously shake the prestige of germany, as a state and people, for all time, that we could never again take our place, with equal rights, equal dignity, and equal title to alliances, in the first rank of nations, where we belonged. i recognized it as my duty not to sacrifice the honor and dignity of germany. the question resolved itself into deciding whether there was any way to give myself up which might benefit the german nation and not subject it to the above-mentioned disadvantages. were there such a way i should have been ready without hesitation to add another sacrifice to those already made. the question of my giving myself up has also been debated--as i know--in well-meaning and earnest german circles. wherever this was due to psychological depression or failure to realize the impression which self-chastisement, self-debasement, and fruitless martyrdom in the face of the entente must arouse, all that was needed was to recall the materially political origin of the entente's demand, cursorily mentioned above, in order to arrive at a clean-cut decision--in other words, at an emphatic refusal. it was otherwise with the considerations based upon the assumption that i might, by taking upon myself, before the eyes of the whole world, the responsibility for all important decisions and acts of my government connected with the war, contribute toward making the fate of the german nation easier. here was not an act of unpolitical sentimentality, but, on the contrary, a deed which, in my eyes, had much to commend it. the thought that, according to the constitution of the empire then in force, not i, but the chancellor alone as was well known--bore the responsibility, would naturally not have bothered me with regard to this. had there been even the slightest prospect of bettering germany's situation by taking such a step, there would have been no possible doubt for me personally as to what i should do. already i had shown my personal willingness to sacrifice myself when i left the country and gave up the throne of my fathers, because i had been erroneously and deceivingly assured that i could, by so doing, make possible better peace terms for my people and prevent civil war. i should likewise have made this further attempt to help my people, despite the fact that, in the meantime, one of the considerations in favor of it which have been urged upon me--_viz._, the prevention of civil war--had already turned out to be false. recalls plight of vercingetorix there was, however, no possibility of helping the german people by such an act. surrender of my person would have had no result beyond our obedience to the demand from the entente that i be given up. for no tribunal in the world can pronounce a just sentence before the state archives of _all_ the nations participating in the war are thrown open, as has been done, and is still being done, by germany. who, after the unprecedented judgment of versailles, could still summon up optimism enough to believe that the entente nations would place their secret documents at the disposal of such a tribunal? therefore, after careful reflection on my part, i gave the decisive importance that was their due to the above-mentioned weighty considerations of personal and national dignity and honor, and rejected the idea of giving myself up. it was not for me to play the rôle of vercingetorix, who, as is well known, relying upon the magnanimity of his foes, surrendered himself to them in order to obtain a better fate for his people. in view of the conduct of our enemies during the war and in the peace negotiations, it was surely not to be assumed that the entente would show any greater magnanimity than did cæsar when he threw the noble gaul into chains, subsequently had him executed, and, in spite of what vercingetorix had done, enslaved his people just the same. i wish to remark in a general way that it has always proved wrong to follow the suggestions of the enemy or to heed them to any extent. the well-meant suggestions regarding my giving myself up, emanating from germans, also grew from the soil of the enemy demands, though perhaps partly unknown to those making them. for that very reason it was necessary to refuse to heed them. thus the only solution remaining is an international, nonpartisan court, which, instead of trying individuals, shall examine and pronounce judgment upon all the happenings leading to the world war, in all the countries taking part therein, after all the national archives, not merely those of germany, have been opened up. germany can well agree to this mode of procedure. whosoever opposes it pronounces judgment upon himself! my standpoint on the subject here discussed is expressed in the letter reproduced below, which i addressed, under date of april , , to field marshal von hindenburg, and which the latter has made public in the meantime. to make matters clearer, the letter which preceded it, from the marshal, is also given.[ ] hindenburg's letter hanover, _march , _. your imperial and royal majesty: i beg to thank your majesty most respectfully for his gracious interest in the illness of my wife. she is not yet out of danger. i have little that is pleasant to report from our country. the troubles in central germany are more serious than they are represented to be by the prussian government. i hope that they will soon be suppressed. the effects of the versailles peace decree lie ever more crushingly upon the german people, and the object of this peace--the policy of annihilation of our enemies--comes more plainly to the fore every day. for the purpose of justifying this policy of force the fairy tale of german war guilt must be adhered to. the spokesman of the enemy alliance, mr. lloyd george, is little disturbed by the fact that, on december th of last year, he declared that no statesman wished war in the summer of , that all the nations had slipped or stumbled into it. in his speech at the london conference on march d he calmly remarked that germany's responsibility for the war was fundamental, that it was the basis on which the peace of versailles was erected, and that, if the admission of this guilt should be refused or given up, the treaty would become untenable. now as before, the question of war guilt is the cardinal point in the future of the german nation. the admission of our alleged "guilt" regarding the war, forced from the german representatives at versailles against their judgment, is wreaking frightful vengeance; equally so the untrue acknowledgment of germany's "complicity" which minister simons gave at the london conference. i agree with your majesty to the uttermost depths of my soul--in my long term of military service i have had the good fortune and honor to enter into close personal relations with your majesty. i know that all the efforts of your majesty throughout your reign were bent toward maintaining peace. i can realize how immeasurably hard it is for your majesty to be eliminated from positive co-operation for the fatherland. the _comparative historical tables_ compiled by your majesty, a printed copy of which your majesty sent me recently, are a good contribution to the history of the origin of the war and are calculated to remove many an incorrect conception. i have regretted that your majesty did not make the tables public, but limited them instead to a small circle. now that the tables, owing to indiscretions, have been published in the foreign press, partly in the form of incomplete excerpts, it seems to me advisable to have them published in full in the german press. to my great joy i have heard that there has been an improvement recently in the health of her majesty. may god help further! with the deepest respect, unlimited fidelity and gratitude, i am your imperial and royal majesty's most humble servant, (signed) von hindenburg, field marshal. the kaiser's letter house doorn, _april , _. my dear field marshal: accept my warmest thanks for your letter of march th, ult. you are right. the hardest thing of all for me is to be obliged to live in foreign parts, to follow, with burning anguish in my soul, the awful fate of our dear fatherland, to which i have devoted the labors of my entire life, and to be barred from co-operation. you stood beside me during the dark, fatal days of november, . as you know, i forced myself to the difficult, terrible decision to leave the country only upon the urgent declaration of yourself and the rest of my counselors who had been summoned that only by my so doing would it be possible to obtain more favorable armistice terms for our people and spare it a bloody civil war. the sacrifice was in vain. now, as well as before, the enemy wishes to make the german people expiate the alleged guilt of "imperial germany." silent under attacks in my endeavor to subordinate all personal considerations to the welfare of germany, i keep myself completely in the background. i am silent in the face of all the lies and slanders which are spread abroad concerning me. i consider it beneath my dignity to defend myself against attacks and abuse. in accordance with this policy of restraint i have also kept the _historical tables_ mentioned by you strictly objective and made them accessible only to a narrow circle of acquaintances. i am utterly at a loss to understand how they have now become public through some sort of indiscretion or theft (?). the purpose inspiring me when i prepared the historical tables was this: to bring together strictly historical material by a systematic enumeration of sober facts, such as might enable the reader to form his own judgment of the historical happenings preceding the war. i found my most convincing sources, be it remarked, in the literature which has sprung up after the war, particularly in the works of natives of the enemy countries. therefore i am glad that you find my modest contribution to history useful. as to your suggestion to make the tables, which have been completed in the meantime, accessible to the german press, i thank you, and will follow it.[ ] truth will hew a way for itself--mightily, irresistibly, like an avalanche. whoever does not close his ears to it against his better judgment must admit that, during my twenty-six-year reign previous to the war, germany's foreign policy was directed solely to the maintenance of peace. its one and only aim was to protect our sacred native soil, threatened from the west and the east, and the peaceful development of our commerce and political economy. had we ever had warlike intentions we should have struck the blow in , when england's hands were tied by the boer war, russia's by the japanese war, at which time almost certain victory beckoned us. in any event, we assuredly would not have singled out the year , when we were confronted by a compact, overwhelmingly superior foe. also, every impartial man must acknowledge to himself that germany could expect nothing from the war, whereas our enemies hoped to obtain from it the complete realization of the aims which they had based, long since, upon our annihilation. the fact that my zealous efforts and those of my government were concentrated, during the critical july and august days of , upon maintaining world peace is being proved more and more conclusively by the most recent literary and documentary publications in germany, and, most especially, in the enemy countries. the most effective proof thereof is sazonoff's statement: "the german emperor's love of peace is a guarantee to us that we ourselves can decide upon the moment of war." what further proof of our innocence is needed? the above means that the intention existed to make an attack upon one who was absolutely unsuspecting. calls accusation futile god is my witness that i, in order to avoid war, went to the uttermost limit compatible with responsibility for the security and inviolability of my dear fatherland. it is futile to accuse germany of war guilt. to-day there is no longer any doubt that not germany, but the alliance of her foes, prepared the war according to a definite plan, and intentionally caused it. for the purpose of concealing this, the allied enemies extorted the false "admission of guilt" from germany in the shameful peace treaty and demanded that i _be produced before a hostile tribunal_. you, my dear field marshal, know me too well not to be aware that no sacrifice for my beloved fatherland is too great for me. nevertheless, a _tribunal in which the enemy alliance would be at once plaintiff and judge would be not an organ of justice, but an instrument of political arbitrariness, and would serve only, through the sentence which would inevitably be passed upon me, to justify subsequently the unprecedented peace conditions imposed upon us_. therefore, the enemy's demand naturally had to be rejected by me. but, in addition, the idea of _my being produced before a neutral tribunal_, no matter how constituted, cannot be entertained by me. _i do not recognize the validity of any sentence pronounced by any mortal judge whatsoever, be he never so exalted in rank, upon the measures taken by me most conscientiously as emperor and king--in other words, as the constitutional, not responsible, representative of the german nation_--since, were i to do so, i should thereby be sacrificing the honor and dignity of the german nation represented by me. _legal proceedings having to do with guilt and punishment_, instituted solely _against the head_ of one of the nations which took part in the war, _deprive that one nation of every vestige of equality of rights with the other nations_, and thereby of its prestige in the community of nations. moreover, this would cause, as a consequence, _the impression desired by the enemy that the entire "question of guilt" concerns only this one head of a nation and the one nation represented by him_. it must be taken into consideration, moreover, that _a nonpartisan judgment of the "question of guilt" is impossible_, if the _legal proceedings are not made to include the heads and leading statesmen of the enemy powers_, and if their conduct is not subjected to the same investigation, since it goes without saying that the conduct of the aforesaid one nation at the outbreak of the war can be judged correctly only if there is simultaneous consideration of the actions of its opponents. _a real clearing up of the "question of guilt,"_ in which surely germany would have no less interest than her foes, could be accomplished only if _an international, nonpartisan tribunal, instead of trying individuals as criminals, should establish all the events which led to the world war_, as well as all other offenses against international law, in order thereafter to measure correctly the guilt of individuals implicated in every one of the nations participating in the war. such an honest suggestion was officially made in germany after the end of the war, but, so far as i know, it was partly refused, partly found unworthy of any answer at all. furthermore, germany, immediately after the war, unreservedly threw open her archives, whereas the enemy alliance has taken good care so far not to follow such an example. the secret documents from the russian archives, now being made public in america, are but the beginning. this method of procedure on the part of the enemy alliance in itself, combined with overwhelming damaging evidence coming to hand, shows where the "war guilt" is really to be sought! this makes it all the more a solemn duty for germany to collect, sift, and make public, by every possible means, every bit of material bearing on the "question of guilt," in order, by so doing, to unmask the real originators of the war. unfortunately, the condition of her majesty has become worse. my heart is filled with the most grievous worry. god with us! your grateful (signed) wilhelm. [ ] this letter and the letter from the field marshal which preceded it are reprinted herewith. the parts which are most important in relation to the matter in question are underscored in the text. [ ] this has meanwhile been done. the _comparative historical tables from to the outbreak of the war in _ were published in december, , by k. f. koehler, leipsic. chapter xiv the question of guilt history can show nothing to compare with the world war of - . it also can show nothing like the perplexity which has arisen as to the causes leading up to the world war. this is all the more astounding in that the great war befell a highly cultivated, enlightened, politically trained race of men, and the causes leading up to it were plainly to be seen. the apparent complicity in the crisis of july, , should deceive nobody. the telegrams exchanged at that time between the cabinets of the great powers and their rulers, the activities of the statesmen and leading private individuals in verbal negotiations with important personages of the entente, were certainly of the greatest importance on account of the decisive significance assumed by almost every word when it came from responsible lips, by every line that was written or telegraphed. the essential basis of the causes of the war, however, is not altered by such things; it is firmly established, and people must never hesitate from freeing it, calmly and with an eye to realities, from the bewildering outcroppings from the events accompanying the outbreak of war. the general situation of the german empire in the period before the war had become continually more brilliant, and for that very reason continually more difficult from the point of view of foreign politics. unprecedented progress in industry, commerce, and world traffic had made germany prosperous. the curve of our development tended steadily upward. the concomitant of this peaceful penetration of a considerable part of the world's markets, to which german diligence and our achievements justly entitled us, was bound to be disagreeable to older nations of the world, particularly to england. this is quite a natural phenomenon, having nothing remarkable about it. nobody is pleased when a competitor suddenly appears and obliges one to look on while the old customers desert to him. for this reason i cannot reproach the british empire because of english ill humor at germany's progress in the world's markets. had england been able, by introducing better commercial methods, to overcome or restrict german competition, she would have been quite within her rights in doing so and no objections could have been made. it simply would have been a case of the better man winning. in the life of nations nobody can find it objectionable if two nations contend against each other peacefully by the same methods--_i. e._, peaceful methods--yet with all their energy, daring, and organizing ability, each striving to benefit itself. on the other hand, it is quite another matter if one of these nations sees its assets on the world's balance sheet threatened by the industry, achievements, and super business methods of the other, and hence, not being able to apply ability like that of its young competitor, resorts to force--_i. e._, to methods that are not those of peace, but of war--in order to call a halt upon the other nation in its peaceful campaign of competition, or to annihilate it. navy merely protective our situation became more serious since we were obliged to build a navy for the protection of our welfare, which, in the last analysis, was not based on the nineteen billions yearly to which german exports and imports amounted. the supposition that we built this navy for the purpose of attacking and destroying the far stronger english fleet is absurd, since it would have been impossible for us to win a victory on the water, because of the discrepancy between the two navies. moreover, we were striding forward in the world market in accordance with our desires and had no cause for complaint. why, then, should we wish to jeopardize the results of our peaceful labors? in france the idea of revenge had been sedulously cultivated ever since - ; it was fostered, with every possible variation, in literary, political, and military writings, in the officer corps, in schools, associations, political circles. i can well understand this spirit. looked at from the healthy national standpoint, it is, after all, more honorable for a nation to desire revenge for a blow received than to endure it without complaint. but alsace-lorraine had been german soil for many centuries; it was stolen by france and taken back by us in as our property. hence, a war of revenge which had as its aim the conquest of thoroughly german territory was unjust and immoral. for us to have yielded on this point would have been a slap in the face to our sentiments of nationality and justice. since germany could never voluntarily return alsace-lorraine to france, the french dream could be realized only by means of a victorious war which should push forward the french boundary posts to the left bank of the rhine. germany, on the contrary, had no reason for staking what she had won in - , so the course for her to pursue was to maintain peace with france, all the more so because of the fact that the combination of the powers against the german-austrian dual alliance was continually becoming more apparent. as to russia, the mighty empire of the tsars was clamoring for an outlet on the sea to the southward. this was a natural ambition and not to be harshly judged. in addition, there was the russian-austrian conflict of influence, especially in serbia, which also concerned germany in so far as germany and austria-hungary were allies. the russia of the tsars, moreover, was in a state of continual internal ferment and every tsaristic government had to keep the possibility for a foreign conflict ever in readiness, in order always to be able to deflect attention from inner troubles to foreign difficulties; to have a safety valve as an outlet for the passions that might lead to trouble at home. another point was that russia's enormous demand for loans was met almost exclusively by france; more than twenty billions of french gold francs found their way to russia, and france had a voice, to some extent, in determining how they should be expended. as a result, it became entirely a matter of expenditure on strategic measures and preparations for war. the golden chain of the french billions not only bound russia to france financially, but made russia serve the french idea of revenge. purpose of "encirclement" thus england, france, and russia had, though for different reasons, an aim in common--_viz._, to overthrow germany. england wished to do so for commercial-political reasons, france on account of her policy of revenge, russia because she was a satellite of france and also for reasons of internal politics and because she wished to reach the southern sea. these three great nations, therefore, were bound to act together. the union of these ambitions in a common course of action, duly planned, is what we call the "policy of encirclement." added to all this there was also the gentlemen's agreement which has only recently come to light and has already been thoroughly discussed in the "hohenlohe" chapter; concerning this agreement i knew absolutely nothing during my reign, and the german foreign office was only superficially and unreliably informed. when i learned of it, i immediately sought information about it from herr von bethmann. he wrote me a rather puzzling letter to the effect that there was surely something about it among the documents of the foreign office; that the german ambassador at that time in washington, von holleben, had made some confidential report on it, to be sure, but had not given his source of information, wherefore the foreign office had not attached any importance to the matter and had not reported further on it to me. hence the said agreement had actually no influence upon germany's policy, but it constitutes supplementary proof that the anglo-saxon world as far back as had combined against us, and thereby explains a number of obstacles encountered by germany in her foreign policy. it also explains america's attitude in the war. we were quite well acquainted, on the other hand, with the entente cordiale, its foundations and purposes, and it decisively influenced the course of our policy. in view of the grouping of england, france, and russia--three very strong powers--only one political course lay open to germany, the threat of deciding germany's future by force of arms must be avoided until we had secured for ourselves such an economic, military, naval, and national-political position in the world as to make it seem advisable to our opponents to refrain from risking a decision by arms and to yield us the share in the apportionment and management of the world to which our ability entitled us. we neither desired nor were we entitled to jeopardize our hard-won welfare. _the aims of the entente could be attained only through a war, those of germany only without a war._ it is necessary to hold fast to this basic idea; it is of more decisive value than all accessory matters. hence i shall not go into detail here, nor take up belgian or other reports, nor the telegrams sent just before the outbreak of war. the thorough treatment of these details lies in the domain of research. in germany our situation was correctly understood, and we acted accordingly. sought england's friendship taking up once more our relations with england, we did everything in our power to bring about a rapprochement; we consented to the demand for limitation of naval construction, as i have shown in my report of haldane's visit to berlin. i went so far as to try to utilize my family connections. but in vain. the actions of king edward vii are explained by the simple fact that he was an englishman and was trying to bring to realization the plans of his government. maybe the political ambitions of the king, who did not begin to reign until well along in years, contributed to this. we certainly did all that was possible to meet england halfway, but it was useless, because the german export figures showed an increase; naturally we could not limit our world commerce in order to satisfy england. that would have been asking too much. as regards our policy toward england, we have been much blamed for having refused the offer of an alliance made us by chamberlain, the english colonial minister, toward the close of the 'nineties. this matter, however, was far different in character, on closer inspection, from what it was represented as being. first, chamberlain brought a letter with him from the english premier, salisbury, to bülow, in which the english prime minister declared that chamberlain was dealing on his own account only, that the english cabinet was not behind him. this, to be sure, might have meant the adoption of a course that was diplomatically permissible, giving the english cabinet, which was responsible to parliament, a free hand; but it turned out later, be it remarked, that the liberal group in england was at that time hostile to a german-english alliance. nevertheless, in view of the fact that there was a possibility that the course adopted was a mere diplomatic formality--that chamberlain might have been sent on ahead and complete freedom of action retained for the english cabinet, which is a favorite method in london--prince bülow, with my consent, went thoroughly into the matter with chamberlain. it transpired then that the english-german alliance was aimed unquestionably against russia. chamberlain spoke directly about a war to be waged later by england and germany against russia. prince bülow, in full agreement with me, declined politely but emphatically thus to disturb the peace of europe. in so doing he was but following the example of the great chancellor, for prince bismarck coined the phrase--i myself have heard it repeatedly in the bismarck family circle: "germany must never become england's dagger on the european continent." so we did nothing further at that time than to go straight ahead with our policy--_viz._, we refused all agreements which might lead to a war which was not based directly on the defense of our native soil. the refusal of the chamberlain offer is a proof of the german love of peace. as to france, we sought to bring about an endurable state of affairs. this was difficult, for, in french eyes, we were the archenemy and it was impossible for us to acquiesce in the demands inspired by the policy of revenge. we settled the morocco quarrel peacefully; no man of standing in germany entertained the idea of war on account of morocco. for the sake of peace we allowed france at that time to encroach upon the essentially legitimate interests of germany in morocco, strengthened as the french were by the agreement concluded secretly with england as to mutual compensation in egypt and morocco. in the algeciras conference the outline of the great war was already visible. it is assuredly not pleasant to be forced to retreat politically, as we did in the morocco matter, but germany's policy subordinated everything to the great cause of preserving the peace of the world. we tried to attain this end by courtesy, which was partially resented. i recall the journey of my mother, the empress frederick, to paris. we expected a tolerably good reception, since she was an english princess and went, as an artist, to be the guest of french art. twice i visited the empress eugénie--once from aldershot at her castle of fernborough, the other time aboard her yacht, in norwegian waters, near bergen. this was a piece of politeness that seemed to me perfectly natural, seeing that i happened to be very near her. when the french general bonnal was in berlin with several officers, these gentlemen dined with the second infantry regiment. i was present and toasted the french army--something that was still out of the ordinary, but was done with the best intentions. i brought french female and male artists to germany. all this sort of thing, of course, was a trifle in the great game of politics, but it at least showed our good will. with regard to russia, i went to the utmost trouble. my letters, published in the meantime, were naturally never sent without the knowledge of the imperial chancellors, but always in agreement with them and largely at their desire. russia would doubtless never have got into a war with germany under alexander iii, for he was reliable. tsar nicholas was weak and vacillating; whoever had last been with him was right; and, naturally, it was impossible for me always to be that individual. i made every effort with this tsar, also, to restore the traditional friendship between germany and russia. i was moved to do so not only by political reasons, but by the promise which i had made to my grandfather on his deathbed. i most urgently advised tsar nicholas, repeatedly, to introduce liberal reforms within his country, to summon the so-called great duma, which existed and functioned even as far back as the reign of ivan the terrible. in doing so it was not my intention to interfere in russian internal affairs; what i wanted was to eliminate, in the interests of germany, the ferment going on in russia, which had often enough been deflected before to foreign conflicts, as i have already described. i wished to help toward eliminating at least this one phase of the internal situation in russia, which threatened to cause war, and i was all the more willing to make the effort since i might thereby serve both the tsar and russia. the tsar paid no heed to my advice, but created a new duma instead, which was quite inadequate for coping with the situation. had he summoned the old duma he might have dealt and talked personally with all the representatives of his huge realm and won their confidence. when the tsar resolved upon war against japan, i told him that i would assure him security in the rear and cause him no annoyances. germany kept this promise. grand duke's visit when the course taken by the war did not fulfill the tsar's expectations, and the russian and japanese armies finally lay before each other for weeks without serious fighting, the young brother of the tsar, grand duke michael, arrived at berlin for a visit. we could not quite make out what he wanted. prince bülow, who was then chancellor, requested me to ask the grand duke sometime how matters really stood with russia; he said that he, the prince, had received bad news and thought it was high time for russia to bring the war to an end. i undertook this mission. the grand duke was visibly relieved when i spoke to him frankly; he declared that things looked bad for russia. i told him that it seemed to me that the tsar ought to make peace soon, since what the grand duke had told me about the unreliability of troops and officers appeared to me quite as serious as the renewed internal agitation. grand duke michael was grateful for my having given him an opportunity to talk. he said that the tsar was vacillating, as always, but he must make peace and would make it if i advised him to do so. he asked me to write a few lines to the tsar to that effect, for him to deliver. i drafted a letter in english to tsar nicholas, went to bülow, told him what the grand duke had told me, and showed him the draft of my letter. the prince thanked me and found the letter suitable. the grand duke informed the russian ambassador in berlin, count osten-sacken, and, after he had repeatedly expressed his thanks, went direct to the tsar, who then had peace negotiations begun. count osten-sacken told me, when next we met, that i had done russia a great service. i was glad this was recognized, and felt justified in hoping, on account of this, that my conduct would contribute toward bringing about friendly relations with russia. in acting as i did i also worked toward preventing the possible spread of a russian revolution, during the russo-japanese war, across the frontiers of germany. germany earned no thanks thereby; however, our conduct during the russo-japanese war is another proof of our love of peace. the same purpose underlay my suggestion which led to the björkö agreement (july, ). it contemplated an alliance between germany and russia, which both the allies as well as other nations should be at liberty to join. ratification of this agreement failed through the opposition of the russian government (isvolsky). it remains to say a few words about america. aside from the gentlemen's agreement already mentioned, which assured america's standing beside england and france in a world war, america did not belong to the entente cordiale created by king edward vii at the behest of his government, and, most important of all, america, in so far as it is possible at present to judge events, did not contribute toward bringing on the world war. perhaps the unfriendly answer given by president wilson to the german government at the beginning of the war may have had some connection with the gentlemen's agreement. american factors in defeat but there can be no doubt that america's entry into the war, and the enormous supplies of ammunition, and especially of war materials, which preceded her entry, seriously hurt the chance of the central powers to bring the war to a successful termination by force of arms. it is necessary, however, to avoid all emotional criticism of america also, since, in the great game of politics, real factors only can be considered. america was at liberty (despite the gentlemen's agreement) to remain neutral or to enter the war on the other side. one cannot reproach a nation for a decision as to war or peace made in accordance with its sovereign rights so long as the decision is not in violation of definite agreements. such is not the case here. nevertheless, it must be noted that john kenneth turner, in his already mentioned book, _shall it be again?_ shows, on the basis of extensive proofs, that all wilson's reasons for america's entry into the war were fictitious, that it was far more a case of acting solely in the interest of wall street high finance. the great profit derived by america from the world war consists in the fact that the united states was able to attract to itself nearly fifty per cent of all the gold in the world, so that now the dollar, instead of the english pound, determines the world's exchange rate. but here also no reproach is at all justified, since any other nation in a position to do so would have rejoiced in attracting to itself this increase of gold and of prestige in the world's money market. it was certainly regrettable for us that america did not do this stroke of business on the side of the central powers. but just as germany objects with perfect justification to having had her peaceful labors combated by the entente, not with peaceful, but with warlike means, so also she can and must enter constant protest--as she is already trying to do by means of published material--against america's violation of the right at the close of the world war. personally i do not believe that the american people would have consented to this; american women particularly would not have participated in the denial of president wilson's fourteen points, if they could have been enlightened at that time as to the facts. america, more than other countries, had been misled by english propaganda, and therefore allowed president wilson, who had been provided with unprecedented powers, to act on his own initiative at paris--in other words, to be beaten down on his fourteen points. just as mr. wilson omitted mention, later on, of the english blockade, against which he had protested previously, so also he acted with regard to his fourteen points. the german government had accepted wilson's fourteen points, although they were severe enough. the allies likewise had accepted the fourteen points, with the exception of those on reparations and the freedom of the seas. wilson had guaranteed the fourteen points. fourteen points abandoned i fail to find the most important of them in the versailles instrument, but only those expressing the entente's policy of violence, and even part of these in a greatly falsified form. relying on wilson's guaranty, germany evacuated the enemy territory occupied by her and surrendered her weapons--in other words, made herself defenseless. in this blind confidence and the abandonment of the fourteen points on the one side, and in the outbreak of the german revolution on the other, lies the key to our present condition. according to turner, the fourteen points, as far back as the drawing up of the armistice terms, were, to wilson, no more than a means of making germany lay down her arms; as soon as this end was achieved he dropped them. already a very large part of the american people has arrayed itself against mr. wilson and is unwilling to be discredited along with him. i am not dreaming of spontaneous american help for germany; all i count upon is the sober acknowledgment by the american people that it has to make good the gigantic wrong done germany by its former president. for the atmosphere of a victory does not last forever, and later on, not only in germany, but elsewhere, people will remember the unreliability of the american president and look upon it as american unreliability. that is not a good thing, however, for the american people. to have the policy of a nation branded with the stigma of unreliability is not advantageous. when judgment is passed hereafter on american policy, people will forget that mr. wilson, unversed in the ways of the world, was trapped by lloyd george and clemenceau. i have met--particularly at the kiel regattas--many american men and women whose political judgment and caution would make it impossible for them to approve such a flagrant breach of faith as was committed by mr. wilson, because of its effect on america's political prestige. it is upon such considerations of national egotism, not upon any sort of sentimental considerations, that i base my hope that germany's burden will be lightened from across the ocean. besides the injustice in the abandonment of the fourteen points, it must also be remembered that mr. wilson was the first to demand of the german reigning dynasty that it withdraw, in doing which he hinted that, were such action taken, the german people would be granted a better peace. before the government of prince max joined in the demand for my abdication of the throne, which it based on the same grounds as mr. wilson--that germany would thereby get better terms--(prevention of civil war was used as a second means of bringing pressure on me)--it was in duty bound to get some sort of a binding guaranty from mr. wilson. in any event, the statements made, which became continually more urgent and pressing, contributed toward making me resolve to quit the country, since i was constrained to believe that i could render my country a great service by so doing. accepted "sight unseen" i subordinated my own interests and those of my dynasty, which certainly were not unimportant, and forced myself, after the severest inward struggles, to acquiesce in the wish of the german authorities. later it transpired that the german government had obtained no real guaranties. but, in the tumultuous sequence of events during those days, it was necessary for me to consider the unequivocal and definite announcement of the imperial chancellor as authoritative. for this reason i did not investigate it. why the entente demanded, through mr. wilson, that i should abdicate is now obvious. it felt perfectly sure that, following my being dispossessed of the throne, military and political instability would necessarily ensue in germany and enable it to force upon germany not easier but harder terms. at that time the revolution had not yet appeared as an aid to the entente. for me to have remained on the throne would have seemed to the entente more advantageous to germany than my abdication. i myself agree with this view of the entente, now that it has turned out that the max of baden government had no substantial foundation for its declaration that my abdication would bring better terms to my fatherland. i go even further and declare that the entente would never have dared to offer such terms to an intact german empire. it would not have dared to offer them to an imperial realm upon which the parliamentary system had not yet been forced, with the help of german utopians, at the very moment of its final fight for existence; to a realm whose monarchical government had not been deprived of the power to command its army and navy. in view of all this, heavy guilt also lies on the shoulders of the american ex-president as a result of his having demanded my abdication under the pretense that it would bring germany better terms. here also we certainly have a point of support for the powerful lever which is destined to drag the treaty of versailles from where it lies behind lock and key. in germany, however, mr. wilson should never be confused with the american people. in setting forth my political principles in what follows i am actuated solely by a desire to contribute toward proving germany's innocence of having brought on the world war. from the outset of my reign german policy was based upon compromise of the differences which it found existing between nations. in its entirety, therefore, my policy was eminently peaceful. this policy of peaceful compromise became apparent in internal politics, at the very beginning of my reign, in the legislation desired by me for the protection of the workers. the development of social legislation, which placed germany at the head of civilized nations in the domain of governmental protection, was based on a like foundation. the fundamental idea of a policy of compromise went so far within germany that the strength of the army would have remained far less than universal compulsory military service and the size of the population made possible. here, as well as in the matter of naval construction, the curtailments demanded by the reichstag were put up with by the crown and the government. already at that time the question of germany's capabilities of defense was left to the decision of the people's representatives. a nation that wished and prepared war would have adopted quite different tactics. inadequate preparedness the more apparent the entente's "policy of encirclement" and attack became, the more the means of protecting our welfare should have been strengthened for defensive reasons. this idea of natural and justified self-protection, by means of defensive measures against a possible hostile attack was carried out in a wretchedly inadequate manner. germany's desire for peace, in fact, was unable to develop this protection by land and sea in a manner compatible with her financial and national strength and with the risk which our welfare was bound to run in case of a war. therefore, we are now suffering not from the consequences of the tendency toward aggression falsely imputed to us, but actually from the consequences of a well-nigh incredible love of peace and of blind confidence. the entirely different political principles of the entente have already been described by me, also our continuous efforts to get upon friendly terms with the individual entente nations. i do not wish to ignore completely the less important work done by germany, also included within the framework of politics on a large scale, which was always inspired by the same purpose: to effect compromise of existing points of conflict. the kiel regatta brought us guests from all the leading nations. we sought compromise with the same zeal on the neutral territory of sport as in the domain of science by means of exchange professors, and foreign officers were most willingly allowed to inspect our army system. this latter might be adjudged a mistake, now that we can look back, but, in any event, all these points are certain proofs of our honest desire to live at peace with all. moreover, germany did not take advantage of a single one of the opportunities that arose for waging war with a sure prospect of success. i have already pointed out the benevolent neutrality of germany toward russia at the time of the russo-japanese war. at the time when england was deeply involved in the boer war we might have fought against england or against france, which, at that time, would have been obliged to forego help from england. but we did not do so. also, while the russo-japanese war was in progress, we might have fought not only against russia, but also against france. but we did not do so. in addition to the morocco crisis already touched upon, in connection with which we set aside the idea of going to war, we also gave evidence of our desire for peace by overcoming the bosnian crisis by diplomatic means. when one considers these plainly visible political events as a whole and adduces the declarations of entente statesmen such as poincaré, clemenceau, isvolsky, tardieu, and others, one is bound to ask one's self, in amazement, how a peace treaty, founded upon germany's guilt in having brought on the world war, could have been drafted and put through. this miscarriage of justice will not stand before the bar of world history. blames france for a frenchman, louis guetant, delegate from lyon to the society for the rights of man, recently made this statement: "if we once look upon events without prejudice, with complete independence and frankness, without bothering about which camp chance placed us in at birth, the following is forced upon our attention first of all: the war of is a consequence of the war of . for, ever since that earlier date, the idea of revenge, more or less veiled, has never left us. "the war of , however, was prepared and declared by the french government. the french empire, indeed, needed it very badly in order to contend against interior troubles and its steadily growing unpopularity with the public. even gambetta, the wild tribune of the opposition, exclaimed: 'if the empire brings us the left bank of the rhine, i shall become reconciled with it!' thus, it was a war of conquest; nobody bothered about what the conquered populations might have to say about it. 'we shall bend their will to ours!' thus it is written in the law of the victor! "and now, suddenly, the opportunity for doing this was to escape france. in view of the political difficulties and dangers of war caused by his candidacy, prince leopold declared himself ready to withdraw. that is bad! without a pretext there can be no war! "it was the same with france as with the milkmaid and the broken pitcher in the fable, only instead of, 'farewell, calf, cow, pig, hens,' it was, 'farewell, bloody profits, glory, victory, left bank of the rhine, even belgium!'--for the latter, too, lay on that left bank of the rhine which france coveted. no, that would have been too hard, the disillusionment would have been too great, the opportunity must be created anew. the entire chauvinistic press, the entire clan of boasters, set to work and soon found a way. gramont, minister of foreign affairs, sent ambassador benedetti to visit emperor william, who was taking the cure at ems, and demand from him a written promise that, in case prince leopold should change his mind about his withdrawal, he, william, as head of the family, would take issue against this. "the withdrawal of prince leopold was announced to france in a valid manner and officially accepted by the spanish government. there could be no doubt as to its genuineness. nevertheless the paris newspapers, almost without exception, clamored for war. whoever, like robert michell in the _constitutionel_, expressed his pleasure at the prospects for peace and declared himself satisfied, was insulted on the street. gambetta shouted at him: 'you are satisfied! what a base expression!' copies of his newspapers were stolen from the news stands, thrown into the river, hurled in his face! emilie de girandin wrote to him: 'the opportunity is unique, unhoped-for; if the empire misses it the empire is lost!' then it was that preparation for the war of was begun." voices like this also, which are not unique either in france or england, must always be adduced as proof that the guilt is not ours. "mistaken, but not guilty" our political and diplomatic operations in the course of decades were not, it must be admitted, faultlessly conceived or executed. but where we made mistakes they were caused invariably by the too great desire to maintain world peace. such _mistakes do not constitute guilt_. as i mentioned elsewhere, i even consider the congress of berlin a mistake, for it made our relations with russia worse. the congress was a victory for disraeli, an anglo-austrian victory over russia, which turned russian anger upon germany. yet--think of all that has been done since then to make up with russia! i have partly enumerated these acts. and bismarck's sole intention in bringing about the congress of berlin was, as i have pointed out, the prevention of a great general war. chancellor von bethmann hollweg also, who had strict orders from me to maintain peace if it was at all possible, made mistakes in ; as a statesman he was not at all adequate to the world crisis. but the blame for the war cannot be put upon us simply because our opponents profited by our mistakes. bethmann hollweg wished to avoid the war, like all of us--sufficient proof of this is to be found in the one fact alone that he persisted, until the th of august, in his political inertia, negotiating with england in the erroneous belief that he could keep england out of the entente. while on this subject i wish also to call attention to the delusion under which prince lichnowsky, the german ambassador in london, was laboring. soon after he had become ambassador, king george came to the embassy to dinner. the king's example was followed automatically by the best society people in london. the prince and princess were singled out for marked attentions and exceedingly well treated socially. from this the german ambassador drew the conclusion that our relations with england had improved, until, shortly before the war, sir edward grey coolly informed him that he must draw no political conclusions from social favors and good treatment accorded to him personally. nothing could give a better insight into the difference between the english and german mentality than this. the german assumed social friendliness to be the expression of political friendliness, since the german is accustomed to express aversion and approval by means of social forms as well as otherwise. he is very outspoken about what he has on his mind. charges english insincerity the englishman, however, makes a distinction; in fact, he is rather pleased if the man to whom he is speaking confuses form with substance, or, in other words, if he takes the form to be the expression of actual sentiments and political views. judged from the english standpoint, the above-mentioned words of sir edward grey were a perfectly frank statement. the much-discussed nonrenewal of the reinsurance treaty with russia, already touched upon by me, is not to be considered so decisive as to have influenced the question of whether there was to be war or peace. the reinsurance treaty, in my opinion, would not have prevented the russia of nicholas ii from taking the road to the entente; under alexander iii it would have been superfluous. prince bismarck's view that the russian ambassador, prince shuvaloff, would have renewed the reinsurance treaty with him but not with his successor, is naturally the honest, subjective way of looking at the matter--judged in the light of fact, however, it does not hold water, in view of what the two parties concerned had to consider at that time. for instance, the under secretary of state of the prince, count berchem, stated officially in a report to the prince that the treaty could not be renewed, which meant that it could not be renewed through shuvaloff, either. i thought that not the old treaty, but only a new and different kind of treaty, was possible, in the drawing up of which austria must participate, as in the old three-emperor-relationship. but, as i said, treaties with nicholas ii would not have seemed absolutely durable to me, particularly after the sentiment of the very influential russian general public had also turned against germany. our acts were founded upon the clear perception that germany could reach the important position in the world and obtain the influence in world affairs necessary to her solely by maintaining world peace. this attitude was strengthened, moreover, by personal considerations. never have i had warlike ambitions. in my youth my father had given me terrible descriptions of the battlefields of and , and i felt no inclination to bring such misery, on a colossally larger scale, upon the german people and the whole of civilized mankind. old field marshal moltke, whom i respected greatly, had left behind him the prophetic warning: woe to him who hurls the firebrand of war upon europe! and i considered as a political legacy from the great chancellor the fact that prince bismarck had said that germany must never wage a preventive war; that german resistance would be neutralized if she did. thus the trend of the german policy of maintaining the peace was determined by political insight, personal inclination, the legacies of two great men, bismarck and moltke, and the desire of the german people to devote itself to peaceful labors and not to plunge into adventures. whatever has been said in malevolent circles about the existence of a german party favoring war is a conscious or unconscious untruth. in every land there are elements which, in serious situations, either from honest conviction or less lofty motives, favor the appeal to the sword, but never have such elements influenced the course of german policy. the accusations, especially those which have been made against the general staff to the effect that it worked for war, are pretty untenable. the prussian general staff served its king and fatherland by hard, faithful work, and maintained germany's ability to defend herself by labors extending over many years of peace, as was its duty, but it exerted absolutely no political influence whatsoever. interest in politics, as is well known, was never particularly strong in the prussian-german army. looking backward, one might almost say, in fact, that it would have been better for us if those in leading military circles had concerned themselves a bit more with foreign policy. therefore, how the peace of versailles, in view of this perfectly clear state of affairs, could have been founded upon germany's guilt in having caused the world war, would seem an insoluble riddle if it were not possible to trace the tremendous effect of a new war weapon--_viz._, the political propaganda of england against germany--planned on a large scale and applied with audacity and unscrupulousness. i cannot bring myself to dismiss this propaganda by branding it with catchwords such as "a piece of rascality," etc., since it constitutes an achievement which, in spite of its repugnant nature, cannot be ignored; it did us more harm than the arms in the hands of our opponents. to us germans, such an instrument of insincerity, distortion, and hypocrisy is not pleasing; it is something that is incompatible with the german character; we try to convince our opponents with the weapon of truth as well as with other weapons. but war is a cruel thing and what matters in it is to win; after all, to fire heavy guns at civilized beings is not a pleasant matter, nor to bombard beautiful old towns, yet this had to be done by both sides in the war. moreover, we could not have developed a propaganda on a large scale like that of our enemies during the war for the very reason that they had no foes in their rear, whereas we were surrounded. in addition, most germans have not the gift to fit a scheme of propaganda to the different nationalities of the nations upon which it is supposed to work. but, just as the english were more than our match with that terrible weapon of theirs, the tank, against which we could bring nothing of equal efficiency, so also were they superior to us with their very effective weapon of propaganda. and this weapon still continues its work and we are compelled still to defend ourselves against it over and over again. for there can be no doubt that the unjust peace of versailles could not have been founded upon germany's war guilt unless propaganda had previously accomplished its task and, partly with the support of german pacifists, instilled into the brains of , , human beings the belief in germany's guilt, so that the unjust peace of versailles seemed to many justified. hopes for versailles reaction meanwhile, things have changed, the barriers between nations have fallen, and gradually they are awakening to the realization of how their confidence was imposed upon. the reaction will be crushing to the makers of the versailles peace, but helpful to germany. it goes without saying that, among the statesmen, politicians, and publicists of the entente who really know, not a single one is really convinced of germany's guilt in having caused the world war. every one of them knows the real interrelation of events, and assuredly there never was a case where so many augurs smiled at each other over a secret held in common as the case of the responsibility for the world war. in fact, one may even speak of a chorus of such individuals, since twenty-eight nations took part in the war against germany. but, in the long run, not even the shrewdest augurs will suffice to make world history. truth will make its way forward and thus germany will come into her rights. the various stipulations of the versailles treaty are in themselves null and void, since they can be observed neither by the entente nor by germany. it has been possible for months to note what difficulties are arising in the path not only of germany, but of the victors, as a result of such an extravagant instrument. in many ways the treaty has been punctured by the entente itself, and for this the reason is easily found. in the present highly developed state of the world, which rests upon free, systematic exchange of material and intellectual property, regulated solely by production itself, it is quite out of the question for three men--no matter how eminent they may be--to sit themselves down anywhere and dictate paragraphed laws to the world. yet that is what the versailles treaty does, not only for germany, but also, indirectly, for the entente and america, since all economic questions can be solved by mutual, not one-sided, action. the life of nations is regulated always--and most particularly in our day--not by paragraphs, but simply and solely by the needs of nations. it is possible, to be sure, to do violence to those national needs temporarily by the imposition of arbitrary decisions, but, in such cases, both parties concerned must suffer. the world is in such a stage just now. conditions like those at present cannot last; not guns, nor tanks, nor squadrons of airplanes, can perpetuate them. therefore, their removal has already begun; for, if the peace of versailles were really such a judicious, unimpeachable instrument, bringing blessings upon the world, there would not be constant need of new conferences, discussions, and meetings having to do with this "marvelous" document. the constant necessity for new interpretations is due, indeed, to the fact that the needs of highly cultivated and civilized nations were not taken into account when the peace was concluded. one must not be pharisaical, however; up to a certain point the extravagance of the terms imposed by the victor after a life-and-death struggle is a natural consequence of the relief felt at having escaped alive from deadly danger. nevertheless, i know that germany, if we had emerged victorious from the war, would have imposed quite different terms--_i. e._, terms that would have been just and endurable. the peace treaties of brest-litovsk and bucharest--which indeed are not at all comparable with the treaty of versailles--cannot be adduced against us. they were concluded in the very midst of the war and had to include conditions which would guarantee our safety until the end of the war. had it come to a general peace, the treaty made by us in the east would have had a far different aspect; had we won the war, it would have been revised by ourselves. at the time it was made it was necessary to give preference to military requirements. but enlightenment regarding the unjust treaty of versailles is on the way and the necessities of life among present-day nations will speak in imperious tones to victors and vanquished. after years of the heaviest trial will come the liberation from a yoke imposed unjustly upon a great, strong, honest nation. then every one of us will be glad and proud again that he is a german. chapter xv the revolution and germany's future i do not care what my foes say about me. i do not recognize them as my judges. when i see how the same people who exaggeratedly spread incense before me in other days are now vilifying me, the most that i can feel is pity. the bitter things that i hear about myself from home disappoint me. god is my witness that i have always wished what was best for my country and my people, and i believed that every german had recognized and appreciated this. i have always tried to keep my political acts, everything that i did as a ruler and a man, in harmony with god's commandments. much turned out differently from what i desired, but my conscience is clean. _the welfare of my people and my empire was the goal of my actions._ i bear my personal fate with resignation, for the lord knows what he does and what he wishes. he knows why he subjects me to this test. i shall bear everything with patience and await whatsoever god still holds in store for me. the only thing that grieves me is the fate of my country and my people. i am pained at the hard period of trial which my children of the german land are undergoing, which i--obliged to live in foreign parts--cannot suffer with them. _that is the sword thrust which pierces through my soul_; that is what is bitter to me. here in solitude i still feel and think solely for the german people, still wonder how i can better matters and help with enlightenment and counsel. nor can bitter criticism ever lessen my love for my land and people. i remain faithful to the germans, no matter how each individual german may now stand with regard to me. to those who stand by me in misfortune as they stood in prosperity, i am grateful--they comfort me and relieve my gnawing homesickness for my beloved german home. and i can respect those who, impelled by honest convictions, array themselves against me; as for the rest, let them look to justifying themselves to god, their consciences, and history. they will not succeed in separating me from the germans. always i can look upon country and people solely as one whole. they remain to me what they were when i said on the occasion of the opening of the reichstag on the st of august, , in the imperial palace: "i know no more of parties; i know only germans." the revolution broke the empress's heart. she aged visibly from november, , onward, and could not resist her bodily ills with the strength of before. thus her decline soon began. the hardest of all for her to bear was her homesickness for the soil of germany, for the german people. notwithstanding this, she still tried to bring me consolation. the revolution destroyed things of enormous value. it was brought about at the very moment when the german nation's fight for existence was to have been ended, and every effort should have been concentrated upon reconstruction. it was a crime against the nation. wind and whirlwind i am well aware that many who rally around the social democratic banner did not wish revolution; some of the individual social democratic leaders likewise did not wish it at that time, and more than one among them was ready to co-operate with me. yet these social democrats were incapable of preventing the revolution, and therein lies their share of guilt for what is now going on, all the more so since the socialist leaders stood closer to the revolutionary masses than the representatives of the monarchical government and, therefore, could exert more influence upon them. but the leaders, even in the days before the war, had brought the idea of revolution to the masses and fostered it, and the social democracy had been, from time immemorial, openly hostile to the earlier, monarchical form of government, and had worked systematically toward eliminating it. it sowed the wind and reaped the whirlwind. the time and nature of the revolution were not to the liking of a number of the leaders, but it was exactly these men who, at the decisive moment, abandoned leadership to the most unbridled elements and failed to bring their influence to bear toward maintaining the government. it was the duty of the government of prince max to protect the old form of government. it failed to fulfill its holy duty because it had become dependent on the socialist leaders, the very men who had lost their influence on the masses to the radical elements. therefore, the greatest share of the guilt falls upon the leaders, and for that reason history will not brand the german working classes, but their leaders, with the curse of the revolution, in so far as these leaders participated in making the revolution or failed to prevent it and it will also brand the government of prince max of baden with that curse. the german workers fought brilliantly in battle under my leadership, and at home, as well, labored ceaselessly to provide munitions and war material. that is something which must not be forgotten. it was only later that some of them began to break away, but the responsibility for this lies at the door of the agitators and revolutionists, not at that of the decent, patriotic section of the working classes. the conscienceless agitators are the men really responsible for germany's total collapse. that will be recognized some day by the working classes themselves. the present is a hard time for germany. of the future of this healthy, strong nation i do not despair. a nation which can achieve such an unprecedented rise as that of germany between and , a nation which can maintain itself successfully for over four years in a defensive war against twenty-eight nations, cannot be driven from the earth. economically, the world cannot do without us. but in order that we may regain the position in the world which is germany's due, we must not await or count upon help from outside. such help will not come, in any event; were it to come, it would but mean at best our being mere helots. also, the help which the german social democratic party hoped for from abroad has not materialized, after all. the international part of the socialistic program has proved itself a frightful mistake. the workers of the entente lands took the field against the german people in order to destroy it; nowhere was there a trace of international solidarity among the masses. another german mistake this mistake, too, is one of the reasons why the war turned out so badly for germany. the english and french working classes were rightly directed--_i. e._, nationalistically--by their leaders; the german working classes were wrongly directed--_i. e._, internationally. the german people must rely upon no other people, but solely upon themselves. when self-conscious, national sentiment returns to all the strata of our people our upward march will begin. all classes of the population must be united in national sentiment, no matter if their ways lie apart in other departments of the nation's life. therein lies the strength of england, of france--even of the poles. if this comes to pass, the feeling of solidarity with all fellow members of the nation, the consciousness of the dignity of our noble land, the pride in being german, and the genuinely german conception of ethics, which was one of the secret sources of strength that have made germany so great, will come back to us. in the community of cultured nations germany will again play, as she did before the war, the rôle of the nation with the greatest capacity for labor, and will once more march victoriously in the van in peaceful competition, offering not only to herself, but to all the nations of the earth, whatever is best in the domain of technical achievement, of science, of art. i believe in the revocation of the unjust peace of versailles by the judgment of the sensible elements of foreign lands and by germany herself. i believe in the german people and in the continuation of its peaceful mission in the world, which has been interrupted by a terrible war, for which germany, since she did not will it, does not bear the guilt. index a abdication of kaiser and crown prince, - , , , . abdul-hamid, sultan, and the albanians, , , . achenbach, von, . adlerberg, count, . admiralty, english, ; staff, german, , . agadir affair, . agrarian conservatives, . agreement, anglo-russian, ; german-french, morocco, , . airplanes, , . aix-la-chapelle, , . albania, , - . albedyll, von, . aldershot, . alexander ii, of russia, , , , , , . alexander iii, of russia, , . alexandra, queen, of england, , . algeciras conference, , , , , , . alliance, triple, , , ; double, , ; anglo-japanese, ; balkan, ; german-english, , . alsace-lorraine, , , , , , . althoc, privy councilor, . althoff, von, , . america. _see_ united states. america, central, . anastasia, grand duchess, . andrassy, , . annihilation, policy of, . antwerp-meuse line, , . archives, , , . "areopagus of the powers," . armistice, , , , , , , , , . armored ship, first german, . army, german, , , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; russian, , , , ; british, , , . "asia for the asiatics," . asquith, herbert henry, , . "assurbanipal," . assyriology, - . astrakhan, . austria, alliance with, ; worked with, ; threat against, ; war begun by germany on, n.; if germany or, should begin war, ; ultimatum to serbia, ; serbia's answer to, ; anti-russian balkan policy, ; "nothing will be left of austria," ; dismemberment of austria-hungary, ; elimination of the house of hapsburg, ; and the pope, , ; emperor charles's vacillation, ; peace offer of, ; deceives germany, ; russo-austrian conflict of influence in serbia, ; germany's ally, . automobile club, imperial , . b "babel and the bible," , . baden, , , , . bagdad railway, , . balholm, . balkans, , , , . ballin, albert, , , , , , , , , , , . baltic, . baltisch-port, - , . "baralong" murderers, . barrère, camille, . battlefields of - , . bavaria, . _belgian documents_, . belgium, , , , . bender, herr von, - , . benedetti, ambassador, . benedictine monks, . bennigsen, rudolf von, , , . berchem, count, , . bergen, . berlin treaty, , , ; congress, , , , , . berlin, university of, ; palace chapel at, . bertram, prince-bishop, . beseler, max, . bethmann hollweg, von, chancellor, - ; "the governess," ; enjoys confidence of foreign countries, ; dismissed, ; his diplomatic power, , ; mistakes in , ; wished to avoid war, ; tried to keep england out of the entente, . beuron congregation, . biebrich-mosbach, . bismarck, bill, . bismarck, count herbert, , , , , , , . bismarck, prince, chancellor, - ; greatness as a statesman, ; services to prussia and germany, ; creator of the german empire, ; memoirs, , ; fight against the kaiser, ; appreciation by the prince of prussia (later the kaiser), ; majordomo of the hohenzollerns, ; and the harbor of hamburg, ; the third volume of his reminiscences, ; continental preparations, ; his congress, ; "honest broker," , ; "now i am driving europe four-in-hand," ; retirement of, , ; and the socialists, ; his labor views, ; and the vulcan shipyards, ; succeeded by caprivi, ; fight his successor, ; "misunderstood bismarck," , ; reconciliation with kaiser, ; eightieth birthday, ; "germany must never become england's dagger on the european continent," ; and the congress of berlin, . bismarckian theory, . björkö agreement, , , . bissing, general von, . black sea, , , . blockade, english, . boches, . bolsheviki, , , . bonn, . bonnal, general, . _book of the german fleet_, . bosmont, . bosnia, , . bötticher, his excellency von, , . boyd-carpenter, w., bishop of ripon, . brandenburg, . _brandenburg_, . breitenbach, paul von, , , . brest-litovsk, , , , , ; treaty of, . brest mission, . bucharest, treaty of, . buckingham palace, . budde, hermann, , . bülow, prince von, ; chancellor, - , , , , , , , , . burchard, doctor von, , - , . burian, stefan, . c cabinet, german war, , , ; civil, , , , ; english, , . cæsar, . calmuck cossacks, . cambon, jules, . cambridge, duke of, . canal, central, , , , , ; elbe-trave, ; kaiser wilhelm, , , - ; panama, , . canton, . cape-to-cairo railway and telegraph line deal, - , . caprivi, general leo von, ; chancellor, - ; opposition of bismarck, . carlsbad, , . caro, professor, . cassel, sir ernest, , , , , . cassino, monte, . caucasus, , . _causes of the world war_, , . centrists, , . central powers, , , , . chamberlain, joseph, , , , , , . charles, emperor, agreement with kaiser, ; secret dealings with the entente, ; "when i go to the germans, i agree to everything they say, and when i return home, i do whatever i please," . charlotte, grand duchess, . charlottenburg, , . chih-li, gulf of, . china, , . chinese empire, . chirol, sir valentine, , . church, of england, ; st. mary's (jerusalem), . churchill, winston, , , . "citizens' book of laws," , . "civis germanus sum," . clemenceau, georges, , . clemen, professor paul, . coaling stations, , - , , . cologne, , . colonial acquisitions, , . colonies, german, , , , , , , , . commerce, world, . _comparative historical tables from to the outbreak of the war in _, , , , , n. conference, london, , . conflict, russo-english, . conflict of influence, russian-austrian, . congress of berlin, , . connaught, duke of, . conrad, consistorial councilor, . conservatives, , , , , , , , , , . constantine, crown prince (of greece), . constantine the great, . constantinople, , , , , , , , , . constitution, german, , - , . _constitutionel_, . _conversations with christ_, . costheim, . court, international, . cronberg-friedrichshof situation, . crown council, german, , ; russian, , . crown prince, german, , . cuniberti, . cuxhaven, , . d _daily telegraph_, london, , ; "interview," . dardanelles, offer of, to russia, . dar-es-salaam, . "debating society," . delbrück, klemens von, . delcassé, théophile, , . delitzsch, professor friedrich, , . "deutschland über alles," . dirschau, . disraeli, benjamin, , . documents, secret, . dollar, american, . donaueschingen, . "dormition," . dorpat, university of, . dörpfeld, professor wilhelm, , . downing street, . dreadnaughts, , , , . drews, bill, minister of interior, . dryander, doctor ernest, . duhn, professor, . duma, great, , ; new, . durnovo, madame, , . e ebert, imperial chancellor, , . eckartsau, . edward vii, of england, , , ; at kiel, ; invites kaiser to windsor, ; "policy of encirclement," , , , , ; visits berlin, ; death of and funeral, - , ; actions of explained, ; political ambitions of, ; and the entente cordiale, . egypt, . eiffel mountains, . einem, general von, , . eisenach conference, . emden, . empire, french, , . empress, german, , , , , . ems, , . england, , , , , , ; conditions of english workmen, - ; and germany as to coaling stations, ; anger at germany's occupation of kiao-chau, - ; and france, n., , , ; and united states, n., - , ; naval stations, ; and japan, , ; kaiser foresees complications with, ; kruger telegram, - ; russia and france's proposal to germany to attack, , ; kaiser loyal to, ; the kaiser's opinion of englishmen, ; death of queen victoria, ; kaiser's reception in england, - ; chamberlain suggests alliance between germany and england against russia, - ; validity of alliance, ; plan fails, ; alliance with japan, ; pro-french and anti-german attitude of, at algeciras convention, - ; kaiser visits windsor, ; edward vii visits berlin, ; death of edward vii, - ; funeral, - ; unveiling of statue to queen victoria, - ; kaiser at, - ; festivities, - ; comparison of pomp between democratic england and mediæval germany, ; in egypt, ; offer to remain neutral in "unprovoked" attack on germany, ; "verbal note" to the kaiser, ; negotiations, - ; repudiation, ; kaiser denounces haldane, ; evolution of the dreadnaught, ; fleet, , , ; "two-power standard," ; tsar's hatred for, ; promise of, to side with russia against germany, ; germany's progress disagreeable to, ; aim to overthrow germany, ; grouping of russia, france, and, ; germany tries to bring about a rapprochement with, ; germany consents to limitation of naval construction, ; political ambitions of king edward, ; german could not satisfy, ; secret agreement with france as to morocco and egypt, ; propaganda in america, ; blockade, ; bethmann tries to keep england out of the entente, ; political propaganda, - ; working classes, ; strength of england, . enmity, source of russian, . entente, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . erzberger, ambassador, . essad pasha, , . eugénie, empress, . eulenburg, count augustus, , . f "fairyland wants its prince," . fatherland, , , , , , , , . faulhaber, archbishop, . federal council, . fernborough, castle of, . _figaro_, . fischer, cardinal, . fisher, admiral, , . flanders, , . fleet, english, , , , , , . foch, general, . foreign office, german, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . _foundations of the nineteenth century_, . fourteen points, , , . france, and russia, ; and germany, n.; and united states, n., , , ; and england, n., - ; at shimonoseki, ; fortifications, ; russo-french proposal to germany against england, , ; anger at kaiser's visit to tangier, ; not yet ready for war, ; england's offer of , men to seize kaiser wilhelm canal, ; downfall of delcassé, ; accession of rouvier, ; growing desire for revenge and enmity toward germany, , ; german-french morocco agreement, ; confers cross of legion of honor on radolin and von schoen, ; railways, ; armistice commission in, , ; kaiser understands spirit, ; alsace-lorraine, ; enormous loans to russia, ; aim to overthrow germany, ; grouping of england, russia, and, ; germany arch enemy of, ; secret agreement with england as to morocco and egypt, ; war of , ; working classes, ; strength of france, . franchise, prussian, - . frankfort, . franz ferdinand, archduke, , . franz josef, emperor, , . frederick ii, emperor, . frederick charles, prince, . frederick, crown prince, , . frederick, empress, , , , . frederick the great, , , , . frederick, william iii, , , , , , , . free thinkers, . friedberg, his excellency heinrich, . friedjung, heinrich, . friedrichsruh, admiral von tirpitz at, ; kaiser at, . friendship, russo-french to replace russo-prussian, . fürstenberg, prince max egon, , . g gambetta, léon, , . galician-polish campaign, . gallwitz, general von, . general headquarters, german, , , , . general staff, german, , , , , , , , , , , , ; english, , , ; austrian, ; russian, . "gentlemen's agreement," , , . george, david lloyd, , . george v, of england, , , , , , . "german evangelical church union," . germany, bismarck creator of german empire, ; constitution of, , - ; alliance with austria, ; animosity of russian military circles against, ; as peace maker, ; maintenance of, ; conditions of laboring classes in, - ; first armored ship, ; merchant marine, ; shipbuilding industry, , ; corps, naval officer, , , , , ; reinsurance treaty with russia, ; and kiao-chau, - , ; coaling stations, , - ; and united states, n., - ; difficulty of training up good diplomats in, ; english commercial envy of, ; russia and france's proposal to attack england, ; cecil rhodes's admiration for berlin and tremendous german industrial plants, ; difference between germans and english, ; reform of military punishment procedure, ; naval law, , , ; appointment of waldersee, ; boxer war, ; tsing-tao, ; yangtse treaty, ; relations with england become more complicated, ; france, russia, and, in the far east, ; validity of an alliance, ; failure of plan, ; disturbed relations among the parties in the reichstag, ; popular demonstration at defeat of social democrats, ; edward vii at kiel, ; kaiser's _daily telegraph_ interview, ; press demands fürstenberg to "tell the emperor the truth for once," ; conservatives' "open letter," ; retirement of bülow, ; bethmann hollweg appointed chancellor, ; growing desire for revenge and enmity of france, ; german-french morocco agreement, ; austro-hungarian allies, ; "nation in arms," , ; chancellor's powers, - ; german french agreement, ; "a verbal note!" , ; astonishment at, ; discussion and reply, - ; negotiations, - ; verbal note disavowed by england, ; haldane "cheated" the germans, ; blamed on kaiser and von tirpitz, ; the central canal, ; railways, - ; schools, - ; forests, ; science and art, - ; must become sword of the catholic church, ; revolution, , , ; protestant union, - ; officer corps, , ; noncommissioned officer corps, , ; development of heligoland, ; first big fighting ship, ; u-boats, - ; democratization of, ; germans on all battlefields, ; "germans always defeated by germans," ; "in germany every siegfried has his hödur behind him," ; atrocities, ; protection of churches, châteaux, castles, and art treasures, ; failure of august , , , ; movement for setting up of new government, ; inner situation of army, , ; revolutionary agitation in, , ; general desire for ending fighting, ; achievements of fighters and nation in arms, ; army of cannot compare with army of , , ; approaching revolution, ; people want peace at any cost, ; authority of government zero, ; agitation against emperor in full swing, ; abdication of emperor not to be avoided any longer, ; evidence of russian bolshevist influence in, ; relations between foreign office and police, ; army no longer to be trusted, ; revolution imminent behind front, ; kaiser's abdication demanded, ; revolt among troop begins, ; kaiser willing to renounce imperial throne, but not to abdicate as king of prussia, ; abdication of kaiser and crown prince summarily announced, ; conduct of prince max, - ; sacrifice of emperor, princes, and empire, ; kaiser advised to go to neutral country, ; foes unwilling to conclude peace with kaiser, ; the question of war guilt, , ; desire for peace and clean conscience, ; kaiser decides to leave country for country's good, , ; entente demands surrender of kaiser for trial, , ; state archives thrown open, ; demands for kaiser's surrender rejected, ; policy of annihilation of enemies, ; general situation before the war, ; unprecedented progress in industry, commerce, and world traffic, ; navy merely protective, ; exports and imports, ; alsace-lorraine, german soil for centuries, ; stolen by france, ; retaken in , ; and serbia, ; aim of england, france, and russia to overthrow, ; obstacles encountered in foreign policy, ; only one political course, ; seeks england's friendship, ; consents to limitation of naval construction, ; blamed for refusing alliance with england, ; "germany must never become england's dagger on the european continent" (bismarck), ; archenemy of france, ; traditional friendship between russia and, ; protests against america's violation of right, ; and president wilson's fourteen points, ; evacuated german territory and surrendered arms on wilson's guaranty, ; revolution as an aid to entente, ; financial and national strength, ; war of , ; political and diplomatic operations, ; english propaganda against, - ; wind and whirlwind, ; agitators responsible for collapse, ; english and french working classes _versus_ german working classes, ; german people must rely on themselves, ; upward march will begin again, ; will again march in the van, . "germany will be annihilated," . girandin, emilie de, . goethals, colonel, - . gorlice-tarnow, battle of, . goschen, sir edward, . gossler, gustav von, . gramont, herzog agénor, . greatcoats, english soldiers', . greater germany, . "great orient lodge," . greece, , , . grey, sir edward, , , , , , , . gröner, general wilhelm, , , . guetant, louis, . h hague, the, . hahnke, general wilhelm von, . "haldane episode," . haldane, lord, , , , , , , , , . hamburg, , , , . hamilton, sir ian, . _handbook for english naval officers_, . hanseatic ports, , , , . harden, maximilian, . hardinge, sir charles, . harkort, friedrich, . harnack, professor adolf von, . hartmann, cardinal felix von, . hayashi, tadasu, . headquarters, great general, , , , . heavy artillery, . heeringen, josias von, . helfferich, karl, . heligoland, , , ; a menace to hamburg and bremen, ; deal for, ; acquired by germany, ; kaiser at, , ; development of, ; colonel goethals enthusiastic over, . helots, . henry of prussia, prince, , . hertling, count von, , , . highcliffe dispatches, , , . hildegard, convent of saint, . hindenburg, field marshal paul von, , , , , , , , - . hinzpeter, professor george ernst, , , , , . höchst, . hohenfinow, . hohenlohe, alexander ("the crown prince"), . hohenlohe, prince, chancellor, - ; governor of alsace-lorraine, ; bismarck's opposition, , , ; attitude toward socialists, , ; retires, , . hohenzollern, house of, , , , , . holland. _see_ netherlands. holleben, ambassador von, . holstein, fritz von, , , , , - . hollmann, admiral, , , , , , . hövel, freiherr baldwin von, . homburg, , . hongkong, , . hubertusstock, . hülsen-haeseler, count george von, , . hungary, defection of, . huns, . i "idea of risk," , . _illustrated naval atlas_, . india, , . intze, . italy, , ; severs alliance with germany, ; smuggling of arms from, to albania, ; plots against william of wied, ; would break away from germany and austria, ; and the pope, , - . isvolsky, , , , . ivan the terrible, . ivangorod, . j jagow, gottlieb von, secretary of state, . jameson raid, , . januskevitch, general nikolai, . japan, ; england and, ; watchwords, ; growing power of, ; menace to russia and europe, ; reproached by kaiser, ; "prussians of the east," ; sympathies with england, ; alliance with england, ; war with russia, ; pawn of england, ; free hand in korea and china, ; portsmouth treaty, . jaurès, jean, . jenisch, martin von, . jerusalem, ; church at, , . joachimsthal, . jubilee, papal, ; queen victoria's golden, . jutland, , , , . k kaiser, bismarck's fight against, ; his regard for bismarck while prince of prussia, ; his grandfather's successor, ; in the foreign office, , ; at st. petersburg, , , , ; prophecy of russian downfall, ; conduct of russian officers toward, ; relief at bismarck's dismissal, ; and his father, ; he becomes emperor, ; and queen victoria, - ; conflict with bismarck on turkish policy, ; impressions of greece, ; constantinople impressions, ; turkish policy, ; attitude of father's friends toward, ; his attitude toward parties, - ; conflict with bismarck, ; attitude of bismarck cabinet toward, ; handles a coal strike, ; and the laboring classes, , ; his welfare fund, - ; and the vulcan shipyard, , ; presented with a laurel wreath by workingmen, ; "orphaned" young emperor, ; newspaper criticism of, , ; and heligoland, - ; and prince lobanoff, - ; finds seed of world war, ; tsar asks opinion as to growing power of japan, - ; reproaches for japan, ; at shimonoseki, ; sees complications with england, ; kruger telegram, - ; at heligoland, ; loyalty to england, ; cecil rhodes consults about cape-to-cairo railway and telegraph line, ; visits england in , ; reconciliation with bismarck, ; at friedrichsruh, ; his opinion of englishmen, - ; warns bülow against holstein, ; his reception in england at queen victoria's death, - ; at tangier, ; at the portuguese court, ; declines to visit morocco, ; decides to do so, ; reception at tangier, ; at gibraltar, ; visit to tangier, ; the construction of the cathedral and berlin opera house, ; disagreement with conservatives, - ; at windsor, ; highcliffe dispatches, , , ; "englishmen are as mad as march hares," n.; _daily telegraph_ "interview," - ; visits eckartsau and donaueschingen, ; "tell the emperor the truth for once," ; his mental anguish, ; lectured by chancellor bülow, ; "the tear flows, germania has me again," ; his attitude, ; fury of all parties against, ; appoints bethmann-hollweg chancellor, ; goes to london to funeral of edward vii, - ; his reception, ; finds fault with bethmann, ; at pless, ; at nisch, ; at orsova, ; meets bulgarian tsar, ; his franchise plan, - ; at corfu, , ; goes to london at the unveiling of statue of queen victoria, ; surprise at "verbal note" from england, ; writes the answer, ; and the naval bill, - ; defends naval program, ; and albania, , - ; meets tsar at baltisch-port, - , ; and von stephan, ; the "white drawing room," ; and the academy of building, - ; and the central (rhine-weser-elbe) canal, ; and the railways, - ; and the schools, - ; and forestry, ; interest in science and art, ; russian foresight, - ; assyriology and the achæans, - ; at corfu, , , , ; relations with the catholic church, - ; boycotted by rhenish-westphalian families, ; friendship for pope leo xiii, ; consecration of portal of cathedral at metz, ; welfare of catholic subjects, - ; union of protestant churches, ; doctor dryander's influence over, ; presents "dormition" to german catholics at jerusalem, ; and the benedictine monks, , , ; letter to hollmann, - ; his theology, ; relations with army and navy, - ; at vienna, ; his journey to norway, - ; tsar's treachery toward, ; evidence war had been prepared for in france, england, and russia in spring of , - ; his _comparative historical tables_, , , , ; abdication of, , - ; orders churches, châteaux, castles, and art treasures protected, ; receives papal nuncio, ; suggests pope make peace offer, ; deceived by vienna, , ; goes to the front, ; note to wilson, ; rumors of abdication, - ; wilson's armistice note, ; orders retreat to antwerp-meuse line, ; retreat begun, ; joyfully received by army, ; in danger from aircraft bombs, ; hostile attitude of people against, , ; minister of interior drews suggests abdication, ; "fateful consequences of my abdication," ; refuses to abdicate, ; sends delbrück to berlin, ; son declines to suggest abdication, ; address to the ministry, ; abdication no longer to be avoided, ; abdication demanded, ; calls conference, ; wishes to prevent bloodshed, ; willing to renounce imperial throne, but not to abdicate as king of prussia, ; decision too late, ; abdication summarily announced, ; as to the abandonment of the army by, ; advised to go to neutral country, ; sacrifice in vain, ; sorrows at disaffection in army and navy, ; opinions of german people as to what he should have done, ; decides to leave country for country's good, , ; entente demands his surrender for trial, , ; undecided, ; surrender debated in german circles, ; decides not to give himself up, ; letter from hindenburg, - ; the kaiser's answer, - ; silent in the face of lies and slanders, ; does not recognize the validity of sentence pronounced by any mortal judge, ; toasts the french army, ; tries to influence nicholas ii, ; tsar's obstinacy, ; receives the grand duke michael, ; suggests alliance between russia and germany, ; opinion of american women, , ; accuses wilson of wronging germany, ; counts on american people making good wrong done by wilson, ; sees dark future for america, ; wilson first to demand abdication, ; political principles, ; policy eminently peaceful, ; constant striving for peace, - ; legacies of bismarck and moltke, ; impervious to criticism, ; disappointed in german people, ; conscience is clean, ; has confidence in the lord, ; his sympathy and love for german people, ; is homesick, . kaiser wilhelm children's home, . kato, baron takaaki, . kiao-chau, - , . kiderlen, alfred von, , . kiel, , , , , , . kirschner, miss, . kluck, general alexander von, . knights of malta, german, . koehler, k. f., . kokovzeff, count vladimir, . kopp, cardinal george, , , . korea, . _krieg und revolution_, n. krueznach, . krug, archabbot, . kruger dispatch, , - , , , , , . "kulturkampf," , , , , . l labor-protective legislation, . _la gaulois_, . landtag, . langemark, . lascelles, sir frank, n. law, international, . legislation, labor-protective, . lemberg, . leo xiii, pope, ; receptions of, ; friendship between kaiser and, - , ; kaiser asks to make peace effort, - . leopold, king of belgium, . leopold, prince, . le quesnoy, . lerchenfeld, count hugo, . liberals, german, , , , , , , , , ; english, . lichnowsky, prince karl max, . liège, . _life of the prince consort, the_, . lobanoff, prince alexei borissowitsch, . lochow, ewald von, . loë, freiherr walter von, . loebell, friedrich wilhelm von, , . london, recriminations from, ; kaiser visits, , , , ; message to bethmann from, ; bishop of, ; favorite method, . lonsdale, earl hugh cecil lowther, . lotalingen, . lucanus, herman von, - , . lucas, bernard, . ludendorff, general erich von, bridge named after, ; cannot guarantee military victory, ; demands preparations for armistice, . _lusitania_, , . m machine gun, , . mackenzie, sir morell, . madrid convention, . mainz, , . "maison militaire," , . man with the hyena's eyes, the, . maria laach, abbey of, . marienburg, . market, world, , ; money, . marschall, adolf von, , n., , . martin, sir theodore, . _matin_, paris, . maubeuge, , . max, prince, imperial chancellor, , , , , , , , , , , , . maybach, albert von, , . meinecke, his excellency, . melissori troubles, . memoirs, bismarck's, , . mensing, admiral, . mentality, english and german, - . merchant marine, german, . mercier, cardinal, . mesopotamia, . metternich, count paul, . mexico, . michael, grand duke, . michaelis, von, . michell, robert, . militza, grand duchess, . miquel, his excellency johanna, , , . mirbach, count william, . "misunderstood bismarck," . modlin, . mokpo, . möller, theodore von, , . moltke, count von, , , . moltke, general von, , , . monaco, prince of, , . montenegro, ; king of, . moore, john bassett, prof., . morocco, sultan of, ; question, ; negotiations concerning concluded, ; agreement, german-french, , ; french actions in, - ; king george's views on, . moscow, , , , . most-favored-nation clause no. , . mountains, taunus, , . mudra, general bruno von, . muravieff, count michael, , . n namur, . narva, . national liberals, , , , . naval bill, german, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . "nation in arms," , . navy, germany, , , , , - , , , , , , , - , , , ; english, , , , , , . needles, the, . netherlands, the, and mediation, - . nicholaievitch, grand duke nicholas, , . nicholas i, of russia, , . nicholas ii, of russia, , , , - , , - ; visit to potsdam, ; meets the kaiser at baltisch-port, - , , , ; "i shall stay at home this year, for we are going to have war," , ; summer plans, ; hatred for england, ; his perfidy toward kaiser, ; meets poincaré, ; sazonoff suggests seizing constantinople, ; vacillation of, , , ; kaiser tries to influence, ; drafts a letter to, ; treaties with not endurable, . niemann, major, n. nisch, . o "oberkommando," . oberndorff, count alfred von, . officer corps, german, naval, , , , , ; noncommissioned, , ; army, , ; french, ; russian, . order of the black eagle, . osten-sacken, count nicholai, . "our armies will meet in berlin," . p pacelli, eugenio, papal nuncio, . palace, imperial, . paléologue, m., . _pan-germanism_, n. pan-germanism, n., , . parliament, british, , , . payer, his excellency friedrich von, . peace, offers, by germany, ; by the pope, ; by austria, ; negotiations, , . perels, privy councilor ferdinand, , . peterhof, . "petit sucrier" trial, . pfeil, count richard, . philistinism, . "piazza," , , , , . pichon, stephane, . pinon, château of, , . _pocket manual for the general staff_, . podbielski, victor von, , , . poincaré, president, , , . poix, princess of, , . poland, stags in, ; union of galicia with, . poles, strength of, . "policy of encirclement," , , , , , , , , . politics, intercourt, . pomeranian grenadiers, . pope. _see_ leo xiii. popo, gross and klein, . port arthur, . portsmouth, peace of, . posen, . post-bismarckians, . potsdam, . pound, english, . powers, great, , , . praschma, count frederick, . _problem of japan, the_, , , n. prussia, and bavaria, ; prussian-austrian frontier, ; eastern frontier threatened by russian forces, ; conditions in olden days, ; financial reform, ; forestry, ; ministry of prussian king, ; upper house, ; protestant churches, ; kings, ; east, , , . przemysl, . psychology, english national, . pückler, count maximilian, . puttkamer, robert victor von, . r radolin, prince hugo, , . raschdau, privy councilor, . ratibor, duke of, , . reichstag, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . "reichsverdrossenheit," . reinsurance treaty, , . reischach, hugo, freiherr, von, . relations, russo-prussian, , . renvers, privy councilor rudolf, . reparations, . republic, french, n.; german, . reval, . "revolution chancellor," . revolution, german, , , , , , , , , , , , , ; russian, , , , . _revue des deux mondes_, . rhine, , , , , , , . rhodes, cecil, - . richter, deputy eugen, , , . richthofen, ferdinand, freiherr von, , . ripon, bishop (boyd-carpenter, w.), . roche, m. jules, . roman catholic church, interests, ; kaiser's relations with, - ; might of, ; germany must become sword of the, ; elimination of the pope and, ; kaiser's views of the power of, - . rominten, , . roosevelt, president theodore, . rosebery, lord archibald philip primrose, . roth, arnold (swiss ambassador), . rouvier, maurice, , . rumania, bismarck and, ; campaign, ; queen of, indorses william of wied for albanian throne, . russia, , , , , , , , , ; reinsurance treaty with germany, , ; and france, ; and kiao-chau, , ; naval stations, ; tsar and kaiser, ; at shimonoseki, ; russo-french proposal to germany against england, , ; bülow and, ; chamberlain suggests alliance between england and germany against, , , ; a menace to india and constantinople, ; france, germany, and, in the far east (shimonoseki, ), ; army, ; russo-japanese war, , ; tsar nicholas visits potsdam, ; railways, ; holy synod, , ; portsmouth treaty, ; björkö agreement, , ; mobilization, , , ; field kitchen, ; tsar's treachery toward germany, ; he meets poincaré, ; sazonoff suggests seizing constantinople, ; italy would break away from austria and germany, ; france to be trusted absolutely, england probably, ; evidence russian embassy prepared bolshevist revolution in germany, ; archives, ; clamor for an outlet on the sea to southward, ; in continual internal ferment, ; possibility of foreign conflict, ; enormous demand for loans, ; french gold in, ; and the french idea of revenge, ; aim to overthrow germany, ; grouping of england, france, and, ; traditional friendship between germany and, ; weakness of nicholas ii, ; grand duke michael visits berlin, ; unreliability of troops in russo-japanese war, ; alliance between germany and, ; anglo-austrian victory over, . russo-prussian relations, . s saalburg, . st. cère, jacques, . st. petersburg, , , ; bülow at, , ; japanese military mission at, ; poincaré meets tsar at, . saint-quentin, cathedral of, . samoan islands, . san stefano, treaty of, , , ; revanche pour, . salisbury, lord, , , . sarajevo murders, . sazonoff, , , , , , , . scheidemann, philip, . schiemann, professor theodor, , - , . schlieffen, count alfred, . schlutow, privy councilor albert, , . schnidrowitz, herr, . schmidt, professor erich, . schmitz, father peter, . schneller, pastor ludwig, . schoen, wilhelm, freiherr von, , . scholz, finance minister adolf, . school reform, . schorfheide, . schorlemer, burghard, freiherr von, , . schulenburg, count friedrich von, . schulte, doctor joseph, . science, german, - . seas, freedom of, . "secret treaty" between england, america, and france, . "sedan, revanche pour," . senden, admiral gustav von, . serbia, ; austrian ultimatum to, ; note to austria, ; russian-austrian conflict of influence in, . seven years' war, . seydel, herr (celchen), . _shall it be again?_ , . shanghai, . shantung, , , . sherbatsheff, general, . shimonoseki, , . shuvaloff, prince, . siegfried line, . sigmaringen, . silesia, . simar, archbishop hubert, . simons, walter, . skagaraak (jutland), , , , . slaby, professor adolf, - . social congress, berlin, , . social democrats, , , , , , , , , . socialist law, . social problems, - . socialists, - , - , , , , , , , , , , , . society for the rights of man, . society, kaiser wilhelm, , ; german orient, , , , . solf, wilhelm, , , . somme, battle of, , . source of russian enmity, . south african republic, n. spa, , , , . spain, , . spala, , . spartacus group, . spithead, . stephan, his excellency heinrich von, , , , . sternburg, speck von, joseph, , . stettin, , . stöcker, adolf, court preacher, . stosch, admiral albrecht von, , . strassburg, . sukhomlinoff, vladimir, . surrender for trial, kaiser's, - . "suum cuique" (hohenzollern motto), . switzerland, , , , . sylva, carmen, . szittkohnen, . t tangier, kaiser at, ; result of visit, - , . tanks, , , . tardieu, . theology, kaiser's, . thiel, bishop, . thielen, . three-emperor-relationship, . tientsin, . tientsin-peking line, . _times_, london, . tirpitz, admiral von, at friedrichsruh, , ; and fleet, ; called into consultation, , , , ; takes part in negotiations, - ; and the naval bill, - ; succeeds hollmann, ; and naval program, , , , , ; and the kaiser wilhelm canal, , ; and the dreadnaught, , ; and the u-boat, ; and tsing-tao, ; his temperament, ; bethmann demands his dismissal, . togo, , . torpedo boat, . trafalgar, . treaties, berlin, , , ; yangtse, ; shimonoseki, ; portsmouth, ; versailles, , , , , , , , , ; bucharest, ; brest-litovsk, . "trente et quarante," . tribunal, enemy, and the neutral tribunal, . trott, von, , . tsaritsin, . tsarskoe selo, . tschirschky, herr von, . tsing-tao, ; development of, , , . tundutoff, prince, . turkey, questions relating to the mediterranean and, ; bismarck and, ; kaiser's policy, ; german relations with strengthened, ; his dealings with, ; and albanians, , ; kaiser's influence on, . turner, john kenneth, , , . u u-boat warfare, . ujest, duke of, . ultra-montane party, . ultra-socialists, , . "unbeaten on land and sea," . understanding, russian-english, ; anglo-french, . united states, and england and france, n., - , ; russian archives made public in, ; attitude in the war, ; "gentlemen's agreement" assures standing beside england and france in world war, ; did not belong to entente cordiale, ; did not contribute toward bringing on world war, ; germany's unfriendly answer to president wilson, ; effect of entering the war, ; her right to choose, ; president wilson's reasons fictitious, ; wall street's influence, ; great financial profit, ; germany protests against america's violation of the right, ; denial of wilson's fourteen points, ; misled by english propaganda, ; wilson's unprecedented powers, ; american women, , ; germany evacuated enemy territory and surrendered her weapons on wilson's guaranty, ; kaiser accuses wilson of wronging germany, ; counts on american people righting the wrong, ; unreliability of americans, ; national egotism, ; wilson not the american people, . "unser könig absolut, wenn er unseren willen tut," . usher, roland g., , . v valenciennes, . valentini, rudolf von, . varnbuhler, ambassador axel von, . vatican, the, , , , , , , . vendetta, , . "verbal note," - , . vercingetorix, , . versailles, , , , , , , , , . versen, general maximilian von, . "viceroy of christ upon earth," . victor emmanuel, king, . victoria, queen, of england, , , , , , , , , , , . vienna, . _vindication of great britain_, . vulcan shipyard, - . w "waffenstreckung," difference between, and "waffenstillstand," . waldersee, count von, , . wales, prince of (edward), , . wallace, sir d. mackenzie, . wall street, . _war and revolution_, n. war academy, st. petersburg, . war guilt, the question of, , , , , , , , , , , , , . war, russo-turkish, ; world, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; of , ; russo-japanese, , , , , , ; boer, , , , , , n., , , , ; boxer, ; seven years', ; english declaration of, ; balkan, ; causes of the world, ; of a consequence of the war of , ; civil, in germany, , - , , , . warsaw, . "welfare work" at the german court, . werner, admiral reinhold, . westphalian coal strike, - . "white drawing room," . "white men together against colored men," . wied, prince william of, and the albanian throne, - ; selects an english and an italian secretary, . wiesbaden, , , , . wilhelmshafen, , . wilhelmstrasse, . william i, , . william the great, , , , , , , , , , . wilmowski, his excellency von, . wilpert, monsignor, . wilson, president, against germany in , ; notes to by germany, ; armistice note of, ; unfriendly answer of, ; unprecedented powers, ; his fourteen points, ; and the english blockade, ; double dealing, ; unreliability of, ; gigantic wrong done germany, ; trapped by lloyd george and clemenceau, ; flagrant breach of faith, ; first to demand withdrawal of reigning dynasty, ; kaiser convinced reasons were good, ; president's heavy guilt, . windthorst, ludwig, . winterfeldt, general henry von, . wittenberg, schloss church at, . wittich, general adolf von, . witu, . wolter, archabbot, . women, american, , . world, anglo-saxon, . worthley, general stewart, . württemberg, . y yacht club, imperial, . yangtse treaty, . "yellow peril," , , . "you will take back alsace-lorraine," . z zanzibar, , . zedlitz, count, . * * * * * transcriber's note: apparent punctuation errors were corrected and inconsistencies were made consistent. footnotes have been moved to ends of chapters; index entries may refer to footnotes' original page numbers. alternate spellings "skagerrak," "skager-rak," and "skagaraak" retained as in the original text. alternate spellings "wilhelmshafen" and "wilhelmshaven" retained as in the original text. alternate spellings "wilhelm" and "william" retained as in the original text. page : "vout" changed to "veut" (elle veut sa revanche) page : "ou" changed to "où," as in the original german version (le moment où il réfusait) page : "at" changed to "et," as in the original german version (et je ne lui ai jamais) page : "sur" changed to "sûr," as in the original german version (car j'étais sûr) page : "confidance" changed to "confiance," as in the original german version (j'ai confiance en toi.) page : "even" changed to "event" (in any event, the tsar) page : "compaign" changed to "campaign" (organized campaign of slander) page : "chip of the old block" retained instead of more common "chip off the old block;" non-literal translation from the german "schrot und korn" page : "moeller" changed to "möller" (was the liberal, möller) page : "stocker" changed to "stöcker" (court preacher stöcker) page : "neverthless" changed to "nevertheless" (nevertheless, it stood to reason) page : "kaio-chau" changed to "kiao-chau" (the occupation of kiao-chau aroused surprise) page : "yangste" changed to "yangtse" (and the yangtse treaty) page : "through out" changed to "throughout" (effect throughout the country) page : "eulenberg" changed to "eulenburg" (count eulenburg and prince) page : "medieval" changed to "mediæval" (marvelous mediæval setting) page : "medieval" changed to "mediæval" (well-nigh mediæval magnificence) page : "inne" changed to "ihne" (provided by building councilor ihne) page : "ofter" changed to "often" (i have often pointed out) page : apparent printer's error retained: second instance of "i have often pointed out how unfortunate it was" incorrectly overwrites another line. original german version of the overwritten sentence reads "beim finanzminister v. scholz hatte ich als prinz einige zeit hospitiert und an sitzungen teilgenommen, bei denen die berühmte erzellenz meinecke eine rolle spielte." page : "bjökö" changed to "björkö" (despite the björkö agreement) page : "a" changed to "à," as in the original german version (à peu près style) page : "hülsen-haesler" changed to "hülsen-haeseler" (theater director, count hülsen-haeseler) page : "loe" changed to "loë" (von loë, for many years) page : "hollman" changed to "hollmann," as in the original german version (to you, my dear hollmann) page : "unforgetable" changed to "unforgettable" (are unforgettable to me) page : "non-commissioned" changed to "noncommissioned" to match all other instances (corps of noncommissioned officers) page : " ." changed to " ." since original text skips " ." ( . russian prisoners belonging) page : " ." changed to " ." since original text skips " ." ( . in a report) page : " ." changed to " ." since original text skips " ." ( . prince tundutoff) page : "( )" changed to " ." since original text skips " ." and to make number formatting consistent ( . when our troops advanced) page : "wordly" changed to "worldly" (by purely worldly considerations) page : "unfavorble" changed to "unfavorable" (the unfavorable influence exerted) page : "were" changed to "where" (should stay where it was) page : "aix-le-chapelle" changed to "aix-la-chapelle" (advance from aix-la-chapelle) page : "german's" changed to "germany's" (germany's foreign policy) page : "vascillating" changed to "vacillating" to match other instances (the tsar was vacillating) page : "bjökö" changed to "björkö" (björkö agreement, , , .) page : index entry for "boyd-carpenter, w., bishop of ripon" moved from end of "b" section to correct alphabetic position page : "dahn" changed to "duhn" (duhn, professor, .); index entry for "duhn, professor" moved to correct alphabetic position page : "deldrück" changed to "delbrück" (delbrück, klemens von, .) page : "donaneschingen" changed to "donaueschingen" (donaueschingen, .) page : "eckartsan" changed to "eckartsau" (eckartsau, .) page : "einen" changed to "einem" (einem, general von, , .) page : "eugenie" changed to "eugénie" (eugénie, empress, .) page : "weid" changed to "wied" (plots against william of wied, ;) page : "eckartsan" changed to "eckartsau" (visits eckartsau and donaueschingen, ;) page : "acheans" changed to "achæans" (assyriology and the achæans, - ;) page : "drysander's" changed to "dryander's" (doctor dryander's influence over, ;) page : "lengemark" changed to "langemark" (langemark, .); index entry for "langemark" moved to correct alphabetic position page : "marienbad" changed to "marienburg" (marienburg, .) page : "reichach" changed to "reischach" (reischach, hugo, freiherr, von, .) page : "rotte" changed to "roth" (roth, arnold (swiss ambassador), .) page : "weid" changed to "wied" (queen of, indorses william of wied for albanian throne, .) page : "bjökö" changed to "björkö" (björkö agreement, , ;) page : "freidrich" changed to "friedrich" (schulenburg, count friedrich von, .) page : "valentine" changed to "valentini" (valentini, rudolf von, .) page : "weid" changed to "wied" (wied, prince william of); index entry for "weid, prince william of" moved to correct alphabetic position page : "wilmonski" changed to "wilmowski" (wilmowski, his excellency von, .)